Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1871-01-25
English and American InHsence.

The London Times of December y,
after commenting on the smaliness OF
I the American army and navy, and
contrasting them with the British,
observes The AmericanS though
pursuing q policy Of economy and
disarmament far more unlesitatingly
than we have done, COntrive, never
| theless, to command as much respect
as il they were armed &c the teeth,
whereas we, with armaments far more
extensive, are told thst we have lost
our title TO the consideration Of the
world. It is worth while inquiring
how such facts, il facJ they are, can
be accounted for or explained.
The first and most obvious rsfiec-
Iion is that a nation o. forty millions
of people, rich, industrious, energetic,
and intripid, must comprise resources
which no enemy could venture TO de-
spise. The Americans had no army
in 1860, but in 1862 they had hundreds
of thousands of soldiers in the field.
They had no navy, and yet in a few
months time they produeed powerful
fleets of new and formidable fighting
ships. In the course OF five years
they raised and spent upward Of E600,-
OO0, 900, and such is the magnitude Of
their national resources, that what
they did in the Civil War they could
certainly, on a similar impulse, do
over again.
All this is true; but We, also, are
people Of thirty millions; our wealth
and credit are practically ine1susti-
BILE; and the most inyeterate alarmist
would not scruple to admit that our
national spirit, once reused, would be
capable Of any effort or sacrifices.
One advantage, il must be owned, the
Americans do certainly enjoy-they
are long way of. 1t is "far cry"
to Washington, and the Prussians OBJ
served as much TO our correspondent in
explanation of their patience under
American offending. But this con-
sideratiOn does not touch American
commerce, or the liabilities Of the
navy, which, as the President re-
marks, is the only instrument at the
command Of the Union, either for
national defence or the enforcement
Of any foreign policy.
We must look elsewhere, therefore,
for the explanation we are seeking,
and il will be found, We believe, so
far as it is applicable at all, in the
known readiness as well as ability Of
the Americans to fight notwithstand-
ing their practical appreciation Of the
benefits Of peace. Their exposed
points are comparatively few, their
resources are unbounded, and, though
they do not desire war, they would
not be slow 10 accept q challenge.
We, on the other hand, have many
points exposed, we make no secret Of
our aversion to war, and il is alleged
that almost any prOvocaiiOn might be
offered with impunity. In these con-
siderations there Is a certain force
but we must now say that, in our
opinion, the contrast tself, from be-
ginning to end, is mon apparent than
real.
We do not believe that what is some
times said Of us Is auctually thought
either in America or elsewhere. The
people who taunt us with the reluc-
tance to fight, are mostly those who,
for purposes Of their own, desire to
see US fighting. As a matter. of fact
we may take it for granted that for
eign States have not the mean opin-
ion Of US which we are occasionally
pleased to suppose. That we are not
sudden or quick in quarrel they know
very well, but they know also that
we can fight If we choose, that our
power is truly formidable, and that
when We begin a war we are not in
hurry to leave Off
To a certain extent they may pre-
sumo, no doubt, on our love Of peace;
but at the bottom they take juster
measure of our temper and resources
than might be inferred from their oe-
casiOnal sneers and our own candid
When It was declared
that England, by the mere expression
Of her will, could have prevented
war between the two most powerful
nations of Europe, the belief itself
might have been false; but the state
Of opinion which it implied was far
nearer the truth than that which has
been since represented for our warn
ing.