Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1871-09-14

done. The Federal Government Is I
have an eye upon the interests tbs
are common 10 all the State govern
, ments. Each State Is In charge of II
own interests. The State shall nc
do the work of the Federal Govern
ment. The Federal Governmen
shall not do the work of the State
Each is supreme within the limits @
its powers, and the people are su
preme over both. We worship nei
ther, for they are the work Of our owl
hands, and made to serve US. W.
hear, on the one hand, that the State
owe their life to the Federal Govern
ment; and, on the other hand, tha
the Federal Government owes its IifC
to the States. This is taking on higI
airs. In the presence of the people
they are both as clay in the hands O
the potter, and in the truest sense nei.
ther made the other. The people made
both. What did the people mean
when they made the State, or, rather,
what is meant by the sovereignty Ol
the State? 1t is meant that q State
has exclusive authority and power to
manage its own internal affairs
nothing more than this, but nothing
less. In hOmely phrase, the doc
trine is that each of these organ
iZations shall mind its own bust
ness, and neither shall meddle with
that of either. This is as sound doc
trine for our governments as for our
undivided life; this is a doctrine
which makes free men of free cOHmu-
mites, and which underlies all other
political institutions, even to themost
insignificant. The Constitution of the
United States acknowledges it every
where; the State Constitution is full
of It, and every country township
and city throughout our wide land is
daily practising upon it. It started
far back with our colonial ancestors;
they grew and strengthened with it
cherished it; fought for Thought
seven years for it. They triump6ed
with it, and laid the foundation of
these governments. We will cherish
it and triumph with it; and the party
that violates it shall be ground into
the dust. Let US cherish the State; it
is our home government at every
door; it educated US in our childhood,
and watched over US during our lives;
it guards us by day and by night; our
lives, our liberties and ourreputatiOns,
even persons and property. It is our
exclusive handiwOrk, and we made its
laws ana we executed them. We are
the best judges of what concerns our
selves, and through it we manage all
that concern ourselves. It teaches US
self reliance; makes US vigilant, and
develops US into sturdy, bold and in
dependent citizens. We strengthen
under these constant and daily exer-
cises, and learn more and more to ap-
preciate the privilege of freemen and
the blessings of set-gOvernment.
Take home sovereignty out of the
State and its vitality has gone. Cen
traliEe this sovereignty at Washing
distant outside despOt; no longer gov
erning ourselves, we must be gov
erned; depeI dent upon Washington,
wesOon lose our selEdependence, and,
relieved of possibility, we sink to
and indifference. The
manly citizen, who once par
in public affairs and found |
his chief interest in them, degenerates
into q mere subject; his whole duty is |
to obey the law, and his desire is 10 |
be amused in his idleness. This is |
logic; this is history. Moreover, cen
is fatal.
Look at the question in another |
aspect, How do the States |
now regard slavery? Ohio has de- |
olared that there shall be no slavery /
within her jurisdiction. New York |
has declared it in her Constitution. |
Pennsylvania has declared it; every |
State in the East, West and North has /
declared it; not only this, every State |
IN the South has declared it, and re-
our past, it is wise and
proper that our Federal Constitution |
should also declare it. Let this trouble
be put away from us so that it may
never come again.
The second change in substance is:
Persons born or naturalized in the /
United States are citizens of the same,
md of the State in which they reside.
No State shall abridge the privileges
" immunities of citizens of the
United States, or deny to any person
he equal protection of its laws. There
s also in this amendment clause
certain citizens for
holding any Office under the |
United States, or under any State;
md another clause affirming the va
idity of our public deb, and the inva-
idity Of all rebel debts.
What is the third? The right of
.itizens of the United States to vote
hall not be denied or abridged on ac-
NJ Of /
ion of servitude. These are the
hanges made in our Constitution dur
ng the last ten yesrs-the famous
of which we have heard
o much, and which are so often re-
erred to. Even now the Thir-
eenth amendment abolishing slavery
throughout the United States, is ac-
epted by all, and in the South as
as in the North. The
loubt and hesitation has been about
he Fourteenth and Fifteenth amend
nents because of the means used to
'rocure their adoption, and because of
he change they make in the relations
which had always existed between the
federal Government and the State
In the language
I our recent State Convention,
be means used to procure the
doption of these two amend
nents were extraO dinary, violent :
nd unsatisfactory. There is no
linking, right-minded man who de-
Tres that a single other amendment
nay be made to the Constitution as ,
hose which were made, for it is i'm
ossible to preserve its sacredness
nder such treatment. The Constitu-
ion should never be lightly dealt ;
nth, nor should it be altered for mere
arty advantage, and any amend
lents proposed should be fairly sub
litted to free and unthreatened
alignment. Such was the case in ref.
renee to all the amendments pre-
iOusly made. Such is not the case in
eferenee to these two. But do not
are to dwell upon the theory of the !
'ourteenth and Fifteenth amend !
lents, for / see nothing in their his
)ry that viii destroy their validity.
'Ou cannot invalidate legislation by :
loWing that it is tainted with fraud.
may be admitted that an act of
ongress was passed by undue means;
lat coercion, bribery and all kinds of !
)rruptiOn were applied to effect !
8 passage, and yet the courts can {
OF set it aside. The validity /.
8 statute cannot be impeached {
D such grounds, nor can the
alidity of a constitutional amend. I
lent. No court has jurisdiction to '
Iquire into the circumstances under
hich either was passed. The only
lestion is: Were they in fact passed?
they were, all the courts must re-
,gnize them. Could l 90 into our Su-
reme Court and impair the vitality
an act of Congress, by showing that d
lough Congressman to change the re- c
lit had been cOerced to vote for it or e
.ibed to vote for it? Clearly, could G
II. Nor could I successfully attack | 4