The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1871-04-27
Tho Confusion in Franco-The Republic
tho BOnnpnrtes and tho B0urbons.

the reader feels disposed to call them, have
done their best; but their best has proved
weakness Paris to-day is virtually sur
rounded; the blockade practically is complete,
and the presumption is that Frenchmen them
selves may do to Paris what Won Moltke and
Bismarck meant to do, but which they FORE
bore doing at the request Of the so called CIV
| ilized world. Paris was believed to be the
centre of civilization, the eye of the
| world; and because of her rich treasures
Of art her model streets and her gorgeous
palaces the merciless Germans, yielding to
universal entreaty, against their better reason,
proved themselves mercful. The false senti-
ment of the world and the constrained mercy
of Germany must be regarded as the parents
of this fresh French sorrow. We do not think
we cxaggerate when we say that the one mis-
take which the Germans made in the conduct
Of the war consists in this-they did not oc-
cupy Paris 1t is also our conviction that the
cardinal blunder of M. Theirs and his friends
consists in this-they did not insist that the
Germans should, following the examples of
1914 and 1915, occupy Paris.
These things, however, belong to past his
tory. If there were folly and weakness on the
one side and on the other let it be so. The
facts of the hour are before us, and with these
we must deal. That France, from some cause
or other, is in state of wild confusion, all the
world admits. Republicans, limited monarch
lists, imperialists in all lands, are all of one
mind To most thinking men France so long
the hope Of all those who looked forward
to the happy reconstruction Of Europe
is now an eyesore. We dislike
offensive expressions, but we must reflect the
dominant sentiment of the hour; and the
dominant sentiment of the hour is down upon
French civilization. In truth, France in all
lands and among all peoples has become a
Kissing and byword. If French civilization,
which means that the individual may do as he
likes, and the world may do as it plea ses, is
the Towering and fruit of what some call
modern civilization, the universal opinion is
that we must retrace our steps and seek by
some means other flowers and other fruit.
II is not necessary for us to 60 into details
to convince our readers that the condition of
France is chaotic. No such confusion ever
existed in any nation at any former period.
In letter addressed to the London Times
by the venerable statesman, historian and
philosopher, NJ. Guzot-a man who has
studied the revolutions Of the past, and de-
scribed them, and whose public life covers o
large portion of this century-an attempt is
made to explain the folly of his country
men, but the letter of M. Gnizot, SEN
sible as it is, has not in the slightest
affected public opinion. From his own
point of view 1t may be fair statement Of
the case as between Paris and France; but,
in admitting that there was cause for divided
action inside of Paris, he admits that French
men as Frenchmen have no united policy, and
that, therefore, though they are strong as
individuals, they are weak as nation.
The real question is How and in what
shape is France to emerge from this present
chaos? This question would be easily an
swered if we had to decide only between the
Paris Communists and the Versailles Assembly.
The National Assembly has most unquestion-
ably been slow, timid and cautious in the
extreme; but 1t is backed by the common
sense of the best portions of the French
people, and there are few persons to-day who
will say that, with all its slowness, timidity
and caution, it is not marching to victory.
That the Communists Of Paris must cave in,
that the troops of the Assembly must in few
days, if not in a few hours, occupy Paris,
must be taken for granted. After the collapse
of the Communists, after the occupation Of
Paris by the troops Of the Assembly, what is
to follow? Is it to be q republic, limited
monarchy or the empire9 All the facts of the
moment lend Importance to this question The
Assembly has been able, without much diff
Guilty, to preserve order in all the large cities,
Paris only excepted. Let it not be forgotten
that at least two-thlrds of the Assembly, as
the elections gave it shape, were non-republi-
can. The conservative vote-which means the
vote Of the provinces-is not always wise and
consistent. 1t is sometimes republican, some
times monarchica, sometimes in favor of the
empire. II is, however, always consistent. 1t
goes in for order, for strength, for safety. The
vote which made the present Assembly was
given after the war, when the so-caled repub-
lican leaders, even more than the men of the
empire, had failed. The vote was, therefore,
non-republican. If NJ. Theirs and the Assem-
bly, should go in strongly for republic, it is
not impossible that the next elections should
endorse their policy. Few, however, believe
that M. Theirs cares for power as the chief of
the French nation. Fewer still believe that NJ.
Theirs favors q republic. The triumph of the
Assembly means a fresh national vote but
the vote will be taken in circumstances which
leave us little room to doubt that the
chances are rather against than in favor of
. republic. This, however, is not ALL The
Bonapartists are busily intriguing One Of
our latest reports is to the effect that all over
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