The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1871-02-24

than any throne (except, perhaps,
that of Leopold of Belgium, if
he could bring Belgium with
him as his dowry),-or ct least any which has
a practical chance and a real body of support
in France. It is useless to say that France is
not Republican at heart, If it be quite as
true-as we believe it is-that she is not
Legitimist at heart, and not Orleanist at
heart, and not, now at least, Napoleonist at
heart, and that the Republican minority is
not smaller, If so small, and certainly not
less vigorous, probably much more So than
any of these parties taken alone, and much
more likely to receive a sort of passive aid
from them than any of them would receive
from the other.
But is there not something in the mere
constitution of a monarchy which promises
more stability to France than can be possible
from a republic? We do not see how this is
possible apart frem the question of the par
ticular ruler on the throne. What has Greece
gained by either Otho or George AS far as
we can see, not even a shadow of stability
and immunity from political crisis. What is
there to choose between the monarchy of
Greece and the least creditable of the South
American Republics We do not believe
that King Ohio and King George have been
of the smallest use to Greece, or prevented
single evil which Greece would have had to
endure bad a republic been attempted.
And Greece is almost the only true par
allel for FTance-not, of course, in poll
tical condition-but in relation to the
absence of any competitor for the throne to
whom we could look to give personal aid, by
individual force of character, to the Govern
ment. If Leopold of Belgium, indeed, were
to take the throne, both by the magnificent
dowry he would bring, and by his reputed
personal moderation and astuteness, he might
WELD beneficial influence. But what other
candidate for the throne is there who would
exercise a wise and SOLDERING control over
FranceP The ex-Emperor If it were pos
sible for the man who would unite SO many
fierce hatreds against him to resume the
Government, it is clear enough on his own
confession that any restraining and superin-
tending power which he may have had had
died out from him before he plunged
into this war, and we can
hardly suppose that the man who,
before his calamity, was, as he himself main
tains, mere straw dancing on the political
waves, would, in old age and growing weak
ness, be able to moderate the passions he has
reused. If the boy is to succeed, the ques-
tion of regent would be the supreme question,
and then an even greater difficulty would
break out afresh. Would you take an Impe-
rialist follower as regent when you had re-
jected the Emperor? Would the nation that
Bazaine? Plainly, the passions which q resto-
ration of the fallen and helpless exile would
provoke would be nothing to such a propo-
sal as that. Clearly, if you are TO have
throne to temper and restrain the nation,
it must be filled from some quarter
which has not recently excited against it any
furious political passions, and as far as we
know, only the Comte de Chambord and Comte
de Paris are likely to be suggested. But what
is there in either of them to encourage ths
hope that they would even last as long as
Louis XVIII or Charles Y? The Due d'Au-
male, indeed, has a reputation for ability, but
by all accounts nothing would induce him to
accept throne to which he thinks his nephew
has so much better right and even if he
did, his practical ability is quite untried; he
is known only as man of a certain amount
of literary power. If royal line had not a
sort of magic in it for which you cannot arti-
fcially manufacture sny substitute, Trochu
himself would probably be far better choice
to act the part of firm constitutional king
than any of the Orleanists; and he has made
greater sacrifices for France.
In the absence, then, of any feasible can
didate for the throne who might fairly be ex-
pected to bring to the councils of France a
materially SOLDERING and restraining power,
what is the ground of the superstition which
argues for throne qua throne, and without
will be said, perhaps, that it at least limits
the ambition of the leading statesmen, who
can, at best, only hope to guide, and not
ostensibly to rule. But is that considera-
tion on the right side the side of tempe
rance? Is not the undivided responsibility
of the actual ruler for the time being far
more SOLDERING influence than the divided re-
sponsibility of mere counsellor? Would
either Louis Napoleon or Emile Olivier have
HaoiHad war If aifbar of thap1 had haau
solely responsible, instead of dividing it with
the other-the Emperor with his parliament
ary Prime Minister, the Minister with the
responsible" head of the State Is not the
undivided responsibility of our Cabinet far
more soberingp-and remember that this
could only be attained in France by the
ministry of q republic, for dynasty holding
so little direct control as our own over public
affairs can only be an element of stability
where it has for generations secured the
affections of the people-a condition of
things which is wholly inapplicable to the
setting up of a bran new dynasty. 1t would
be simply absurd to start new monarchy in
France that should be politically O
cypher, and at the same time,
which ours is very far from being socially
q cypher too. We suspect that one of the
great reasons OF the extreme restlessness of
France during the last half-century has been
the recurrent irritation of the jealousy be-
tween the throne and the administration
neither the throne nor the administrations
having really succeeded in gaining the popu.
lar confidence, or, if they had, in persuadine
themselves that they had gained, and acting
as if they possessed, it. The Government Of
France has been a series of hesitating ex.
periments on the favor of the people ever
| since the fall of the first Emperor. What
remedy for this is, on the whole-we will moi
! say SO hopeful. for we do not know what is