The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1871-06-20

body, or to q certain number of |
people, if he or they implicitly |
believed this or that. To take the example |
which can be indicated with least offense, it
Is likely that q great many Liberals have no
very strong belief in Mr.. Gladstone and a |
great many Conservatives q still slighter belief
in Mr.. Disraeli; but it is not the less strongly
held article of the Liberal and Conservative
faith that one or other of these leaders is a
good, wise, consistent, and skilful statesman.
Ii the reaction makes way in France. what
Frenchmen will alter will not be their own
belief but their opinions as to what it is use
full for the rest of France to believe. Aud it
will be much easier to give effect to these
opinions in France than it would be in Eng
land; for, though we are on the point of abo-
fishing formal tests, our religious system is in
reality one of informal tests An English
man could not throw in his lot with any fer
vent and extreme religious party without
learning to talk new language and without
considerably deranging his habits. But no
such sacrifice is required from Frenchmsn
not hitherto devout All he has to do is to
forbear from speaking disrespectfully of the
Pope or the priests, and to abstain from ac-
lively opposing the unremitting efforts
of the clergy to obtain the control
of education and the guidance of
the feminine conscience. 1t may indeed
be said that this was exactly the character of
the classes which were appalled, by the first
French Revolution, but of which, notwith-
standing, no trace at ALL or only the very
slightest, remains. Doubtless, it is true that
the political and religious reaction of those
days very nearly spent itself, but the causes
which weakened it are very easily observed
and understood. 1t had to contend against
an opposing current of feeling which grew
yearly stronger, that compound of intense
pride in the past and of vague hopes for the
future which took shape in Bonapartism. At
the same time it would be mistake to sup
pose that the reaction against the first Revo-
luton produced no durable effects of any
sort 1t did not permanently win over
Frenchmen to the Pope or the elder Bour-
bons, but to this hour it colors all French
speculation. Nearly all French thinkers ex-
changed the route which they had been fol-
lowing before 1889 for the high prtort road;
the reign of terror frightened them into
series of convulsive efforts to place all moral
| principles beyond the reach of question and
! these efforts continue
A reaction towards Legitimism may appear
to some even NOSE incredible than a reaction
| to fervent Catholicism. The gen nteman
known as the Count de Chambord is hardly
Frenchman. He is supposed to be the crea-
| ture of priests and courtiers, and is believed
still to adhere to opinions which even the
Austrian Emperor, under whose protection
he lives, has formally and to all appearance
sincerely abandoned Those, however, who
conceive these objections to be fatal to his
restoration, scarcely understand the reason
ing by which SO many Frenchmen try to per-
suade themselves that it would be desirable.
Their argument is as follows. They say that,
| with two notable exceptions, all the govern
ments which have ruled or claim to rule in
France found their pretensions exclusively on
| their practical usefulness The Empire, the
Orleanist Monarchy, the Moderate Republic,
alike appeal to no principle but this. One pre-
tended to confer on France internal security
combined with nalinfuence and splendor;
another claimed to give the same security
coupled with peace and national freedom; a
third offered to increase this measure of
liberty, and to disjo it from artifce or cor
ruption. All French Governments, however,
the argument proceeds, are in condition of
unstable equilibrium, and, even granting to
those which have been indicated that they
have conferred or can confer the practical
benefits for which they ask credit, that is not
enough for France. During their possession
of power the country becomes accustomed to
the particular advantage attributable to them,
and grows ungrateful for it, their supporters
fall away from them, their weakness increases,
a crisis comes, and down they go. What,
therefore, is wanted Git is urged) is some
Government which can appeal to some.
thing more than mere usefulness, and
which, in the hour of trial and danger
will rally adherents to itself indepen
IDENTIFY of its merits. There are, how.
ever, but two of the sort in France. One is
the Red Republic, newly collapsed in blood
and flame. Beyond all doubt it is founded
on theory of Divine right, but it does moi
happen to be exactly the form of authority
which the reasoners of whom we have been
speaking desire. The other is the throne oi
the elder Bourbons There are assuredly Q
certain number of Frenehmen who would
fight for the legitimate branch, Independently
of any calculation of advantages derived from
it. The argument is that it is urgently desi.
rable to enlist this unreasoning affection and
devotion on the side of actual sovereignty
The objection that the Count de Chambord
could not be depended upon to leave
to Frenchmen that intellectual and politi
cal liberty which they cannot in the
long run dispense with, whatever they may
think for the moment, is met with the asser
ton that, as matter of fact, they could bind
him to terms sufficient for the day. The pro
bable sohriety and even superstition of his
court would, they add, be for a while in har
mony with the dominant temper of the French
nation. And then the Count de Chamboro
has "the grace of cbildlessness." The future
amid the calamities of the moment, is to be
left to take care of itself, in hope that Just
when the new authority becomes unsuited tc
the times, it will undergo natural transfor
nation which will bring it into harmony with
them. 1t is our business in this article tc
set for ththese opinions and these hopes, with
out expressing any opinion as to their va
hdity
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