The Cairo daily bulletin. (Cairo, Ill.) 1870-1872, 1871-12-02
THE PASSIVE POLICY.
JOHN Q. ADAMS ENDORSES 1T
AN ELOQUENT AND ABLE LET
TER
QuiScY, MASS, Nov. Is, 1871.

ocratic party abstain from making any |
nomination for the next presidency, pro- |
vided they are assured that liberal repub- |
licans will 90 forward and nominate a
candidate in opposition to the present in.
cumbent. ] am satisfied that such course |
would be wise and patriotic, and / should |
be glad to see tho democracy concur in |
such a resolution. / regard the present
as national calamity, q
OF which should be averted at
almost any sacrifice; not because it is re-
publican in politics, but because it is mean
IN character, sordid in tone, ignorant, cor
rupt and arbitrary. Because more than
any we have had it has disappointed the
hopes and deadened the generous aspira-
tons of good men Of all parties. Because
il is doing more to permanently disunite
the states than the government of Jeffer-
son Davis ever did. Because its chief can
conceive no means of free government but
military force, and no motive Of public &C
ton but private profit. Four years more
Of such education in family patronage and
martial law will so blunt the keen sensi-
blities of popular liberty that our ignoble
incubus might as well remain a fixture.
Now / believe that the democratic
party is powerless alone to relieve us.
think il is without hope Of carrying the
next election. But, If there be o sanguine
| man who still hopes, even he is sane
| enough to know that the thin shadow Of
his faith would fade if he did not reckon
in his roll the states lately in rebellion,
and now liable to martial law, or some of
them. But the votes of these states will
be really at the disposal of the party
which controls congress TO count or re-
ject, because in regard to these states, un.
happily public opinion at the North is SC
balanced that a resolution adopted by
congress TO reject their votes by reason OF
alleged fraud or violence perpetrated upon
part of their constituency, would not be
manifest outrage upon decency and free
government. Men of respectability and
character might be found to defend it.
Public sentiment would not instantly
spring erect to make it infamous. 1t is
possible that this thing may be done, be-
cause men seldom feel the tyranny of their
own party to be despotism. 1t is proba-
BILE that It will be done if necessary, be-
cause the same feeling, of an urgency ex-
isting to subdue threatened reaction, has
reconciled myriads of good citizens to
the manifest violation Of the whole spirit
of our institutions which mark all the
road from 1865 to the present day, can be
relied upon to suffer one browning neces-
sity more. l, would be with us rs it was
| in the ancient days when the dreaded
detriment to the republic outweighed the
certain danger to liberty. have no
doubt that if the votes of any of the states
have referred to were necessary to elect
, the democratic candidate, they would be
thrown out in counting. A mere MAORI
ty, even if it could be mastered, will not
| be permitted to elect democrat to be the
next president. Nothing will tbcn re-
main but. civil war or submission to a
usurper, and 1t is difficult TO determine
which alternative would inhict the more
irreparable injury upon the habit of free
government.
TO dismiss an incompetent official and
avoid n government crisis, the Missouri
policy offers the only reasonable posi-
bil:ty which is offered. Should it succeed
it might command support at the North
of such q weight and character that men
would no longer look upon the opposition
as the mere stalking-horse of n prowling
rebellion, watching its chance to bring in
''white mans government 1t might
concentrate a force of public opinion
which would suffer no tampering with the
vote, and combine the scattered sufirages
which, united, would dispel the dull nomi.
nation at Washington, and install a fit mar
in the White House.
But, while l frankly avow my psrtiaiit,
for the project, do not blink the very Sc
rious obstacles to its adoption. 1t mus
subdue the pride Of party and break tn,
bands of party discipline. Now there arr
few more obstinate passions than the senti
mental devotion which men offer to that
vague abstraction, party glory; and not
many of the crceds of theology are as des-
potic as platform 1t will be Il difiicult
task to bring party yet glowing with the
recollection of II mighty past and but now
burning with anticipations of great fti-
ture, to yield the head of the column and
the command of the field to allies who
were yesterday enemies. Noris there an
strong guaranty that those allies will not
finch at the last Party leaders are seldom
famous for the high moral courage which
can abide mistaken the stern pressure
that forbids the rupture Of party ties. But
ii they dare fling down the gauntlet for IA
duel to the death with the president, il
might be possible for the democracy to
rise to the height where the humiliation of
the partisan is lost in the satisfaction of
the patriot.
But it is charged that the sacrifice will
be vain, or worse-will surrender the
whole scheme Of democratic liberty, bare
and bound, 10 its enemies. l do not So
torbode the event. ] cannot believe that
the protest against a dictatorial govern
ment can lie weakened by joining a band
which deserts it because it is hostile TO
civil liberty. VIII enemies Of corruption-
in-office dsband because they unite with
those who have sickencd and turned away
from the sight ofcorruption Can friends
OF the constitution preserve and protect It
more strenuously by refusing to hold up
their hands who have forsaken their own
friends rather that deface it further?
1t seems to me, on the contrary, that
the strength of the support which thi.
movement would bring to the rescue of
the principles Of democracy would be in
exact proportion TO the severely of the
blow to the pride OF the democratic party.
For those principles must be dear indeed to
men who can abandon for them an ancient
and honored name and not less precious
to those who dare to follow them, ayen
through the scorn, contempt and obloauy
which await political treason.
For my part shall be glad to humbly
help the coming of any government, 90
that its views may be elevated, its action
Intelligent and pure, and its guide tho
constitution, no matter by whom it may be
| administered.
You are ut liberty to make such use as
you may think proper of this letter, pro-
vided always that YOU let IL be clearly nm.