New-York tribune., 1871-08-25
RUTLER ON BUTLER.


two OF three disjointed essays, on matters OF
no great interest to the public, and an on
slaught on most of the respectable papers OF
New England, which was coarse and angry
but entirely destitute of that biting wit and
sarcasm with which he so often gives an
eduivocal liveliness to dull day in the House.
IL gained him the honor of two flat CON
tradictions, and message by telegraph
from Gov. Hawley, which might disturb
the slumbers of a gentleman more
pnnctihous than the Lowell statesman.
He has been working all this Summer
for the Republican nomination for Governor.
Not being sure whether he would get 1t
or not, he has been cOquetting with
the odds and ends to see what might
peradventure be done with boiling nOmina-
ton. He said a short while ago that ne had
never contemplated the contingency of falling
to receive the Republican nomination. But
this was about as sincere as most OF his utter
ances. He has fully considered that contin-
gency, and nothing more clearly betrays his
state of mind in regard to it than this Spring
field speech. 1t is at once a beggar'S petition
and a highwaymans warning. Like an Italian
brigand who takes a steady aim at traveller,
and then asks for charity in the name OF the
Virgin, the General asks the Republican
party to make him Governor for divers good
and worthy purposes, and warns 1t IN case OF
refusal of those treasOns and stratagems he
knows so well how to employ. But until he
has given up all hope of the regular nomlna-
ton he is not entirely Free He would be glad
to make both parties believe he is fOndly their
own. But his hopes of Republican acceptation
keep him aloof from the come-Outers, and the
necessity of keeping the come-outers as last
resort paralyzes his expressions of Republican
ism.
He has come dangerously near committing
himself on the inviting subject OF Labor Re
form. There is no theme on which dema-
gogue with good lungs can talk louder and
longer than this. The tyranny of capital and
the dignity of labor, the curse of lucre and
the blessing of the horny hands of tOil-your
speech is ready made 1t was made by Jack
Cade years ago, by that remarkable labOring
man General Cary of Ohio, by some thousands
of gentlemen in kid gloves and waXed mustaches
under the Commune. Gen. Butler has made it 80
often that he has grown a little ashamed of
it, and so felt obliged last night to say
something definite. After showing how labor
is injured by the Improvement of machinery
Ga fallacy which has been refuted some
thousands of times), he went on to give his
idea of the remedy to be applied to the
wrong. 1t was not by raising the wages
of the laboring man. That is prevented,
he says, by competition and natural laws
of supply. But his scheme is certainly full of
the charm of novelty and surprise. The way
IL IL, =, lilt
is this: as fast as the latter increases his
wealth by improved facilities, in that proper
tion let the labOrer reduce his hours of work.
With an old ram-shacklc machine, the labOrer
shall work twelve hours. But let his employer
get machine which will work twelve times as
fast, then the laborer need only work one hour
day. What he is to do with the rest of his
time the General declines to inform us.
There really seems nothing left for him
but, in the words of the poet, to loaf
" and invite his sOuln Not long ago, in
a procession in England, some young men
carried a banner inscribed with the rudi-
ments of Gen. Buffers social philosophy
Eight hours to work, eight hours to play,
"eight hours to sleep, eight shillings day"
We do not know but that even the eight
hours of labor might appear to the General
an undue encroachment upon the time sacred
to play. Before dropping this subject, Gen.
Butler happens upon a word of truth. He
says that the whole subject of the rights of
labor must be settled by the Republicans, and
that not one drop of Democratic blood runs in the
wasted veins Ofthe msnamed Democratic party.
This is very true; there is no hope for the
proper defense and protection of labor, except
among the party which held labor too sacred
to be owned by capital, and freed it at last at
infinite cost. 1t is this great and vigorous
party which is still to study and settle all the
weighty problems of society and gov
ernment which are confronting us. The
idle talk of demagogues and the
dersive tiattery of aristocrats will do
nothing to exercise the genuine evils which
assail the workingman, or TO put him In the
way of practical and effective self-help. We
are not prepared to deny that legislation may
some time be of use in social questions, but
the reckless and senseless tinkering OF the
laws which Gen. Butler talks of Is nothing
but vicious and noxious. 1t is not necessary,
and law which is not necessary Is delete
rious.
The complacent autobiography with which
Gen. Butler began his speech will be more in-
teresting to his descendants than it is to us.
He frankly admits he has bad character, and
he explains it in a manner which is more credit
able to his ingenuity than to his candor or his
modesty. He devotes a considerable part OF
his speech to proving that the affairs of the
State are not administered with strict economy,
and says when he is Governor he will turn
Mr. Bowles out of the Commission of thari-
ties; which does not appear to us sufficient
motive for making Mr.. Butler Governor.