The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1871-02-07

1t is possible that some readers, in glanc-
ing over this table, will be surprised at the
apparent growth of the South as indicated
in the increased number of its Representa-
tives. They will, however, get the true
state of the case the moment they reflect
that two hfths of the colored race are now
for the first time comprised in the basis of
apportionment If the eleven Representa-
tives derived from this source be deducted,
it will be seen that the South has gained
but two from the regular increase of popula-
tion, while the Middle States have been gain
ing five. Allowing, then, for this apparent
anomaly, we find that the table strikingly in
dicates the general march of political power
northward and westward. table by
States would render this still more OBJ
vious. Thus, it appears that just one-half
of the next House-140 Representatives,
according to the bill we have been
considering-will come from the-following
eight States, in the order of their size, viz. -
New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois,
Missouri, Indiana, Massachusetts, and Ken
tucky. All these States might be strung on
o straight line, beginning at Boston and run
nipg-dipping slightly towards the south
westwardly to Jefferson City, with the excep-
tion of single loop to take in Kentucky.
This line may be regarded as the axis of the
political power of the Union.
The great significance, however, of the
table lies in the hint it gives of such re-
distribution of power, consequent upon vital
changes in the country, as we'll render these
sectional tables hereafter of much less ac-
count than they have been thus far in our
history. We have among us class of men
who are constantly crying out for decen-
tralization. 1t is good watch-cry in some
respects; but we have already realized
something equally good, namely, the sub
stantial Decentralization of the country
The sections themselves are fading out or
merging into each other. The New Engand
States unquestionably preserve their distinc-
tive features better than any of the other
sections, yet among them Connecticut has
largely become political appendage of
New York. In the West, Ohio has lost the
characteristics of that section-it makes no
gain, for instance, under the new apportion-
ment, although New York and Pennsyl-
vania do-while Missouri, on account of
its immigrant population and other peculiari-
ties, has been justly transferred from the
Southern to the Western Sta es To note,
however, the full force of the desectionaliz-
ing drift of the last decade, we must turn to
the South. The last apportionment found
the 10 Representatives of that section not
only within one of equalling the political
strength of any other section, but SO COM
pletely a unit as to hold the balance of power
! in the Union. The next apportionment will
assign, out of the SS Representatives OF that
section, no less than 26 to the colored race,
whose views for the present are essentially
non concurrent with those of the class who
monopolized the whole political power
enjoyed by the South under the last
census. This division, it is true, will
not be strictly available to the colored popu.
lation, and it is best it should not be- still, it
is easy to see that of itself, it effectually
disposes of the once all-powerful sectionalism
of the South Similarity of institutions,
also, will tend to rearrange the States politi-
cally according to their dominant interests,
whether commercial, manufacturing, agri-
cultural, or otherwise. Thus the mountainous
regions running down from Virginia,
through North Carolina, and East Tennessee,
into Upper Georgia and Alabama, will be
essentially, and in time politically, distinct
from the cotton planting sections Of the
South, and they will find their afinities
farther north. immigration, by which alone
the Southern States can hold their own 10 the