Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1871-04-19
sPeEcH OF
Mr.. SPEAKER WALLACE,
ON THE FREE VOTE.
In the senate. March 2s, 1871.

poyernmental structure and its pres
pnt Importance, In view, of the proba
Bio calling OF Convention TO reyis,
HE Constitution of the State at ar
early day. This question of the rcp
resentation of mnorites through tht
preferential system aud that Of the
Cumulative or free vote has engaged
he attention and secured the appro
eid in one form or the other of many
the most learned theorists, states
nen aud scnolnrs of this generation
Nnt least among these is the eloquent
nnd logical Senator from Columbia
Mr. Buckalcwl who has drafted and
lvocates the bill now under conside
bation. This doctrine has been on
tnrsed' and applied within circnm.
torbed localities. both In England and
b this country, and one of the largest
e,ates of the Union has implanted il
n her Constitution to moderate ex.
tent, by decided vote Of her people
nt recent election Hence, am not
unmindiul of the preccdents and of the
tharacter intellect and energy that
' hre thrown into lhe.scalc 10 favor of
the proposition, nor do fail 10 recog
W nize the fact that, upon It's prcsenta-
hon, it commends itself TO that inhe
rent sense OF justice that finds its
W place in the minds of each of us
M When called to act during this session.
have already cast my vote for its
W application to all elections for school
W directors within the Commonwealth
& and ! am willing to test the working
OF The theory still further by euacting
N The bill now before us, inasmuch a.
the elections are purely local, and it is
wiser to learn in the school Of expert.
n cDce whether the views l now enter.
tain are well grounded or fallacious,
n The advocates of the measure com.
mend their scheme to popular favor
by the discretion with which they
present it and the thoughtful delibera-
ton they concede to the public for its
examination They "makc haste
slowly" either conscious of the ulti-
maic triumph Of their cause, by rea-
son of its eminent propriety, or con.
tent to abide the action of the people
in flying from the ills they have to
those they know not of. Meanwhile
they occupy the avenues TO the public
mind, and the rostrum, the press and
and the practical tests through statu
tory forms are made use Of with fair
ness, but with great power, logic aud
skill. The discussion upon this bill,
its avowed purpose of familarizing
the public mind with the details ofthe
system, and its alleged value as
measure of reform, give the subject a
much wider range than is found in the
provisions of the bill itself, and these
facts, and the importance of tho idea
in its application to the theoretical
basis aud practical working of our
government, have compelled me to
examine the proposed system in the
light of It's Justice, of its effect upon
our institutions, and Of its practical
workings.
The free vote (Which is the system
embodied in this bill as defined by its
advocates, consists in allowing the
voter to distribute his votes among
candidates as he shall think fit, or TO
concentrate them upon one candidate
or, in other words, if there be six per
sons to be elected, tho voter may give
six votes to one, or one vote to six, or
three votes TO two, or two votes TO
three, or four votes TO one and two to
another or otherwise combine or cast
them as he may prefer 1t will be
seen, therefore, that any number over
one sixth of the electors of a given
district, concentrating Cor plumping
as It is callcd) their votes upon one
candidate can elect him, and thus Sc.
cure representation of their specific
idea in the body TO which he is elect
ei. Practically applied under this
bill to borough containing six hun
dred electors, one hundred and one
thereof can choose member Of the
council
This seems just; it accords with our
sense Of right, and apparently harmo-
nizes with the true theory of a repre-
sentative government, insomuch as it
givea to a larger proportion of the
people, than under the existing rule,
representation in their law making
assemblies. A pure Democracy is that
in which tho people meet, and by
their own voices enact laws and select
rulers, and as this is impraeticable,
that scheme for representation that
will give the nearest approach TO the
pure idea seems the just one. In such
government as ours all are equal,
and the actual representation of every
person is the genuine standard. But
il is not to be forgotten that even in
pure Democracy majorities rule,
nor that in a representative body
elected by the whole constituency, the
majority rule must still prevail. If
we 20 to the basis of the doctrine, too,
we find no inherent right in any one
TO cast six votes in an assembly of the
people. Nor is there any abstract
principle that will compel one man to
forego his right TO vote for six per.
sons, in order to outvote the support.
crs of dangerous candidate. Whilst
it is to be admitted that the broad
principle Of actual personal represen-
taiion for all is just idea, and that
the scheme proposed tends in the
right direction, when considered in
the abstract, yet the pursuit of the
idca TO its logic conclusion requires us
TO elect all our members Of Congress,
Senators aud legislators upon a gene
raj ticket for If it be right that the
minority in a six constituency district
shall have representation, it is equally
Just that any minority in the whole
State equal TO the ratio necessary for
member shall ia like manner be
represented Indeed, the principle
deduoed TO It's inevitable conclusion is,
that the minority is one, and the State
is only perfect when his representa-.
ton is accomplished and his rights
protected and vindicatcd. The equal