The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1871-08-04

ne Progress 81 R~psblicas sesss In Eng
I.ss-sene Of the signs OF the Times.
Great Britain is not Jet . rcpublic, but If
we are 10 judge from the tendency Of events
and from the tone OF public feeling the repub-
lie Is not very far distant Already the
people are sovereign. Their will--not the
VIII Of the Lords. not the will OF the Q1eea-
is supreme. Slowly the democracy has been
rising and asserting It's power, AID steadily.
year by year, has h been adding victory to
victory. What change has passed over the
British constitution since 1852, the year Of the
first great Reform bill Then the House Of
Lords was supreme. Now the peoples House
OF Parliament refuses to submit 10 any dicta-
ton or TO endure any resistance. Within
the last few years reform has followed reform
with increasing rapidly, and within the last
few weeks innovations have been made upon
the ancient constitution Of 50 daring charac-
ter that the staid and digniaed aristocracy.
unable to resist the swelling democratic tide,
contemplate their situation with fear aud dis
may.
In justification of these views We have hnt
to refer TO certain recent events. We might
refer to the fact that Mr.. Gladstone Is himself
a convert to the popular cause His honest,
anxious, earnest mind, was trained In the
direction of arstocratic conservatism. Such
a mind, however, must be true 10 itself; and
Mr.. Gladstone is entitled TO this praise, that
so soon as he knows the truth he accepts II.
His position to-day as Prime Minister Of Eng
land is one of the grandest triumphs OF
the democracy in the nineteenth century. He
is the first Prime Minister Great Britain has
known who has honestly dared TO represent
the will of the people. Hated by the tories,
distrusted by the old wings Of the Russell
and Cavendish school, he has, nevertheless,
been able to abolish the ancient Church estab-
lishment of Ireland, to pass great agrarian
law, and to do much besides which few
years ago would have been the ruin Of any
statesman, no matter what his ability, no matter
what his political or family connections. We
are not disposed to give Mr.. Gladstone all
the praise and all the glory for the reforms
which he has accomplished, and for the re-
forming policy which he keeps successfully in
motion. We know that Lord Psmerston, for
at least ten years, gave Great Britain con-
tentment and repose under a policy of do
nothing and let well alone. We know, also,
that there are those who think that Mr.. Glad
stone might have pursued similar policy
with equal success, and that his Unsuitable am
bition alone has precipitated a revolution
which might have been long deferred. We
know that these opinions are held; but they
are not our opinions, and we cannot accept
them. Lord Palmerston's great name and
great power did delay the revolution; but no
one knew better than Lord Palmerston himself
that the revolution was coming, and that even
he, if he lived long enough, would have no
choice but yield to it. After Lord Palmers-
tons death Mr.. Gladstone accepted the situa-
ton, and made up his mind to make the best
of it. Even Mr.. Disraeli, who is the recog-
nized representative of reactionary toryism,
during his brief lease of power found it neces-
sary to play the part of reformer. His Re-
form bill was no more nor less than con-
fession that the aristocracy of Great Britain
could no longer safely resist the honest and
righteous demands of the people.
This present session of the British Parlia-
ment will long be associated with popular
victories and with the triumph of ideas which
are essentially republican. First among these
must be mentioned the Washington Treaty. It
is undeniabe that this treaty has been and
still is regarded by the aristocratic portion of
British society as a concession to the popular
and prevailing republican ideas of the times.
The people of Great Britain-who are now
and always have been in sympathy with the
people of the United Sl.tes-demanded q
settlement of all outstanding questions with
their brethren on the other side of the Allan
tic. Some of the tories had the good sense to
accept the situation and bow to the inevita-
BILE. But the aristocracy properly SO
called felt In their hearts that the Washington
Treaty was blow to their order. Think or
feel as they might, the great fact to be noted
is that they were too weak to offer
any substantial opposition. The Wash
ington Treaty is not however, the
only proof that republican ideas prevail
in Great Britain. The fall of France, for
twenty years the faithful ally of England, and
the rise of great German empire known to
be in sympathy with Russia, who has yet to
revenge her Crimean defeats, made it neces-
sary for the British government to reconstruct
the army. The bill introduced by the govern
ment provided for the abolition of long-tol
Grated abuse-the right of purchasing commits
sions. The Commons passed the bill. The
Lords threw it out because Of the obnoxious
clause which virtually wrenched the army
away from class who had been taught to re-
gard it as a sort of private property. The
Prime Minister called in the aid of the Grown,
and by royal warrant, In spite of the Lords,
he abolished the whole system of purchase in
the army. A more daring innovation has not
hean rna do in the rnannrx Of livinu men Il