New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1871-12-08
THE POSTAL TELEGRAPH.

|
the telegraph lines, in connection with the
Post Office Department., will be opposed and
defeated, probably, Oh the ground that it is a
job, and that it would add necdlessly to the
number of Government servants and hangers
on, and to the patronage of the President, and
thus increase tho opportunities for corruption.
1t will also be urged and justly, that under
Government management the telegraph service
is not likely to be as efficient rs in private
hands, But back of these objections on
the score of fxpcdiency, which are quite
sufficient to condemn the project,
| there is q graver one. to which we desire TO
| call the attention of members of Congress and
the public. 1t is urged by those who support
| the project, that the British Government has
| bought and now manages the telegraph lines
| in the British Islands. and that therefore we
may rightly and safely do so too. Aside, how
ever, from the question: still undecided, whether
| the telegraph service is improved in Great
| Britain by the change, Americans ought to IT.
| member that the constitution of our Govern
| ment is in an important particular radically
| different from that of Great Britain, and that
some things which may be done there with
safety cannot be done here, without grave
| danger to our Liberties.
| In Great Britain tho Executive is divided
| among many different heads; the monarch
has really but q shadow of power, and is ire
| movable, and the Parliament possesses many
of the powers here trusted to the President.
| There is in this system but slight possibility
of such concentration of power in single
hand as exposes q nation to the ambition OF
q bold, bad mans usurpatiOn. The British
| Government is far less simple, far more
cumbrOus, less efficient and more costly than
ours; but under It authority is so subdvided
that it is scarcely possible for any one man to
grasp supreme power; nor, SO long as the
monarchy lasts, is there temptation open to
this end. But with us it is very different.
Our President, chosen for four years, is during
that term, as has often been remarked by
European publicists, the pOssessOr of far more
supreme power and authority than any SOW
eregn of a European State. He is not only
| the civil, but the military head of the coun-
| try; he appoints all tho civil and military
| officers of the Government. lie is untram-
meled in many things where the sovereign in
what Is termed Limited monarchy" is ALSO
lutely powcrless. In fact, the President of
| the United States ia, rs a European pubGcist
called him during the late war, when the great
attracted attention abroad, "a despOt elected
"for term Of years" Our system secures us
far more efficient and a, purer admins
tration than is possessed by any European
State. 1t gave us, during the late war, Gov
eminent strong enough to bear the scverest
strain, and to put forth the mightiest efforts
of the people, and yet not too strong for our
liberties. But it is not too powerful, it is not
dangerous, only because it imterferes very little
with the people 1t does not control the schools,
nor the press, nor the MEANS nor the rights
nf lOcOmotion. All. these are left to the States.
1t does not even concern itself with local tax
alton. 1t cannot even, except on the specific
demand of the people of II State interfere by
force of arms to preserve the peace. And no
matter how INSCRIPTIONS or ambitious Pres
i,lent may be, his power and authority, unlim-
tied within his own narrow field, are so closely
bounded that he is not dangerous to the gen.
cral liberties.
1t is of the utmost importance to remember
this. and to guard against any such extension
of the field of the Presidents authority and
power as would increase his hold upon the
Government. For though no one pretends to
doubt the patriotism of Gen. Grant, and though
it is supposablc that the majority of our Presi-
dents in the future will be good citizens, it is
always wise, as tho history of France, and Of
all nations indeed, hns shown, to distrust a
ruler. If the President is to have, what he
has under the Constitution, great and almost
dcsp0tc power, the field within which he may
exercise it must he narrowly limited. Now,
to give him the control of the telegraph lines
would in fact put into his hands one Of the
| Of lie into 7
would make him master of the press of the
country, for the press depends upon the tel
egraph for its news. 1t would enable him,
if he were INSCRIPTIONS, to give to the news
of the day such color as he chose, and
thus fatally to pollute the very fountain
head of public opinion. He could cause his
agents to suppress intelligence absolutely neces-
sary to enable the people to form safe and en-
lightened Judgment On affairs Of the utmost
Importance. In short, if the President were bad
and ambitious man, the control of the telegraph
would enable him to paralyxo public opinion
in this country, at o vital moment, as COM
pletcly rs it was ever paralyzed by Napoleon
III. III France. The strongest and most con-
elusive reasons, then, why this project to sell
the telegraph to the Government ought to
fail, are that it would dangerously increase
the great powers Of the President; because
it would put it in the power OF q
bold, bad man to usllrp supreme au-
thOrity; because it would inevitably lead
to o tampering with the news of the day, for
partisan purposes; because, by muddling, par
alyzing, and corrupting the grounds of public
opinion, it would gravely endangcr our liber-
ties. 1t is not intended here to accuse Gen