Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1871-01-21
MUNICIPAL AID TO MANUFACTURE

MUNICIPAL AID TO MANUFACTURES
No. ".
To the Editor of the KenneJec Journal:
WILL THE PoLIcY SUCCEED?
Is there reasonable ground for belief that
with the aid proposed, manufactures can be
largely advanced in our midst? Let us look
at the elements of the problem. First in
order stand our natural advantages. The
climate of the State is found to be SO favorable
to these industries that in the judgment of
leading manufacturers, Mr.. Lockwood of
Lewiston, Mr.. Green of Brunswick, and 9TH
ers, operatives can accomplish fully ten per
cent. more in this State than in the interior
and southern parts of the country. Our vast
supply of cheap power, the constancy with
which that power can be counted upon for
service when once our great reservoirs are
brought into use, are additional features of
great Importance. The comparative dearth
of other lucrative occupations will also act
in favor of manufactures by concentrating the
interests of our people upon them when once
larger beginning is made. Add to these the
fact that sites and power can be had at nomi-
nal rates, that the cost of building is less than
elsewhere, that laborers and operatives can be
had at lower rates than in other States-and
the promise of successful competition would
certainly seem to be in the highest degree
favorable. These natural and economical
conditions, SO marked and striking, justify
unusual measures to bring them into account
for the increase of public and private wealth.
England found in her coal mines occasion for
an unparalleled series of public acts favoring
manufactures. Her policy was sound. 1t
has been justified by the results. The same
policy, changed in form to meet circum-
stances, is the true policy of Maine to-day.
Manufactures, moreover, have been success
full here. They point to their record with con-
tidence and pride. The investments made
here have proved remunerative. Both ex-
perience and probabilities point to the GER
tainty that any favor rendered will be repaid
hundred fold. Besides, we mean to draw
off some of the manufacturing capital of other
States, and so lessen the stress of competition.
The SpRgues henceforth will put down their
surplus means in Maine not in Rhode Island,
and accordingly we shall have so much the
less to contend with from Rhode Island in the
general market.
1t is to be remembered that the population
of the country will henceforth increase one
and one-fourth millions per year. The de-
mand for manufactured articles from this
cause and from the growing demands of the
100000 freedmen, will augment with vast
rapidity. By 1875 Maine should have $780,
600, 900 invested in manufacturing, employing
200 900 operatives, and producing $500, 000,-
900 annually. The field is indeed immense.
Shall we enter it and take possession?
SUNDRY OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED.
1t is objected that this policy will "fatten
monopolies" at public cost. This is the old
cry which years ago frightened our legisla-
lures from the enactment of liberal laws, and
has already cost the State hundreds of thous-
ands in population and hundreds of millions
in money. 1t is as void of justice and sound
reason as then. The lions share of benefit
arising from manufactures is realized by the
general public, mot by the capitalist The
capital invested in this country in manufac-
lures, the losses and failures being taken unto
account, has not realized SIR per cent. 1t is
not in the wit of men to legislate successfully
for an industrial or producing class against
sne interests of other classes by any general
law. 1t would be as easy to pile up water
above its level. The great distributing force
that is ever at work in business affairs equal
ICES all advantages, so that if one member re-
joices all the others rejoice with it. What is
really proposed to be done, is, to stimulate
every interest, to benefit every class, to aug
ment the value of every form of property. To
do this we lay the hand of effort whore through
the favor of nature and circumstances the
impulse will be strongest and widest felt. To
refuse to do this because of mere appear
ance of special interest in one industry over
others, is to fling away substantial advantages
from dread of shadow. Who complains be-
cause the State is taxing us all, widows, or
phans and the poor with the rest, to build a
college for agriculture? If agriculture is
benefited, all will be benfited.
Again, it is objected that the the towns will
rush into enterprises without any adequate
appreciation of their business expediency,
and so meet with loss. Let it be admitted for
the moment that this would in some cases be
the fact: That would constitute no more
weighty objection to the policy as whole,
than the indiscretions and miscalculations of
individual manufacturers or traders would
constitute valid objection to all manufacture
and all trade. Farmers, merchants, men of
all occupations sometimes fail in judgment,
but farming and the other occupations are
not on that account given up. Besides such
securities can readily be taken as will pre-
clude the necessity of loss to towns. The de-
liberate judgment of the citizens can be re-
lied upon in this matter, as securely as it is
in scores of other concerns involving larger
interests. No town should be permitted to
put enough into any enterprise to peril its
credit.
Besides it is to be recollected that whatever
advance may be made by the town will be
planted in the town. 1t will gosinto sub
stantial property, that cannot be carried OFT or
dissipated, that will still remain even though
the individual operator dies, absconds or
fails.
But it is urged further. If towns are to
aid railroads and manufactures what will they
not be called upon to aid! Where will this
policy end? For that, trust the common sense
of the people. If the citizens of town, on a
two-thirds vote, decide that public necessity,
public advantage, or whatever it be, called,
requires the institution of manufactures in
their midst who shall 90 hack nnnn their iudp-