The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1871-04-25

| Morton. or it would be better to say, perhaps,
that he is in the keeping and undcr he clrsc-
| tor Of Mr.. Morton, WHO seeras to have the
entire arrangement OF the business. AT the
apparently improvised, but carefully prepared,
meeting at Washington few days ago, when
General Grant was nominated for second
term, Senator Morton made the nomination,
platform and did all the business in opening
the Presidential campaign. And now, as
soon as the President gets his foot loose by
The adjournment of Congress, this modern
soi-disant Richelieu hurries his master off to
the West to ratify the action at Washington
and to repeat the arguments made there in
favor Of the Presidents reelection. OF course
General Grant said little at the meeting in
Indianapolis, for he is not speechmaker
but he endorsed by his presence, as he did at
Washington, the campaign speech of his repre-
sentative. The President and Morton are
Swinging round the CIRCLE" as Andy John
son and Seward were; but with this differ
ence, that Johnson did his own talking, though
often impruden,ly, while Morton is the mouth
piece of his chief. 1t would have been as well
4
cessor, though Seward, when in his cups, was
hardly equal to the sober, cool and skilful
Morton.
! The speech delivered by Mr.. Morton at In
dianapos was but a repetition of what he said
at Washington, and will no doubt be the same
everywhere on this Presidential campaign
| tour. 1t is, in fact, as we have said before,
| the platform for the contest in 1872. 1t
eulogizes the administration of General Grant
! in extravagant terms, though it says
little of the past really tangible, except
that large amount of debt, some two
hundred and ten millions, has been paid dur
ing the two years General Grant has been in
power OF course Mr.. Morton did not say that
| this sum had been wrung from the people by
| excessive taxation and at the cost of many
more hundred millions to the industry Of the
country. Nor was it to be expected he would
show that this burden was unnecessary; that
it kept the Treasury gorged with unproductive
capital; that it led to the uncalled-for employ
ment of an army Of ofice-holders, or that a
vast surplus revenue favored corruption and
waste of the means of the people. The
Senator being conscious, however, of the feel
ing of the people under burdensome and I'M
necessary taxation, promises a great deal in
the future. He tells them that the admins
ration and its party will tighten their burdens
and make everything 60 as smoothly as possible.
1t is the old story of the prodigal repeated
without much hope or guarantee Of reform.
Still we ought not to be too sceptical or I'M
generous. For the sake of power, the Offices
and the spois the radicals might even per-
form their promises, change their extravagant
course aud relieve the people Of their burdens.
The administration campaigners utterly
ignore the authoritative declar .tions Of the
democratic representatives as put forth in the
Congressional address 70 the people, and con-
tinue to denounce the party on the old issues
| duriny and anterior to the war. In truth, this
denunci alton Of the democrats forms the staple
of their campaign speeches 1t is evident,
| therefore, that the radicals and the admins
| tration are alarmed at the attitude, increasing
power and prospects Of the democrats. Men
attack vigorously only that which appears
formidable. They resort to vituperation and
misrepresentation only when their own cause
seems weak and their enemy's strong. 1t is
clear the radicals do not expect to ride over
the course as easily to victory as they have
ridden over it before. They have resolved to
take their strongest man, General Grant, and
to adapt themselves as far as they can to the
exigencies of the times and popular opinion.
There is one feature in the campaign speech
of the Presidents henchman at Indianapolis
worthy of special notice. While Mr.. Morton
commends everything the party and admins
tration have done, and incidentally endorses
! their force acts, or pretended Ku Klux lcgisla-
| ton, he comes down from the high ground
taken in Congress while the coercive policy
was under discussion. This, we are inclined
to believe and hope, is promising We think
both the President and party will not, out of
Difference to public opinion, enforce this
] tyrannical and un-American measure. They
| will probably act as prudently in this matter
as the President did on the ST. Domingo ques-
! tion-use it if they can for political and cleo
| pioneering purposes, but abandon it if unpopu-
| lar The radicals had fixed and well-defined
policy while the war lasted or any OF the issues
growing out of it remained, but now they have
become flexible and are disposed to yield to
whatever promises them success. They have
no determined policy, no statesmanlike course
marked out, nor fixed principles of govern
mental action. They have simply the prestige
Of the past and the possession of power to
stand upon.
The democrats have better position as
assailants Of the shortcomings, extravaganza,
corruption and dcspotic centralizing policy of
their antagonists. Suppo sing even that they
might prove as incompetent as the radicals,
they have the advantage Of being untried
under the new order OF THINGS and of an