New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1871-06-10
CAR And KAISER.

SubOrdinated most public and diplomatic
action TO the operations of legislative scrutiny
and popular influences, has much diminished
the importance of prominent individuals III
is rare that the most powerful leader>ca now
do much more to sustain q falling Ministry
than the most obscure placeman. A certain
degree of Postivism has entered into pol
tics. and events ale more and more judged IN
the light OF necessity. The question asked by
publicists is not so often hat shall we 90 =
as "What is to be done !" The same influences
have seriously diminished the importance OF
the personal views and wishes of sOyereignS
in regard to public affairs. Royal conferences
are no longer matters of such concern TO the
world as they were in the days when the
word of the King decided the issues OF peace
and war, and when the people fought and
paid ard asked no questions az to what
il all meant. There was a time when the
caprice of a beauty could change the policy
of empires; when royal Indigestion could
set armies i'll motion. We are pretty
we'll past all that, yet under especial
circumstances the movements of crowned
heads are still of enough significance to cause
them to be regarded with great jealousy and
concern. Where two kings come together,
either one of whom is charged with ire
sponsible power, the consequences of the in
talvicw may even yet be momentous. When
Napoleon and Alexander met on the raft at
Tilsit, the foundations OF lOng-cOntinued
and most important policy were laid. When
the imitation Napoleon conferred with Fran
cis-J0seph at Yillafianca, the unity of Italy
and the freedom of Venice were postponed 10
wait for another war.
The peculiar conditions which elevate the Wis
its of sOvereigns into political events are never
more plainly seen than in the circumstances
which to-day surround the conference of the
Emperors of Russia and OF Germany, in Ber-
lin. The one is absolute autocrat of the vast
est homogeneous realm on earth. He is lord
of life and property, in the fullest sense of the
word, to seventy millions of people, scat
tered over eight millions OF square
miles of territory. He is the law, the gov
eminent, the rewarder and the punishcr,
the love and terror of his people. Not
only is he absolute in law-giving and i'll adj
ministration, he is equally 80 in religion and
society. He is the head of the Church, and
the sole source of social distinction. The
King of Great Britain is only the First Gen
tleman of the Kingdom, but q Russian Empe-
ror once said, "Thc man | speak to is for the
" time being, the first noble of the Empire"
1t is, of course, impossible that this abLect
and oriental loyalty should exist in country
so intelligent and 80 protestant IA Germany.
1t is not in the Gothic blood to abnegate so
utterly the prerOgative of manhood before any
authority. But it cannot be denied that che
vast and dazzling success of recent years has
given to the present Kaiser an inOrdnate and
perhaps unwholesOme measure OF personal FdY-
erence among his people. TO use that power
full metaphor of Victor Hugo, the giant who
carries the dwarf on his shoulders wOrships
him as the taller. 1t shows how profound
ly the old traditions are still rooted in
the popular mind, when we see that
among the most generally cultivated people in
the world the King gains the lions share of
the credit which has been earned by Bis
marck and Won MOtke in diplomatic and
military struggle carried on for ten years I'M
der the eyes of the world. The old gentleman
who comes up after the battle, rides over the
field and speaks to the wounded, and tele-
graphs to his good wife in Berlin dispatch
full of piOus satisfaction, receives from this
Incompatible army and from this intelligent
nation the loyal ascrptiOn of honor that be
longs 10 the army and the nation. More mag
unanimous than he, Germany discrowns herself
for him, and .roars Hell Dir i'm Sieges-
Kran-. 1t is this intense fever of
image worship, which is, of course only tenn
porary, that makes the personal character and
the personal wishes of the Emperor William
matters of the deepest concern at this time.
Whatever line of policy he might resolve upon
during the visit of his nephew or during the
return visit which it is now announced he in
tends making to Russia later in the season,
would be sure, Oh account of the present tone
of public feeling, to have a better chance of
adoption by the Government and the nation
than would be warranted by its own merits,
and would be enforced by more authority than
is granted to the Crown by the fundamental
law.
The moment is undoubtedly critical one for
Europe. The continent lies practically at the
mercy of this family council. There is no
combination possible among the rest of the
so called Great Powers which could hamper in
any way these two colossal Empires. There
have already been sufficiently significant symp-
toms of an entire accord between uncle and
nephew. The emancipation of Russia from
the shackles with which the Treaty of Paris
had fettered her action on the coast of the
EuKine, was the direct result of the under
standing by virtue of which the Car had
sumed the attitude which had left Austria out
of the tempting quarrel. The unusually cor
dial messages of COngratulatiOn between Yer
sailles and Petersburg were only the official an
nouncements of Il secret league of interests
which was already patent to the world. What
direction the future policy of this allied Omnip-
Otence may take is as vet q matter Of pure