The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1871-04-19

| ment at Versailles continue the a yht. Interest
| lies in the fact not in the details. The
| Prussan government is giving all scope TO
President Theirs aud the National Assembly.
| The London Times has report to the effect
that If the Versailles gov eminent should not
be found equal to the task of putting down
the Communists in Paris the German forces,
who have already massed themselves near
the city and fortified every point permitted by
the peace treaty, will intervene and force the
establishment of order throughout France.
| 1t is now several weeks since this fight
began; and there are many thinking persons
| in the Old World and the New who feel dis
appointed that, in the peculiar circumstances,
the National government should not more
speedily have put down the insur-
! recton and restored order. Why Paris
should be able to hold out against
France for so heightened q period, begins to
be a perplexing question. For a surprise
Paris has always been admitted to be strong.
For pro!racted struggle against the whole
Of France men are not yet prepared to think
that Paris should win. In other words, il was
the general opinion that if the Versailles gov
eminent could continue to command the
adherence Of the provinces as we'll as order in
the great cities the Bellcvlle and Montmartre
outburst would die natural death. Days
and weeks pass, and Paris still holds out
and while we write it is not by any means
certain that the Versailles government, backed
up by what is called National Assembly,
must win alone and unaided. OF course if
| the Germans come to the rescue the solution
is simple and easy. France must pay to Ger
many what she has promised to pay. France,
in revolution and anarchy, cannot pay. Ger
many still holds in her hands the whip and
Germany is neither unprepared nor unwilling
to use the whip, if the whip be necessary. In
plain terms, if France does not promptly
| meet her engagements Bismarck will fore
close the mortgage, occupy Paris, overrun
French territory, satisfy Germany, withdraw
his forces and leave France to her fate. The
knowledge that this solution of the difficulty
is certain almost stiles speculation.
At the same time we cannot close our eyes
to the fact that the Paris insurgents have
revealed a strength which has surprised some,
which has disappointed many and which de-
mands explanation. Is there any explanation
possible? We think there is What is the
explanation? Let it always be borne in mind
that the men who rose to the surface in Sep
TENDER last and made revolution in the
capital at the very time that France was
crushed by foreign foe on the field of battle
represented principles which have been dear
to the French people since the times of their
first great revolution. These principles are
essentially republican. If at the moment the
September men were more republican than
patriotic, let us at least be just to them. For
years they had labored and waited, not always
either wisely or well. The first Napoleon put
them down and held them down. When the
first empire, which was in many respects
they were too weak, too much off their guard,
too much demoralized, to resist the dominant
desires of their own people and the combined
forces Of the dynasties of Europe. In 1880
they had again struggled to the surface, but
they were again suppressed. In lS4s they
competent leaders and always at the mercy of
an ignorant popular vote and dangerously
powerful standing army, they once more lost
themselves. The coup detat of 1851 left them
nowhere. For twenty years they waited.
Sedan gave them their opportunity, as they
thoughts but the time was badly chosen, and
the September opportunity will be remembered
in history as a French sorrow. That Jules
Favre and Gambetta and the better class of
men who worked with them did well few
thoughtful observers of the wonderful events
of the last eighteen months will refuse to
admit. They, too, however, failed. Let it be
said in this connection that Gambetta, the one
man, mistaken as we must still regard him,
who heroically represented France during the
crisis has since retired practically from public
life. He, at least, is not to blame for subse-
quent follies and sins. The election of the
National Assembly made an end of the gov
eminent of National Defence, and the pro-
visonal government of M. Theirs took its
place. The Assembly, two-thirds of the mem
bers of which were VIGOROUSLY monarchists,
disappointed the republicans. Paris, Lyons
and Marseilles and more or less all the large
cities which under the empire were denied
municipal rights, felt that republicanism
was once more doomed. As in 1896, in 1880,
in 1851, they were again to be sold. Rightly
or wrongly this is the opinion to-day. The
opposition to the Versailles government has
been strong in all the large centres of popu la
tion Out of Paris the insurrectonary ele-
ments have been easily held in check but in
Paris the so-called Communists have found
unexpected aid from the shopocracy and other
traders, who are wrathful with NJ. Theirs for
robbing them Of what they consider their
rights by keeping the Assembly and the gov