Knoxville weekly chronicle. [volume] (Knoxville, Tenn.) 1870-1875, 1871-05-10
THE SCHOOL QUESTION DISCUSSION.
" Father Finnegan,s Reply"


MEssRs. EDITORS Allow me to thank
Father Finnegan for so promptly putting
himself on the record in relation to the
school fund. My little article has contrary
to expectation, proved almost as magi-
cal as IthuriePs spear, though courtesy
restraints me from even suggesting the an
alogy in its full extent.
1t is not very easy to reduce the loose, il
logical sayings of the Father to definite
propositions for reply, but | will try to
catch some of them and test their value.
And:
l. THE ISSUE.
That is now made distinct, clear, with
out equivocation. The priest demands the
partition of the school fund, and asserts
his right to it. No one can fail to see
his object He wants, and will do all in
his power to get, control of sum in ratio
of children" from the common fund, for
the support of a sectarian school, :. e., he
seeks this money, most of which is raised
by tax paid by Professionals, to teach views
hostile to theirs, and thus to establish a
principle destructive of the common school,
the specific and declared object of the tax.
The city and county each voted tax for
common schools. Father Finnegan makes
a demand that would simply nullify the
vote. If the managers of the school fund
should tamely sanction this claim, it would
be upset in the Courts, 1t could not stand
for an hour.
2. TIE CLAIM OF sECrARIAN RIGHT"
The absurdity of this pretense is so
plain that it is hard to see how it could
have been made. Pushed to its sim
pie and logical result it means just
this-that the State or city has no
right to tax its citizens for any common
object at all, that every considerable sect
or class has a right to portion of the tax
to establish its own institutions of every
kind. The notion cuts up the very prin-
ciple of civil government by the roots. 1t
is settled axiom of political economy in
free countries, that the rights of indivdu-
ais and classes, are subject to the laws that
secure the general good. If any class is
50 peculiar in its principles as to clash
with the laws that express the general sem
timents, it must pay the forfeit by at least
submitting to those laws.
g. THE CATHOLIC CONSCIENCE.
The Father urges the point that those
for whom he speaks have conscences
This is all well. 1 have profound respect
for conscience. But / know that some
mems consciences are adjusted in very
accommodating way to their own private or
clique interests, and, how the conscience
of the Priest impels him-not TO suffer for
righteousness sake-but to demand the de-
struction of our school system, by a parti-
ton of its funds, is, to say the least, little
queer. In this connection he tells us
these free shores from the tyranny of
a hostile Government" But why did
they seek refuge in this land, where
liberty according to Protestant ideas pre-
walls? There was Italy, Spain, France,
where the Roman church had prevailed
for hoary centuries with absolute sway
where it had moulded life, given tone TO
character and shaped all institutions.
Why did not those who "tled from tyran-
N.Y. go to those countries. There Roman
lists were "free, y after a sort, and Protest
ants were under the han of universal pro-
ecription. Why did they not go there for
freedom Away with this talk about
church that has stained every page Of his
tory with arbitrary prescription.
4. CATHOLIC EDUCATION.
The Priest is quite earnest on the sub
lect, and ifsinuates that it is quite needful
for the morals of people that they should
have such education as his church can,
and will give them. Now facts are stub
born things, and to facts | appeal in this
matter. The Priest claims and i'll the main,
the claim is no doubt just that they the
Roman Catholics, teach their own people,
whether they get the common school fund
for the purpose or not. Well, the result in
our great cities is, that nine-tenths-the pro-
portion is probably even larger still-of
the arrests and punishments for crime, are
llOlil ulIOllS lhOllldIl SttiIlOllNSs II illt
Priest should have the hardihood to deny
this, / will in few days have statistics
and prove it,
There lies before me number of tables
taken from the actual government statistics
of the various European States. They
were taken several years ago, and may be
relied on rs accurate-as accurate as statis-
tics possibly can be. i transcribe single
one of these tables in this article, holding
the rest in reserve for another occasion, if
it should come. 1t is that which gives
the relative proportion of murders, in
Protestant and Roman Catholic countries.
Here it is;
Ron Cath--Ireand 10 "lss ." ~.
Belgium. Is g #" -
France 800. 81 -