New-York tribune., 1871-03-23
.SL1HERY IN ERIZIL.

Thcro is no conntry in which the danger Of
n seryilc iDsurrectiOn has seemed more remote
than in Brazil. The slave population embraces
not more than one in eight OF the lnhaDtahts
and in most Of the provinces Is In sun
( smaller minority than even tins proportion
represents. Manumssi0ns are 1requeh Ihc
condition of the freed people IS generally sat-
isfactory; and the hope of complete enahci-
patton, though deferred, has been by no means
! lost There seems indeed to be no good
reason why the destruction Of slavery, WHEN
to us was such n fearful difficulty, should not
he TO the Brazilians one OF the easiest OF
tasks. In that fertile Southern empire no
rrcindice of race or jealousy of political priv
lcgo stands in the way of justice The diller-
cnco between freedom and bondage, IKE 'he
difference between black and white has been
shaded off so gradually by the accommodating
customs of tho country that distinctions OF
clste are practically impossible. lie slave
may rise TO be counselor of state or gen
eral in the army. Negroes, Indians, Poriu-
enesc, creocs, and the endless variety OF
mixed races sprung from the fusion OF all
shades of color, enjoy at least potentially
complete social equality. No mans station i5
| fixed for life by the hue OF his skin. 1t Is
easy TO see how this condition OF society must
simplify the problem of abolition, relieved as
it i, from the prospect that domestic disorder
or industrial prostration would follow an im-
mediate liberation of the slaves.
Yet the Wrctchcd system OF human bondage
| has vitality in Brazil which nothing short OF
the DANCER )f insuTectOn seems likely to
destroy The liberal party in the Empire has
! Iaborcd long AMI earnestly against 1t with
occasional gloams OF success, and two or three
years ago q scheme Of emancipation was an
nounccd, wi IA every prospect OF Immediate
adopiion. Conservative reactions, however,
have hitherto defeated the sound policy OF the
liberal statesmen aud philanthropists; and
! Brazil, so proud of her material progress, en-
tcrpIise, sad enlightcnmcnt, remains III
one dalls particular, moro barbarous
than even Spain. The Conservative party
built Itself up with the profits Of the slave
trade. For years after the traffic had been
prohibited by law it continued to prosper
under thin pretcnse Of eonccalment. IL was
The key to the commerce Of Rio. Slayers grew
enormously wealthy by contraband enterprises,
and great mercantile houses were rapidly
formed by the dealers who supplied their out
III. The cankcr ate into the entire commercial
/
colossal fortunes for which Brazilians were
once proycrbial, and we might almost say the
patent OF brazilian aif-tocracy. The great
/ Conservative party, with Its immense WclIth
and social influence, was able to control the
! G0vcmmcnt even duiine the rare ana snort
intervals when the accidents OF politics raised
the Liberals to the nominal authority OF Office.
no serious effort was ever made to stop the
coniraband saye-trado until British gun
boats steamed into the Brazilian ports
and dragged the slaycrs from the very
| Wharyes. Too weak to resist and unable to
obtain help from other powers, the C0nscrya-
tive Ministry then called meeting Oh the
rrincipal traders and ordered them to close
up their business within three months. This
measure alcnated of course many powerful
supporters OF the party, and the leaders have
ever since striVcn to conciliGto the slave
interest and its allies by opposing the aboli-
tiCn movement now openly and now In
secret, and discOuraging any sort OF immi-
grafton which would be likely to strengthen
the cmancipatiOniss.
But the siavc-trade is now destroyed, and
there are only a million and half Of slaves
in the whole empire, most of them on large
estates in the interior. The slayc-Owncrs must
| be Il very small minority of tho population.
Why is it, therefore, that the interests Of free
labor, always and inevitably hostile 10 a system
OF bondage, have not been able to prevail in a
country whose constitution recognizes the right
of suiiiage2 If a free expression Of the pOpu
lar wish could be obtained, we presume the
vote for immediate emancipation would be
overwhelming. But a genuine election is
almost unknown in Brazil BY the aid of a
swarm of petty officials, the polls arc
made to register the will of the party
| in power almost rs certainly az a
| NapoleOnic piebisctum used to register the
dccrccs of the Emperor Of the French. The
Oretically, the source of political power is pop
ular suffrage; practically, it is the favor Of
the court. Dom Pedro is dilctante Il gentle
man of culture, and very polite to foreigners.
| Ii il the fashion, therefore, to speak of him
as a pattern Of lbcraily and enlightcnment.
AS emper0rs 80, he is doubtless well enough.
| Personally he is said to favor emancipation,
but politically his preferences have always
| been shown to the Conservatives; which, con-
sidering that they embrace most of the wealth
and consequently most of the education and
| polish of the country, Is hardly q matter of
! surprise.
The recent discovery of plot among the
slaves of Mnas Gcraes places the emancipa-
tion question in new light Hitherto it has
been nothing but a bone OF political conten-
tion. Now it is shown to be Of vital and inn
mediate import to the safety of society. 1t
must be apparent that at last the s,arcs are
getting ready to take part in the discussion.
They have learned what has been done for
their race in the Northern hemisphere. They