The Cambria freeman. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1867-1938, 1871-01-19
4 speech from Edgar Coyyan.

/ fidsntially consulted by Abraham Lincoln
than any other member of the q. S. Senate.
/ Mr.. Cowan was the warm political and per-
sonal friend of President Lincoln. and fully
understood nincoln's views of the purposes
and ultimate results of the var.
Mr.. Cowan paid our town visit during
the last summer-not by any means his first
and heard him. in his Own peculiar and ele
CANT conversational powers, on all subjects
Of political history, and especially his init
mate social relation with Mr. Lincoln during
the dark days of the rebellion, will not for
get the remarkable statements made by him
/ in reference to what Mr.. Lncolu's admins
/ tration believed to be the true purposes Of
I the war. Mr.. Cowan has hosts of friends in
/ Cambria county, who appreciate and honor
his great ability and admitted integrity, and
when the good political time comes, as it
/ is fast coming, the honest democracy Of
| Cambria will not forget Edgar Cowan. But
here is the speech, as delivered by him be
fore the Young Men S jackson Association of
} AISSLtuS SitS, Oii uIOuSIdJ SfSAIHS, Oau
/ 9Th Mr.. Cowan said:
You propose TO commemorate a great
event and most remarkable man-the
battle of New Orleans and General Andrew
/ Jackson. The event proved the ability of
our citizen soldiers to defend their country
successfully when under the lead of a com
petent captain. The lite of the man shows
how much may be done by a single indyid-
L., g-ll Al.
/ fortunate enough to put bin in the right
place. No other soldier was so capable to
conduct our Indian wars and bring them to
I a final and satisfactory conclusion; and none
ever visited upon uuprincipled neighto and
the adventures they sheltered, such effsctu-
al punishment. Those who violated the
laws of neutrality on his borders met with
I 10 mercy from him; and a single example
/ Of just severity usually sufficed Ia his
foreign policy, when President, he was
equally vigorous and effective. of which the
payment of the French indemnity for spoil
ations in 1900 was a remarkable illustration.
A great many changes have taken place
since bis day, and we can we'll imagine how
be would look upon many Of them i he was
allowed to revisit the earth. He believed
a national bank not only unconstitutional,
hut with its twenty millions of capital stock
absolutely dangerous to liberty. He saw
bow it might oppresS the people by its con
fractions and expansions; how it might
make corner in the markets and how,
I Indeed, it might bribe congress, and buy
! laws to suit itself. He therefore devoted
/ himself to its destruction, and his victory
| over it is hardly less celebrated than that
over the English at New Orleeus.
What would he now say or do when he
b nj hop 81 q,
/ than three hundred millions, chartered by
congress, their circulation endorsed by the
J federal government, and bonus of twenty
millions paid them annually out Of the fed
eral treasury2 The interests on the United
States bonds they deposit as security amount
ing to about that sum, and the same as the
whole capital stock Of the United States
/ Lank. Can we doubt under these circuIn-
I stances, that he would renew the war against
/ banks. and with his usual success
/ General Jackson's idea Of a government
/ WAS an organizations from becoming danger
Gus. Hence he would not tolerate a curpo-
/ rate body that dared to enter into a contest
/ with the peoples government. 1t may not
/ be long before the wisdom of his views on
this subject is recognized everywhere. What
confirmation would he have received in the
history of our great corporations within the
last few years The huge associations have
on several recent occasions proved them,
selves able to control state governments,
mould the laws at their pleasure. and Gisre-
gard them with impunity. Aud as their
wealth multip!ies, and they from time to
time discover ths enormous power they
wleid, and how 1t increases by com binatious
easily made, no one can doubt that they
will ultimately direct all government every
where in this country.
In Jackson s day, too. the union was in
danger. The aspect of publication was
quite as threatening as secession. but he did
not wait till 1t ripened into open rebellion,
he met it on the threshold aud reduced it 10
obedience without the loss of a man or the
firing Of a gun. Contrast this with the
sacrifices we were obliged to make to sup
press the revolt ST secession. Years of civil
war loss of half million of lives, and a
waste of ten thousand million of dollars
We only arrive at the true value of such
man, when We have felt the need of him
and we can now believe that if he had beer
at the head of our affairs when the rebellion
was in its first stages, his vigor and foresight
might have que!led it with little expendi-
ture Of blood and money.
But that which would surprise him most
on his return, perhaps. would be the recent
amendments to the constitution, because
there Is nothing which distinguishes the new
era from the old SO clearly as they do. For
sixty years the people looked to the states
for the preservation of their rights and lib
critics; and. having created the federal gov
ernment not for general but particular and
specified purposes, they were jealous Of any
attempts to enlarge the sphere Of i is action |
IN all their declarations OF political princi- |
pies, the reserved rights of the state were
declared inyiolabie and to be maintained at |
all hazards. And yet, notwithstanding, we
have seen the whole people. almost without |
a murmur, yield unto the general govern |
ment by far the most mportant Of those "re |
served rights" that, indeed, we always
therefore deemed essential to the very exist I
ence OF free state. ] mean its rights to /
say who shall exercise its sovereignty at the |
bailot-box. Nor could any one ever give |
reason why any body. outside the limits Of a |