The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1871-03-23
WHO is TO HAVE FRANCE?
From the N. z. Times.

FTofh the N. r. Times.
In the French Assembly, on Monday, the
President, M. Grevy, took occasion to "de-
nounce" the insurrection in Paris At the
same time, the Government at Versailles has
addressed what is called ''reassuring circu-
lar" to the projects of departments, informing
them that the state of affairs at Paris is ''no
worse" This seems rather like the answer of
a..cautious doctor to the inquiries of anxious
relatives, when his patient is about as bad as
he is expected to be in this world. 1t is much
more to the purpose to announce that
the army gathering round Versailles
and doubtless arriving rapidly from
Germany-will be speedily set to work to
quell the disturbances. Many of Bismarcks
plans are incomprehensible at first, and there
fore it is impossible to say whether or not the
outbreak comedies with his wishes. But, as
there is nothing conceivable for Germany to
gain from revolution, it is probable that he
is quite willing to see the movement sup
pressed. In that case, the French troops
who were taken prisoners will be pushed for
ward to Versailles with as little delay as pos
sible, and the insurgents, supposing that the
army remains faithful to the Government,
will soon be outnumbered. But can these
returned troops be depended on? Nothing
is certain in French politics. The army may,
after all, be disposed to regret the fate which
has overtaken the Emperor. At this moment
the destlnles OF france might easily be
moulded by any really popular military leader.
young Corsican lieutenant extinguished
the remains of the old French revolution, and
a man of superior genius to that of the First
Napoleon would now find little difficulty in
making himself master of the situation.
The disgraceful scenes which have occurred
in Paris during the last few days will help to
explain to many people how it happened that
such man as Napoleon III was allowed to
rule for eighteen years. In the minds of the
propertied and middle classes he was a barrier
against socialistic revolution. AS M. Provost
Paradol so we'll explained, the Emperor was
allowed to reign because he was thought to be
the least OF two evils between which the
French nation had to choose. On one side
the people saw, or thought they saw, gene
raj anarchy, insecurity of property,
disturbed trade, and all kinds os
wild excesses. On the other side they saw
a despotic ruler. 1t will be difficult even
now to prevent the shop-keeping classes, the
frugal workmen, and the small landowners,
from drawing unfavorable comparisons be-
tween the young republic and the dethroned
Emperor. They will say:-'For eighteen
years we have at least been free from civil
war and insurrections. Commerce has
fiourished; we have all grown richer,
or had a fair chance of doing SO. We have
| had foreign wars, some unnecessary,
some unfortunate, and one-the Crimean
war-rather glorious than otherwise to the
national arms But we were never called
upon to fight with each other. Our shops
were not pillaged the stream of foreign ira
vel which brings SO much wealth into France
was never turned aside. No sooner, however,
is the Emperor upset than the cutthroats are