The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1871-04-29


Of it has been distributed to American
claimants, and the remainder, now in tn
Treasury, has been the subject of goot
deal Of reflection on the part of the honor
able Senator from Massachusetts, during
the preceding session of Congress, in trying
to devise some fit mode of disposing of it
That engagement was not preceded, as fa
as | have been informed, by any declara
ton of war by the Congress of the United
States.
Now, how do you account for all these
acts of hostility, not threats, not diplomatic
dispatches merely, not declaration that i
our rights shall be invaded we would
defend them, but actual war; not a war o
words, but war made with armies anC
navles, taking possession Of disputed anC
hostile territory, fighting pitched battles
and bombardlng cities; war made with
guns and solid shot and shell, where We
compelled the vanquished to pay indemnity,
and put it into our Treasury, and yet nc
declaration of war? How does it happen
that these two Senators, in their zeal to
defend the Constitution of the United
states, can find but one case worthy Of
their logic, their great learning, and their
eloquence? The honorable Senator from
Missouri explained the reason. He tell us
that the Duke of wellington, famous
British hero who merited the applause OF
his countrymen on account Of his mil
itary achievements, was . bad minister,
ought to have been turned out, and
was turned out of civil station BIZ
the English people. Tho parallel he
finds here. The President of the United
States, Ulysses 8. Grant, he t.ll. us, ha.
richly earned all the military laurels that
adorn his brow; he deserves the applause
of the American people, deserves to be
clothed in fine raiment and to fare sump-
tuousy every day, deserves everything
that heart could wish or mind desire; but,
in the opinion of tho honorable Senator
from Missouri, he is not fit to be President
of the United States. This is tho grave
otfensc, after all, committed by President
Grant. He has offended the two Senators,
previously offended them. They desire to
SO break down his administration and Grip
pie his power as to secure the nomination
of some other Republican candidate for the
Presidency and secure his election.
The people of the United States will not
fail to arrive at this conclusion. These
Senators do not desire to rob President
Grant of anything, not one iota of any
thing worth having, except the confidence
of the American people. The confidence
of the American people in his patriotism,
in his prudence, in his wisdom, in his
ability, is what they desire to wrest from
his hands, that is ALL So that they shall
be able, the one or the other or some
friend whom they esteem more highly for
his civil attainments, to occupy the execu-
tive chair. If any one can read this long,
labored speech from beginning to end, and
find anything else in it, he will have a
more acute intellect than possess.
| have not yet read the speech of the
honorable Senator from Missouri. | NAV
have been somewhat dazed by his eloquence
and bewildered by his oratory. l will not
trust myself to answer him in detail with
out first reading his speech; but if there is
else in it than that which he
near its close, any other object
for its delivery, have failed to perceive it..
Now, | inquire of that honorable Senator
if he supposes the American people are so
obtuse as not to see through the tlimsy
cause with which he seeks to cover him
self. He has had quarrel with the Presi
dent of the United States. A few post
masters in Missouri were appointed with
out his support or APPROVAL
Mr. SCHURZ rose.
The VICE PRESIDENT. Does the Senator
from Iowa yield to the Senator from Mis-
souri, d?
Mr.. HARLAN. Certainly.
MIR. SCHURz. Mr.. President consider
this quite serious charge. The Senator
ought to know better than to suppose-at
any rate he ought to have more respect for
the position of a Senator than to say-tbat
the appointment of few postmasters
would make the least difference in my
course one way or the other. He knows
very well that am against the system of
patronage altogether, that | want to be
relieved of it, and do not care the snap of
my finger for all the custom house officers
and postmasters in the world. l am afraid
that the Senator from Iowa Judges my
motives and those of the Senator from
Massachusetts,, in our public acts, by the
motives of others.
Mr.. HARLAN. Now, pray tell me, why
should you be afraid
Mr.. SCHURz. This is the first time in
my life that sinister motive has been
imputed to me, and it was here imputed in
strong and straight language, that because
the President appointed few postmasters
in Missouri who were not to my liking
attacked the President of the United States.
l say that the charge of the Senator from
Iowa is absolutely unfounded; that he
must have very little respect for human
nature if lie thinks that a man in the
position which he and occupy
on this floor should be governed by motives
as miserable as that.
Mr.. HARLAN. Very we'll. Mr.. President
the honorable Senator leaps to conclusion
that | have not stated. l said the honor
able Senator had had difference with the
President of the United States, and I
began to state that the President had
appointed 4 few postmasters not to his
liking. | had stated no conclusion. How
did he so readily arrive at the offensive
which seems to have been in
his own mind?
Mr. SCHURz. Mr. President, does the
Senator from Iowa pretend that the mean
ing of this charge was not such rs | have
stated? If he wants to crawl out of it, l
will give him the opportunity.
Mr.. HARLAN. That is all very we'll. l
shall Use
The VICE PRESIDENT. The Senator from
Iowa will suspend. The Chair must state
to the Senator from Missouri that to
intimate to Senator desire to crawl out
of Il statement is not parliamentary.
Mr.. SCHURz. | submit to the iudgmen
Of the Chair, and withdraw the language.
Mr.. HARLAN. Not at ALL l prefer that
the Senator should use the language that
suits his own taste best. had not charged
the honorable Senator with consciousness
of having been warped by any such consd-
erations. He drew the conclusion himself.
He leaped forward in advance of me.
Without the patience to wait till l drew
my conclusion, he drew conclusion for
himself, a conclusion, doubt not, that has
been drawn long since by a majority of the
American people. But l would not attri-
butte to that honorable Senator nor to any
other member Of this body consciousness
of being influenced by any such considera-
tons. There is rule of evidence how.
ever | believe, that excludes an interested
party from testifying in case at issue,
except with the consent Of the opposing
party. do not suppose that the honorable
Senator is any nearer infallible than othel
men of equal culture, rank, and learning
think it barely possible that his Judgment
might be warped hairs breadth by feel
ing of personal unkindness growing out O
4 sense of personal injury without hi
being conscious of it or feeling degraded by
it.
This seems to have been the judgment a
least of the writers, the publicists of tn,
textbooks that are used by himself and hi
fellow members of the bar. They have
drawn this conclusion from the observation
and experiences of ages, and the tribunal!