The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1871-04-12

at large. Unfortunately for this promising
theory, there is as much difficulty found in
applying general principles as in getting them
nominally accepted.
For example, Mr.. Kelley has obtained what
looks on the outside like very solid victory
for protection. The Forty-frst Congress was
induced by the same author to accept, on
''the true principle of revenue reform, the
proximate abolition of the internal revenue
system. The Forty-second Congress, albeit
still more pronounced in its opposition to
monopolies. has accepted the same declara-
tory resolution that was previously affirmed
in December last. The passage of such O
resolution may help to furnish fresh point
to MIR. Kelley and his acknowledgements
of the coal, salt, and pig-iron duties.
when these come up again for dis
cussion, but we hardly imagine that even
they expect it to affect a single vote
on any Of these issues. 1t did not prevent
the last House Representatives from giving
us free coal, and it will not prevent the pre-
sent one from repeating their lest decisive
vote on the coal and salt monopoles, as we'll
as probably touching the cogna.e excess of
the pig-iron and wool duties. The people
would doubtless be very glad to see the rates
on distilled spirits, tobacco, and malt liquors
prove sufficient for all the legitimate expenses
of the Government, and thus do away with
JD6 great army Ol udJlUudl dA-RhJuoISEo TO
ferred to by Mr.. Kelley. But that the enor-
mites of some of the existing
customs duties should be en-
tirely neglected as Mr.. Kelleys resolution
obscurely implies, while all the efforts
of revenue reformers SHOULD be directed
towards relieving the nation of internal tax
alton, is a proposition which can never be
reduced to practice. Mr.. Kelley may proba-
bly, find future occasion to remind some of
L.. L.. L L.
designed his resolution to stop the way
to ali reduction of customs duties till the
taxes on stamps, incomes, etc., have been
abolished. In such case he will find himself
open to the retort that his resolution con-
tanned no positive expression on any such
topic, and that though Republican revenue
reformers believed in Mr.. Kelley's ''true
principle, they were not prepared to regard
it as the only one bearing upon the question
The defeat of Mr.. Parkers resolution, de-
claring that the tariff should be so reformed
as to become tax for revenue only, pre-
sents lesson of a somewhat similar charac-
ter. Mr.. Kelley's resolution is of kind
too general to be of any practical Importance
to anybody. Mr.. Parker's, in its reference
to ''vast special interests" and in its very
distinct purpose to revolutionize our GUS
toms duties without further delay, was cal
culated to hamper the free action of the
House upon single questions OF tax reform
that call for separate treatment, as we'll as to
commit it to a much more sweeping policy
on this question than the country is yet pre-
pared to indorse. AS our revenue system
stands at present, there are three parties
vitally interested in 1.-THE Government, the
manufacturers, and the people. All three
demand, then, equal consideration in all
measures of tax reduction. Antagonistic as
in some respects these separate interests may
appear, they cannot be considered apart from
each other without mutual detriment. Mr..
Kelley and his frien DIS wish us to sacrifice toe
much to the manufacturers, the adherents OF
Mr.. Boutwells financial policy have too ex.
| elusive regard to the necessities of the Gov
ernment while the free traders want US tc
consider the interests of the people divorced
from both of the preceding. 1t is possible
to give the latter element more attention
than it received in the construction of oul
revenue system, but it is neither just no
profitable to disregard the claims of the
other two. Tax reform will not proceed
any more than tax creation did, by abstrac
rules, but will evolve itself from the play o
varied interests in the gradual fashion tina
will alone render it universally beneficial.