Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1871-04-19
Mr.. Summers Ku-Klux Speech.

stances Ine cndSTln Is Dduiy cOHcedISu' III
remarks were dignifed, eloquent and direct
, and contained no allusion to any question o
to President Grant. We copy a rer6atim re
port OF his speech from the Boston Journal
The questions presented in this debate have
been of fact and Of constitutional law 1t II
insisted on one side that a condition of thing'
exist in certain States affecting life, liberty
property and the enjoyment of equal rights
which can be corrected only by the nationa
arm. On the other side this statement il
contrOverted and it is argued also that suct
intervention is inconsistent with the consti
tuition of the United States. On both ques
tions, whether of fact or law, cannot hest
tate. To my mind outrages proved fear
/ ful in character. Nor can doubt the pow
er under the Constitution to apply the RENE
/ DIV. The evidence is cumulative. Ruthant
in paint and disguise seize the innocent
insult them, rob them, murder them. Com
munities are kept under this terrible shad-
Ow, and, this terror falls especially npon
those who have stood by the Union in Its
! bloody trial, and those others of different
color who have just been admitted to the
/ blessings of freedom. To both of these class
es is our nation bound by every obligation
of public faith. We cannot see them sacri-
| feed without apostacy. II the power to pro-
1 tect them fails, then is the national Consti-
tuition a failure. | do not set forth the evil
dence, for this has been amply done by others,
and to repeat it would he only to occupy
time and to darken the hour.
/ The report of the Committee, at least as
regards one State, the testimony Of the pub
/ lie press, the stories Of violence with which
the air is la1en, and private letters with
painful variations all these unite leaving no
doubt as to the narrowing condition of things
in certain States lately in rebellion. Not
the same in all these States or in all parts Of
State, but such as to show in many States
the social fabric menaced, disturbed, imper-
lied in its very foundations, while life, lih-
erty, property and the enjoyment Of equal
rights are without that security which is the
first condition Of civilization, This is the
case simply stated II such things can be.
without remedy applied, if need be by the
national arm, then we little more than r
bundle of sticks but not a nation Belev-
ing that we are nation | cannot dOub BIT the
power and the duty OF the National Govern
ment. Thus on general grounds do | APP
proach the true conclusion. So long as sla-
very endured a State was allowed to plav the
turtle, and sheltered within its shell t. es-
cape the application of those master pTin-
cples which are truly national. The Dec
laratlOn OF Independence, with Its immortal
truths, was in allegiance. The Constitution
was interpreted always in support Of slavery.
| never doubted that this Interpretation was
wrong, even in the days Of slavery, but it is
doubly, triply wrong now that the Declare
ton of Independence Is at last regarded. and
the Constitution not only makes slavery i'm
possible, but assures the citizen in the en-
loyment of equal rights. | do not quote
these texts, whether Of the declaration or the
Constitution. You know them by heart. but
these are not vain words Vital IN themselves
they are armed with all ncedful powers TO
carry them into execution. As in other days,
-layeTy gave it's character to the Constitution,
filing it with its own denial of equal rights,
and compelling the National Government to
be its instrument So now do | insist that
liberty must give It's character to the Consti-
tuition, filling 1t with lIfe-giving presence.
and compelling the National Government 70
be its instrument Once the nation served
slavery, and in this service ministered to the
State rights Now it must serve liberty with
kindred devotion, even To tho denial Of State
rights. All this, insist Is plain according
to rules of interpretations, simple and COM
handing. Ia other DAYS, while the sinister
influence prevailed, the States were sur
rounded by Chinese wall, SO broad that
hOrscmen and chariUts could travel upon it
down, and the citizen everywhere Is under
the protection Of the same equal laws, not
only without distinction Of color, but also
without distinction of State What makes US
a nation Not armies, not fleets, not forti
cations, not commerce, reaching every shore
abroad, not industry, filling every vein at
home, not population, thrOngIng the high
way. None OF these make our nation. The
National life Of this Republic is found IN the
principle Of unity, and in the equal rights
Of all our people, al Of which being ma
tional in character are necessarily placed
under the great safeguard Of the nation.
Let the national unity be assailed and the
nation will spring to it's defense. Let the
humblest citizen in the remotest village be
assailed in the enjoyment Of equal rights and
the nation must do for that humblest citizen
what it would do for itself And this is on
y according to the original promises Of the
Declaration of independence and the more
recent promises of the Constitutional amend
ments, the two concurring in the same ma
tional principles. Do you question the bind
ing character. Of the great Declaration? Then
do | invoke the Constitutional amendments.
But you cannot turn from either, and each
establishes beyond question the boundaries
of national power, making it co-extcnsive
with tie national unity and the equal rights
Of all originally declared and subsequently,
assured The principles OF the Declaration,
reinforced by the Constitutional amendments,
cannot be allowed to suffer. Beng common
10 all, they must be under the safeguard of
all Nor can any State set up its local sys
TEN against the universal law. Equality i'm
plies Universally, and what Is universal
must be national Ii eich State is lett TO de-
termine the protection OF equal rights, then
will protection vary according To the State,
and equal rights will prevail only according
to the accident of local law. There will be
as many CAPABILITIES as States. Therefore, In
obedience TO reason, as well az solemn man
date, is this power 10 the nation. Nor am
deferred from this conclusion by any cry OF
centralism, or it may be of imperialism
These are terms borrowed from France, where
this abuse has become tyranny, subjectlng
the most distant communities, even 10 the
details OF administration, to central control
Marx, If you please, the distinction. But
no such tyranny is proposed among US, nor
any interference of any kind with matters
local in character. The nation will not en-
ter the State, except for the sd eguard OF
rights national in character, and then only
as the sunshine, with benefcent power, md
ike the sunshine, for the equal good of ali.
As well assail the sun because 1t Is central
because it is imperial. Here is great cen
I tralIzttIOn, here Is generous imperialism,
stunning with patriotic care that injurious
Capitalization and that fatal imperialism
which have been the nemesis Of France.
bail that other centralism which supplies an
equal protection to every citizen, and that
other Imperialism which makes equal rights
the supreme law, TO be maintained by the
national arm in all parts of the land. Cen
tralism, imperialism. Give me the central
lsm OF liberty. Give me the Imperialism OF
equal rights. And may this National Cap
itUl, where we are now assembled, be the
emblem of our nation, planted on hilltop
with portals opening North and South, East
and West, with spacious chambers and with
arching dome, crowned by the image Of lib
/ Il Int In