The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1871-04-13
The New York worlds Remedy for Misrule
In South Carolina.

SeLS IOrIQ u Plan 10 remedy Tile gross mlSrule
under which this State is now gfoaning:
1t seems that Governor Scott, desiring advice
in the present deplorable condition of the
State, had invited number of prominent citi-
zens to confer with him. Mr. 1Memminger did
not attend, but afterwards submitted his views
in the letter which we reproduce. It reflects
more credit on his public zeal and good inten-
tions than on fertility in devising apt expedi-
ents for meeting the difficulties of the political
situation. The remedy he proposes might do
if he could get the people to adopt it; but of
that there is not the slightest chance. He cor
rectly attributes the extravaganza and rascali-
ty of the South Carolina State Government to
the ignorance and degradation of its negro
constituency, and he declares his opinion that
the corruption which runs riot in the Legisla-
ture admits of no other remedy than the exclu-
sion of ignorant negroes from the elective fran
chise. He recommends a convention to revise
the State constitution, and introduce into it q
provision, borrowed from the constitution of
Massachusetts, that no citizen she'll vote unless
he can read and write, and has paid tax.
This would exclude large majority of the pres
ent negro voters, and also considerable por-
ton of the present white voters. Of course,
these people are never going to vote for their
own disfranchisement. While, therefore Mr..
Memminger's remedy steers clear of the ff-
teenth amendment, it would be wrecked against
the more fatal obstacle, Unfortunately, the ig-
norant classes whom it is proposed to disfran-
chise hold the decision of the question in their
own hands,
We cannot expect our counsels or sugges-
tions to have much weight in South Carolina;
bnt such as they are we will venture to offer
them. We believe that tolerably good State
government might be organized without taking
the suffrage from any who now possess it:
The present government eanrot stand; the
people are so agitated and indignant that un-
less new government is constructed the State
will be plunged into the horrors of civil war.
followed by anarchy. We are not intimately
enough acquainted with the public sentiment
of South Carolina to perceive that there would
be any insuperable opposition to revision of
the constitution, embracing the following
points, which, if accepted, would probably
rescue the State from its present deplorable
condition. y
First. The State should adopt SO much Of
Mr. Memminger's proposition as is practicablej
peeted from the modification which we suggest.
Let the Massachusetts qualification be adopted
to apply to all voters hereafter admitted to the
right of suffrage. In ten years or SO, it would
revolutionize the character of constituencies
without excluding from the elective franchige
any citizen who had ever possessed it, This
would, indeed, be only provident measure
looking to the future; leaving the present evils
to be COPIED with in all their magnitude. But
the problem, difficult as it is should not be CIV
en- up in despair.
Second Introduce into the State eonssitu-
tion provision that, for the ensuing ten years,
the members of the Legislature shall serve
without pay. This would not encounter such
torrent of prejudice and demagogue invec-
tive as MIR. Memningers proposition to imme-
diately restrict the suffrage and it might per-
haps prove even more etlectual in elevating the
character of the Legislature. Every negro
would vote just as freely as before, and be
equally eligible to every Office but the Legisla
ture would consist mainly of men of property
and public spirit, who had a stake in the pros
perity and pride in the fair fame of the State.
The electors of each district shonld be permit
ted to choose whom they pleased, going out of
| the district for their representative if they
could find q filter candidate in any other part
of the State. With such range of choice
neither party would have any difficulty in find
ing members who would fairly represent their
views and be patriotic enough to serve without
compensation. The advantages of this plan
over Mr.. Menminger's is that it would be prac-
ticable, while his IS not:
TAird. Even if an unpaid Legislature (which
seems to lib the most promising remedy should
] be disapproved of, there are still other expedi
I cnts that might have some mitigating effect,
and perhaps be worth trying as accompaniment
of anu scheme of legislative reform. Let there
he q prohibition to incur any State debt previ-
GUS to the year 1880, except for the purpose of
subduing instruction OF replacing the public
buildings if they should be destroyed By fire.
Fourth. Let fair estimate be made of the
reasonable expenses Of the State government,
and insert in the constitution prohibition to
raise a greater sum by taxes for a period of ten
yedrs. Tho Legislature knowing exactly the
amount of money at its disposal for the eXpen-
ses of each year, and being prohibited to au-
thorize loans, would have to conGne their ap-
preparations within the prescribed limits.
Fifth. Give the Governor an absolute veto
on bills passed by the Legislature, requiring
him in every case to state his reasons. 1t might
be we'll to associate with him in the exercise of
an absolute and final veto some of the higher
judicial officers of the State, as under the New
/ York constitution of 1777; but this would prob
ably be too cumbrous. The Governor should
have authority to veto separate items in appre-
priation bills without thereby defeating the
whole bill.
S;rth. The appointing power of the Govern
or should extend to aH the subordinate execn-
tive and all the judicial officers of the State:
Undoubtedly, more or less Inconvenience
might attend the operation of some parts of
this plan but the State is reduced toa choice
of evils, and in its actual situation we doubt if
anything better can be eontrived than an un-
paid Legislature, an absolute veto power in the
hands of the Governor, and strict limitation Of
the dcbt-incurring and tax-levying power for
term of years. With the Massachusetts, quail
ifcatior foY alF future voters, the gradual i'm
provcment of the constituencies would render
it safe to make the restrictions on the taxing
power and loan power temporary, and after
awhile to pay the Legislature as in other States
But we should regard an attempt to make a