The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1871-01-14

Ihe people OF the United States Justly
attribute a great part Of their rapid pro
gress in material wealth to their possession
of large tracts of fertile lands easily acces-
Sible from the sea, and not held in individ-
al ownership, but belonging to tie State,
whose only duty in regard to them is to use
them to the best advantage Of the commu-
nifty at large. The ma 5nitude Of this ma
tiOnal patrimony is so great that it is diff
cult to form an adequate conception of it
even by the aid of figures, and many rea-
sons have combined to withdraw public at
tention from the figures more than from any
other part Of the subject. The total area
of the United States is, in round Numbers
twenty-five hundred millions of acres, of
which less than One-ffth, or about four
hundred millions of acres, have passed into
the possession of individuals, and over
four 6fthS remain in possession of the coun-
try at large. 1t is the disposal Of these
four ffths of the entire United States, the
disposal Of eighteen hundred and twenty
millions of acres of land, or territory nearly
five times as large as the total settled por-
ton of our country, that forms the great
public land" problem which the present
generation will be shortly called upon to
solve, or at least seriously to consider.
The conviction Of the people that their
prosperity has been largely due to the pos
session and gradual cultivation of these
large territories, has naturally grown into a
national dogma that the continued prosperity
Of the country requires a continued pro-
gress in the cultivation Of larger and still
larger portions Of our unoccupied domain.
Whether well founded or not, this national
faith has furnished the sole principle on
which our management of the public lands
has been conducted. The most rapid trans
fer possible Of the proprietary interest from
the Government to individuals has been the
Government policy, and has had the warm
support Of the people. Whatever seemed
to promise speedy settlement Of the pub
lie domain was approved almest in advance
by public sentiment. The sale of land at
nominal figures, the free gift Of land to ac-
tual settlers under the Homestead Law Of
1862, the most liberal grants for military
service, for agricultural colleges, for schools
and universities, were all in accord with
popular feeling. Even the earliest grants
to railroads and canals were unanimously
welcomed, and it is only within the last few
years that doubt has arisen in tie public
mind as to whether, after all, the policy o.
giving away the lands almost indiscriminatc
y to great railroad corporation is as wise al
we thought it to be ten years ago. In th'
West, especially, this doubt has almost de
veloped into positive opposition, and no
only was the cessation Of land grants made
prominent issue in many local platforms
Of both parties, bat many leading men il
both Houses of Congress, as well as Presi
dent Grant, have openly expressed thei
downright hostility to the present system
1t Is worth while enquiring, what has cause
c this change of sentiment
The first influence affecting the publ
c mind has no doubt been a consideration 0
d the almost fabulous magnitude of the gift
thus made by the people to certain ind
viduais. The total extent of lands pos
7 lively given away by the people of til
! United States, principally to railroad co
q porations, up to the end Of 1868, ,amounte
r: to one hundred and eighty-six millions
d acres, territory as large as that Of Gre
'e Britain and France combined, while tt
sr last session Of Congress entertained app
le cations for, and partially granted furth
d amount Of one hundred and ninety milliol