The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1871-05-04
MR.. MALLS PROPOSED CAMPAIGN.

The Dissenters have taken their final re-
solve to raise at once the question of the dis
establishment-we suppose, but are not sure,
that they mean to raise alse the question Of
the disendowment-of the National Chsrches
of England and Scotland, and on the 9th of
May Mr.. Mall is to bring forward his motion
for the dissolution of the union between
Church and State. Mr.. Richard, M. p. for
Merthyr Tydvil, and Mr.. Mall, who addressed
the conference at the City Terminus Hotel
on the subject on Wednesday, were both
fully conscious of the great responsibility
they were undertaking, and however much
we may disagree with them In their OBJ
ject it is impossible to deny that
the spirit in which they spoke was all
that could be wished-was one of dignihed,
earnest, honest, almost reluctant conviction.
They do not propose to sgtate their proposal
in any degree as a Dissenters grievance.
They say very wisely and truly that it is
question of wide policy affecting the nation
at large first, the Church itself next, and the
Dissenters, merely as Dissenters, only last.
If it cannot be shown to be for the interest
Of the nation and of the Church itself, that
the tie with the State should be severed,
they waive the petty question of its effect
on the separate interests of the outside
sectarian bodies as wholly unworthy of
consideration. At least so we understand
them; and it cannot, we think be denied that
this is high ground to take, and that there is
something noble in the attitude of those who
take it, Not the less, however, do we delIbe-
rately believe that the cause which these high
minded men are taking up in this magnani-
nous spirit is mistaken cause, the success
of which would be far more mischievous to
the British people than these gentlemen
themselves even suppose that it will be beue-
fetal. We shall not venture to prophesy their
failure, for there has been 30 much fatalism of
late in the success of cries generally assumed
to be popular-and the cry ia likely
enough to take with the househoders of the
great towns, though at present, as Mr. Mail
frankly admits, there is no enthusiasm for it,
that the result hardly depends on the rela-
tive force of the reasons adduced on the
opposite sides, but rather on the prevailing
impression, whether false or true, as to the
popular character of the cause. But we
shall venture to oppose to the cry, whether
popular or not, resolute and tenacious op-
position,-n on the ground of loyalty to
the Church of England as a theological
teacher for we have found, and shall con-
tinue to find, plenty of fault with her in that
character,-but solely on the higher ground
on which Mr.. Mail proposes to fight hiS
campaign,-on the national ground that ths
attempt to separate religious and secular
questions is futile and artificial attempt,
which can never succeed and ought never to
be attempted; that all the evils of the
connection between Church and State are
evils which will spring up again in worse
form when the so-csled severance has been
effected; and that the cancelling of all direct
influence of the State over the Church can
only be justified when it so happens, as it
does in Ireland, that the majority of the
statesmen who must decide on the policy of
the Government are SO far divided in spirit
from the Church of the people, that any at
tempt of theirs to sway the ecclesiastical
policy of the popular Church is either an in
suit to the religion of the people or dead
letter. We hold that the dlssstablishment
and disendowment of he Church of England
would be the greatest blow that could be
struck at our very germinal rural civilization;
and that, so far from purifying the great
variety of creeds really included under this
one Church, it would narrow, lower, and
petrify them.
In the first place, and to take the lowest
ground, the disestablishment of the National
Church must involve the surrender to indivi.
dual caprice of a vast capital now applied to
civilizing and humanizing purposes Ito say
no more); and though it is clear that this may
be justified on sufficient public grounds, yet
it takes very strong public grounds to justify
it. Whatever else disestabllshment means, il
must clearly mean the compensation of al
the owners of advowsons for their lost pro
perty out of tho property now devoted tc
religious uses. Parliament would never con-
sent to terminate the connection between
Church and State without buying bach
the advewsons from their present own
ers; and, of course, this could only bC
done out of Church property. Is the nation
SO rich in influences of the higher kind that
it can sacrifice, without regret, large sums
now applied to the spiritual education of the
nation, to swell the already sufficiently con
centrated wealth of the richest class amongst
us? However, we freely admit that this il
no argument to those who believe that th'
property now appropriated to the NationG
Church is worse than wasted-mischieVou
employed. But it must greatly enhance tn,
pain with which those who think otherwise
look upon the movement
But next, whatever view may be held as I,
the comparative purity of Established an
Non-established religious bodies can any on
deny that the parochial division of the king
dom, and the guarantee that in every parish
however thinly populated and dssolate, ther
shall be some minister of religion to thinl
both for the physical and the moral wants O
the people, are provisions full of benedcence
the loss Of which would throw back many O
the wilder districts of England into some
thing like total barbarism? The most candi
of the Voluntaryists themselves admit ths
their system is weakest just where strength
most needed, and think that while it secure
great spiritual energy in populous district
where there ia already much, it fails to pre-
vide it where there is little or none. II
principle is most illegitimate application {
the Gospel saying that ''to him that hat
shall be given, and he Ehall have abundancs
but from him that hath not shall be take
away even that which he hath."
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