New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1871-04-16


began in the latter before the present Cover
nor was inaugurated. The affairs of the
South have been SO long managed by the
general government that State authorities
have formed the opinion that they are
really without moral or legal power. If
| anything happens of an unusual character
| they turn their eyes toward Washington
| for succOr.
The Southern States are all of sufficient
| age to be weaned, but not abandoned. The
sooner the general government commences
| to teach them that they must RELY on their
own resources, and that they are only to be
| aided and backed up, the sooner will local
| authority be able to afford security in every
| emergency. Show me State in a turbulent
| condition, and will show you State govern
nent lacking in some essential quality. The
| disorders in Louisiana in 1868 were greater
| than all that have occurred in all the South
| since the close of the war. The new State
| government had but just assumed control,
| the national administration was hostile,
and the military authorities were un-
| friendly. The situation was unfortunate,
| and the State authorities had not had time
to gather up their strength or to make man
| ifestations of theirpOwer. Did you legislate
especially thenR Not at all. The State
was left to its own resources. 1t is true
| the old hostile President went out and a
new one came in, and was understood to be
| disposed to preserve peace and order at all
| hdLdIuSs 1uAS ldCG dlDub udu an
moral influence, and l would by no means
underrate the beneficial effect of this fact.
| But the greatest cause of the happy change
in that State from a condition of violence
and blOodshed to one of profound and
marked tranquility was the ability and
| pluck of the State government in making
| its authority felt and respected. | should
be recreant, however, to the cause of truth
| if did not say in addition that the good
| people of that State gave their influence
and efficient aid in bringing about the great
change which has taken place.
/ can conceive of a condition when law
| should be passed embracing all the provi-
sions of the bill under discussion. do not
| think the present state of the country war
| rants us in going so far. In my Judgment
we have the authority to place upon the
statute-bOOk permanent law empowering
| the President to suspend the privileges of
| the writ of habeas corpus whenever in his
| Judgment case of rebellion or invasion ex-
lists. But l should deem such action both
| impolitic and dangerous. 1t would be re-
| garded as a suggestion that we were con-
stantly liable to the dangers which alone
| justify its suspension. 1t would stand as an
| unpleasant commentary upon the stability
and efficacy of a republican form of govern
ment. And l would not have the people
resting under the hazards of an abuse of
| such authority. / have less difficulty in de-
| termining what law is constitutional than
what will be practicable.
1t is true that present wrongs demand
remedies and suggest legislation. But |
would legislate to meet apprehended as well
as existing conditions. / would make law
! applicable alike to every part of the coun-
| try, and to be permanently upon the
statute book. l had almost made up my
mind to say that would vote for any law
of national application which gentlemen
representing Northern constituencies think
| tha1y IafnTH Of bOTy,a n IN
to be sufficient, and at the same time to be
| proper, to make permanent law affording
| to every citizen a remedy in the United
| States courts for injuries to him in
| those rights declared and guaran-
teed by the constitution, and TO EN-
power the marshal in the execution of
! his writs to call upon the posse cOmitdtuS
| whenever he is opposed OF resisted by force,
and authorize the President to support the
! marshal with the army and navy and militia
whenever such aid is applied for and is nee
essary. Such a law will meet the emergen-
cy, and it seems to me will be entirely de-
| fcnsble. do not oppose a law authorizing
the suspension of the privileges of the writ
of habeas corpus because ] have not conf
| denee in the President, for have as high an
| opinion of his WISDOM integrity and patri-
otism as any gentleman on this floor can
have; but do oppose it because do not
| believe a case to Justify it exists or is to be
cedent when it has been resOrted to without
warrant from the existing or apprehended
| condition of the country.
Mr.. Speaker As alleged outrages and
disorders in the South constitute the ocea-
sion for legislation at this time, l think this
discussion should take wider scope than
the consideration of the laws which ought
to be enacted to repress crimes and disOr-
dcrs. 1t ought to extend to all those mea-
sures which may tend to pacifcatiOn, for
such are quite as important as Tepressive
measures. 1t Involves the whole subject of
the policy of the government toward the
people of the States lately in rebellion. The
enactment and enforcement of penal laws
are necessary and Indispensable; yet other
means are essential tn secure lasting con-
tentment. A wise government will do all
those just things which will soften animOsi-
ties, and which will remove what any por-
ton of the citizens properly deem to be
grievances.
In discussing this subject we must look
upon facts as they are, and not as they
ought to be, and learn to expect from people
everywhere such action as is natural rather
than that which strictly comedies with the
riglE. l have no doubt of the existence OF
outrages in certain localities in the South
and of an aggravated, and, perhaps, of an
alarming character; alarming because they
f0rebode anarchieal tendencies, and grow.
ing disposition to ignore and Overturn social
securities. Disturbances have existed be
fore, not only in the South, but in other
portions of the country. But bad as the
condition is, or may have been, / have
never believed, and do not now believe, that
there is any purpose on the part of the
responsible and infiuenti al people of the
South to make another attempt to become
independent of the government of the
United States. Nor do believe the pres
ent situation generally in the South to be
worse than it has been, although the turbu
J lence seems greater in certain localities, ye
/ do not believe the popular feeling to b.
less disposed to peace and order. The pro
2 pensity to take life was always more deyel
Oped in the Southern people than in thu
. Northern. Slavery induced this propensity
! as it led them into war against the nation
: regard the present manifestations as tn
| receding of the waves which were pro
+ dueed by that storm of blood which pre-
! | vailed for four years, and spent its mail
! force upon six hundred battlefelds.
Y There is a struggle in the South on tn
' part of those who ruled before the war I
b recover their lost domination. 1t is Leg
/ innate for any class of people to seek COZ
e troll or power if the means employed ar
+ consistent with the laws of the land.
:, think the Democratic party of the South d
e in many instances resort to appliance
IS which cannot bp justified, and are pointed
= in conflict with that Just and celebrate
l. sentiment of Thomas Jefferson, that errO
n of opinion may be safely tolerated whe
o reason is left free to combat it." The
>, have not always left reason free to comba
e their principles. That the condition {