Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1871-08-18

gentlemen who falsely fancicd that they |
still possessed n veto upon the popular
will9 Such thing was not to be suffered |
even In thought
Three courses were open to Gladstone. |
lie could either dissolve Parliament and |
order a new election, trusting that an over
whclming popular vote against tho pur-
chase system would bring the Lords to |
reason, or he could introduce the bill with |
out amendments into the Commons and |
force 1t through the Upper House by a
threatened or actual creation of new peers, |
or, ms the purchase system had its origin in |
royal warrant, he could procure war
rant from the Queen abolshing the system
without the aid of Parliament. lie chose
the latter method, and one morning he |
gave all England n surprise by his quiet |
announcement in the House of Commons |
that the purchase system had been abol-
ished by royal warrant. SO much taken |
byN surprise were his enemies that even
Mr.. Disraelis bitter tongue could not find !
vigorous words of denunciation. But the
next day n perfect storm Of abuse ragged
about Mr.. Gladstone. The old "Thund-
erer," the Times Illuminated its fercest
| bolts for the devoted ministry, the tories
denounced the action of the ministry as
revolutionary and the peers grew eloquent
in their bitter Trades against the govern
ment, in manner that taken in connection
with the occasion, reminds MS strongly Of
| an American Indian at the stake, singing
his dying Yong OF the triumphs of the past,
and hurting bitter defiance at his enemies
with his last gasping breath. Still, when
the time of action came their courage oozod
away, and the attempt to censure the min
istry was defeated by large majority.
| Gladstone stands frmer to-day than ever
before. His adhercntS are filled with fresh
courage aud the Liberals are infused with
an entirely now vipor This was very evil
dent when the ballot bill came up in the
Commons the next day after Gladstone's
so-called coup detat The ministry stated
in almost so many words, and in a man
ner which again called forth the conserva-
lives in denunciation that they intended
to carry the measure this session no mat
ter what should be the opposition.
II is possible that the House of Lords will
again assert its perogatives. but apparently
its power i gone, and England is a gov
ernment of the people, restrained by II
! traditional constitution and the tremend-
Gus influence which the aristocracy are
still enabled TO exert through their control
of elections for the House Of Commons and
| their exalted social rank
While the peerage is thus losing its
power, the wrath of the people against the
crown does not slumber. The notorious
incompetency or rather the careessness of
| Queen Victoria, added to the burden of
supporting in luxury her large and worth
less family, has created an intense feeling
of rcstlessness among the over-burdened
tax payers of which the Radicals have not
been slow to take advantage. How strong
this feeling has become, could he seen in
the recent meetings of sympathy with the
French, and still later in the assemblages
which have protested against any appro-
priations for the royal princes. When the
two radicals in the House of Commons
stood alone in the division upon the ques-
ton of voting large appropriation for the
Marquis of Iorne, over against benches
filled with an overwhelming mass, they
were greeted with shouts of dersion, but
the people received them with open arms,
and that vote has given Professor Fawcett
a stronger hold upon the affections of the
English people than all his labors in sci
ence.
The visit of the Prince Imperial Of Ger
many, the son-in-law of Victoria, and his
entertainment by the Prussian Ambassa-
dor at London instead of by the Queen in a
palace has given the Republicans another
opportunity TO express their hostility to
royalty, which is not lessened by the ex-
PLANTATION of the Queens treatment of the
imperial visitors which Mr.. Gladstone was
compelled to offer "What is the use," they
say, "of paying two millions year for the
empty honor of a queen and large sum
besides for her palaces, her castles, her re-
tinue and her large family, while like the
log in the fable, she takes no part in the
government of the country she is paid to
govern, and does not even maintain the
honor of the country to her country's dis
tinguished guest?" The brochure of 1.-The
Battle of Dorking' gives AN additional
sting to the English feeling upon this last
matter.
Indeed what is ''the divinity that doth
hedge a king when the Prince of Wales
feels obliged, rs at Dublin the other day,
to apologize for the conduct of his family?
All over England the Republican clubs
are outspukcu AS 10 their intentions and
confident of their success. The recent oc-
currences in France have given an impetus
to republcansm in England which the ex-
cesses of the Commune did not check, aud
though EngliShmen move slower than the
French, they move so much the surer, and
so much the more earnestly maintain every
position upon which they plant their ban
= ner.
: How long the struggle will continue no
I human wisdom can lorsec, but the most
l casual observer cannot fail to see that an
e CRY pillows are surging under the throne
which has stood so firm for generations,
and that even the nobility must sooner or
later give place to the noblemcn Of natrue e,
Republcanism must sooner or later tri-
umph in the land of Milton and Hampdcn
: and Cromwell.