New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1871-03-11
THE PROSPECT IN FRANCE.

ening commentary on the inaugural address
of NJ. Theirs. The spirit which persisted in
the war after all prospect Of success had van
ished we could appreciate, even though we
could not approve. That spirit, at least, was
patriotic and honorable, in spite of its folly.
But there can be no excuse for the men who,
having failed to expel the invaders, now turn
their muskets against their own government,
and threaten to open anew the half-closed
wounds and add fresh panss to the nation
already bowed to the dust with sOrrows
Civil disorder always brings to the surface a
turbulent and reckless mob which has little
to gain by peace and nothing. except worth
less lives, to lose by q revOlutiOn but 1T Is
not this class which creates the present I'M
easiness in Paris; and the fact that so large
section of that respectable body of citizens en-
braced in the National Guard allows itself to
be swayed by the selfish impulses Of faction
shows how deep the decentralization of Caesar
ism has reached, and how serious are the diff
culties which the true patriots of France have
to encounter. The Provisional Government
holds power by better title than any other
administration can now have in France. 1t
has been ratified by a free election, and in
trusted by the whole nation with task so
difficult that patriotic Frenchman should be
ready to make any sacrifice to aid it. NJ.
Theirs admirably expressed the duty of the
hour when he reminded the people that the
only policy for the present was to tranquilizc,
to reorganize, to revive credit, and to reani-
mate industry. While the fields are untitled,
the factories silent, the people ragged and hun
a. Of cir oil cd
for, trade entirely stopped, the men in camp,
or prison, or hospital women weeping for the
dead, or watching for the absent, half the ter
ritory of France still scared by the invasion,
there can be no pardon for the wickedness
which delays the work of reparatiOn by tho
horrors of a causeless rebellion.
We perhaps must charge it to the long
account of the fallen Emperor that the treaty
Just signed has brought France peace which
is no peace, and left her condition possibly
more dangerous at this moment than it was
when the German hosts surrounded the
capital, and drew closer day by day the iron
band of the investment. NapOleonism wrought
a double evil. On the one hand it corrupted
the best life of the nation-the men who
knew how TO rule and advise, the students of
politics, Jne bIdJeSHlcn, OIdJOIS JiIlstS, SOuicIs
to whom the people had been accustomed to
look for example and direction; it destroyed
their power by undermining their political
virtue. On the other hand, it drove into exile
the leaders whom it could not control, and
over the nation at large put in force that
terrible system of suppression which we now
see has resulted in political paralysis. The
Empire vanished at the first touch of
misfortune and what is left in its placel
It's partisans are refugees, impotent and
despised. It's liberated victims, like prisoners
long in bonds know not how to Use the free
dom they have recovered, and tOtter with
weak and trembling limbs into the unaccus-
toned light, or riot in tho reaction of their
new liberty. Thoughtful men will contrast
the threatening aspect of France at the close
of this severe contest with the instant revival
of peace and prosperity in our own republic
after four years of civil war, and will hardly
avoid tho Inference that q system which edu-
Gates people to self-reGance and self-control
is not only the best preseryative OF individual
happiness, but the best foundation OF national
greatness and stability. Imperialism is the
dream of those who believe in strong"
government; but the only strong government
AFTER I'LL IL free republic.