The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1871-06-10

| exigencies of the times, 1t is evident that M.
Theirs, the President of the French republic,
| is in q position to become the foremost man
of the age. More than that, the present
| situation of France and the extraordinary
development of political and social ideas in
| the world are such that he must become either
| the most prominent man or lose what reputa-
can realize the Importance of the position he
occupies and grasp the mighty political pro-
blems of the times that call urgently for a
solution he may be to France, and, perhaps,
to Europe, what Washington was to America
the great liberator, the founder of new
epoch in the history of the world and destiny
| of the people, and the benefactor of mankind
in the nineteenth century. Should he fail to
| do this, and attempt to govern by the ideas of
the past instead of by those of the present and
the opening future, he may turn France over
to the same old political experiments and sue
cessive revolutions which have occurred
periodically in that country, and history will
condemn him for his incapacity.
A republic is what France needs, if the
French people be prepared for it and the
present government, which is only provisional,
| honestly and earnestly endeavors to establish
| republican institutions. There is some reason
to believe, too, that NJ Theirs entertains this
| opinion; at least he will make an effort to give
France republic, if we may judge from his
repeated assertions to that effect. By the
telegraphic news from Paris which we pub
lshed yesterday we learn that GO it is authori-
tatively announced that NJ. Theirs favors the
republic for the future government of the
country" This accords with what he has said
publicly and officially before and, therefore,
we should give him credit for sincerity. He
has taken the right view of the situation and
necessities of France. 1t remains to be seen
whether he has the ability or not to accom-
plish his object.
No doubt the difficulties in the way of CIV
ing permanent republican government to
France are great, but they are not insur-
mountable. The Bonapartes and their
adherents, the numerous imperialists and
those military chiefs who rose to high posi-
tons under the empire, with portion, per-
haps, of what remains OF the old army,
would be ready to squelch the republic
if they could get an opportunity. 1t
is the same with all the royalsts of the diffe-
rent Bourbon aspirants and factions. These
people care little for France and nothing for
the liberty Of the nation, except to destroy it
whenever they can get chance. They regard
the French people as their property, to be
used for their ACKNOWLEDGEMENT and glory, just
as the shareholders of the South did the
negroes, as the old feudal barons did their
serfs and as monarchs everywhere do their
subjects. Many, even in this advanced period
of the world, claim the divine right of govern
ment and look upon the masses of mankind as
landed proprietor regards his herds Of cat
tie. The Bonapartes and Bourbon and Or
leanst royalists will consequently do all they
| can to break down the republic. They will
show their hostility in every conceivable way,
and when they dare not do this openly will
secretly plot against the republican govern
ment, knowing that in the establishment of
the republic all their pretensions will be
buried and they be reduced to the level of other
ordinary mortals. Here will be one of the
greatest difficulties M. Theirs will have to
meet He will have to watch the royalist and
imperialist conspirators, and while not giving
them Importance or exciting sympathy for
them by prescription, he ought to be careful
not to place them in commanding positions.
Another difficulty Of the Theirs government
may be in the socialist and communist
theorists, who, while they are ultra republi-
cans, endanger the experiment of republican
institutions by advocating what is imprac-
ticable. These agitating dogmatists find
too ready ear to their theories among the poor
classes, and, at the same time, alarm conser
vative people and those who have property.
A great many who are republican at heart,
or who wish to see the republic established,
fly to monarchy or imperialism from fear of
the agitatng socialists and proletaires. The
republic Of lS4S was destroyed by those theo-
rists Still there is more reason to hope that
these dangerous people are less an obstruc-
| ton to the replbic now than then. The
| socialists and communists are fewer and not
| so rampant. The people of France and of
Paris have, we Delleve, become more enllgnt-
| tened with regard to those rights of property
! and individual rights which are and must be
| the foundation of organized and civilized
society. Even the Commune of Paris, with
| all its acts Of Vandalism, seemed to have
eschewed the theories of the socialists Of 1S4S.
! Though the Commune was wrong in making
war on the Versailles government, in not
| yielding to the will of France as far
as it was expressed through that, and In
| not giving it fair trial, these Paris leaders
contended for sound republican principle
that Of local self-government. There was no
| socialism in that. We think, therefore, that If
| NJ. Theirs was sincere when he said, Before
| God and man / will remain true to the