Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1871-12-07
rHEDRIF-T TOwAHDINPERIALIsM

occurrence
THEDRLFT TOWARD IMPERIALISM.
Mr.. Oliver p. Morton, one of the Sena-
tors from Indiana, is regarded as Grant S
fright bower" in the Senate, and he is no
less the spokesman Of the President out
side that body. The recent lecture of SEN
atOr Morton at Providence, Rhode Island,
on "The National Idea" is so generally
landed by the Radical organs, that it seems
concerted presentation Of the policy of
the party in the present session of Congress.
What he advocates is simply imperial deS-
potiSm, with thin veil over it. We are in.
vited to forget all the real history of our
country, and TO accept the utterly false no.
ton that the States derive their powers
from the Federal government. The follow
ing extract from his lecture shows the drift
of Radical ideas:
aThe States have their rights By the
agreement of the nation. That seems to be
the important truth that is so often over
looked, that the rights of the States sacred
and unapproachable, are sacred by the
agreement of the nation, as much so as are
the powers that are conferred upon the gov
eminent of the United States, that the
States derive their powers from the same
source, viz: the Constitution of the United
States. That Constitution says that the
government shall have one class of powers,
and that other powers shall be gained by
the States, to be enjoyed by them or re-
served to the people. In the consideration
of this question, we must reflect that the
nation had assembled in convention in 1877
and there formed a government, there de-
clared what rights should be given 10 the
national government, and what rights should
be reserved to the States, and that in either
case that the grant and guarantee is an act of
national sovereignty by the people in con-
ventiOn assembled. When We shall en-
brace this idea fully all the danger of CEN
tralization viii pass away, though we dis
card theidea Of State sovereignty.
do not differ 50 much with many gen
tlemen in regard to what the rights of the
States are. differ with them in regard 10
the titles by which they hold them. say
that so far as State rights are concerned,
and the rights Of the government, that we
are not to 90 back beyond the period of
1887, when the Constitution was formed.
The rights ofthe older States, and Of Rhode
Island as she has them now, are to be da-
ted from the formation of the COnstitu-
ton. Then they came into convention.
They had the right to make any sort E gov
eminent they pleased, and they did. And
in that government they guaranteed
and secured to the States the great
body Of rights in regard to local and
domestic government, but it was the agree
ment of the nation in that time. 50 far as
the HeW States are concerned they are to
come in on an equality. They arc to have
the same rights with the old; and this theO-
" would be impossible of execution except
upon the idea hat the rights of the States
and the national government are 10 be de-
!ermined from the action that was taken at
this Time. The difficulty had been in re-
ga-d to this theory OF State sOvGTeign'yand
~ assumed right Of secession and of multi
fication was the result. They assumed that
these States existed as nations separate and
distinct before that time, and that they
only loaned portion Of their rights for a
particular purpose. That is the base OF
that theory"
Here the idea Of Capitalization is as dis
tinctly cnymciateJ as it well could he. The
evident purpose Of Mr.. Morton is to i'm
press upon the minds Of the people Of this
country the idea that the STATES are subor-
dinate 10 the General Government, and
they have no rights which have not been
conferred upon them by that government.
His purpose, as is that with whom he acts
and for whom he speaks, is to~cducate the
people into the ballet that the central gov
eminent is the source Of all power, and
that to it they must look for all law and all
authority. Now we have a written Consti-
tuition, and It explicitly declares that "the
powers not delegated TO the United States
by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it TO
the States, are reserved to the States re-
spectively, or to the people To this ex-
tent the States are sovereign, and all
the sophistry OF Mr.. Nor
ton cannot convince honest,
Intelligent men Of the contrary. II is 20
wrest from the States these powers never
given to the Federal Government, that Mr..
Morton now puts forth his plea for ''na-
tional sovereignty" which is simply another
name for Imperialism. The Radical leaders
who act with Mr.. Morton, who is confess
edly the leader of the Grant administration
in the United States Senate, appear to be
content with a system that will simply last
while they can hold the rcins of power.
But il win not content thinking men, who
see in free institutions the only true basis
for real and durable prosperity. In their
intoXication, the Radical leaders give
ont that Democracy is dead, and they
60 into transports over its tomb.
1t is not dead. The Democratic
party includes all who cherish the
great principles Of liberty that have,
with varying fortunes, struggled for
centuries against brute force and military
despotisln. There is another struggle now;
it viii, perhaps, be a never ending struggle.
According TO the old Democratic maxim
EEternal vigilance is the price of liberty;
But until history is as Mr.. Morton desires,
wiped out, and American freemcn change
their natures, the Democratic party win still
embrace all men who are true TO cOnstitu-
tional liberty. They are rallying now I'M
der its banner, and the advocates Of Impe-
rialism will find Democracy not dead, but
alive and kicking-it will kick them out of
office; proof of vitality Of which tie whole
crew of conspirators for despotism are now
in deadly fear, very iii concealed by their
affected glee at the supposed death and