The Republican journal., 1871-10-05
GR0ESBECK'S POWERFUL SPEECH.
THE PROGRESS OF DEspoTasN.
GRANTS WICKED ADMINISTRATION.
The President an Autocrat.

The Hon. William S. Grocsbeck, of Cincin-
matt, made speech in Steubenville (Ohiol on
the 18th Of September, in which he approved
the Constitutional Amendments, and said the
Supreme Court cannot tonch them He then
proceeded:
TIE STATES AND THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT.
Now, as heretofore, our Union is limited
government, with only such powers a. are del
e@ated to it; now, as heretofore, all powers not
delegated to it are reserved to the States or the
people now, as heretofore, and under the Con-
stitution as it is, the States hold ample sover-
eighty for the management of all their home
interests. This doctrine cannot be abandoned
Alas for us if the States as our fathers made it
shall ever disappear from our system of govern
ment! The peril so recently encountered en-
ablcs us to realize what a calamity it would be
if the war had destroyed our Union. Not less
disastrous would be the calamity if the States
such. should be destroyed or changed il %
something else and less
Our Federal Government and our State Gov
ernments, under the Constitution, make to-
gether one complex system. Each is limited,
and neither complete enough to do all we need
to have done. The Federal Government is TO
hay e the charge of interest common to all; the
state Governments of interests that are special
each State taking charge Of lis own interests.
The State shall not do the work of the Federal
Governments; the Federal Government Shall
not do the work of the State. Each is supreme
within the limits Of its powers and the people
are supreme over both. We worship neither,
for they are the work of our own hands, and
made to serve us. We hear, ON the other hand,
that the States owe their life to the Federal
Government, and, on the other hand, that the
Federal Government owes Its life to the States.
This is taking on high airs. In the presence of
the people thev are both as clay in the hands of
the potter, and, in the true>t sense, neither
made the other. The people made both.
What did the people mean when they made
the State; or, rather, what Is meant by the
sovereignty of the State: 1t is meant that the
state has exclusive authority and power to
manage its own internal affairs. Nothing more
than this, but nothing less. In homey phrase
the doctrine is this: Each of these organize
tons shall mind its own business, and neither
NEEDLE with that of the other. This is as sound
doctrine for our government rs for individual
daily life. This is the doctrine which makes
free men and free communities, and which
underieS all our political institutions, even to
the most Insignificant. The Constitution Of the
United States acknowledges it, every State con-
-titution is full OF II, and every county, Iown-
ship and city throughout our wide land is daily
practising upon it. 1t started far back with our
colonial ancestors; they grew and strengthened
with it; they cherished it, they fought for it
fought seven years for It; they trlumphed with
it, and laid the foundations of these governments
upon it, We, too, will cherish it; We Will light
for it; we will triumph with it, and the party
that violates it shall be ground into dust.
THE STATES MUST BE CHERISHED.
Let US ever cherish the State. II is our home
government, at our very door. 1t e,tucatcd Us
in childhood and has watched over us during
all our lives. 1t guards us by day and BY night
our lives, our liberties, our regulations, our
persons, and our property 1t is our exclusive
handiwork, and we make its laws and execute
them. We are the best judges OF what concerns
ourselves. 1t trains Us to activity, teaches us
self-reliance, makes US yigilant, and develops
Us into sturdy, bold and Independent citizens.
We strengthen under these constant and daily
exercises, and learn more and more to anpre-
ciate the privileges of freemen and the pleasures
of Selt-goycrnment. Take sovereignty out of
The State and its vitality j. gone. Centraize
tins sovereignty at Washington and we are
transferred to a distant, outside authority. No
longer governing ourselves, we must he gov
ernel Dependent upon Washington we soon
lose our self-dependence, and relieved of re-
SpOnSblity we sink into Incidence and indltfer
cnre. The earnest, manly citizen who once
participated in public affairs, and found his
chief interest in them, degencr;lles into a mere
subject, whose whole duty is to obey The law,
and whose only desire is to he amused in his
idlcneSS. This is logic; this is history. More
over, Capitalization of power is fatal to rrpuhl-
can government where the territory is vast and
the population large. such is our case. Our
domain is acontincnt and our population large
and rapidly increasing. But under the wise
rnd beautiful system of our fathers see no
great peril in this, for this system allows Of in
definite increase Of population and indefinite
expansion of territory without necessarily
weakening the ties OF the Union. Divide the
population into convenient communities and
distribute ana locaiZc sovereignty among them,
rs IS done III Our State system, and the danger
is greatly lessened, if not entirely removed.
There is lust as much vitality in the outermost
States Of our vast circle as in those that lie
ma # Hp npt rtn jfD1 tl.II m tba
Iar off Pacific, is well situated, under this
arrangement, rs Maryland that abuts upon the
District of Columbia. The forces that prepare
and qualify the citizen for republican govern
mcnt are the same in all localities, and no
stronger in one than another Where a State
is there is some sovereignty; and where there is
home sovereignty there you have vigorous.
selt-reant, and free people.
| must believe, and shall hope to The last, ,
that the people Of the United States will never
consent 10 the destruction Of the State as our
fathers made it, or that it shall be weakened or
reduced to a mere dependency or satrapy of
the General Government. The State has the
atekeeping of our dearest rights, even of our
liberties; and if the keeper be slain, our liber-
ties will be stolen. yield to no one in love OF
the Union. 1t is indispensable for us. Mere
federation of the States is rot enough, We
tried 1t and it failed. We needed more per.
feet Union than mere federation, and we made
such a Union, and it has not failed. | rejoice
in it; in its history, lis achievements, its sue
cesses, and its example, There il no better
government. 1t needs 40 euogy; i'll fame fills
the earth We should be proud of ii proud of
our citizenship in il, and the duty is upon all to
support and preserve it. But let us not forget
the state. our homes are in the state, not in
the Union. They are, as it Were oar family
governments; we are in daily complnionship
with theln; they are very near to Us, and We
should cherish them with the tenderest atfec-
ton. Three years ago was on the sea return
my to this country. 1t was very pleasant to
realize that was coming this way, and long
ed TO touch the shore, and thought should
then he home. But was mistaken; was still
lourneying, and did not feel that had reached
home ill had entered that smaller hut more
familiar sovereignty, the State of Ohio. Love
the State, preserve the State; And il shall be
preserved until the Judgment of the people
shall again be heard declaring that the Federal
Government shall have the charge of our general
concerns and no more, and that The state GOV
crnments shall have the charge OF our local con-
Germs, each of its own.
HOW THE AMENDMENTS SHOULD BE EN-
FORCED.
No State shall abrdse the privileges Of citi-
zens or deprive any person of his liberty or
property without due process of law, or deny
10 any person the equal protection of its laws,
or deny or abridge the right of a citizen to vote
on account OF race or color. There are in the
Constitution other denals of power to the
States, and all these denials of power stand
upon the same footing and are to receive Il like
Interpretation; no State shall make treaty
no State shall coin money or emit bills Of ten
der, or pass any bill of attainder, impair the
obligation of a contract, or grant any title OF
nobility. Suppose State should authorize the
| coinage of money, or make paper money a legal
tender, or impair the obligation of Il contract
can the Federal Government march upon that
State in the first instance with its armies? Not
| at all. Upon Il case made, the Supreme Court
decides the act unconstitutional and so annul>
it, and its Judgment can be enforced. Thai
has been our practice under these provisions OF
the Constitution, as when, for instance, State
impaired the obligation of Il contract That we
consider the appropriate or necessary anC
proper legislation for such eases. The con
struction that the Federal Government may
break into the jurisdiction Of a State, sword il
, hand whenever Il combination of individuals il
may be an insignificant township, violates these
amendments, is excessive and outrageous. II
such combination should become too strong
| Tor a State, the General Government may inter
fere to suppress it, but not until inyted by the
| State.
| THE GOVERNMENT CHANGING TO A DESPOTIsM
But is not the Interpretation of these amend
ments by the party now in power far other
wise? 1t claims the right to do anything an,
everything under them, and it is 50 acting a
the present time. Our duty is to prevent ii
! This is Just now our urgent duty. We canno
| ,l-,t