The true northerner. [volume] (Paw Paw, Mich.) 1855-1920, 1871-05-19

really reached---quarrels of local jealousy
which represent passions and hypotheti
cal interests rather than distinct policies
and tangible interests We know pref
ty fairly the vague ideas which are
fermenting in the great French cities /;
we know that there is very widespread
distrust of the rich, and a very strong
disposition to insist on government by
the poor; we know that there is a vague
idea that wealth is unfairly distributed,
and that in some fashion or other guar
antees should be taken for its more
equal distribution IN future we know
that there is violent distrust among
the curriers' of the principle of compete
ton, and a vague belief that by build
ing up vast labor associations on what
they call the principle of Solidarite, they
could insure fairer division of the re-
wards of labor; further, we know that
! there is an intense dislike to the strong
proprietary individualism and the tor
pid life of the rural districts, and vast
| belief in the sacredness of political
ebullitions of all sorts,-in short, an i'm
mense love of excitement, and a strong
disposition to novelties of social and
political experiment. All these tenden-
cies are deeply rooted in the huctuating
populations of the great cities Of
France; but there is not one of them
which really represents distinct prin-
ciple or practicable political plan.
The rural districts rather believe in
wealth and rank, and certainly prefer
to be governed by the rich and not by
the poor. But though the apparent
tendency Of great part of the city
masses to distrust wealth and prefer
men OF their own order makes social
war real danger, yet it Is quite obvious
that this is not an issue on which a
practical discussion is possible. Even
the city poor will not refuse influential
leaders from amongst the professional
classes if they can get them; and even
the country peasants might choose to
elect an able and typical man Of their
own class if they could find one. This
is Just the sort of division of feeling
which causes bitterness without even
admitting of clear settlement. And
so, too, of the semi-communistic notions
of the unfair distribution Of wealth.
No one has ever formulated them into
a practical experiment, except indeed
in the proposal to establish government
workshops for the unemployed most
dangerous proposal unless the work
were harder and the pay much less than
that of any private workshops, in which
case the plan would be rejected by the
socialists themselves. AS for the
"solidarists" who want to get rid o
,, competition and "organize" labor on
great scale, no practicable plan has eve
been proposed, except cooperative
schemes, which are very good in thei
way, because they are checked anC
stimulated by external competition
n without which they would becom,
mere vast monopolies. Then again
the general belief in political excite
ment, and change which marks tn
cities, and which is the horror of tn
!; conservative landed peasantry of tn
country, suggests no issue or principl
capable Of real discussion it is mer
vague tendency which has its influence
4 of course, in exciting enthusiasm in tn
= cities, and dread in the rural popula
u tons, but it is incapable of formulation
i incapable Of intellectual statement o
: refutation.
y This, then, seems to us TO be the grea
peril of the situaton-that the cite
i have got restless. a feverish, a danger
Gus, an empirical life of their own, +
y which they are attached, and the inhu
/ ence of which, in some form or other
o they desire to see propagated through
France; while the country people, il
8 norant, slow, conservative, and attache
!, to their ignorant, slow, conservative
u ideas, feel complete horror of tn
| VIC yyh oh fntn |,
S cities, and desire nothing so much as t
G be protected from their influence
l. Theirs. as we have said. is no politica
o issue-nothing capable of being Tough
d out definitely, like the demand for a re
e form bill, or for free trade, or even 70
+ republic. All these clear constitr
a tional issues might be decided by polit
$ cal agitation. But in France we hav
c hostile but, on one side at least, vagu
: ideas threatening an order of society
o which the other side is attached, bu
y without even trace of sufficient defir
e iteness to make it clear what order {
n society these idealists would substitut
e for it. Such hostility as this is tn
d more dangerous, Just because it
Ct vague, and any distinct comparison {
q ideas on the subject is impossible. 1t
y more like quarrel between two differ
q ent ages of the world-between feuds
l. and a commercial period, for instance
d as to which should impose its yoke o
D. the other-than a contest between tw
n sections of the same people, educate
r under the same influences, and onl
u subject to a certain divergency of tast
e and principle. The only conceivabl
II remedy for it is thorough rural educi
e. ton, which should make the countl
e districts more active and susceptible I
Is new ideas, and thorough city educ
'e ton, which should make the ouUric
II more sober, less visionary, more clearl
y aware of the strict intellectual limits o
e all progress. But that takes gener
'r ton or so; and social struggle
u France looks almost rs if it were imm
le nent. 1t is gloomy prospect.
t. SOME WooD WILL SPLIT So.-A gentl
Of man, whom we will call Brown, residin
1T in the suburbs of our village, havin
m during the winter missed, from time t
s, time, considerable stove-wood, conclut