The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1871-05-16

between North and South-a destructive
double-ender, hanging the very rich and scat
tering the corporations. Only let him also
remember the maxim of the Persian Saadl;-
GA earned man without works is a bee with
out honey. Say to the austere and uncivil
bee, when you cannot afford honey, do not
sting"
SOMETHING BETTER THAN A VIGIL
LANCE COMMITTEE.
From the NJ Y Times.
The frequent references made by the press
and in society to the famous Vigilance Com
mittee of San Francisco recall many incidents
connected with the history of that body. 1t
is undenable that the state of affairs in San
Francisco at the time the Vigilance Commit
tee was organized, and the state of affairs in
New York to-day, bear a striking analogy in
many respects. New York is the metropolis of
the nation, and San Francisco only the chief
town of a distant State, but otherwise the
cases are almost identical. Here, as there, the
corrupt and ignorant have absorbed power
only to abuse it. Here, as there, depraved
mob controls the right arm and the purse of
the community. Here, as there, criminals
escape justice because they are the friends"
of the officers of the law. Here, as there,
an elective judiciary and municipal organi-
zation rotten to the very CORE at once infect
and despoil the Commonwealth, and disgrace
dishonesty is regarded as a capital joke, and
the chief rulers of the people have cambered
to their high places, and prosperously retain
them, not only despite, but because of the
fact that they are peculators and cheats.
Here, as there, crimes against the person
multiply apace, since they are committed for
the most part by members of the ''ruling
class" whose escape from punishment is
almost foregone conclusion.
Now il ia in cOnGauuanca of thiS similarity
of condition of the two cities that the 'heroic
remedy" of a vigilance committee occurs to
SO many minds, and so often finds expression.
But ought we seriously to contemplate the
adoption of such a remedy? Assuredly not.
In the first place, the San Francisco commit
tee was illegal. True, it was organized not
to resist, but to enforce the law; but it was
rome the less illegal; and although many
have asserted that it was the sole possible
refuge from anarchy its inconveniences, both
at the time and afterwards are warnings
against SO hazardous and doubtful a resource.
For example, members of the San Francisco
Vigilance Committee were sued years after it
had ceased to exist, and held accountable for
its proceedings. Merchants have been brought
into court in this city on such suits; the
ruffians whom they helped long ago to expel
from San Francisco having found lawyers of
their own political and religious
faith to assist them to procure damages.
Were a vigilance committee of like character
to be formed in New York, and to take sum-
mary action in the same way, an endless
train of suits would be one of the conse-
quences, and for years to come the Courts
would be crowded with litigation. The in
ference from this, putting aside other obiec-
tions, is that the New York Reform Commit
tee should act at first, and always, strictly
within the law. No provocation should tempt
it to act otherwise. 1t can be made quite as
irresistible by moral forces as the San Fran
cisco committee was by physical force. But,
equally with the latter body, it requires orga-
| nization, zeal, industry, and personal risks
and sacrifices Deeds, not words, was the
motto of the stern avengers of outraged So
| ciety in the Golden City. We may hope that
reformatory action will not be confined in
| New York to words alone.
The nucleus and starting g-point of suita-
| BILE Reform Committee were supplied by the
late reform meeting at the Cooper Institute
| That meeting was regarded with profound
interest throughout the country, and COM
ments upon it have now reached us from
many other parts of the world. We need
not disguise the fact that, while approval
has been universal, the movement has been
spoken of by some in terms of discourage
ment. 1t has been thought that the enemy
is too strong, and that he can either
purchase or defy any influences that may
| DS DIOuRnb u U0dT dBdinSt Hlm lulS, W6
need hardly say, we do not credit, and for
some reasons, among others, that may he
briefly adduced. In the first place, it
cannot nationally be supposed that the emil
| neDt gentlemen who gave their presence and
support to that meeting intended to stop
short there without doing anything further.
They know very well that mere idle threats
would be a most signal encouragement to the
bad'men against whom they were launched.
Hence, it may with safety be assumed that no
apathetic attitude will be taken by them, but
that they will proceed, in due time, to follow
up their original promises with spirit and
effect. Another reason for anticipating
proper activity in the matter consists in the
fact that the evils so sharply de-
nounced are always growing worse
But for the recent demonstration at
the Cooper Institute, a public meeting
would probably have been convened to de-
nounce the contemplated alterations in the
code of procedure. Moreover, the pulpit, as
those who read carefully their Monday news
paper are aware, has been eloquent and per-
sistent of late in demanding reform, and we
may be sure that all this seed has not fallen
upon stony places. But the merchants,
and bankers, and lawyers-men who have
a definite stake in the community, and
whose names and character, being well
known, will command confdence-must
themselves work for the harvest; and those
among them who, while expressing doubt
about the practical results of the reform
meeting at the Cooper Institute, fail to work,
neglect solemn duty to society and to then-
selves! These gentlemen are the proper
leaders of political reform, and the sooner
they assume their legitimate functions, and
strive industriously to break down political