The New York herald., 1871-01-10

to issue proclamation OF neutrality between an In
surgent portion OF a nation and the lawful govern
ment when such insurrectl0n should have gained
the necessary magnitude, consistency. extent Of
tion by success, but That sucn measures
must be takel Oh full sense OF the grave respon.
siollllles incurred: the famous proclamation OF
cred Iustl1abe by the United States government;
but the President wished 1t to be used we our case
mus and a. being tRe fountain head Oh the disssters
which had been caused to the American pe0le.
both Individually and collectively, by the hands OF
EnglsDmen, ttner nations had issued proclama-
tions contempOraneously, early 80, with that Of
Great Britain but from Great Britain alone had
come long series OF deeds injurious TO the United
States as fruits VI the proclamation whilc IRON
other nations there had come no injury save the ae-
Clara.iNn ITSELF
Nothing further on the subject occurred The pause
reconmendea by you was scrupuously observed
until the arrival or your despatch OF the 26th Of
ths President was inclined 10 believe tina sufficient
time had elapsed TO allow subsidcncc Of emotions,
anu shat thus 1t might be 0pp0rtune to place IN my
hands, ior appropriate use. alspassonate exposl.
on OF ths just causes OF complaint the govern nent
OF the United States galnst that OF Great Britain.
On lCce wing that deSpatcl In order 10 avoid pos
slbllty Ol misunderstanding the Presidents lnstruc
tious, Immediately te.egraphed 10 YOU for permis-
sion to furnish copy Of 1t TO Lord Clarendon, as
you only instructed me to read it to him. You re.
piled by authorizing me TO send COPY u he should
Wit Without M delay. % As LORD &c Carendons % language % at
tie interview In june had been significant and de-
cidcd In regard 10 The expedlency OF aostainDg at
tnat moment from the discussion OF exciting ques-
tons, ess they were fully debated; as his express
SONS of friendship towards the United States ald OF
tween the two countries were slnsuariy
warm, ana as his part In the conversa-
had taken the precauton, before sending you
despatch on the subject. to request him conddentl
ally 10 read over the record when had made of our
conference. 1t was expressly understood between
us that should look at /: but himself anu that
not single note Of Its contents should be made.
Conscious thai | had endeavored to present the
Presidents views with fidelity and accuracy, and
not doubling tnat mad done so, wished to be sure
that mad correctly reported what LorI Clarendon
had said and 10 avoid tne possibility OF future dtrer.
ences OF recoliectons. This proceedIug ent rely IN
accordance with the best diplomatic usages and
| with common sense, did not seem to me at
first OF sufficient Importance 10 be narrated.
It was only after receiving your No. 90, with It's
that 1t occurred to it might be useful Tor you to
/ know the fact OF tie confidential revision made by
made communication to you accordingly 10 that
erec, ON the Both of July OF which no acknowledge
ment was received by me until near.y three months
afterwards Meantime your INSTRUCTIONS NO. 70
\ had Deen received by me and reau, in accordance
! with your directions, TO LORD Clarendon.
On the I'D OF october, 1859, received brief In
4 structlon from you IN consequence OF which | ad-
dressed, the same day, the following note to
Lord Clarendon puolished In the Gdzstte nth of De-
-0 LEGATION or THE UNITED STATES,
MY LoRp-In reference the conversation which had
wn r9m % On s @ Of Jss and 70 hs
had the honor TO read to you On the 10Th inst may have
tween the views SUBJ
al n As o 81 Ss 5,
sh BY 9 s al s ss IN
views sci forth The mentione despntch tnak
70 ySps n M hs ss s
substance OF tne conversation IN June observed TO me In
Presidents view the right OF Power when civil
n S sass en en- in IN s. S1 TO deaSs is s
conformity 10 that view the
yeyei by me had my communication been writing.
@ sss Of % The %
to you the 18th and copy which have had the
s OK the q.
Land down in all the instructions given under his directions
pray ordsAp to acceP, the
/ And on the 26th Of October l wrote note to you
from which the following is an exract:--
Had submitted the whole in writing my frs! ar
and Should Of course have used the very
OF your 50 as to ,raasmi. wita absolute
to the fresidenss views and your directions.
/ doubt whether Lord Clarendon observed any
marked inconsistency between the views as verbally
stated by me on June io and as SET forth IN your No.
70, which read to him on the 18th OF October At
during the reading aiter 1t had been concluded.
/ Il ever diplomatic incident not profoundly impor-
tant In itself could be considered terminated
certainly here was one. TO suppose that an unin-
tent ona and almost mpercepuble variation In the
veroal rendering by Minister OF single paragraph
IN long despatch, scrupul0usiy set right the
first opportunity could oe cause Justification OF
tlat Minister'S sudden dismissal from once thirteen
months afterwards. without word or explanation
Is mOnstrous. Penalty, even under the most arD-
trary and irresponsible COVE nment, wound FOL ow
4 at once upon the imaginary offence and be openly
! Lord Clarencon In his reply to my letter Of the
23d o october. did not admit, and never in CONVEX
saton, official or private, subsequently, admitted
tnat he had discovered any inconsistency between
the brief exposition made by me In the conversa
tion In june OF the Presidents views on bellige-
rency. as l understood them, and the elaborate
statement on the sub &C. contained IN your No. ~,
J copy OF which furnished him. 1t would have
been difficult for hun TO dc so, as nv RECORD had not
been otfclally submitted, and no trace or 1t exists
| In the archives OF the Foreign Office. II would,
or % any 70 osher statesman to have dlseovered ia a
/ serious inconsistency. In nineteen folio pages Of
your NC 10, Of the 2Sth Of September you speak Of
! previous announcement on the 9th Of that mont D.
I as having been received by the United states gov
I ernment "wlth painful astonishment.n You say
that .every sovereign Power decides for itself
responsibility whether or not 1t VIII at given time
subjects another Power but that the rightIulness
OF the act depends on the occasion and the circum
stances.m You speak OF the proclamation, as "pre.
characterized, in the. words OF Mr. Bright
BY remarkable celerity. undue and unfriendly
haste" You called the assumed beiserency of the
insurgents "a felton, and say that so far as it was
| maritime, 1t proceeled from the ports or Great
britain and her dependencies alone, WIN the AID
and cooperation OF subjects OF Great Britain. You
characterize the recognition as 'preJudiclal to he
| legitimate government" and you say thar there
4
In the present case;n that, therefore, sthe United
States felt constrained at the time to regard the
| proclamation as the sign OF purpose OF unfrlend
lness TO them ana of frlendllness 10 the Insurgents
ana tnat IN virtue OF the proclamation maritime
terprlses in the ports Of Great Britain which would
otherwise nave been plratlcal were rendered lawful,
ana thus Great Biitaln became and to the end con-
tnuei TO be, the arsenal, the navy yard and the
treasury OF The lnsurgent COnfederatesu
have not been aUle to discover wherein lies that
inconsistency between my effort IN June, as above
cited, 10 explain what understood the Presi.
! dents views and the exposition from which these
extracts are made. You have never explained the
! nature OF the discrepancy, and it stlil remains a
| mystery to me. The correspondence communicated
\ TO the oenae on the 18Th OF July, 1870 ana much
more when remains unpublished, shows now
earnestly supported tae views OF the President
/ communicated in your above cited despatch.
have recalled TO your memory these facts at some
length because the statement shows THAI there has
always been scrlpulous and minute fidelity to in
7 structons on my part During thirteen months sue
ceedng the incidents OF jane, 1869 the government