The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1871-04-22


and more especially by drawing the municipal
affairs Of this great city into the Albany vor-
tex. The corruption funds have been chiefly
supplied from these two sources; and it has
been the settled aim Of our Democratic Gov
ernor and Legislature to dry up these foun-
tains by removing such subjects from Albany
control. Governor Hoffman's vetoes. so
countless by their multitude, and SO diyersi-
fed in their subjects, have been governed by
a persistent unity Of purpose, the key and
clue TO the greater part of them being his
invincible determination to substitute gene
rel laws for specific legislation, and thus
diminish the corrupting jobs that annually
come to Albany for Legislative sanction.
Even when the promoters of such jobs are
not ready to pay money to get them through,
they debauch legislation in another way, by
the process called '1og-rolling." Governor
Hoffman has aimed to cut up the whole sys-
tenn by the roots, and save the time and the
morals of the Legislature by wise and COM
pIehensive general laws
The Democratic Legislature has acted in
pursuance of the same principle. The most
important of its measures are those relating
TO the government of this city, which have
heretofore been the chief source of corruption
at the State capital. The chorus Of howls
which the Republican press has raised over
the two per cent. tax levy bill can deceive
nobody. The whole Renublican press of the
State has for years borne witness to the fact
that the ordinary tax levy is no guarantee
against extravagant expenditures. There has
never been any difficulty in getting Republi-
can Lo legislature TO sanction every item which
the city authorities have asked for. If the
Republican press is to be believed, the an
Lual tax levy has been regularly passed by
bIibipg Republican members. The New York
tax levy has been the great placer of every
session This source of legislative corruption
is completely dried up by the new law which
rtmands the estimates and appropriations to
the cit, authorities, with rigorous limit to
the rate of taxation and the amount of ex-
penditure. Whatever may be the effect of
this law on the local government, nobody can
dispute Its tendency to purify the State Le-
gislature. And as the rate Of city taxation is
to be considerably less than heretofore, it is
manifest that this advantage is not purchased
at the expense of the city tax payers.
Whether the limited power of taxation is
lodged in the right hands is a difficult ques-
tion, which cannot he solved by theoretical
reasoning, but only by the result of the ex-
pertinent. If, on trial, it is not found to
work we'll, we hold ourselves as free to de-
nounce it as we now are to favor it as pro-
visiopal and tentative expedient. 1t is a
choice of evils, but it is difficult to see
where the power could be deposited with
less hazard. The experience of many years
has shown that the revision of the tax levy
by the Legislature is no check on munich
pal extravaganza The city authorities
have always got everything they asked
for, and the tax payers have been burdened
with the brides paid to secure the passage of
the bill. The old Board of Supervisors, now
happily abolished, was as little to be trusted
as the Legislature. The alleged corruption
of the Common Council was the pretext for
taking the tax levy out of its hands aud trans
ferring it to Albany. There is not an intelli-
gent man in the city who would wish the
Board of Supervisors revived, or the power of
taxation again vested in the Common Council.
Those who declsim against the new law have
not attempted to show where the power could
be more safely lodged.
The government of great cities is one of
the most difficult problems of modern poll
tics. 1t is at present depriving afflicted
France of the blessings of peace. The proper
method of assessing local expenses is just
now the leading topic in the British Parlis-
ment, Mr.. Goschen's new bill on that subject
being the engrossing theme of the English
newspapers. In England, as ia this country,
there is a vast increase of local expenditures,
most of which results from the growth of
cities. The London Economist, in very
long article on MIR. Goschen's report, speech,
and bill, after giving statistics of the great
| increase of local burdens, makes these re-
marks:-''And the course historically of these
| burdens has been that the purely local rates
| have greatly increased: in fact, they belong
almost exclusively to the age of great cities,
and to the modern disposition to miscellane-
GUS improvement. We know
| generally that they are the creation of recent
times"
| We are only experiencing what is expert
| enced in other countries in this ''age Of great
cities" New York being the most important
| of American cities, the problem is presented
here in its most unweldy form. While Lon
| don founders, and Paris welters in blood, we
may congratulate ourselves that we have SO
| promising prospect of satisfactory solu-
tion. The old form of municipal government
has broken down even in the small city of
Washington, and the legislation at Albany
will compare favorably, in every respect, with
that of Congress for the District of Columbia,
altbouhh tbelatteris so simple and manageable
in comparison. 1t it not probable that per-
feet scheme for the government of great cities
has been struck out at asiDgle heat; but the New
York experiment has as fair promise of sue
cess as any which has yet been devised. Our
municipal government is not more expensive
in proportion than that of London, although
labor is so much cheaper in that metropolis,
and il lacks our admirable system of free
schools, supported at the public expense. The
ew experiment here Is hopeful and deserves
fair trial.