New national era. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1870-1874, 1871-04-27
The Power 10 Suppress ku-KIux
Outrages.
rrom s.n.tor Summer. sneeoh On Anrn ~

OufraSes.
From Senator Summers Speech Of April IL
The questions presented in this debate hav,
been of fact and of constitutional law Ii il
insisted on one side that condition Of thing.
exists In certain States affecting life. liberty
property, and the enjoyment of equal rights
which can be corrected only by the national
arm. On the other side this statement is con-
troverted, and it is argued also that such inter
ventlon is Inconsistent with the Constitution Of
the United States. On both questions, whether
OF fact or law, | cannot hesitate. To nv mind
outrages are proved, fearful in character nor
can l doubt the power under the Constitution
to apply the remedy.
So long as slavery endured State was al.
lowed to play the turtle and, sheltered within
its she'll, to escape the application of those
master principles which are truly national.
The Declaration Of Independence. with its i'm
mortal truths, was in allegiance the Constitu-
ton itself was interpreted always in support of
slavery. | never doubted that this interpreta.
ton was wrong, not even in the days of slavery );
but it is doubly. trply wrong now that the
Declaration OF independence is at last regarded
and that the Constitution not only makes
slavery impossible, but assures the citizen in
the enjoyment of equal rights. do not quote
these texts, whether Of the Declaration or the
Constitution. You know them by heart But
they are not vain words. Vital in themselves.
they are armed with all needful powers to carry
them into execution. As in other days slavery
gave Its character to the Constitution, hlliug il
with its own denial of equal rights, and com
polling the National Government TO be its Ia
strument, so now do / insist that liberty must
give Its character to the Constitution, filling il
with ITS lte-giving presence, and compelling
the National Government to be its instrument.
llnAn khA 4
service ministered to State rights now il must
serve liberty with kindred devotion. even TO the
denial of State rights All this insist is plain
according to rules of Interpretation, simple and
commanding
What makes us nation Not armies, not
fleets, not Notifications, not commerce reach
ing every shore abroad, not industry filling
every vein at home, nor population throngng
the highways; none OF these make our nation.
The national life of this Republic is found in
the principle of unity and in the equal rights
OF all our people all of which being national
In character are necessarily placed under the
great safeguard of the nation. Let the national
unity be assaled and the nation will spring
to It's defense. Let the humblest citizen in the
remotest village be assaulted In the enjoyment
OF equal rights, and the nation must do for
that humblest citizen what it would do for il
self. And this is only according to the original
promises of the Declaration of independence,
and the more recent promises of the constitu
tlonal amendments, the two concurring in the
same national principles.
Do you question the binding character of the
great Declaration? Then do | invoke the con
stitutonal amendments. But you cannot turn
from either, and each establishes beyond ques
ton the boundaries of national power, making
1t co-extenslve with the national unity and the
equal rights Of all originally declared and sub
sequently assured. Whatever is announced in
the Declaration is essentially national, and so
also is all that is assured. The principles of
the Declaration, re-enfOrced by the constitu
tional amendments, cannot be allowed to suffer.
Being common to ALL they must be under the
safeguard of all; nor can any State set up its
local system against the universal law. Equal
ity implies universally and what is universal
must be national. If each State is left to de-
termine the protection of equal rights, then
will protection vary according to the State,
and equal rights will prevail only according to
the accident of local law. There will be as
many CAPABILITIES as States. Therefore, in ODE
dience to reason, as well as solemn mandate,
Is this power in the nation.
Nor am | deferred from this conclusion by
any cry of centralism, or it may be of inn
perialism. These are terms borrowed from
France, where this abuse has become a tyranny,
subjectng the most distant communities even
in the details Of administration to central con
troll. Mark, If you please, the distinction. But
no such tyranny is proposed among as, nor any
interference of any kind with matters local in
character. The nation will not enter the
State, except for the safeguard of rights ma
tional in character, and then only the sun
shine, with benetcent power, and, like the sun,
shine, for the equal good of ALL As well assai
the sun because it is central-because it is i'm
perlal. Here is a just centralism here is
generous Imperialism. Stunning with patri-
otto care that furious centralism and that
fatal imperialism, which have been the Meme
sis Of France, hail that other ceutralsm
which supplies an equal protection to every
citizen, and that other imperialism which makes
equal rights the supreme law to be maintained
by the national arm in all parts of the land.
Centralism Imperialism Give me the cen
tralism of liberty. Give me the imperialism
of equal rights And may this national Capt.
tol, where We are now assembled, be the EN-
blem of our nation. Planted on hilltop, with
portals opening North and South, East and
West with spacious chambers and with arch
ing dome crowned by the image of Liberty such
is our imperial Republic, but in nothing is it
so truly imperial as in that benefcent SOW
reignty which rises like dome crowned by the
image of Liberty.
Nor am deferred by any party cry. The
Republican party must do its work, which is
nothing less than the regeneration of the nation
according to the promises of the Declarati ton
of Independence. To maintain the Republic
in its unity and the people in their rights, such
is this transcendent duty. Nor do | fear any
political party which asssils these sacred
promises even If it falsely assume the name of
Democrat. How powerleS. their efforts against
these immortal principles For myself know
no better service than that which | now an.
nounce. Here have | labored steadfastly from
early life, bearing obliquy and enmity and
here again / pledge the energies which remain
to me, even if obliquy and enmity survive.