New-York tribune., 1871-04-07
U1L7JNG BETWEEN TWO OPINIONS.


To Glove rum and hate niggers" has so long
been the essence Of the Democratic faith that
the cooler, wiser heads of the party vainly
spend their strength in efforts to lift it ont Of
the rut in which they plainly see that 1t can
only run to perditiOn. While Slavery endured,
negotiate was an element of positive strength
in our political contests; so that the Constitu-
tional Conventions of this and other Free
States were usually carried by the Democrats
ON the strength of appeals to the coarser
and baser Whites to +" let the niger know
"bis place.n Our State knew no differ
ence in political rights between Free
Whites and Free Blacks down to the Conven-
ton of 1921, wherein Democratic majority
first imposed on Colored men qualifications
not exacted of Whites. This distinction was
perpetuated by the Convention of 1916; but
the proscriptive clause was submitted sepa-
rately, and sustained by solid Democratic
vote In 1860, our people were called to vote
on the retention or abolition of this proscrip-
ton of Blacks; and there were probably not
100 Democrats among the 197,5O3 who voted
for Equal Rights. The writer hereof stood
at the poll of his district, at the elections of
1916 and 1860 respectively, handing out
ballots for Impartial Suffrage; and he did not
see one voted by o Democrat at either trial
On the contrary, the fact that Republicans
were voting and distributing votes for Equal
Rights was made a ground of effective appeal
to ignorant Whites to vote the Democratic
ticket.
So long az Slavery lived and ruled, this
Democratic hostility to Equal Rights, though
wrong and cruel, was polite and profitable
1t was inhuman, but it paid. We "nigger-
"worshipers,n of the Black Republican"
faith, could only stand up to be knocked down
and bide our time.
But at length came the Rebellion, and its
bloody overthrow, taking Slavery down with
it. 1t ought to have been obvious that the
logical basis of Black Prescription had van
ished, and that the structure, thus left in the
air, must soon tumble.
But the Democrats refused to see it. They
fanced that "Down with the niger !" had
lost little or nothing of its potency as partisan
battle-cry. SO they kept right on, as though
Toombs Howell Cobb, and jeff. Davis, were
still the lords of destiny.
A Republican Legislature in Come cticut in
1866 perfected by rigid party vote, an amend
mcnt to their State Constitution extending the
Right of Suffrage to Blacks, SO that it required
only popular ratification to make it opera
tive. A special election to pass thereon
was appointed for the 1st of Octo-
Der in that year. 1t was obvious
that the Republicans who voted would
support it, though some weak brethren would
skulk, and few Federal ofice-holders or ex-
pectants at Johnson's hands would vote against
it. One ringing, manly, trusted voice, warning
the Democrats not to make q grave mistake,
would have carried the Amendment But no
such voice was heard, and it was voted down;
Yeas 27,217 Nays 33,s49. Probably, not n
dozen-certainly, not hundred-Of the Yeas
were cast by Democrats.
In 1867, our State held Constitutional Con-
vention. 1t was preponderantly Republican,
but the Democratic minority was strong in
numbers and in character All the Republi-
cans sustained Impartial Suffrage; all but two
of the Democrats opposed it. These were
George w. Clinton Of Buffalo (sOn of De WITTY
and LMagnus Gross of this City. The other
sixty squandered weeks Of precious time
in proposing and voting for scores OF
mean, dirty, dsreputable amendments de-
signed to insult the Blacks and all
who favored their enfranchisement. The men
engaged in this nasty business were not the
rifi-raff of bar-room politicians who now carl
cature legislation at Albany, but Sanford l..
Church, Amasa j. Parker, Erastus Corning,
Henry G. Murphy, Francis Herman, Samuel j..
Tilden. David l.. Seymour, Smith NJ. Weed,