The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1871-03-28
Letter from Senator r. p. Blair.

The following letter from Senator Blal
shows that he is q practical man. Inc TALL
about disregarding the 18th amendment q
the Constitution is calculated to damage
the cause of the friends of good govern
ment in the estimation Of both Northern
and Southern men. [The Senator makes
good hit at Radicalism touching negro sui
frage in the new Territory OF Columbia1:
WASHINGTON City, March IS 1871.
NJ. If. Cooke, Esq, Editor Of the Montgom
Dear Sir Yours of the 18th instant ha:
| lust been received. am fiattered by your
Ireouest that | should endeayor to compose
the "dead issue" controversy among our
friends in the South, and might be tempt.
| ed to proffer my advice to them If thought
| it would be effective. But our people don't
like to be ddusea. They prefer discussion
and to form their opinions on public ques--
tons by that process. I have contributed
in that way, and shall continue to do so to
the utmost OF my ability.
In my Judgment, the actual issue Of the
campaign is the broad one, whether we
have, or are to have, Federal Union on a
constitutional basis, or an absolute Govern
ment, with power in the hands of those
who possess it to prolong its own existence
indefinitely. This draws in review the past
and continuing process by which the arDl-
Crary Government OF to-day has been estab-
lished and is to be maintained; and the re-
construction acts and the amendments must
necessarily figure in this review; but the
question of whether they went through the
forms that entitle them to be put on the
statute books Is really an immaterial one.
1t does not change the argument L particle
whether the forDs were compiled with or
not. and it does not affect our ability to put
the Government in the hands OF the people
if we carry the election, whether they are
valid or invalid.
The manner in which these amendments
were adopted, and the still more significant
measures passed and proposed for their en-
forcement, ought to satisfy men Of all Sec
tons and parties that liberty itself is at
stake in the coming conflict. No thought
full observer Of the present aspect OF public
affairs, who does not, from timidity, will
fully shut his eyes to the conclusions Of his
reason, can doubt that those who to grasp
power have subverted the organic law, in
defiance of the known will Of the people,
will fail to adopt any other measures of
fraud or violence which may be found
necessary to maintain them in The pos
session of it, and that our only security
against new and greater violence than
has heretofore been practiced, is by
the timely awakening of the people to
the real dangers which surround them.
80 that spirit may be aroused which will
oyerawe and disarm those daring enemies.
Not to see, or to affect not to see, this dam
ger, and to engage the public mind in the
discussion of economic and civil service
measures, and to belittle the iron man who
so lately brought that Senate to his feet
which had his predecessor pleading at their
bar is to cry "peace when there is no
peace" and so contribute to betray the
country. If our friends would unite in an
earnest effort to arouse the country all will
be well, and to this end it is only necessary
to let the people see what the real issue is.
Nor have l any fears that they will fail to see
it. They already see it, in spite OF the mis-
taken efforts Of some of our friends, who
counsel what they think is policy, as if it
was matter of convention among public
men what the issues should be and not a
matter of fact, which they cannot control
any more than they can the advent of the
seasons. They may not see it so plainly,
sufficient attention, or because they shrink
from it from teebleness and apprehension.
Let us go to the people, fairly and boldly,
aud snU0ke their judgment upon the record
RddicaltSn1 has made for itself. AU the
conferences by achich the Radicals haue
sought 10 tramnael the people and .fortity
themselves in p0acer can thus be etectually
srept atody.
The differences among our friends to
which you refer are not serious. They
arise, l believe, chiefly from the mistaken
idea that those who continue to assail re-
construction and the amendments intend to
abolish negro suffrage. This is not the OBJ
ject, and it is very inadequate view of the
subject. This suffrage really depends very
little on the amendments, because, among
other things, it has not accomplished the
object of those who imposed it (Which was to
give them the control of the South), and they
have begun themselves already to dispense
with it in the District Of Columbia, where it
was first started; but the States which have
adopted it do not propose to revoke it
and will not, am confident, unless, after a
fair trial, it is shown to be necessary for q
good Government. The fifteenth amend
ment will, in this event, be easily disposed
of; Tor the Radicals, who have already
ceased to have motive to maintain it, will
have ceased to cant on the subject.
It is not, therefore, to get rid of negro
suffrage that we continue to aSsail and re-
fuse to acQuiec in usurpations by which
the governments of the people have been,
and will continue to be, wrested from them.
The contest is not to take away suffrage
from the negroes, but to preserve that wise
distribution Of the powers of Government
without which all suffrage is but mockery
and to prevent that control by the national
functionaries which is sure to create impe.
riaiism, and will inevitably degrade, im
poyerlsh, and ensIave the toiling masses.
Yours, truly, FRANK p. BLAIR.