New-York tribune., 1871-01-03
for tho shield Of strength or tho


and for resistance. The Legtmists may damage an
form OF government. The time when they could con
spire and rise for the future they will be able TO
influence the home and foreign affairs OF their country,
only condition Of sharing the feelings and impulses OF
the nation They are conservatives and adherent OF inc
monarchy, and they say that they also Liberals ana
patriots ready to take their part and place In the strug
gle OF France TO establish free Government thgy sy
order which springs from liberty. II the house
OF Bourbon had rallied round the national flag 1t might
have taken new and strong position and renewed us
youth instead Of mutiatng itself. But It has not known
how to d9 this The Come de CssmGord Is SUI nd u
candidate pledged to walt without doing anything OF
fhe Princes Of the House Of Orleans Princes but
not candidates for the crown They have asserted ana
under the Republic under the Second Empire they
never once offered themselves to France as hers 10 De
have assumed 1 do not even discuss it; merely state
facts They have been always ready TO serve but they
have never put forward any claim to govern France,
More than this they have asked permission TO serve the
Republic and ss they are are esse1o2y men OF hShGr sst
and they had consented, they would have kept that
oath Whatever they may do they are g Princes ISSer
be usurpers. AS to those who are said to be
ernment OF Louis Philippe left faithful friends and
the memory Of many good deeds which, as te bn
it neither created nor left any party IL impossible to
give the name Of party to the mass OF orderly and intel
erals, who ask nothing from the Government than
that shall uphold law and order at home keep peace
different national interests according to tier relative
Importance and claims. These men do not form party
dscontented with their lot VINO are often spoken OF as
e Just % They III up 9rge Pace SS .drcs IN tee ~ S Sr OF
But they are too tiid and too c0plalsant; hey
of order and those who destroy peace in the name Of
liberty. Their chief fault is that they do not
Place place, and use their power in all that con,
Germs the action, authority, and resp0nsihlllty OF
the government OF the country Ihey are beginning 10
understand that this Is necessary and 10 take more
pains about hope that day by day. they will go on
become OF the Second Empire what will become OF the
eg Sad sS To ss accent 6s o1 Or should
refuse to recognize the otherl The different forms OF
government which have lasted for short time among
have done thanks to them and do not advise any
Government OF the future to think OF or treat those VINO
discover their mistake too late perhaps for them
selves and too late for us also, for the fa even OF Dad
timely reform avoid the necessity OF oyerthrowing or
letting it fall to pieces
NO FORMIDABLE FOE OF THE REPUBLIC.
Up to the present time there is in reality DO formidable
opponent to the Republic Not only does the struggle
against foreign enemy oyershadow every dssenson
and give all Frenchmen a common interest and COM
aim, but even when the struggle Is ended and we
have nothing but domestic affairs TO attendto the Re
public will still be in midst with such forces and
chances as It may have If it succeeds IN the present
Will IL be capable Of becoming the government OF
stormy and uncertain reign Of a political party and
revolutionary faction VIII IT. ever become a
calm and orderly government aDe TO Pro1cc' aI9 II9
When peace once more besses our land, whenn
come before us in ali its force the will then de-
pend upon the conduct OF the Government ana not upon
themselves will decide the fate of the Repub
c There only one way in which they can secure bea
selves in the true Of the word oa
France, OF that rational, moderate ana honest france
which for three equarters of century has demanded le
thing from every Government Whlch has succts-
social lfe and liberty for the development Of fruitful in
dustry France will ask the Republic as she mas asked
its predecessors, to grant these TWO gOod sIits'
REPUBLICAN DUTIES.
In order TO inspire hope and confidence in the nnton
there are two things which the Republican candidates
must do. They must separate themselves from their
dangerous allies, the fanatical
and the UtOpian sOcialistic republicans; ana
secondly they must live constantly in the presence and
under the eye Of the nation through Representatives
freely elected by it, who shall have voice in the gov
ernment. The fanatics and socialists have right TO
public liberty but they ought not 10 be chosen as mem
members for whether they wish it or not they
TO prove fatal to every form OF gONeihhen! auhe,
whether It be republic or MONARCHY, 5 Ins is q
measure dictated by necessity and political prudence
and is of the necessary and temporary trlas 10
which all ideas must be content 70 submit oei3ie tlgy
can be allowed to pass into the region 9i Iaots IL j. az
solutey necessary that the ltlloltnin i 10Y @ m
done by securing TO the country the means Oh hhlS
known wishes to the Government, Ot Inuuehchg H.
From i76 to iss the Congress the United states
repeatedly the of difficulty, annoy and even
its decisions and a0urning rs meeting to an lndeun.e
future. He, like us had war to carry on ana an army 10
create; but he had the heart Of republican ana tle
brain Of a statesman; he convinced that rte gov
ernment and It's general iree negpe ana o,c ' oty oiy
France yet found her Washington nor Is she so
VEL w prepared t2I 1 F a t Of the American Con-
gress and OF its general in their relation to each oher
are natural and applicable to every other country IN an
analogous position. Some OF the dlthculues when
washington had to contend with do not eX-
consequences OF our habits Ct Capitalization,
our National Assembly would have more power to carry
ont measures which had resolved upon win the eheI
of the citizens than the American Congress. military
power is more efectual and more generally aCkno"I-
DUTIES THE ASSEMBLY.
It would not be needfu for the Assembly TO be always
sitting and constantly interfering in the management OF
the war; in order establish the necessary connection
and "a reciprocal influence between the National Assem-
bly, and the armies OF France. The Assembly would
have TO give vote on the question of and to grant
or refuse suppes after that 1t should either adjourn
keep silence and interfere with military operations
or diplomatic negotiations unless 1t was summoned by
the executive chiefs or by its own supreme head, IN
view of some great emergency OF war or peace.
As 10 the precise events which might render the direct
Intervention OF the National Assembly necessary or
esrbe and as 10 the precise times at which that iu
teryentOn should be called for these are matters OF De
tail which cannot he foTeseen or decided on beforehand
according to any general rules. For example when the
on between France and Prussia which had been
entered into for the purpose Of procuring an armistce
lad failed and after the calm, luminous, and precise
account OF il given by NJ. Thiers, think the French
Government would have done well to decree the imme-
diate election OF National Assembly throughout the
whole OF France and this could have been done with the
consent even OF NJ. de Bismarck himself Undoubtedly
such an Assembly would have been found very
decidedly in favor OF the war although show
ing a generally pacific tendency. StTcngthened
bv clear and strong assertion Of the national will, the
Government could have carried on war energeucay and
would have had good reason for asserting that 1t was
heucefOTth the only worthy and honorable means by
which France could obtain peace. This opportunity FOR
the immediate election Of National Assembly was al
lowed 10 pass sorry for IT, but others may arise.
Who knows that the attitude OF Russia toward the Treaty