New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1871-05-29
THE TREATY IN ENGLAND
WITH EMINENT ENGLIsHMEN-THE CANADA
QUESTION.
lERoM ORR owN CORRESPONDENT


is a question have been asked often since
reached NewYork that should like to answer it in
nrint more fully and accurately than it is easy TO do
in conversation When left London, the Treaty
had not vet been ratified this side and although
the sanction of the Senate was pretty confidently ex
pected. there was a good deal OF anxiety about IT,
The rejection of Mr.. Reverdy J0hnsons preposterous
Convention was fresh in everybodys mnd' MI
Summers opinions were not known. The Presideht
were not known fully and altogether there was just
enough uncertainty about the matter to DING ou'
clearly. both in private talk and in public debate
the solicude Of the English for settlement OF SONIC
kind. Down to the time when The TRIBUNE pun
ished the full text of the Treaty nothing was known
accurately of its provisions. The meager capio
dispatches which the London papers are In the
habit of receiving had lbeen, if possible, more
vague and colorless than usual Upon the appear
ance of the Treaty in your columns, The Times had
one of its rare spasms of enterprise. Its American
correspondence fear without Mr.. Carpenters per-
Acknowledgements over about column, and me
Times seems to have believed that this summary was
the full text at any rate comprised all that reteo
to the Alabama question. Although this was mis-
take the mere fact that much was sent proves now
great was the interest which they took in the matter
and how little sincerity there was in the indifier-
ence which, until quite lately it has been the fashion
TO affect.
We seem to forget that the Treaty has to be ratified
there as well as here and that public opinion must be
consulted in England not less than in America Sofr
as the Ministry is concerned their approval was
sure, for I presume it is no secret here that the
English Commissioners were in constant consulta-
ton by cable with their Government, and that what
ever was agreed to by them had been accepted in
tba ~ pr
hand. the Conservative party in England have been
far from initiating the Democratic party here.
They have abstained from any attempt to make
party capital out of question vital TO the peace of
the two nations and will venture to predict that
the Conservative minority in the House of Com
mons will not be found attacking the Treaty as
q whole. From some Of it's provisions they may
dissent, but nothing is more unlikely than a
party division on q subject which contains no ele-
ment Of party politics. Mr. Disraeli and his fol-
lowers have little or no political sympathy with
America but Mr. DisraeG is q statesman
whose treatment of American questions en-
titles him TO our respect. We ought to
recognize, and | presume the American press
has already recognized, the rare magnanimity
which led both Mr.. Disrael and Mr.. Gladstone to
unite in this last effort for restoration OF the old
friendship between England and America. The
presence Of Sir Stafford NOrthcote on the Commission
was guarantee of the good faith of both the two
great parties of England. If l dwell upon fact
which might assume to be universally understood,
it is because deplore the act of the Democrats IN
the Senate and because l know that the effect OF
their attitude in England will be to disturb public
opinion and to give color to the notion, unhap-
ply prevalent there that the leaders of great party
in America would rather risk war with England
| ~ r I.,nN,n al
And my answer to the question about the feeling
in England cannot be given to-day with anything
like the confidence which felt fortnight ago. Not
that believe the Treaty in any kind Of peril But
the signing and sealing of piece of written parch-
ment dispose only of set of questions. There is
another set of q quite different kind When the
Alabama debts have been paid and the accounts
closed, then what Are we to live as two nations
codly tolerant of each other, two nations re-
joicng in each others friendship, and swaying the
politics of half the world by cordial agreement
matters as to which, in truth, our interests are
identical and our alliance ought to be completed
During the last few days spent in London, saw
and talked with two members of the Cabinet espe-
cally interested in Anglo-American questions
with many other members of Parliament including
some of those radical liberals below the gangway
whose opposition to the Government has made itself
strongly felt during the session. and with some lead
ing journalists whose opinions are TO say the least
OF equal weight with those which one gathers in the
House. As shall mention no names, have no hest
tation in saying that everybody with whom talked
expressed without any qualification his desire for
the ratification of the Treaty by the Senate, and his
belief that its acceptance in England was certain.
| nut some questions about details-whether for
instance the expression of regret for the escape Of
the Alabama excited any repugnance. Certainly
mott was the answer. 1--WE are sorry, why should
We not say sol 1t is nothing which one gen
tleman would not say to another" L asked
again about the inferential recognition
of liability for the escape of the Alabama. 1t is
very strong answered one prominent member of
the House; 81 think it even stronger against us
than if we had expressly admitted our liability, for
we allow an arbitrator to Judge our conduct by
rule that is sure to convict 1t is tantamount to
saving that we have heretofore resisted technical
grounds claim agains. which we had no rightful
defense"
suppose it is scarcely necessary to say that the
Alabama clause is regarded in England as a surren-
der to us of all that we have claimed. Nobody
attempts to hide that fact. On the other hand they
look upon our tacit abandonment of the claim on
account of the recognition Of Confederate bellger-
ence by England an important concession. Much
of the unreasonable irritation reused by MI Summers
speech was due to the urgency with which he pressed
that claim and the fact that have been pressed
under the Clarendon Convention was one great rea-
son why the English professedt to be content with the
failure of that convention. If EnGshmen should
ever read Mr.. Summers speech, which never was
printed in any English paper, they will do more
Justice to him than they do now. They may
even come to understand that no American has Ia
bored harder than Mr.. Sumner for Cancellation, or
done more to it but it is too early for that at
present. Meantime they rejoice over the abandon