Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1871-08-26
SATURDAY, AUGUST SO. 1871.
socinl Ins,irution. Of Ru..in.

appears TO be an absolute monarch, an auto
crat of the highest strain; but we do not see as
clearly the social institutions and agencies by
which his absolute power is, to considerable
extent, limited, modified, or Distracted To I'M
derstand Russia, it is necessary to study the pc
culiarities of its social organization, and its
lgious or ecclesiastical condition The empire,
even within its European limits, is composed of
different races, most of whom preserve their un-
like social institutions without serious change.
Its "GreekChurch'' is divided into two separate
camps, and outside of these are various forms of
dissent, representing fewer people, but very ear
nest and resolHte. Something relative to the
internal condition OF the cars dominions, may
be learned from books of the few careful obsery-
ers who have Travelled there for study rather
than amusement.
One of the most important social peculiarities
of the country is that which marks the differ
ence between "old Russia" and the rest of the
empire. Old or Great Russia embraces the fer
ritory which constituted the empire of Ivan the
Terrible Its provinces, says one writer on the
subject, "cover an empire fifteen or sixteen
times as large as France" 1t lies around the
COW and Pskoff Within this territory, excepting
the cities, the people live in separate villages
communist in character, which are governed by
laws, customs, and magistrates Of their own.
The surrounding land is owned in common,
and divided equally between the families for
use, once in three years. The communism does
not extend beyond this, each family being left,
in other respects to do the best it can for itself;
but no member of the community is free to re-
move to another village, without being honora-
bly, dismissed from one and formally received
into the other; nor can he engage in any bust
ness, away from his village, without its consent
and passport. Thus, individuality and personal
freedom are not allowed very free scope under
this system of communism. Hepworth Dixon,
who travelled and observed in Russia, gives the
following account of the organization
"This principle of association passes, like the
needs out of which it springs, beyond the village
bounds. Eight or ten communes join them
selves into a canton Ia sort of parish): ten or
twelve cantons form a volost "a sort of hun
dred). Each circle is self governed; in fact, a
local republic. From ancient times, the MEM
bers Of these village democracies derive body
of local rights, akin to those family rights
which reforming ministers and judges think il
wiser to leave alone They choose their own
elders, hold their own courts, inf1ict their own
fines. They have right to call meetings, draw
up notices, and debate their communal affairs
They have authority over all their members,
whether rich or poor. They can depose their
elders Tor starOstas) and set up others in their
stead. A peasant republic is a patriarchal cir
Gle, exercising powers which the emperor has
not given, and dares not take away.
A man expelled from one of these communes,
becomes an outlaw; there is no place left him in
the country, unless the government shall place
him in the army, or send him to service on the
public works in Siberia. If member of the vii
lage commune is tried in one of the higher courts
and acquitted, the commune may reverse this
decision so far as to punish the accused man by
expelling him; and expulsion, with the certainty
of fate, dooms him to the army or to Siberia
No imperial officer is allowed to operate within
these village organizations, excepting, of course,
what would be done in case of armed insurrec-
ton against the emperor. They levy and collect
all taxes, themselves, raise men for the army
when required, and, as self regulated commune
ties, manage all their relations to the imperial
government. These communal Old Russians,
however, cherish faith in the car, which, for
them is kind Of religion.
Now and then one of these village communists
goes to some town or city for employment: but
his papers must be regular and in perfect order,
OF he will be treated as an outlaw, not by virtue
of any regulation Of the emperor, but by virtue
of the older and sterner communal law. And,
in the city or town, he must be received into
some guild Tor tsek, as the Russians call it, of
craftsmen, or into some similar organization, be-
fore he can be employed; for men in the cities
exist only in reorganized orders of society, which
are due to the influence of the communal
villages carried TO the large towns.
These town organizations are known by
such names as tsek, chin, and artel, the latter
being the highest and most important of them.
can artel," says one writer, fis republic like
a village commune, with right of meeting,
right of election, right of fine and punish
ment. No one interferes with the members
save in a general way: they make their own
rules, obey their own chiefs, and are, in every
sense, state within the state" There is no
more scope for personal independence and free
dom, in the towns, than in the village COM
munes. To the villager in town his communal
papers are of the first importance. To lose them
is serious calamity, which compels him to go
back to his village Immediately, unless he has
already been received into tsek.
Such is the social organization of that portion
of the cars dominions known as Old or Great
Russia. 1t is unknown in the extensive prov
iuces added to the empire since the time of
Ivan the Terrible; and it did not exist among
his Tartars, whose theory was that all land be.
longed of right to the reigning prince. Nothing
like the communal organization is known in
Finland, Astrachan, Kazan, Podolia Georgia,
Circassia, the Ukraine, or the Baltic provinces !;
and the highest culture and intelligence of the
empire, the most advanced development of sci
eDce and thought, are found not in Old Rus
STA, but in some of the newer provinces, and, es-
pecially, in those controlled by the German
race. The Old Russians are not friendly TO this
modern culture; they charge that it is foreign TO
Russia and should not be encouraged; and here
comes the question which more than any other
regulates the internal politics of the empire
So far as concerns religion, the European peo-
pie of Russia are nominally divided into the
Greek church and the dissenters, the latter
operating chiefly in secret and having but little
federation. The Greek church, however in.
cludes two very distinct parties radically op-
posed to each other-Upholders of the Official
Church, and Old Believers. This division,
which appears TO be irreconcilible, began in the
time of the czar Alexei, father of Peter the
Great and is due to the ecclesiastical changes
established forcibly by the Patriarch Nixon,
who introduced a new form of the ritual, new
translation of the scriptures, and reconstruc-
ton of the ceremonies, his purpose being to
make them accord with those of the Byzantine
clergy The Old Believers have never accepted
these changes. They hold that Nixon was
kectaran hereto, and that they are the old Rus
sian Church. Their rebellion has subjected
them to much persecution; but neither their
zeal nor their numbers seem to have Iessened
Their influence is power which cannot he dis
regarded. Mr.. Dixon writing on the suhiect
says truly that this division of the Greek church
of Russia into two hostile camps, is a fact or
which full account must be taken in ''eyer, os,;-
mate of Russian progress and Russian power ,,
These two voices in the church, the new voice
and the old voice, one official, the other under
ban, and both powerful, will necessarily be
ala