The Louisianian. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1870-1871, 1871-04-16
CINCINNATI.
CINCINNATI.
uFTEEN1H AMENDMENT ANNIvERLAHY,
SPEECH OF PETER Il. CLARK.
Mr.. President:

AhSo 10 thAS, WAACA OOCo 1lOO 0J olkSt ttR-
pear upon the surface. 1t is proper that
We should meet frequently to express our
JOY at the great change that has taken
place in. our political condition. In these
meetings we can recall the past, not for
the purpose Of keeping alive animosities
engendered by our centuries of slavery,
but to increase our joy by contrasting
the present with the past.
Another good purpose of these meet
ings is that of political education. In
our state of bondage, knowledge of
politics was withheld from u.s. We were
supposed to have no stake in the prosper
ity of the Commonwealth our skulls were
too thick, our brains too heavy to enter
tain such knowledge. Bnt now matters
are changed, the ballot in the hands of
the black man goes as far, has as much
influence as the same instrument in the
hands of the white man. It becomes i'm
portant then that we should study thor
oughly political questions. 1t is import
ant for us as o people that we understand
politics, for we are on trial before the
world If we permit low-self-interest to
govern us, if we sell our great birthright
of American citizenship for a contempt
ible mess of official pottage, then will we
justify the worst that has been said ofus
by our enemies. By such conduit we
will jeopardize not only our own freedom
but that of our white fellow citizens.
Hence it is well that we seek frequent oc-
casion to meet in the guise OF celebrate ag,
or commemorating certain days, and at
such meetings discuss the current political
topics Of the day.
To-day, and ever since the organiza-
ton of our Government, there has been
O strife between those who believed that
there is danger to liberty in concentra-
ting too much power in the central gov
ernment, and those who hold that sta
BILE government can only be maintained
by placing ample power in the hands OF
those who administer federal affairs, for
maintaining order and defending liberty.
I confess that for one have no fears
of strong central government, which
looks to the people for its sanction.
Such governments as are usually cited as
having proved dangerous to liberty by a
too great accumulation of power in the
hands of few, were governments not
founded upon the people. The Rome OF
which Caesar grasped the dominion, was
an aristocracy, not a republic. The lib.
critics of the people had long since perish
ed, if indeed in Roman hisrory there had
ever been any secure guarantee OF those
liberties. In Government like ours
where all power comes from the people,
where the press and the rostrum are free,
where upon every hillside in large por-
ton of the land the schoo!-house stands
there can be but little danger of the over
throw of our liberties by centralization'
especially when that Capitalization is
counterbalanced by communities having
complete organizations as States, with
Independent Legislative, Judicial and ex-
ecutive departments.
The nation nearest to us in blood and
laws is England. Her governmental
power is much more centralized than with
us, yet doubt whether we care half &c
tenderly for the rights Of our citizens a.
she does.
The doctrine of St.tes' rights is des
. cended legitimately from the dogma o
the divine right of Kings. First, it is thu
royal person for whom the entire nation
nal energies ar, to be exerted. For hin
: do suns shine, rains fall, crops are plant
ed and gathered, industry in its thousant
forms adds wealth to tho national trea
, sury. There is a divinity, doth hedge
, king" says Shakespeare. II am tn
State" says Louis XIV.
We are now told that the individual il
nothing, and the State everything. Th'
State takes the place of the King.
The true position is, that the individu
al is everything, and the State nothing
All this complicated political machiner.
means nothing. unless it means that JOIN
Smith may plant his corn and potatoes