Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1871-09-01
SOME EXPLANATION.

The PUBLIC LEDGER never does an in
territorial act of injustice. In the hurry
of writing, an editor is often unfortunate
in his forms Of expression, and gives of
tense when none is intended, or ever
thought Of And so it was our misfor-
tune in an article published on Wednes-
day to offend the sensibilities of some
Irish gentlemen of this city. The ar
ticle in question was written to enforce
two points: The first was the great prin-
ciple of public and personal liberty.
We held, and hold, that what one set of
people may do another set may do
whatever an American may do, men of
any other nationality may do. In the
discussion of the subject we referred to
a recent arrangements procession in
New York. We held, and hold, that
resistance to law is treason to the
State. So Daniel Webster once said
in one of his speeches. He who
throws off the restraints Of law isl
an outlaw. We have no sympathy
with the objects or principles Of Orange
men. Our prejudicies as well as our
judgment are against them. All that
we maintain is that they if American
citizens, possess all the rights Of any
other American citizens. This is all.
The second object Of the article was to
make a point on Grants administration,
and not upon citizens Of foreign birth.
We desired, for purposes Of illustration,
to suggest two extremes, those of igno-
rance and intelligence, and referred to
the "seum of Europe, and the bright
est intellects of the South. We might
as well have said the scum Of America,
for America has its scum, and a very
bad scum it is. All nations have their
scum. It's iuseparable from humanity.
Now the exact thing that we meant is
this: The great men of the South are
practically outlawed. They are taxed,
while they cannot hold an Office. They
are pursued by a hostile government
and subjected to the domination
of men too ignorant TO be states
men and too corrupt for an honest
administration Of affairs. To illustrate
the enormity of this outrage on free gov
eminent and personal right, we sug-
gested the other extreme We suggested
that the last degree Of ignorance may
hold office, while the highest degree Of
intelligence is excluded. We meant no
attack on, or depreciation Of, the
Irish. Were we to abuse Irishmen
as a class, we should abuse some
of the dearest and best friends we
have on earth. Some Of them have
chung to us in the darkest days Of our
life, and remain to this day. How, then,
can we dislike Irishmen2 We have not
forgotten the struggles Of that heroic
people for liberty. We have not for
gotten their misfortunes, nor the
hated tyrants who have so long
dom.neered over them. We have
not forgotten the glory Of Erin's sons
achieved on the battlefield and in
the forum. We have not forgotten such
glorious names as Curran, Grattan,
Moore, and a host Of others that illum-
mate the pages of history. Above all,
we have not forgotten Emmett, the In
mortal. We have not forgotten the glo-
rious Pat Cleburne who fell for the South.
We have not forgotten our own gallant
Magevney. and hundreds of other gallant
Irish spirits that passed through fiery
baptism Of fosr years in the cause Of the
South. WheR we forget all these-the
dear friends and all-then charge Us
with enmity to the Irish people. No
earthly power can force us to surrender
a principle, but if we commit a wrong,
we viii ever hasten TO undo It. When
we are no longer in the editorial chair,
nor in any chair at all, IL is our purpose
10 leave behind us nothing that shall re
semble an injury to any human being.