The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1871-05-06

scope of ecclesiastical power. From the pre-
misses of the Roman Church il is strictly
logical. And although within the last GEN.
tury the claim has been relaxed by certain
Romish universities, and was even prescribed
by Pope Plus the Sixth, the order to which
Belarmine belonged, the Jesuits, has never
relinquished the hope and the purpose of
declaring it again; and when its ascendancy
in the Church was secured it called the Qcu-
menical Council and proclaimed the Papal
infallibility.
The essential absurdity of the declaration in
view of the history of the Church is shown,
indeed, in this, that if the Pope as Pope be
infallible, he has always been so, as the infal-
hbility does not begin with Plus the Ninth.
But if he has always been so, the Church
must have believed it and taught it. Yet, as
Archbishop Purcell said in the Council,
'Every one knows that the Council of Lyons,
after the Council of Florence, examined the
question of the Pope's infallbility, but they
did not see their way through; they could not
find sufficient evidence in Scripture or tradi-
tion to define the personal, independent,
separate, absolute infallibility of the Pope;
therefore they laid the question aside. And
in 1888 the great Romish universities of the
Sorbonne, Louvain, Douay, Alcala, and Sala-
manca expressly declared that it was no mat
ter of faith to believe the Pope infallible.
But the Jesuits carried their point It might
be absurd, but it was logical, and it was de-
sirable. Moreover, when it was promulgated,
Rbsurdity would be no impeachment of it, for
a true ecclesiastical faith absorbs the incredi-
BILE. The Papal infallibility was proclaimed
and the Roman Pontiff was restored to the
position whichBellarmine'hadc claimed him.
SBut the position of the Roman Church is
extraordinary. Within the year in which the
civil power of the Pope was declared he was
removed from that power by members of his
own communion. In his own political capi-
tal-in Rome itself-the Government, COM
posed of his fellow-churchmen, propose the
separation of Church and State. In Austria
the Government, also of his own Church,
has forbidden the priests to meddle
with the schools, and it rebuked the
Pope when he protested. The greatest
tbeologian and divine of the Church, DR..
Dollinger, and its greatest orator, Father
Hyacinthe, have each protested against the
decree of infallibility. The King of Bavaria,
Roman Catholic, has signifed his sympathy
with DR.. Dollinger; end Baron Won Stauffen-
berg, delegate from Bavaria in the German
Parliament, also q Roman Catholic, states
that the Bavarian Constitution distinguishes
between purely religious and purely secular
concerns, and says that before long the quss-
ton may be asked which is the true Catholic
Church?
Bat the most striking fact of all is that,
while the most vigorous protest against the
action of the Vatican Council, virtually
claiming for the Pope the civil allegiance of
every member of his Church in the world,
proceeds from Roman Catholics in the Eu-
ropean monarchies, the most unanimous and
servile acquiescence in it is found among the
Romanists of the American republic. This
acquiescence is so complete that they have,
with one exception in the priesthood, and he
was peremptorily silenced, bitterly denounced
the peaceful revolution in Rome which has
placed the Government in the hands
of the Romans. And still more sig
nificant and important is the
fact that the political party in this
country which claims by its name, Demo-
cratic to be peculiarly the party of the pso-
Piles, allies itself with this Roman Catholic
element, and it is because of this alliance
that Father Heeker and the priests whom Mr..
Parton mentions cherish the war1nest hopes
of the supremacy of their Church in this
country-a supremacy which would neces-
sarily be the overthrow of free popular gov
ernment. In 1900 the Roman Catholics were
about one-seventeenth of the whole popula-
tion. In 1870 they were one-sixth. In 1900
they hope to be one-third.
This population is mainly of foreign birth,
or of one or two removes. 1t has necessarily
no strong American feeling. 1t is, with signal
and admirable exceptions, an ignorant and
superstitious population. 1t is compact and
obedient to ecclesiastical leaders. Those lead
ers truly say with Byron, although in another
sense, go Rome, my country" They live for
one object-the supremacy of their Church.
They understandable methods of acquiringand
maintaining it. Their purpose is relentless;
their vigilance unsleeping. A political party,
| therefore, which, like the Democratic, has sus-
tanned itself upon ignorance, class hatred, and
| prejudice, steadily disregarding the moral law
and the American doctrine of liberty, finds
this rapidly increasing multitude exactly
| suited to its purposes. 1t has, as a class, no
American instincts, little intelligence, and all
the passions of Ignorance; and by pandering
| to its desires the party can secure its vote.
Hitherto the political policy of this Church in
this country has been the assault upon the
| public school system. Wherever shat has been
made, it has been made by the Democratic
| party, and, as the consideration of that and
other favors, that party has had the Roman
| Catholic vote.
This is fact too conspicuous and signih-
| cant to be disregarded. The success of the
| Democratic party would be that of the Rom an
Catholic policy in this country; for the party
could not safely ALLEVIATE the Roman vote,
while it could be retained only by the strictest
| obedience to ecclesiastical dictation. So true
is this that there can be no question If the
Roman interest demanded that, pending the
overthrow of the school system IN this State
| by Democratic aid, the schools IN this city,
now under Democratic control, should be sup
piled with histories satisfactory to that lnte-
rest, they would be furnished The depend
ence of the Democratic party at this moment
is upon the Ku-klux feeling both in the North
| nj GEoka the Roman