The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1871-01-12

TO the mind of people at once simple aud
suspicious all the effect of n asome what solemn
and exuberant insincerity.
But the unwisdom of sending these men
10 the United States at this moment-for the
United States il, of course, the one country
outside the United Kingdom open to them ia
the present state of the world-has in il
something so inconsiderate as to be almost
appalling. What must these men do of mere
necessity when they arrive there IL would
be too much to expect that feeling of loyal
gratitude should grow in their bosoms during
the Atlantic voyage in consequence of the
degree of liberation in which they have
been INDUCED. These convicts, who we're
picking oskum or breaking stones a week
ago, will arrive at New Y ork and find them
selves the idols of n popular ovation
and in recognized command of a great
political influence. The Irish vote will be
at their bidding, at time when the relations
of America with England are again assuming
q very anxious character. The city of New
York will doubtless receive them with public
bonors. They may be admitted to the floor
of the Senate and entertained at the White
House. The FeDians of New York, in public
meeting assembled on the 1st inst, came to
the following resolution" Whereas, Gene
raj Butler has avowed himself friend of
America and an enemy of England by
his determination to have the plum
dered American citizens repaid for the
depredations committed on them by
the Alabama and other Southern cruisers,
and having signalized the Irish as the men to
fight England and humble her, be it, there
fore, resolved, that we who love Ireland and
wish her liberation, do hereby pledge our
selves to General Butler that the moment he
says rally, we will be with him." The terms
of this declaration are sufficiently absurd.
But the fact remains that at time when the
Fenian organization in the United States had
fallen into state of almost complete collapse
from lack of leadership, we are sending its
most daring and able spirits to the very base
Of the operations of the conspiracy. Ere many
weeks we may reasonably expect to hear that
Luby and Mulcahy are ''stumping" the Union
in aid of General Butler and the Russo
Prusso- American alliance, while Burke and
Mackay are directing operations on the Cana
dian frontier to illustrate President Grants
peculiar views of that irresponsible Do
minion." 1t certainly is not wise statesman
ship to send these men to the one part of the
world where they may, and almost must,
make much mischief where there is every
temptation to them to resume their old
courses, and where those courses at present
are the high road to popularity, influence,
and means.
If it were proper to couple conditions with
an act of pure clemency, there is one which
might with advantage be substituted for that
which Mr.. Gladstone has imposed. The po-
litical prisoners might have been bound to
return to and to remain in Ireland. There
they would find that the great injustices
whose existence made political conspiracy
possible ten years ago have been summarily
abolished. They would find O popular Exc
cutive armed with powers ample and effectual
to enable them to answer for the peace of the
country. They would, in their own despite,
serve as living monuments of the
clemency Of wise and fearless Government
The Irish administration would hardly shrink
from such an addition to their charge-for
this is not a time to make things easy to the
Irish Executive at the expense of the empire.
Is it too late to hope that before this ungen-
erous and impolitic condition is enforced, the
sovereign herself may object to have the
quality of her mercy strained after such a
fashion? If such an act were possible, that
is to say constitutional, it would make the
royal clemency a word of pure and serious
meaning from shore to shore of Ireland.