The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1871-05-17

nails, the second rule declares explicitly
that ia neutral shall not 'tpermit or
suffer either belligerent to make use of its
ports or waters as the base of naval opera
tions against the other, or for the purpose
of the renewal or augmentation of military
supplies or arms, or the recruitment of men"
The treaty comes quite up to, if it does not
go beyond, our own neutrality legislation of
1918, as will be seen by consulting that law.
If it be said that the doctrines embodied in
these three treaty rules are not novel to MS of
this country, we confess; and we add that
the admission does not diminish in the
least the amount of concession which Great
Britain has made in asserting to them as
rules to govern the arbitrators. 1t is true
that Parliament in 1870 strengthened its
neutral code enormously, but stouty asserted
that England did it out of purely municipal
considerations, and did not admit that public
law as accepted by the nations of the earth
required it. Now she comedies what she
steadfasty refused to Mr.. Adams and to Mr..
Reverdy johnson, and agrees that the arbi-
traitors shall be governed by the treaty code
and such other principles of international
law not inconsistent Herewith" as they may
deem applicable. No one can contend for
moment that the rules do not cover the equip
ping of the cruisers done in colonial as well
as imperial ports.
Another time we may have more to say as to
whether there is anything in either of these
three rules which was not already in the
British enlistment law of 1919, rightly inter-
preted, and whether the rules go beyond
our own law of 1918. For the pre-
fent it is enough for us to remember that the
Government of Great Britain in its every
department-executive, Legislative, and judi
cial-sternly refused either to arrest the now
inculpated cruiser in home or colonial ports,
or to adjust our claims for damages on such
q basis 1t is to be regretted on every hand
that the debate on this branch of the treaty
is not public Our curiosity is greatly weak
ened to hear or see what those who repel
these rules as the law of our claims would
substitute in their place and still retain any
rights at all in the hands of neutral To
what neutral code is England to be required
to submit if the treaty be rejected?
We see it suggested here and there that the
verbal atonement of the treaty for the in u
ries of which we complain is not sufficient;
and we concede it could be stronger. But
how much further would we go as a nation to
save war if the case were reversed -? How
does the apology of 1871 compare with that
made by Lord Ashburton in 1912, and with
which a vast maj jority Of the Senate was salts
fed?
We do not believe two great nations can
get along together spite, any more than we
think the North and South can live happily or
wisely undergoing such emotions towards each
other. Either fight or be friendly. Male
Violence and all uncharitableness towards the
late insurrectionary States is the policy of
General Grant and his partisans 1t is not
ours; and no more is it ours towards foreign
power which voluntarily comes forward with
the olive branch.
AGRICULTURE AND TRANSPORTATION
From the N. y. Tribune.
=
sand miles of railroad in the United States
By the end of this year shall have fifty
thousand miles-one-J third of all the railroads
in the world. And, by the end of the decade
we shall touch the figure of seventy-ive
thousand miles. In the early history of rail-
roadipg, passengers and freight were con-
veyed by the same trains; but the two in
terests soon demanded separate systems of
carriage; and it is now becoming evident that
entirely separate tracks are required. Mar
row-gauge roads, running freight trains only
at low rates of speed, will-probably within
few years-be the practical. answer to pre-
sent questions as to adequate accommodation
| for passengers and freight. The Introduction
of such or any equivalent system, may ac-
celerate the growth of our roads in new ratios
and to an incalculable extent Lower cost of
construction and lighter running expenses
are new elements, involving possibility of
new uses, the limits whereof are not to be
foreseen. But to base figures on what has
been, rather than on what may be, and taking
the established ratio of increase as likely to
be continued during the next ten years, we
shall have at the end of that period, as stated
seventy five thousand miles of road The
average tonnage per mile is now, in the older
States, about sixty-three hundred tons
Putting the estimate at five thousand tons
we shall have carrying capacity of three hun
dred and seVenty-fve millions of tons per
annum.
The industrial movements affording mate
rial for this vast freightage are agriculture,
manufactures, mining, and Importation The
contribution of the import trade is not likely
to be rapidly increased from its present
| amount-say fifteen millions of tons-the
increased traffic in fine and costly wares being
offset by our growing independence of for
elgn markets for most staple commodities
The growth of our mining interests will un-
doubtedly give employment to immense ad-
dltional tonnage. The coal trade alone pro-
misses to offer freight that would tax the
whole of our present facilities. 1t would be
difficult to compute the probable product of
our other mining pursuits; but we may state
| the total amount of metals and minerals to
| be moved as not far from one hundred and
ten millions of tons-a great figure by itself,
but only small item in the way-bill we are
making up.
We do not submit these calculations as in
disputable, though based on authorized
figures. 1t is sufficient for present purposes
if we approximate the truth nearly enough to
reason upon the probabilities established.
| Accepting the premises, as at least safely
within these bounds, brings us to the con-
clusion that We are to transport, during the