Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1871-10-19
THE FRENCH REPUBLIC.

THE FRENCH REPUBLlC.
"As a general rule" says the Norti
American Gazette, .'we have net mucf
faith in French Republics, although it must
be admitted that The invariably recurrence
thereto at every revolutionary upturnine
shows deeply-rooted love OF republican
ism in the French people. Since the fall
of Napoleon the prospect of founding a
permanent Republic has seemed to be
good. and for the singular reason that the
men entrusted with the conduct of public
affairs have not been extreme, but rather
moderate in sentiment. In every election
that has been held under the new regime
this cause has made steady Roadway. AT
the recent election for members of the
Councils General it developed an unex-
pected strength in the conservative prov
inces.
Under the centralized system of govern
ment prevailing in France, under all au-
spices, the power of these local bodies is
not important, but the elections are sig
nificant from their exhibitions of public
sentiment. In the National Assembly the
monarchists are said to have controlling
majority, though being divided by their
proclivities they cannot agree upon any
plan of action, and are therefore, power
less to do more than embarrass President
Theirs and retard his policy. The dearth
Of craftsmanship of a high order is so
great in France, in consequence of the
blighting influence of twenty years of
absolute imperialism, that Gambetta, the
Republican leader, really stands up the
most conspicuous man in the Assembly by
reason of his uniform aulacity, his SAN
guine temperament, and his ability as a
party leader.
Theirs works with the moderares,
whether they call themselves monarchists
or republicans, and his remarkable talent
for intrigue has thus far played off one
faction against another with such skill as
to prevent any concentrated reactionary
programme, and gradually to force all
moderates to become practical Republic
cans either consciously or otherwise. Nc
sooner had Gambetta taken his place ir
the Assembly and rallied the radical.
around him.. than he began to develop
strength in all parts of the country. The
public confidence in him revived, and al
the drift of events once more became re-
publican. This compelled Theirs and the
moderates to develop many pronounced
opinions than for time seemed to be
their policy. 1t cannot be doubted that a
great many monarchists are now passing
themselves off for republicans, not only tt
obtain power and to be in position t.
profit by events in case monarchy or {
revolution should be possible.
The condition of France is in many re-
spects anomalous, and the responsibility
for it must rest upon the National Assem-
bly,, which has adopted no constitution or
permanent basis of government, and
given no fixed term for its own service.
1t is urged that past experience proves
that paper constitutions amount to nothing
in France, and unfortunately such is the
case. Hence there has gradually arisen a
party of statesmen favorable to what is
called in England an unwritten constitu
ton, recognized by all, and moulded
gradually out of customs, traditions, laws
and established forms. Representative
independence and parliamentary freedom,
which are the basis of permanent institu-
tons in America and England, however,
do not exist in France, and most of their
governments are and have been strongly
personal and autocratic. President Theirs
yields almost as much power as a mon
arch. and the Republic really seems to
rest upon his craftsmanship and character.
Should he succeed in carrying the nation
successfully thorough the crisis and lay
the foundation of durable Republic. from
the chief post Of which he shall retire
with dignity and credit, the force of his
influence and example may do mu to fix
the future of France But 1t is now ap-
parent that unless matters change very
much, the man who is to take Theirs
place when he chooses to retire is very
likely to be Gambena.