The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-06-22

gave no heed to the mercantile logic of the
cotton-growers when the integrity of the
Union was in jeopardy.
That warning should not be forgotten by
the South. For any purpose of resistance to
Federal authority, or of opposition to policy
really national, the cooperation of the West
is not available. 1t may grumble about
Eastern legislation, may protest against East
ern monopolies, and may endeavor to circum-
vent the combinations of Eastern railroad
managers; but it will do nothing in further
ance of designs which are intended to build
up the political power of the South at the ex-
pense of the dignity or welfare of the nation.
Slavery made the South essentially sectional.
The West, on the contrary, is instinctively,
intensely national. It's points of sectional
divergence are few and weak compared with
the interests and aspirations which bind its
fortunes to those of the Republic.
There are, however, signs of combination
of Western and Southern influences which no
prudent politician in the North or East will
venture to disregard. OF this alliance the
expansion clause in Mr. Garfelds Currency
bill is the first fruit. The two sections are
brought together by common grievance-or
rather by common want, for which both
prescribe the same remedy. They desire
more currency and object to dependence on
Eastern banks for its supply. Out of this
came the demand for redistribution of the
national bank circulation, and out of this
again the proposition which the House has
most unwisely sanctioned We cannot sup
poss that their concerted action will end here.
The causes which impel the West to oppose
high tariffs, to assail Pennsylvania monopo-
lists, and to agitate for relief from taxation,
operate with equal force in the Southern
States. The alliance has, thus far, taken a
less positive shape, simply because certain
Southern members proved recreant to the
industrial interests of their States but the
time is coming when the joint sectional repre-
sentation which controlled Mr.. Garfield will
dictate terms to Mr.. Kelley
1t must be admitted that this union of see
tional influences, for the purpose of moulding
the national policy, may lead to some legisla-
live evils, and in the end, perhaps, to grave
complications. The West is the growing
power, and the temptation to its abuse which
alliance with the South will afford, may prove
too much for the average of political virtue.
The only consolation is that the instincts of
the Western people may be relied upon 10
counteract sectional appeals which have not
justice for their foundation. To keep the
West in its true place-to make sure of it's
influence as a support to national interests
and feeling-it is necessary for the East to
discard measures which have been framed
for its special benefit, or in the admins
tration of which it has managed to
secure special advantages. The wisest
concessions are those which are timely.
But for a prolonged refusal to redis-
tribute the national bank circulation
with proper regard for Western and South
ern wants, we should not now have been
brought face to face with the possibility of
initiation. When reasonable concessions
would have been accepted, they were with
held; and having been withheld too long,
they are now to be extorted, with an evil
superadded which removes us further from
specie payments. A similar result may be
expected to follow dogged assertion of their
pretensions on the part of those whom an
unsound fiscal system has converted into
monopolists. If the opposition to oppres-
sive taxation is not to be allowed to grow into
reaction against even necessary burdens,
those who hold the balance of political power
must not too stubbornly oppose the move
ment for revenue reform.
The best antidote to sectional influences is
the prompt and systematic development of q
policy SO obviously national and just that
it shall produce no sense of sectional wrong,
and so afford no pretext for local discomfort.