New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1870-12-30
BARREN DIPLOMACY.


crcnce with which it was regarded in earlier
times. The special sacredness of the heralds
character could not be perpetuated in an age
| where every citizen In foreign country was
| as safe as his EmbassadOr. But since the
railway and the telegraph have abolished dis
lance "a an element of political calculations,
when the Envoy and his Government are in
hourly communication, the diplOmatist neces-
sarily abdcates the position of honor and in
luence he held in time when his powers
were absolute, and when ne carried in his
hands the olive of peace and the arrows of
war.
But Of late, not only the Office, but the
works of diplomats, have fallen into Seri-
oHs discredt. Treaties have positively lost all
sacredness. Within q few months W have
seen the Prusslan Cabinet treat the provisions
of tho Treaty Of Prague IA if they did not
exist. They have not merely violated them
| they have coolly ignored them, and have not
thought it worth while TO apologize to the rest
of the world. This defiance Of solemn
compact has been treated as q matter OF
course by the world at large. No protests
| have been made, and if any were they would
! DO regarded as a matter Of merriment and as
| indicating rustic ignorance unsuited to this
busy age. The Treaty of London, that cqui-
table compromise which in 1867 warded immi-
nent war from Europe by the naturalization
of Luxembourg has just been thrown into con-
| tempt by the candid avOwal of Count Bis
marck that he will tear it in pieces whenever
so disposed Ii is doubtful if an arm would
be raised on the Continent to prevent, If
| fancy or reasons of State should induce the
Federal autocrat to assimilate this tempting
| outwork of the German power.
II is not Germany alone that has learned this
new scorn Of treaties. The Imperial Cabinet
of St. Petersburg finds tho provisions OF the
Treaty of Peace of 1856 embarrassing and Oncr-
GUS and has the ciyility to inform the cOsigna-
tory powers that the Government of the Gar
declines TO be bound by them in future. The
point of honor has 30 far passed out OF sight
! in national matters that the note of Earl Gran
vile. in which no resisted in tone contain
| ing tho least possible admixtlre of severity,
the pretensons of the Russian Cabiuot, has
been generally criticised, throughout Europe
and America, as an exhibition of Isaixotic
chivalry, for which be deserves 10 lose his
place The Conference which meets in Lon
don may possibly do something to save appear
/ ~,
treaty obligations q semblance of sanction, but
| it will deceive no one, and add no safeguards
to treaties i'll general.
| The contagion Of treaty-breaklng is not con-
fined TO the Great Powers Prince Charles, the
| Hospodar of ROumania, 10y virtue OF being a
! Ilohenzollcrn imaglDes h. has "a good Il nght
10 tear parchment as any OF LIS cousins. lie
| therefore takes advantage OF the present crisis
| 90 inform his royal relatives and the Courts or
| Europe that he finds his position, as settled by
the Treaty Of Paris, untenable, and therefore
| asks for relief dispatch which arrived yes
| terday intimates that nc has declared his indie
pendence of the suzerainty of the Porte, thus
making short work of the treaty in question.
| The old paradox, that treaties are made to
| be broken, seems TO be gradually adopted into
the unwrittcn laws of international morality
| The only questions which are considered In
| reference TO the violation of treaty arc
whether it can be safely done and whether it
will be popular measure among the pc 'plc
| Of the aggressor State. The force of inter-
national public opinion is completely neutral
lied by the force of popular feeling within the
| offending nation The influence of currents OF
national feeling has grown 80 strong that
| treaties and conventions arc negotiated by So
called plenipOtentiaries in obedience to strict
instructions from their home governments.
which in turn, are based as accurately as
possible upon the demands of the general viii.
| The moment the observance of treaty ceases
to enure TO the benefit of any of the con-
| tracing parties, suCh party assumes the right
to denounce it, subject only to considerations
of opportunity
1t may fairly be questioned whether this
contempt of treaties does not to certain
extent, arise from the pacific attitude of those
Powers which have hitherto shown the greatest
regard to treaty obligations. 1t was fatal
admission of Lord Clarendon, after the con
clusion of the Treaty Of London, that mono of
tho contracting Powers was bound To defend
it, unless all the signers joined in its defense.
This principle would put most treaties ut the
mercy of the bad faith of minority of the
cosignatory Governments. The constant
growth and the frequent expression of peace
doctrines in England has created tho impress
sion on the Continent that no provo,ation
short of actual attack would force the =. irsh
Government into war. This impress if
generally received and acquiesced in Eli
gland, would be the forfeiture of her int rec
in favor of peace. A nation that cot
fight, under any circumstances, can bo 40
Use in keeping other nations from flo ing.
Such country becomes rs useless in i'm
dication of outraged international oompe' as
q policeman who should belong to the oty
of n-resistant Friends. IL is not impo DO
that with lighting Ministry, headed by tine
plucky veteran Palmerston, the present desc
lating war might have been prevented in the
outset, through tho firm intimation that En-
gland would take sides against the sovereign
who struck the first blow. IL was this ideal