The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-05-26

dancy which there is some danger OF our
losing, but which we certainly ought not to
have lost for at least fifteen years to come.
We had everything our own way. Never was
a party stronger with the nation at large.
How, then, does it happen that dependency
and Generalization have crept into the Re-
publican ranks
In the first place, we are unquestionably
suffering from that reaction in public feeling
which always follows the close of great
contest. What gave the Republican party
strength was the great cause of which il con-
stituted itself the champion. When that cause
was no longer in jeopardy, the excitement of
the people cooled down, and many thousands
of our supporters ceased to take an interest
in what they regarded, and Justly, as minor
struggles. The leaders of the party ought
everywhere to have attempted to counteract
this apathy by associating themselves with a
new policy which should at least attract the
sympathies, if it did not arouse the enthu-
siasm, of the rank and file. We wanted, for
instance, financial policy such as was rea-
sonably likely to be acceptable to the ma
jority. 1t was not impossible to have devised
such policy. But what might have been
made source of strength was turned into a
source of weakness, and to-day there is no.
thing worthy to be called a financial policy
identified with the party
But it is not only with regard to principles
fatal errors have been committed with refer
ence to men. The commissions of the war
threw a number of leaders to the surface who
were ill-ftted to guide the party to steady and
lasting victory. Conservative counsels were
made almost an object of adherence. Men
who ventured to offer them were treated with
every indignity-their motives were misrep-
resented, their aims maligned, their reputa-
tions cruelty assailed. They were tread out"
&C e L
been in political exile. Now there is no party
which can safely discard such elements as
these. Moderate ideas may be at discount
in time of tumult, but when the agitation
has passed away, the moderate men may and
ought to be, made a tower of strength. At
present the party is still trying to get on with
out them. The extreme leaders will listen to
no suggestions-not even on questions of
finance. Was not Mr.. Dawes threatened
with expulsion because he protested against
extravagant expenditures, and called for re-
duction of taxation?
A single section of the party is trying to
manage the politics of the State-we might
almost say of the whole country and the
result we already see before us. Has not this
section had very fair trial? Are we to go
on trusting blindly to it, until next Novem-
Der sees us covered with a disaster which
will involve us in disgrace? The injudicious
Constitutional Convention. The same mis-
takes would now ruin everything. There is
no longer great exciting cause to lead the
people to rally around alrSost any leaders.
We cannot expect the ordinary citizen to take
so absorbing an interest in the measure for
enforcing the fifteenth amendment as he did
in the success of the amendment itself. While
it was uncertain whether or not the Southern
States would accept the results of the
arphn n1xy fsn1r
closely to the party which had carried that
war to triumphant conclusion. But now
there is no uncertainty on the subject. All
the States save one are fully restored" and
it is no source of strength to the Republi-
cans that they still deprive one State of its
just privileges. We cannot get any more fire
out of the extinct embers. We must have a
policy-a wise, consistent, broad, and en-
lightened policy, and men of conservative
opinions long placed under ban, must be
recalled to assist in carrying it out. Men
who possess vast administrative and organiz-
ing powers are not easily found. Even if
they could be found, their treatment is not
quite sure to be of the most generous
description. But we can certainly do better
than intrust our interests to doctrinaires
whose opinions on all great questions are as
variable as the wind, and who are more intent
upon selfish aims than upon the welfare of
nation or the glory of great party. Let us
have the State Convention called at an early
day, and let us see if we cannot once more
appear before the people with policy which
will command their support, and with men
who are capable of inspiring their followers
with that eaynestness and zeal which can alone
achieve memorable results.
RIVAL SOUTHERN PACIFIC RAILROADS.
From the NJ Y. Tribune.
The proposition of railway on the thirty
second parallel of latitude has been before
the public in various shapes for twenty years,
and yet the enterprise is still struggling des-
perately for existence. Then Texas was the
only State of all the Gulf region to whose
prosperity the completion of the road is of
almost vital Importance, which gave it the
least encouragement. Louisiana was cold
because New Orleans was passed by, and
Arkansas offended because Memphis was
aimed at. But so earnest was Texas in its
wish to see the line built that its several
| Legislatures under Rebel and loyal rule
affirmed and reafirmed the grant of lands
made to the road in 1856. Cali
fornia on the Pacific Coast, desirous
of making the port of San Diego the
western terminus of the line, chartered
and aided the partial construction OF another
line. The Texas route is the Memphis and
Ell Paso line; the California route is usually
called the San Diego and Fort Yuma road.
OF the former more than fifty miles are
graded, and twenty three miles laid with rails.
OF the latter we know only that work is in
progress. Without doubt the two lines have
more of finished work, larger land grants,
and better prospects of being eventually
completed than any other Southern Pacific
railway. These two roads are under the con-
troll of General John @. Fremont, and he has
asked Congress to consolidate, charter, and
a. ha