Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1870-02-01
OF GILES coUN-

Mn. PRESIDENT: When this debate BEG
had determined TO cast a silent vote. b
II has now lasted nearly four DAYS. Most
the delegates have expressed their view
and feel that it is due to myself and Il
constituents whom 1 represent, briefly
express the views which | entertain, an
the reasons which influence my vote.
feel embarrassed in doing SO at this lat
hour. Not only the patience of the Cor
ventiOn, but the subject under discussio
is exhausted. dislike to tread beate
track, and yet, all has been said that ca
BIO on this important subject
When 1 came to this Convention
came with the determination, SO far a
my vote and voice could affect it, to stril1
of the chains that fettered the limbs of tn
gallant youth who, without stopping Il
count the cost, had responded to the cal
OF their native land and marched to thu
battlefield In order to offer up their lives il
her defence. / came, too, to relieve the
old men, men whose heads were silvereC
over with age, from the odious test oaths
which had driven them from the ballot-box
because they had given ''aid and comfort
IN carrying provisions and clothing to Their
Sons who were in the army. I came here,
too, sir, to aid in settling this difficult and
perplexed question in such manner as
would give peace and repose and tran
qullity to our country. For, however fer
tile our Soil, and genial our climate, and
rich our mineral resources, without
internal tranquility and quiet we
can never be prosperous and happy peo-
pie. Who believes that this quiet and
tranquility could have ever been maintained
IN Tennessee when so many thousands of
her citizens were DISTINGUISHED? No power
OF the public press, no influence Of the
ablest men, no proclamations that might
have been issued, or militia that could
have been called into the field, could have
quoted the deep mutterings of discomfort
which beat in every breast, and which was
ready at any moment to burst forth in
scenes of violence and bloodshed.
Can we expect to witness the peaceful
pursuits of agriculture, or of trade and
commerce with this same element Of dis
content existing among the colored popu-
lation?
Ipass by the great question that the
basis of all republican Governments rests
upon the affections Of the population, and
that no population was ever well disposed
90 a Government that DISTINGUISHED them
And l must also in frankness and in can
friends, the delegates from Hawkins and
Davidson, that we are bound, by the |
Fourteenth Amendment. to the Constitu-
ton Of the United States to give the color
ed man his vote, or restrained by its pro- /
visions from taking it away from him. |
The 'immunities and privileges" therein |
alluded to have undergone judicial investi- |
cation, and have been held TO mean /
those fundamental rights - such as
the enjoyment of life and liberty"
the right ''tO possess and acquire
property of every kind" the right ''to en-
gage IN trade, agriculture, professional pur-
suits, ETC.; ''to claim the benefit of the
habeas corpus, etc. But the right of the |
elective franchise, which Is political right,
mas not been regarded as one of these
privileges and immunities' protected by
the Federal Constitution. | DO not con-
slder that am bound by this Fourteenth |
Amendment to give this vote, nor viii be |
influenced by the announcement on this |
door and IN the public press that the Eff
teenth Amendment will soon be ratified by |
three-fourths of the States. l shall en-
deavor to discharge my duties as a dele
gate to this Convention, represent
ing the people Of Tennessee in |
their sovereign capacity, uninfuenced I
~ any other conditions than those which :
think the policy, public good and best :
interest of that people demand Let US /,
hen, examine this question from loftier
md more statesmanlike standpoint This | :
S our home. We have no other country ,
o which we can emigrate if we were dis
'osed. Our fathers and our kindred are | |
buried here, and here we expect TO live and [
o die. We Will cling to the fortunes of
'ur glorious cid commonwealth, c
. through veal and through woe. c
The cOlored race were born here-born
ur slaves, it is true, still they have in v
ommon with US, deep AMI an abiding b
ttachment to the State Of Tennessee. | q
What then shall we do with them? !
Conceding all power was in our own h
lands-it Is our interest and it is their in =
crest for them TO remain with rs It is
rue that the relationship of master and :
lave has been dissolved, but that Of en-
loyer and employee, of husbandman and q
lbOrer, of landlord and tenant still exists. a
nd will exist. We need their labor to cul- q
waite our farms and fields, and they need Il
ur protecting care, and guidance, and di- d
ectiOn. What, then, does sound policy die il
lte should be our course toward them? | Il
hall we indemnity them IN interest with | Il
S? make them our friends or our enc | II
hes? l concede that they have hitherto | f,
cen controlled by our enemies-by men
no have denied to us every right, and de-
rived us Of every privilege deer to a free II
ian. l also believe that they will be con-
oiled for years to come, how long, l can p
OF tell, with some few exceptions, by the | n
lme party. 81
There has always been q conflict be- d
yeen the capital of the North and the m
Dor of the SOuth--an "irrepressible =,
)nflict," Of l may be permitted to Dor
Nv an eXpressiOn,) swallowed up for /.
while during the war, but scarcely had 7,
e last roar of artillery died away be -
re we witnessed its revival by tax l;
pom cotton. This struggle is not over :,
will 20 on. The North viii be for IS
Oh tariffs, high taxes, and a reckless :,
,penditure of the public money-for it =, :,
i'll generally be made for appropriations ~
that section of the country-the South /,
i'll struggle for her lost power, for low :,
riffs and free trade. We want all the n
rength and aid we can get. What effect, -
EN-, viii the incorporation of univer- -,
j manhood suffrage in our COnstitu- \,
on hsvei 1t will give us one ~ ~
lird more representation in Congress. ~
nd who can tell, but before another dec
lie, our natural ally and friend, the West.
III not unite with rs, and the South and III
est Will hold the balance Of power? But on
vii not only give US One-third more rep | sy
IS ntatlOn in Congress; II will give us a Sc
lited South, bound together by the strong pr
onds of mutual interest and mutual pro-
ction; and that is worth everything q,
n not in the habit, Mr.. President. ~
looking alone on the gloomy "a "a
do Of the picture The South u
n States are still States, although for the w
resent under military despotism They OF
Re the stately pillars which uphold the Fed ITS
al Arch, and when destroyed, the Federal Ia
ovenment Will be overthrow. know
Is said we staked all upon the issue of the of
ar. and lost all but our honor That NAV
3 true, but that at least we saved. The o-
Dble youth of tho South, who bore tho -,
Bonny Blue Flag for awhile in triumph u
yer SO many glorious but blood-stained 80
lttlc-Gelds, saved the honor Of the South ~
ut all is not lost our fertile lands are here. ".
II bold and navigable streams are here, "
II great works of internal improvements CO
e here; and give US peace and repose- Ct
organic law which protects the rights Of tn
and DISTINGUISHES none-and population tn
ID capital will flow here, and the day is an
IT So far distant when the down trodden ro
nth will be restored to her former infu- he
zee and power. of
But it is insisted that this proposition tn
ould be submitted to a separate vote Of N.
e people, and | admit that my friend from a.
pton states the proposition very strongly, ~;