The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1870-10-01


rights women, what the war means and how
poor France beaten almost to death, refuses
| to surrender, because France has no govern
ment no voice, no one to speak for her. The
German hordes, like the hosts Of Alaric and
Attila Of old, prey upon the fair fields of the
rich and cultivated south, move about at will,
on the soil Of France feed more than halfa mil
lion of men; but because the men who proved
untrue to Napoleon are afraid to accept the
responsibility of defeat and disgrace poor
France continues to suffer. Every school boy,
every school girl knows that France began the
war. Every school boy, every school girl
and old, teachers and taught, rich and poor,
all the world over, ask themselves the ques-
ton, why does not France submit, bow the
knee and make the best terms possible?
While France is thus being humbled, while
Prussia, or rather Germany, is adding victory
to victory, reducing fortress after fortress, and
making herself perfectly comfortable in French
vineyards and French chateaus, the great
Powers, Russia and Great Britain particu-
larly, after some patient watchfulness, have
begun to ask themselves the question whether
the policy of watchfulness has not lasted
long enough. In other words, the power of
Germany has been so augmented that all the
European Powers, the great and the small
alike, have become afraid; and in spite of
their caution Russia and Great Britain have
hoou into oth sbo nrv
news dispatches regarding the feeling and
action of Great Britain and Russia explain
nothing, but they suggest much. Russia arms,
arms to the teeth; concentrates her forces on
the Baltic, in the Polish provinces, on the
frontiers of Roumania and on the shores of the
Black Sea. Not since the time of the Crimean
war has Russia been so active in making naval
and military preparations. People naturally
ask, what does it mean? 1t is not ether
wise with Great Britain. The government has
been somewhat inactive; but the people-the
people, who have always given life to the
British government-are loud in dispraise of
the misunderstanding policy of the Glad
stone administration Men old in diplo-
matte experience, like Sir Henry Bulwer,
and young in political experience, like
Lord Carnarvon-each representative of
large and powerful class-denounce
the inactivity Of the government and call
loudly for more spirited and forceful foreign
policy. The result is that while most men
who understand European questions begin to
think that Russia Is about to carry out her
traditional policy in regard to Constantinople
few doubt that the British government has
been forced to consider whether the time has
not come when, to prevent dangerous COM
plications, it ought to use its yet powerful in
fiuence to bring this horrid and destructive
war to an end. AS we have no longer any
| good reason to doubt that the prolongation of
the war will be the prolongation Of destruc-
ton, the weakening of France, the strength
ening Of Germany, the disturbing Of the
balance of power, the attitude Of the great
Powers is forced upon MS as the question Of
| the hour.
It is undeniable that while neither Russia
nor Great Britain was unwilling to see i'm
perial France BUNDLED, neither of those
under the naughty domination of Prussia, be-
coming too powerful. France under the
Bonapartes was dangerous power. France
under Napoleon the Third had been
in many respects, 80 far as her foreign policy
was concerned, disagreeably revolutionary.
1t had made Italy great kingdom. 1t had
sorely humbled Austria-since 1916 looked
upon as the grand bulwark of the North
against French ambition. 1t was, above all,
restless Power; and neither Russia nor Great
Britain was unwilling to see it shorn of its
strength. But so complete arrangement of
the balance Of power as this war threatens to
effect was not contemplated, was not desired
and both Russia and Great Britain have begun
to fear whether New Germany may not become
more dangerous to the peace Of Europe than
France under any of the conditions in which
France has ever been known to the modern
world. To check Prussia, however, would
now be difficult, if not impossible. Austria
dares not speak. Neither Russia nor Great
Britain can say to Prussia, "Halt" Russia
remembers the Crimean disaster, when Great
Britain shared with France the glory and, as
she thinks, shared also the shame and Rus
| STA is not blind to her opportunity. There is
now no France to hinder her crossing the
| Pruth, to hinder her marching to CONSTANT
nople, to hinder her making the Black Sea, if
not the Mediterranean, a Russian lake. AS
there is no France, there is no Prussia;
for Prussia's hands are full if she is not actu-
ally friendly to the enterprise. AS there is no
| France and no Prussia to hinder Russia,
| neither is there any Austria, for Austria could
| be easily bought over. For the present Rus
| STA might give Austria the mouths Of the DAN
| ube. But Great Britain cannot consent to
any such arrangement. She cannot, she will
not hava Ruoaia In Consta ptiuorlo She cor.