Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1870-01-31

II our COtculpOIdIg LGSdIubu AS'
gro suffrage as an evil,p so did the AP-
PEAL. The difference then between
the two journals was this, that the
Avalanche, regarding it as an evil
impossible to be averted, would not
make the effort to avert it, while the
APPEAL, hopeful Of a more favorable
issue, persisted in its efforts to do so.
We deny that negro suffrage was any
more inevitable" one year ago, as
a voluntary choice by Tennessee, than
the nomination Of candidates by our
County Convention was inevitable
one week ago. Both depended On in-
huences of the press and people, and
on circumstances and controlling
agencies not to be ~foreseen
by any man less than a
seer, and who could not divine the
future. If the press, which, one year
ago, cOncurred with the Avalanche
and APPEAL in regarding negro suf-
rage as an evil, had united in using
all proper and lawful means to avert
The calamity, il does not appear that
it was inevitable" in such a sense
as that it could not have been arrested.
What is now inevitable, in the decis-
ion Of the Convention, is the result of
causes, in which the Avalanche has
borne q conspicuous part, and in
which, with other journals of the
State, it has lent its influence in pro-
ducing the impression that negro suf-
frage was inevitable, and thus weak
ened that opposition from others,
which it had discontinued itself. We
have not intended to call in question
the integrity OF such of the press of the
State as has disagreed with US in this
matter, though we could have wished
other journals might have united with
Us in resisting what is an admitted
evil, even when there was a strong
probability it might be forced on Us
by a superior power. We hold that
the evil should not have been treated
as inevitable" so lOngasi it was within
the range Of possibility to avert itsby
such influences and energies as it was
possible to devote to its resistance.
But we have no quarrel with other
gentlemen for obeying their own con-
victions any more than we have a dis
position to cOncede a right to COM
plain Of US for doing the same thing.
1t may have been certain that Con-
gres5 would force negro suffrage on
the State. But such action OF Con-
gress would be shOrt-sighted and un-
wise. and should be resisted for that
reason, just IS any other part Of its
unconstitutional and usurping legisla-
ton should be resisted. The argu-
ment that we should consent to negro
suffrage because likely TO be forced on
us by Congress, proves too much, and
goes TO the extent of indicating the
cessation Of all opposition to the ty-
rannical acts Of Congress. We con-
sent to negro suffrage so soon as that
may be forced on US, under protest
that it is wrong, and because we
agreed to abide the action of the Con-
vention. We consent to it as made
" inevitable" unless the COnstitu-
ton is submitted to the people;
and prefer the XVIII Amendment
to the voluntary determination of the
Convention, because, in the Amend
meDt, we have plain force, and in the
voluntary choice of the Convention
simple selfdegradation. If we must
have it, We want the Black Evil
forced on the State-not voluntarily
embraced by it. And such we under
stand to be the present situation, and
the only reason why u neighbOr
should say Of that "evil" that it is
-" inevitable" We resist evils so long
rs it is possible to avert them. We
only yield to them when they have
become, and not when we only be-
lieve they must become, inevitable.
We are not able to see the force of an
objection to adopting the XVIII
Amendment as a blow at State
rights" which does not apply with
equal force to a voluntary adoption of
negro suffrage, (Which is the same
thing done also in obedience to coer-
ciOn, and which involves the same
blow at State-rights. 1t is all one,
whether, under dUress, we take
suffrage labelled Constitutional
Amendment or Constitution of Ten
nessee, except that in the former case
coercion will more plainly appear,
will be shared by other States, and
will not be our own exclusive, and, in
appearance at least, voluntarily
adopted luxury. We want no pre-.
of fright to regulate the elective
franchise"-but the reality, ornOthing
all; the power Of a free people, or
no power at all. The Convention has
virtually decided that we r power
less; it has acted under the coercion of
abounding threats from Washington.
and of the coming and inevitable
Amendment. We abide bv its
as we have promised to do. III
It submits the Constitution to the peo-
pie, we shall vote against it, unless
the passage of the XVIII Amendment
-endersa all resistance utterly nugatory.
unless the evil Of being RENTED to
he old system should be greater than
he adoption OF the new. Sufficient
or the day is the evil thereof OF
his matter we must Judge as well as
We can, when the occasion arises. IT
viii be more important to be right
hen, than it will be to look back in
rider to make the present consistent
With wha. we have done before. I,
IL the ranking privilege is not re- :
,ealed by Congress there Is no efficacy 7;