The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-02-19
THE BALLOT AND VIA VOOE.

political economy, has recently propounded
to the Social Science Association of Phila-
delphia sundry questions in regard to the
practical operation of the vote by ballot. In
England the old gioG goce mothod still pre-
walls, despite the efforts of the Liberals to
supplant it by the ballot, and he probably
hopes that the answers TO his queries will be
of such a character that they will furnish new
ammunition to the advocates of the proposed
reform. No party and scarcely single pub
lie man in this State doubts the superiority OF
our system, and we would no more think OF
returning to the antiquated and inferior Eng
lish method in general elections than of CIV
ing up railroads to go back to turnpikes. The
principle underlying the whole subject may
be briefly stated in the allegation that it is
right for Legislators and Congressman to
have their votes publicly recorded, because
they act as representatives, and their con-
stituents should be apprised of their course
on every public measure on which call OF
yeas and nays is demanded; but the people,
acting for themselves alone, and being re-
sponsible to no one, should be relieved from
all accountability for the exercise of their
private judgment on public questions
It must be confessed, however, that, like
all other human institutions, even the ballot,
as established in this city, is not absolutely
perfect; and we could not give entirely
satisfactory answers to all of Mr.. Mills
questions. For instance, he wishes to know
whether absolute secrecy is secured, and
whether any official is cognizant of the vote.
If MIR. Mill was to inquire minutely into
the result of the comparatively few instances
where voters endeavored to maintain
secrecy when shrewd election officers wished
to penetrate it, he would find that the efforts
of the reticent voters had rarely been crowned
with success. At nearly every election efforts
are made to have the headings of the re-
spective tickets printed in type which will
insure their Identification by politicians
learned in such matters, and when there is
reason to suspect that these headings are
designedly initiated, other plans are speedily
devised to ascertain the real proclivities of
doubtful voters.
Mr.. Mills question whether voters are
''desirous of concealing their opinions and
votes" however, may be emphatically
answered in the negative. AS rule they
are remarkably free and outspoken, and
doubts about the political position of Ameri-
can voters or desire for concealment occur
only in exceptional cases. T..
When Mr.. Mill asks ''what influences,
such as corruption, intimidation, or other,
have most effect on the vote, and does the
ballot protect the vote fully from these, or in
what point does it fail to do so ?" his query
brings into strong relief the superiority of
the American system. To the honor of our
voters be it said that cases of corruption and
intimidation are extremely rare, and in pro.
portion to numbers, hundred English voters
are either bought or frightened to one Anne
rican. The great mass of our citizens are as
completely above the reach of such influences
as the proudest mobiles of Great Britain. The
t'other" influences by which they are chiefly
swayed are their partisan afinities, or, in &
few cases, personal friendship.
An answer nearly as satisfactory could bt
given to his question whether the body O.
voters are Intelligent and apparently swayeC
only by public motives" but an English
man who is not familiar with the ramifca
tions of our politics, and with the prevailin,
thirst for Office would not be likely to compre
hend, without minute explanations, the exten
to which our political machinery is manipu
lated by men inspired, in part, by persona
ambition. f.s
Mr.. Mills last query is as follows
"Do you think open or secret voting best secure
the expression OF the electors convictions, exposed
as he is in the one case TO intimidation, and in th
ether screened from the healthy influence or public
opinion?"
This question, too, displays an ignoranc
of the workings of the ballot in this countr
which is scarcely pardonable. 1t implies tina
its use screens American voters ''from tn
healthy influence of public opinion" and ths
this fact is as notorious as the intimidation c
British voters under the Ui0G g0ce system
If Mr.. Mill wishes to be enlightened, he shoul
at the outset divest himself of this total
erroneous idea. No man here is screene
from the force of public opinion, and it is i
reality far more potent than it would be undt
a giga gOce system, for where that prevails
is the rich and powerful, the owners of lare
landed estates or the proprietors of cotto
mills, mainly, who are feared, while here Il
masses, when they are fully aroused, CO
WELD potential influence in all question
and award speedy punishment politically
those who incur their displeasure, or show
honors upon their favorites.
Fortunately for the honor of our countr
Mr.. Mill does not ask about the operations
the ''repeaters." Perhaps if he did we shou
be obliged to confess that the English syste
may have the solitary virtue of furnishing
better safeguard against their rascality tn