New-York tribune., 1870-11-28

BLEEDJEE FRANCE.


If a prophet had declared, ten or even five
years ago. that Paris would in 1870 be in
vested by purely German army, while other
purely German armies held the heart of
France and faced in every direction the re-
naming forces of ala Gmnde Nation" he
need not have added that the Emperor Napo-
leon H., with Marshals MacMahOn, Bazainc
nearly Three Hundred thousand regular SOL
diers, all her great Eastern fOrtresses,
and most Of her arms and material
of war, would be included among the
trophies of German victClies-all achieved in
single campaign-to insure his consignment to
q madhOuse. There have been brilliant cam
paigns ere this, wherein France and Germany
were arIayed against each other; but the fame
of MarengO ard Austerlitz, Jena and Eylau,
Leipsic and Waterloo, is cclipscd forever by
the fresher glories of Worth and Weissenburg,
of Gravelottc, Sedan, and Metz.
We are among those who believe that the
actual rulers of France might have wisely and
patriotically made peace directly after Sedan
that they were not justified in declaring that
"Not an acre of terrtory-not a stone of any
"fortress," would he ceded as condition of
peace. France, whether under mOnarchical OF
republican rule, has never hesitatcd to exact
cessions of territory when her arms were
victoIious and why should the rule work
but one wayY Suppose Napoleon had fallen
in the last victory Of q campaign which
had carried the French arms in triumph
to Berlin, and that republic had succeeded
him, does any one believe that Favre, Gam
beta and Thiers, would not have exacted of
Prussia cessiOn of her provinces west of the
Rhine as a condition Of peaceT what say
history and common sense3 If republican
Flauce proposes TO establish the principle of
the sacrcdness of established boundaries, let
her begin by restoring Savoy and Nice to
Italy
We regard with most concern the present
attitude of France as confession OF the
weakness of her republicanism. We know
little of Gambctta and the majority OF his
associates in "the Committee of National De-
"fcnse;n but we regard Favre as at once
able, honest, and a sincere republican. with
what purpose, what hope, can he insist on
protracting this most unequal strugglef We
can only explain his Obstinacy by the pre-
sumption that he says to himself, France
Z" docs not really desire the republic, and
"will subvert it if we consent to a
"peace which she will deem humili-
eating. TO make peace, therefore, IS
"to surrender her to the mOnarchists,
"whether Bonaparte or Bourbon. But let us
fight on, at whatever sacrifice, with whatever
"fortune for months longer, and the republic
twill be identified, in the minds of most
"Frenchmen, with that heroic, desperate re-
"sistance TO the German foe which Is the
National passion, and, whatever the result
"of the war, the republic will be the only
form of government which France will
"tbenceforth endure" Such seems to
us tho only conception that can ex-
plain the attitude of the republican
Chiefs and even this does not justify
it. If the principle asserted by Favre is
sound-if nation defeated and crippled in
war must make no cessiOn of territOry-then
each war must endure till one of the belliger-
ents is utterly exhausted and ruined. This
principle would render all future wars more
sanguinary and desOlating than those Of the
past; whereas, true men should seek to render
wars less and less destructive.
OF course, there is chance that France may
vet turn the tide of disaster which has thus
'for set steadily and heavily against her. but
any rational hope of this kind must be faint in
deed. Can the Army of the Loire relieve Paris
Can Trochu break through the iron circle Of
investment with the motley force under his
commando We see not how cool observer
can answer either question in the affirmative; ;
vet We all know that Two Millions OF people