The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-10-04

the liberal end progre esive ideas Of the age
even by the Germans themselves. Public
sentimt n everywhere is growing strong
against him for this It is hardly likely he
can set up any other government in France
than that of the republic-neither the de-
funct and fugitive imperial government nor
any other--but he could help to establish the
republican government on a firm basis aud
obtain reasonable conditions of peace from
it. Any other course may place his own
throne in immediate danger as we'll as those
of his brother monarchs. The French ma.
ton cannot be extingushed; it begins to
show great deal of vigor and determination
and the longer the war continues the more
will the sympathy of the masses everywhere
where be with the French
The role England has taken with regard to
France is contemplate. A few Of her ling
statesmen, it is true, have advised the recog-
milton of the republic and friendly interven-
tion. We have quoted the language of the
Duke of Argyle, and we have seen what Sir
Henry Bulwer and others have said on this
matter, but the evil influence of the men in
power and the aristocracy has overruled both
the views of these statesmen and public senti-
ment. Intensely selfish in her policy always,
England can only be friendly to France when
her own interests call for that. And looking
at the sinister motives of Russia which are
not intended for the German border, as some
for the East, England may yet find it neces-
sary to make friend of the French republic.
Complications are thickening every day as the
war continues, and, if we mistake not, the
longer it lasts the greater chance there is for
republicanism in Europe. The people are
too enlightened in this age to submit long to
be slaughtered like cattle for the ambitious
designs of few autocrats reigning families,
or unscrupulous statesmen. Peace might
tbo fpr
will, probably, hasten their fall.
ROME AND THE FUTURE OF THE
PAPACY.
From the N. Y. Times
The Roman Catholic world has had time to
pronounce upon the Italian occupation of
Rome and its bearing upon the future of their
Church. On both sides of the Atlantic the
expression of opinion has been wondrously
meagre, and we are left under some degree
of doubt whether the major section of the
Church thinks the end of tue temporal power
an unmixed evil or blessind in disguise.
Regarding the opinion of the Ultramontane
wing of Romanism, there can be no room for
uncertainty. In common with the Pope him.
self. they have consistently maintained that
the temporal sovereignty of the See of Rome
was a necessity of the most indispensable
kind, and they have as consistently banned
the Government that dared to lay unholy
hands upon the patrimony of st. Peter.
In the words of Bishop Lynch, in his
recent lecture on this subject, ''the
temporal sovereignty of the Pope is ex-
ceedingly important, and / say that it is
necessary for him to possess it, both for the
liberty and interests of the Church, and for
the interests of the world" The reasons by
which this conclusion has been supported
are numerous and potent enough once the
point of view of its advocates has been
granted. Outside critics are chiefly con-
cerned with the fact that it occupies the
place of an article of faith among large
number of devout Catholics, and that Pope
whose past and present official utterances
have lately been pronounced infallible has
declared temporal power to be an essential
adjunct to his spiritual functions. To what
is at present the ruling section of the Roman
Catholic Church, the occupation of Rome by
the Italian troops is, therefore, a calamity
of the first magnitude. 1t is diff cult to
imagine by what doctrinal formula they can
reconcile themselves to so apparent diver
gence between the inspired inmate of the
Vatican and the Providence that rules the
world. In point of fact they make no effort
to explain the anomaly at all, but content
themselves by taking refuge in some such
vogue aspiration as that of the Bishop of
Charleston perhaps Plus TX himself will
be restored to that authority he held ten
years ago.
The men who cling to such straws know,
about as we'll as the rest of the world, that
such an event is as impossible as the re-
constitution of the Roman empire. Ultra
montane Catholicism finds itself accordingly
burdened with one obsolete dogma more
than it had a month ago, and stands facing
an intellectual and progressive age, with its
face turned more wistfully than ever towards
dead past of superstition and ignorance,
which contains all that it regrets, and all
that it wishes to see restored. The Pope
has. it appears, been offered that smaller
section of Rome which lies on the right bank
of the Tber, and which includes the Vatican,
St. Peters, and the Castle of st. Angelo.
Over this section, known as the Leonine
City, he may be permitted to exercise sort
of nominal sovereignty, or at least may ex-
ercise such rights as are not incompatible
with those of the actual Government estab-
lished at the capital. That this shadow of
| independence will be sufficient to reconcile
the Sovereign Pontiff, and those who share
| his prepossessions, to the loss of the States of
the Church, is, of course, not to be expected
| That it will be sufficient to induce him to
remain in Rome even is doubtful. Bishop
| Lynch exhibits a wondeful amount of solici-
| tude lest the Government under which the
| Pope may choose to reside should turn the
immense power of its august subject to
improper uses. The reverend lecturer did
not condescend to say in what man
ner the ecclesiastical thunderbolts
forged at the Vatican could become of the
slightest use to any one save the owner.
The power of cursing volubly in monastic,
not to say canine, Latin is, one would ina
CINE, not likely to be very powerful agent
| 0f