The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-11-15


rate it, so the purpose of disfranchising the |
blacks may be discaimed, but not relin-
uuished II there we're no Republican party, |
the national debt would never be paid, |
and the blacks would soon be divested of
every franchise. While reputation and dis
reimbursement endanger the success of the
sham Democracy, they may be disavowed;
but give that party a four years lease of
power and it will improve its opportunity by
cheating the public creditors and remanding
the blacks to serfdom. Whatever virtue 1t
may assume is imposed by its fears. Is not
the World vsuntng loudly the superiority of
NetD York. Democracy to anhquated preJu-
dces of race? And did not this same De-
mocracy, within this very year, retract the
assent previously given by our State to the
fifteenth amendments
But suppose our Bourbons should
be impelled by their love of
power to accept the logical re-
suits of the war for the Union, and forswear
all further attempts to base Government upon
caste and color, and suppose their assurances
to this effect should be trusted, the para
mount issue in the next Presidential contest
must be the Tariff question. Can you sug-
gest another?
There is large proportion of our people
who sincerely believe in that commercial and
financial policy which is commonly designated
Free-Trade. These is another large proper
as Protection to Home Industry. There is
third and quite large division which has not
yet fully considered the subject, and has at
tained no definite conclusion with regard to
it. The views of some are colored if not
shaped by personal or local interest; many
will go with their respective parties without
giving much thought or study to this Ques-
tion; some are swayed by tradition, others by
selfish aspiration. Still, the perception is
| quite general that the Tariff question comes
next in order after the issues involved in
reconstruction are settled, and that it must
| largely influence the result of our next Presi-
Dental contest.
Meantime, the free-tra1ers are securing
advantages to which they are not fairly enti-
| tied They use the Democratic party as if
they owned it, and make all they can out of
the Republican In States aud districts
where the Republicans are mainly for pro-
! lection, they insist that this fact shall be
kept in allegiance on penalty of a bolt; but,
wherever they have control they pass free
trade resolves, and bid protectionists help
themselves If the Republican nominees are
free-traders, we all work and vote for their
elections if they are protectionists the free
traders bolt and defeat them if possible. How
long can this go on? Can we safely embark
in Pre- sidential contest with compatriots so
slippery?
''But what can we do?" queries faint
heart. eff these dubious allies shall choose
to become open enemies swelling the Demo-
cratic strength to the full extent of their
numbers, does not this insure our defeat?"
Yes, certainly, if we do nothing but tamey
submit to be divided and beaten. But let us
resolve to accept heartily the issue thus
forced upon us, meeting our adversaries
more than half way thereon, and it becomes
to us no longer rock of danger, but tower
of strength.
The tariff ouestion wes considarad fairly
patiently, thoroughly-by our fathers, and by
them decided in favor of protection The
several protective tariffs of 1924 and 1928
were passed, after years of popular agitation,
in obedience to popular requirements The
dOctrtnaires were as hostile to us then as they
can he to day. The slave power was then
mighty, and our implacable adversary. Manu-
factures and mining were in their infancy
among Us, and could contribute little to our
positive strength. We carried the country
on the ground so forcibly maintained by
General Jackson in his letter to DR.. Coleman
that it was the plain interest of our farmers
to create home markets for their products by
building up manufactures throughout our
Union. Political exigencies ultimately forced
the author of this statement into alien asso-
Citations; but the American people never yet
decided against protection when the issue
was fairly presented and their verdict soli-
cited thereon. 1t was by masking this issue,
and swindling Pennsylvania into muddled
belief that Polk was as thorough a protec-
ZIONIST as Clay, that we were barely worsted
in 1874. Such frauds can rarely be repeated.
The Republicans cannot succeed in 1872
by disclaiming the work of their own hands.
If the country decides against protection, it
will so decide by elevating the party most
, hostile to protection to power. If it prefers
the free trade policy, it will prefer that it be
expounded and administered by those whom
it has long known as free-traders. 'Polk,
Dallas, and the tariff Of AZ, may be for
gotten cry; but its recollection will be revived
by any attempt of the party that reverted to
the policy of protection to win public conf
dence by turning its back on itself.
J The Republicans will enjoy great advan-
tages in the inevitable struggle if they stand
proudly by their record. In the first place,
| it is much easier to pick flaws in any tariff
bill that may be framed than to frame one;
} and our adversaries must now stop cavilling
at this or that detail of the present tariff aud
try their hands at framing one less objec.
) tionable and more satisfactory. There are
tens of thousands who find fault with this OF
! that item of the existing tariff who will find
agreat deal more with any substitute thai
} human wisdom can devise. Then the naked
D fact that the assault upon our position il
masked under the ambiguous phrase ''reve
Q nue. reform is a plain confession of con
q scious weakness. ''Free trade" has definite
t meaning; most people know what is intended
: by it; but who can be sure what or how mucl
!; is implied by revenue reform ?" Are yol
h going to breach fortress with balloon
S Our adversaries will not be able to pas
such a tariff bill as will suit them through th'