The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-05-07


restore the rights of self-government to the
Southern States without limitation? Is it
that we feel called upon to exercise retribu-
ton for the crime against the nation of which
they have been guilty This is no part of
the province of human law. The inhiction
of punishment, though it must be governed
by the strictest rules of Justice, or it fails of
its effect has for its object solely the protec-
ton of society. Law is cruelty if it goes be-
yond this except for the direct benefit of the
wrong-doer himself And even here we have
examples enough in history of the most
deadly wrong inflicted by means intended to
rescue the so-called criminal from the path
of error. The Inquisition is but one warning
among many against attempts on the part of
Government to remedy moral evil
If we cannot be content with the retribu-
ton which their own deeds have brought
upon the rebellious States-the more espe-
cialy as it has involved the innocent with
the guilty, and has brought TO ruin those who
would gladly have avoided the issue-we
must be unreasonable indeed But the most
important point, and the only one now really
left for us to be influenced by, is that of a
common interest as citizens of a common
country. Can we afford to leave an element
of strife for an undefhed period in a country
where self-government is such an absolute
necessity as in ours What gives us our
without being resisted-almost without re-
monstrance? 1t is the recollection of evils
so recently suffered as to be within the re-
membrance of all. With every year this re-
collection is less vivid, and in time it wilt be-
come thing altogether forgotten as lesson.
The revolutions in France, recurring at
almost stated intervals of generation, are
an evidence that strong government is sub
mitted to unhesitatingly only so long as the
l.
from which that government has rescued them
These remote evils have not been felt by the
men OF the new era, and they perceive only
the bonds which gall them.
We are not disposed to look upon the
gloomy side of the question, to entertain
fears which stand iii the way of the freest
exercise of duty. But we cannot ignore the
fact that our Government is founded upon,
not merely the sovereignty of the people, but
the fullest recognition of the voice of the
governed, and we have vastly extended the
right of suffrage and made its unversalitya poll
tlcal tenet. 1t makes a jar with our system
to hold whole communities dsfranchised, nor
can that system long work with the friction
called for by such an exercise of power. Such
legislation should be of as short duration as
possible, and can be justified only by the
pressure of stern necessity. Where is
that necessity? Our Government is
tne peoples cnolce, and was never
suited to the permanent enforcement
of legislation distasteful to any considera-
BILE portion of that people. The South
can never be prevented from deeming that
the suffrage they once possessed is a right,
and the denial of it stretch of the most ar
bitrary power. We say again it matters not
that they have provoked such action. The
question is, whether the interests of the
whole country will bear its continuance.
We call ourselves generous because we
secure the amplest civil rights to every resi-
dent, and grant political powers to all corners
with the least possible delay. This is not
mere generosity 1t is wise appreciation
of the necessities of our Government and
our institutions. How long will it be before
we realize the inconsistency of refusing those
rights, even to misguided Rebels, when
their efforts have been entirely foiled, and
they cannot stand in any other relation to us
than that of fellow-citizens?