The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-09-14
EUROPEAN COMPLICATIONS.


French revolution, which upheaved society
from its very foundation-was pregnant with
more important consequences. The conflict
has assumed different phase to what it had
few weeks ago, when Napoleon threw down
the gage of war and the King of Prussia took
it up. 1t is no longer war between the am
bilious Emperor, who endeavored to
strengthen his throne and perpetuate his
dynasty through military glory, and the Prus-
sian monarchy, assuming the championship
of Germany. It begins to take the phase of
a war of monarchical end aristocratical ideas
and privileges against the republican move
ments of the time and republican tendencies
of the age. That fermentation of opinions
which Disraeli has so well described in
''Lothair" is now at boiling heat. The con-
flict between the past and future has been
precipitated by the surprising incidents of
the French-Prussian war. The whole
civilized world is watching with intense in
terest the struggle. The result will show
whether absolutism is to triumph or the peo-
pie are to advance toward freedom and self
government
The telegraphic news from Europe during
the last few days shows that the King of
Prussia is very averse to the republic pro-
claimed in France 1t is said indeed, that
he will not recognize or treat with the re-
publican government, and that, to prevent,
if possible, the existence of the republic, he
will restore the Napoleon empire. 1t may be
that the views and purpose of the King are
exaggerated by the partisans of imperial and
monarchical government, and especially by
the British press and aristocracy, which dread
republicanism but they are quite in accord
with his absolutist notions. There is no
stancher defender of monarchical privileges
and power than King William. In fact, this
is "a remarkable popularity in the Hohen,
zollern family. 1t is probable, therefore,
hot tba &c of dot pa6 itr
to the French republic are true.
At the same time we hear of great activity
in the Cabinets and diplomatic circles of
Europe. The monarchs are excited and fear
the progress of revolution. They want to
interpose, but hardly know how. The Empe-
rors of Russia and Austria, it is said, have
appealed to the King of Prussia to make
peace, and we are informed by the latest
news that the Prussian army had halted, at
the firm request of Russia, in order that King
| William and Bismarck may consider the pro-
position from Russia and Austria for an
armistce. 1t has been reported also that the
| Queen of England is as much opposed to the
French republic as King William, and that
secretly her influence has been used to prevent
| the recognition of that republic. This, too
| appears to be the impression in England
| judging from the language and temper of the
| mass meeting in London on Sunday. Nor is
| this at all unlikely. Although Queen Victo-
| ria is an excellent woman in all the relations
| of life, her monarchical prejudices must be
| strong. Then she has sons and daughters
and blood relations intimately connected with
most of the reigning families of Europe. She
wants to see her children succeed her on the
throne of England and some to wear crowns
on the continent through their marriage with
the heirs of thrones. Even the King of Italy,
liberal and progressive as he is, fears the re-
volution and is preparing to check it. Every
where, in fact, the crowned heads, and the
aristocracies which hang upon them, are
alarmed and are anxiously considering how
they can suppress the present republican
movement and save their crowns
The King of Prussia has raised in this war
a spectre more fearful to him and his fellow
monarchs than the ghost of Samuel was to
King Saul Can he put it down? That is
the important question of the time. Did he,
when he commenced the war, have an idea of
such result? Or, rather, did his astute min
lister, Bismarck, think that the subjugation
of Napoleon would be followed by republic
in France and revolutionary movements in
other parts of Europe? Hardly any other re-
suit could have been expected. Bismarck
must have seen this was possibility at least,
and it is reasonable to suppose he had some
policy to be pursued in such contingency.
What was that policy? What is his policy
now? Surely he is too able statesman to
sentiment of the people of both Europe and
America and against the sentiment of the
mass of the German people as we'll, for no.
thing would tend to arouse the public sense of
the world against Prussia so much as perss-
tent hostility to the republic in France and
forcing either the fugitive imperial govern
ment or any other monarchical government
upon the French. Bismarck must know that
such a course if even within the power of
Prussia to pursue it to the end, would be con-
trary to the enlightened ideas and spirit of
the sge, would cost the Prussians enormously
would probably prolong the war, and would
only leave terrible legacy of future trouble.
We believe this able minister cannot help
seeing the evils that must follow an attempt
on the part of Prussia to squelch the French
republic and to force q monarch upon great
nation at the point of the bayonet But can
he control the King? Is King William so
welded to his monarchieal and absolutist
notions and SO obstinate that he will not
listen even to Bismarck? A few days will
bring an answer to these questions Events
move rapidly, and the crisis is fast culmi-
mating. The King must either treat with the
republic shortly or utterly ignore it.
The King of Prussia declared at the COM
mencement of the war that he fought only
against the Bonapartes, whom he regarded as
the ceaseless disturbers of Europe. Yet it
seems now that he is disposed to restore the
fallen Emperor or his dynasty rather than
recognize republic. AS there appears to
be no prospect of restoring the Orleans
family, the alternative is either Bonaparte
or the republic But does King William
imagine the French people would long sub
NIT to the rule of the disgraced and fugitive
ROnanartaa If AVIAN thav should ha raStOrad