The aegis & intelligencer. [volume] (Bel Air, Md.) 1864-1923, 1870-01-21

or the people are liable to be endangered.
The latitudinarians of a more modern
school, am well aware, ridicule the idea
OF any reserved rights in the States or the
people i'll conflict with the will of Congress.
Such men would teach us that we have
really no established and permanent form
OF government that our federal system is
little more than shifting kaleidoscope
They have so treated it. Our forefathers
certainly thought they were giving us a
republic; but it is not republic in the
sense in which we have heretofore under
stood it if the people should be forced to
submit to any power higher than their own,
and the States have no control in their do
mestic organization and management. It
is evidently not the government of our
fathers, nor are such the teachings of the
wise and patriotic men to whom we owe
its existence. Efforts have been made to
give the widest scope to all the powers
delegated by the people to insure the prac-
tlcal working flour system. We have wit
messed the rights of eminent domain with
in the States boldly asserted in the grant
ing OF charters and the construction of
roads and canals ostensibly to establish
postoffices and post roads, and to regulate
commerce between the States, in the direct
face of the uniform usage of this govern
ment and the teachings OF her most emil
nent and experienced statesmen, and we
have seen efforts, successful efforts, as in
the case OF Georgia, to disfranchise States
by depriving them of their Just and equal
representation in the national councils.
= * x
In the adoption of the federal constitu.
ton the right to control suffrage was left
with the States. This can hardly be dc.
MED. 1t was a cardinal feature of our re-
publican system of government. Amonp
the powers reserved to the people there
was not one more fundamental than that
which regulated and defined the qualifica-
ton OF voters. 1t was the democratic prin-
clple which held in check the growing
tendency to consolidation. When you take
this away, either by constitutional amend
ment, OF arbitrary assumption, you change
essentially the republican form of your
government. The States are no longer SOW
ereign in the sense in which they hereto
tsre managed their local concerns without
hindrance.
They became the vassals of an overshad-
owing centralized power, which must hold
the rod OF authority over them, and inter
pose, whenever prompted by caprice or
party discipline, in their domestic organi-
zatlon or management. But the great
question which concerns us now is, wheth-
Ell the people are prepared voluntarily to
cede this tremendous power with others
involving their very existence, to the fed
eral arm and to show their distrust of the
States as the proper repositories of the
powers not delegated by the constitution.
Will the States and the people disfran-
chise themselves? Are they not to be
trusted with the use of power in the regu-
lation of their domestic affairs.
Il
The investment of the central govern
ment with this power over suffrage within
the States, which incidentally carries with
Whole eeoy' 81 @cG tsse e 1eMg we're ERE
based The State governments became
subordinate and powerless where they were
intended to be supreme and effective in
the exercise of this specific power. 1t is
closely interviewer with their whole do
nestle organization for if the power to
control suffrage within State is made Il
function OF the federal agency, why NAV
it not be construed to apply to unnatural
lied aliens, to minors and women TO luna
tics and persons non c0mpos mentis, and
other prohibited classes? The clause to en-
force the fifteenth amendment, by "appro-
pirate legislation" admits of the widest
latitude. 1t makes Congress the supreme
arbitcr. We are not to argue that these
are absurd and improbable contingencies.
We must leave nothing to chance in deal
ing with so grave subject. 1t breaks up
the equilibrium of our system by abridg-
ing the power of the States, and the dan
ger of abuse in the delegation of this fear
full power to the federal government ought
to admonish us of how much we are part
ing with in the effort to elevate and add
vance the African race
The question of suffrage before and dur
ing the late presidential campaign had
awakened large share of the public at
tention. In Ohio and Pennsylvania and
New York, and some other States, the CON
troll of this power by the federal govern
ment was received with marked disfavor
by the masses ofthe people, and no attempt
was made to force direct issue upon its
merits.
s. # st T.
The States cannot in Difference to the
safety OF their institutions make any great
er sacrifice than they have done already.
They have given up every thing but suf-
flage, and this the fifteenth amendment
claims at their hands. No matter what
consequences may be involved in this strug-
gle, the people must look to their govern
ment If they give up power it will never
return to them without an effort, and that
effort is to be avoided in the interest of
peace. Free government depends upon
popular support, and that support will be
Withdrawn from the dominant party the
moment the nsople find they are Cypress
ed, as they are now, by arbitrary or despot.
ic eXactions. Congress has been invested
with limited and defined powers within
which they must legislate, and beyond
which they cannot go; and so Of the co
ordinate departments that comprise our
federal system. five extend these powers
beyond the limit ofnecessity we undermine
and weaken the base upon which the whole
fabric rests. When the people are not to
be trusted, and voluntarily admit their in
ability to hold power by favoring consoli
dation and Capitalization in the surrender
OF our rights as so carefully and judicious-
ly secured to them, it is not difficult to fore
see the dangers to which they lay them
selves open, assuming proportions by grad
ual and almost imperceptible advances and
ending in anarchy, disorganization, and
ultimate despotism. These are the lessons
OF history for centuries past in the rise and
fall of republics, and should be kept stead