The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1870-10-25


indicates strong and growing desire for peace.
The British Cabinet is holding meetings daily.
Its representatives, it appears, at all the
courts of Europe arc receiving hourly instruc-
tions. 1t is reported that from all the ambas-
sailors the reports encourage the hope of an
early suspension of hostilities. Austria and
Italy are quite as active and just as anxious
as Great Britain in the peace movements of
the hour. For an hour or two yesterday it
was somewhat disturbing to find that Russia
was not mentioned among the Powers who
were working so anxiously and so vigorously
for peace. Later in the day it was gratifying
to learn that Russia, no doubt for good
reasons, was acting independently in the same
| direction. Out Of the multtudinous kilograms
| it is not difficult to gather convincing
evidence that France is sick of the war and
beginning to be impatientIy DESTROYS OF the
cessation Of hostilities.
The situation is simple and perfectly intell-
gible. France Is in desperately hopeless
condition. She is putting forth her strength;
she Is making huge efforts; but her strength
is the strength of despair, and her efforts are
so little under the influence of o single and
forceful purpose that we have no choice but
to regard them as straw in the balance. The
Prussians have made their way so far into the
heart of France, and their work has been SO
easy that they begin to hesitate and ask them
selves the question whether they are justified
in persevering in the work Of destruction. They
have made their offer but poor France, which
has no voice because it has no government,
will not accept the merciful terms of the con-
queror. Peace is desired by the French peo-
pie at almost any price; but there is no man
or body Of men to speak for the people of
France and say, 1--WE accept" There has
been and there still is all manner of wild talk
about Bazaine and the Emperor, about the
regency of the Empress, about the abdcation
Of Napoleon the Third, and the enthrone-
ment of Napoleon the Fourth; but
the wild talk seems to be utterly without
foundation. Among the many possibilities of
the future we cannot exclude the return Of the
Bonapartes, the restoration of the Bourbons.
any more than we can exclude the establish
ment of a republic. But the republic is more
or less fact which makes a difference.
France is really in chaotic state. All the
governments see it. More than this all the
governments begin to be jealous Of each other.
The Russian government breads the growing
power of Prussia. The Austrian government
trembles for the possible loss Of twelve mil
lions of subjects, and the loss, besides, of her
original seat Of power. The Latin nations,
one and all, not to speak of Sweden and Den
mark and Holland, have no desire to see the
German people making themselves masters of
Europe. Great Britain is mortified to think
that she can no longer speak with authority on
continental questions. and the Gladstone
Ministry is at last convinced that it must do
if it would continue to COM
mand the confidence Of the three king
doms. In addition to all this winter
is approaching; and winter campaign
was the one thing which in the outset
Prussia was determined to avoid. The
possession of the person Of the Emperor
did not enter into the calculations of either
or Won Moltke. A dash, victory,
or series of victories, and then peace-that
was Prussia's aim and Prussia's hope. The
surrender of the Emperor has proved as much
an embarrassment to Prussia as it has un-
been misfortune to France. But
facts are facts, and now the war is distasteful
to all concerned. Prussia-the whole of Ger
many--is as anxious for peace as is France.
The general feeling which has now been
loudly expressed Is, therefore, most natural.
Its naturalness encourages us to hope that the
war is practically ended. There are only two
serious difficulties in the way. The one is
that Prussia insists on the cession of territory
ment of France is not the government
de jure. 1t is not impossible that
Prussian claims might be somewhat
modified if Prussia had good reason
to believe that the doings of the men who now
claim to represent France would be endorsed
by the nation. This is the real difficulty Of
the situation. The difficulty of France and
Prussia, however, constitutes the opportunity
of the neutral Powers. Nay, the difficulty
imperatively calls for the action Of the neutral
Powers. The time has come in the history of
this contest when 1t is not only the privilege
but the duty Of Great Britain and Russia and
Austria to speak out and insist on an armis-
tice. If the great neutrals promise to hold
France responsible and to identify their inte-
rests with either belligerent for the time being
there can be no difficulty in inducing Prussia
to consent to an armistice. Since the famous
interview of Bismarck and Jules Favre it has
been manifest to all the world that France, not
Prussia, was to blame for the continuance of
hostilities If the provisional government of
France will not listen to any proposals which
Prussia may make, Of course the war must 60
on and France must suffer. But the con-