The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-01-27
A CROP OF REvENGEs.
4 EroSa fbs N Y TrNt,fs,a

Journals over the water marvel that Ameri-
cans have shown so much feeling on the Ala
bama Claims; but, for our part, We are sur
prised at their wonder. Sir Charles Dixie
represented our cause correctly when he told
his countrymen that the Americans were con-
scious that they could afford to wait. If
Britons are puzzled to know whether there is
more of sentiment than of calculation in this
policy of patience, we cannot help them.
Great Britain may continue to plant griev-
ances, or may allow troubles TO spring up by
neglect-it is for us only to wait and see them
grow. Observe the way in which Nova
Scotia clamors against Considerations think
of the New Zealanders; consider the Colum-
bians; look at the fighting Winnipegs; behold
the Fenians Each of these may be por-
ton of that general crop of revenges which is
naturally springing up to remind our British
brethren that once upon a time a Rebel
hacked at the tree of liberty, and an English
man sharpened his ak for him. Our griey-
ances, be they sentimental OF otherwise, have
| struck root outside of our own boundaries,
and time is likely to bring us o crop of re-
venges. Though we have not sown we shall
reap, and England will have to thank her own
| folly for our harvest
Lord Clarendon may have convinced Eng
| lishmen that he has gloriously exculpated his
Government; but the Alabama damages with
their prelude of precipitate recognition are
| still an mistaken case and beyond them are
| Canada and Winnipeg, Columbia and Ireland
| The London Ect0, one of the few papers
| which are candid in respect to our claims
| holds that their settlement would relieve the
| Irish question of some doubt. But might
| not their reinstatement make dubious more
| questions than the Irish one? The Echo ask s
whether, in the event of a revolution in
| France, the English Government would be as
hasty to recognize French Republicans as it
was to recognize American shareholders
Even if the French rebels were formi-
dable enough to put in jeopardy the
French capital, and to hold Lyons, would an
English Cabinet at once declare state of
belligerency2 The world in general can give
but one answer to this question, and it is the
answer of the Echo. Lord Clarendon, who SO
lately went to Paris to tender the good offices
of England to keep France in order in the
| event of the Emperor's DEATH would not be.
of course, as willing to aid French Liberals as
he was to help American slave-owners. Now,
suppose the United States were called upon
to recognize a number of Canadian rebels
who had set up a government within hun
dred miles of Ottawa? According to Lord
Clarendon's imaginable French policy, we
should be obliged to ignore them; but if we
respected his American precedent, we should
be bound to recognize them at sight. In
deed, we should have to give notice of our
intention to declare their belligerency without
waiting for Queen proclamation, or paying
respect to an English Minister, or considering
anything but the matter of bare fact exagge-
rated by hard self-interest.
Questions like the one suggested might
happen to crop out in phenomenal state Of
politics. MIR. Golden thought that if wal
should happen between Great Britain anG
Brazil, for instance, the great British skipper
and shipper would suffer in proportion to the
Alabama damages. Her adversely might
prove to be commensurate with her prosperity
in marine sense. 1t is impossible to reckon
up the future; it would be unwise to idly
count upon the decadence of so energetic and
enterprising a nation as England. Her ships
dispute our own continent with us, and hel
trade is a mighty guarantee of her influence
But we, too, have guarantees, and those o.
| the most solid and growing character