The New York herald., 1870-04-14

The Senatus Consultum, which we published
in the HERALD of yesterday, defines the sltua-
ton and makes it plain to France ana the
world what the Emperors present reform
movement really means. 1t was not unnatural
| that the members Of the Corps Legislatif
should be desirous to discuss the Senatus Con-
su,tum:. for in spite of all that the Emperor
and his Ministers have said about the ple6iscite
! of 1852. and the connection Of the same with
this latest movement, thinking men every
where, both in and out of France, will persist
| in calling 1t new constitution. The Empe
ror, however, has, as we had expected, re-
fused to allow the lower house any such
privilege. Yesterday the lower house was
adjourned until after the ple6iscitu,n has been
voted upon by the people, which, it is
thought, will take place between the lst and
the 9th OF May. A cable despatch which we
print this morning has 1t that the proclamation
of the Emperor to the French people in rela-
ton to the new constitution will be published
tomorrow. Meanwhile France is in state
of the widest excitement The Cabinet Is
divided, Paris is divided, France is divided;
and while the partisans Of the empire are
enthusiastic the opponents Of the empire are
sullen, angry, vengeful.. Between now and
the 9th Of May French, news, in spite of impe-
rial precautions, will be lively and full Of
| interest
| Now that we have The text Of the Sendtus
| Consultuns before US we can speak with some
plainness of its merits and demerits. We
cannot refuse to admit that the State paper
read to the Senate by M. Olivier on the 2Sth
of March is marked by great ability. 1t is
really an instructive and skilfully prepared
| document. That it expresses the Emperor's
views we are bound to believe, but there are
not few who will find it hard to reconcile
the sentiments of that paper with the
previously published sentiments of the
Emperor. It is very difficult to think
that the author of the corp d6tot,
the author of the ''Life of julius
Caesar" and the framer of this new constitution
! is one and the same man. 1t is very well to
say that the concessions of 1860, Of 1866 and
of 1867 were the natural and proper fruit,
though somewhat late, of the plc5iscite of 1852.
The connection is well made out; but it would
have been, perhaps, more honest If the Emperor
and his advisers had confessed that necessity
had been laid upon them and that this present
concession, like the others which have pre-
ceded, is made because the interests of the
Bonaparte dynasty required it. Fifteen years
| ago France was taught by its imperial pre-
ceptor that the people, to be happy and pros
porous, must submit to the strong will of one
man. Undivided authority was what France
needed in the form of her government In other
| words, Caesar to France was sas1Er Now
| NJ. Olivier, speaking for his imperial master,
| finds merits in the checks and balances of the
! ancient Venetian constitution, and sees some
| thing to admire in the constitutions of England
and of the United States. France gave up all
| power to the Emperor in 1852. The Emperor,
| not disposed to abuse that trust, but ever
willing to use it for the good Of France,
has carefully watched his opportunities, and
| as occasion has offered he has restored to
France slowly, but effectively, what France
gave him. Hence the concession of 1860,
which gave both Chambers the right of voting
an address to the speech from the throne
Hence the concession of 1867, which gave
them the right of Interpolation. Hence the
concession of 1869, which gave the Senate the
right Of initiative. Hence, too, the concession
of a responsible Ministry. All these conces-
sions, with this latest Senatus ConsuNun,
have come forth at the proper time from the
blessed ple6iscite Of 1852. Thus the Emperor
ful6ls his oft-repeated promise of ''crowning
the edifce." NJ. Olivier claims for this great
work, which has been eighteen years in pro-
gress, the character Of originality-''a work
which, as he says, ''will be initiated here
after"
With this work before us we cannot say it
is entitled to be called original. It is long
since the merits Of the English constitution
were known even to Frenchmen. It is well
nigh century since the United States
exhibited to the world an improved copy of
the same. If it had been convenient for the
Emperor and his friends it would have been
easy for them to give France in 1854 or in
1860 the constitution which Is offered her
to-day. France is republic like the
United States, because the basis Of the con-
5'ILutlOu ID uulVeIbal ouuTdScs VTduCS Is u
monarchy like Great Britain, because the
apex of the constitution is adorned with
crown. To combine universal suffrage with
monarchy was the Emperor's difficulty as well
as his ambition and his necessity. His new
constitution accordingly is a somewhat skiful
combination of the excellences of the
British and American systems. The lower
house will correspond exactly to the British
House of Commons and to our House of
Representatives The Senate will occupy the
place of our Senate and of the British House
of Lords; but 1t will be wanting in the ele-
ments which give character to both. Its
members will not be hereditary legislators, as
| in Great Britain, or elective, as in the United