Ashtabula weekly telegraph. [volume] (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1853-1873, 1870-08-06

sale of men. They had no intention to
shed their blood in defense of this slave
trade. They would tar rather hang
every pirate who dealt in human flesh
Hpon our coast than 90 to war for their
protection They saw not the "mecting"
of these resisting victims, but the piracy
of those who sought to restrain them of
their freedom.
The Secretary had referred to these
people as ''murderers." They were oay
the high seas, held in subiection without'
law, aud in violation of Justice. In the
spirit and dignity of their manhood they
rose aud asserted the rights with which
the God of Nature had endowed them.
The slave dealer thrust. himself between
them aud their freedom, and in defend
ing their lives aud liberty they slew him.
for which you and | and all mankind
honored them. The whole world would
say they did right. Would the honora-
bls Secretary have done less ? If SO. he
would not have deserved the name of
man. Yet he called this high, heroic
duty "ptetbler." Our patriot fathers de-
clared that governments are institute;i
Rmeng men TO secure to all the cniov-
nent of life, liberty and the pursuit Of
happiness" but the honorable secretary
appeared to think that their principal
design was to secure sidUe drivers in the
pursuit of their eaecrdLle UOcotiOn. But
the Creator had not LETT his attributes of
truth and justice to depend upon the
favor of men. They were omnipotent
and would prevail. When political
strfes should cease, when the secretary
and he should sleep in their graves, when
their names should disappear from the
records of tine, the great. undying
truth, "that all men are created equal.
that they are endowed by their Creator
with the inilenable right to life and
liberty" would be acknowledged and
observed
II this speech he had noby vindicieed
1he freedom of debate and the rights of
human nature 1t should not be forgot
ten that the stand taken by this heroic
man cost him not ouly all executive in
fiuence, but also social position at Wash
ington. The social dcspotism OF the
slave power has never been adequately
appreciated. We all remcmber that il
was frequently said during the early
struggles with slavery that the atmos
phere OF Washington had strongly de.
bas:ng influence on the love of freedom
which northern representatives had cher
ished at home.
This result was achieved by the sys-
tematic efforts of the slave power so to
WELD the social tSrces as to draw and
hold within the circle of the influence
all the young men of promise and amb
tion who found seats in the national
legislature. The average man cannot
with perfect composure, speak and vote
against the wishes Of the man with whom
he has just broken the bread of hospi
tality.
For many years there was in Wash.
ington most brilliant and attractive
serial organization, controlled, absolute
Ay, tw the slave power. Cabinet minis
tiers and members OF Congress from the
South lavished their wealth TO add to It's
.attractiveness. And the one indispcnsa
BILE condition of admission was support
and defense of the peculiar institution
or at least silence in regard 20 it. This
influence was all the more potent, he
cause it was private aud silent Ia it,
operation. Those who were not admit
ted to this circle were quietly treated n
though unworthy from lack of culture
or moral excellence. From the moment
that Mr. Giddings had avowed his hos
tility to slavery he was not only shu
out from the society of which | hav,
spoken, but was treated with marked
incivility and coldness by his fellow
members. In his work on the Cause
of the Rebellion" Mr.. Giddings speak
of this social ostracism III the most mani
way, and we can see that his genial ma
ture suffered from this cause. Speaking
of the session of 1871, he says:
"Personal feeding began to take the
place of political sympathy; the socia
relations of members were broken up
and the common civilitics of life were n,
longer observed hy portion Of tn
southern members. Personal bilterncs
was manifested toward the writer NOR
ttan toward any other member. Their
were not, probably, dozen slave-hold
ing members who at that period recog
nized him while passing on the street, u
when meeting him in the Hall of Repre-
seitatives"
Again, speaking of the state of society
IN ls43, he SAYS: "At Washington tn
author continued to be slignatized as n
'abolitionist, al aeilator, one who wa
seeking notoriety.' Public meetings q
the Democratic party adopted resolution
-denouncing him and Democratic paper
.assailed him Nor did The Wing pres
sustain him. lie did not receive ihos
eiyliiies extended 10 members of Col
gress lie exchanged cards with bu
few, and wholly abstaned from maxim
calls OF ceremony"
lt is not light thing for man Ink
Mr.. Giddings 10 pass the most of twent
years in the manner here described. =
far rs i have been able 10 discover, Nj
Giddings appears to have been the fir'
20 state = national aud practical grouu
an which members Of Congress, and II
people sustaining them, could ciitclivel
resist the institution of slavery. Tn
statement was made in a speech delivers
in the House Of Representatives Febr
ary rs, 1874. After showing that sE
cry was a creature of State law, aud d
claiming any right or purpose TO int
ferc with il in the States where IL eXis
ed. he said whatever issue | tai
with Southern gentlemen is based g
ttralv uInsu this ,,iniu and nbVinug 1n