The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1870-09-13
European Complicatlons-Tho Conflict he
tween tho Past and tho Faiure.

| III EurOpo arc ueepiy iutoreouus' ~" o'o"s
in history, perhaps-no, not even the first
French revolution, which upheaved society
from its very foundation-was pregnant with
more important consequences. The conflict
has assumed different phase to what il had
few weeks ago, when Napoleon threw down
it up. 1t is no longer waI between an am
bilious emperor, who endeaf ored to strengthen
his throne and perpetuate his dynasty through
military glory, and the Prussian monarchy,
assuming the championship of Germany. 1t
begins to take the phase of war OF monarchi-
cal and aristocratical ideas and privileges
against the republican movements of the time
and republican tendencies of the age. That
fermentation of opinions which Disraeli has so
well described in "Lothair" is now at boiling
heat The conflict between the past and
future has been precipitated by the surprising
incidents Of the French Prussian war. The
whole civilized world is watching with intense
interest the struggle. The result will show
whether absolutism is to triumph or the people
are to advance toward freedom aud self
government.
The teegraphic news from Europe during the
last few days shows that the King of Prussia
is very averse to the republic proclaimed in
France. 1t is said, indeed, that he will not
recognize or treat with the republican govern
ment and that, to prevent, If possible, the
existence of the republic, he will restore the
Napoleon empire. tmay be that the views and
purpose Of the King are exaggerated by the
| partisans of imperial and monarchical gov
ernment, and especially by the British press
and aristocracy, which dread republicanism
but they are quite in accord with his absolu-
list notions There is no stancher defender
of monarchical privileges and power than
King William. In fact, this is a remarkable
peculiarly in the Hohenzolern family. 1t is
probable, therefore, that the reports of his
determined hostility to the French republic are
true
At the same time we hear of great activity
in the cabinets and diplomatic circles of
Europe. The monarchs are excited and fear
the progress of revolution. They want to
interpose, but hardly know how The EN-
perors of Russia and Austria, it is said, have
appealed to the King of Prussia to make
peace, and we are informed by the latest news
that the Prussan army had halted, at the
firm request of Russia, in order that King
William and Bismarck may consider the propo-
sitiOn from Russia and Austria for an armistice.
It has been reported also that the Queen of
England is as much opposed to the French
hat
her influence has been used to prevent the
recognition of that republic. This, too,
appears to be the impression in England,
judging from the language and temper of the
mass meeting in London on Sunday. Nor is
this at all unlikely Although Queen Victoria
is an excellent woman in all the relations of
life her monarchical prejudices must be strong.
Then she has sons and daughters and blood
relations intimately connected with most of
the reigning families of Europe. She wants
to see her children succeed her on the throne of
England and some to wear crowns on the Con-
tinent through their marriage with the heirs of
thrones. Even the King of Italy, liberal and
progressive as he is, fears the revolution and
is preparing to check 1t. Everywhere, in fact,
the crowned heads, and the aristocracies
which hang upon them, are alarmed aud are
anxiously considering how they can suppress
the present republican movement and save
their crowns.
The King of Prussia has raised in this war
a spectre more fearful to him and his fellow
monarchs than the ghost of Samuel was to
Co nj ho hok
is the important question of the time. Did
he, when he commenced the war, have an idea
of such result? Or, rather, did his astute
minister, Bismarck. think that the subjugation
of Napoleon would be followed by a republic in
France and revolutionary movements in other
parts of Europe? Hardly any other result
could have been expected. Bismarck must
have seen that this was possibility at least,
and it is reasonable to suppose he had some
policy to be pursued in such contingency.
What was that policy9 What is his policy
nowp Surely he is too able a statesman to
suppose he can fight successfully against the
sentiment of the people of both Europe and
America and against the sentiment of the
mass of the German people as well, for no
thing would tend to arouse the public sense Of
the world against Prussia so much as persis-
tent hostility to the republic in France and
forcing either the fugitive imperial govern
ment or any other monarchical government
upon the French. Bismarck must know that
such course, if even within the power of
Prussia to pursue 1t to the end, would be con-
trary to the enlightened ideas and spirit Of the
age, would cost the Prussans enormously,
would probably prolong the war and would
only leave terrible legacy of future trouble.
We believe this able Minister cannot help see
ing the evils that must follow an attempt on
the part of Prussia to squelch the French re-
public and to force monarch upon great
nation at the point Of the bayonet. But can
h. ooutro1 tho Kiroo Ia Kiu0 William an