New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1870-07-23
LILLE NEH AGITATION.

Many assume JIdJ Cdpludi an" i'"oi "iO "''
ural enemies. Instead OF being allies, TO-
gether fighting the battle of life on fair
basis, it is held that all that each can extort
or frighten from the other IN the scramble
ought TO be got and the law of supply and
demand is voted vicious theory of a defunct
political economy. We were flattering our
selves that we were just through with wal
of races, when John Chinaman, with his pig
tail and pegging-awls, throws New-England
into Mysteries. Perhaps no one really expects
that Oriental immigration will be i'll any SEN
sible degree checked by adverse legislation.
We may, indeed, cOntrve to make a degraded
class, and one still more alien, by prOscriptive
laws. The spirit that has been aroused against
Chinese workmen may be turned against En-
glish, Irish, and German operative immigrants.
The whole spirit OF our laws encouraging the
introduction of labor and capital may be re-
versed (although we hardly think it, and the
cOrdwainers carpenters, and caIriage-makers,
by organizing, may prevent the introduction
of any other labOrers iii their respective fields,
and thus by limiting the supply, enhance the
price of their articles. All speculation about
the relative qualities of John Chinaman and n
HottentOt is impertinent, the objection TO our
Oriental friend really being that he can make
shoes at all.
In the past twenty years more immigrants
have arrived in the United States than during
the previous seventy, and in the last decade
probably more persons landed on our shores
than the total population of the Colonies at
the date of the Revolution. What, then, does
this active period of immigration exhibit A
steady and rapid increase of wealth in the
country, and an upward tendency in wages.
Fifteen or twenty years ago, wheat sold from
thirty to sixty cents n bushel. In agricultural
regions it was difficult to turn grain of any
kind into cash. Labor, of course, Jared little
better. The system of taking truck was
common, and farm labOrers received from
eight to ten dollars per month, and mechanic
with his tools obtained a dollar per day.
Clothing was, if anything, higher than at
present. Most imported articles, except coffee
and sugar, were as high as now, or higher.
Labor-saving machines were scarce and dear.
Tastes were simpler, wants fewer; and as re-
CARDS clothing, dwellings, and articles of con-
venence and refinement, we probably occupied
what would be called n much lower plane than
we do to-day. When the war broke out prices
and wages went up with bound, partly on
account of the increased demand for men in
various fields, and partly owing to the in
flation of paper money. As the public credit
rose, or gold fell from 240 to III, decline of
all prices was to be looked for. To cOnsid-
cradle extent this has been the case. If prices
have not touched the rates at the breaking
out of the war, it has been for two reasons ::
first, the natural upward tendency produced by
our steady increase as a nation i'll wealth, an
increase still going on, and more rapidly than
ever and, second, the tendency to resist low
prices. The man who has rented his house for
one thousand dollars does not want to take
five hundred. He who has sold his shoes for
two dollars, or his caicOes for twenty cents,
does not wish 20 see thcmreduced thirtyper cent.
Themechanic who has been paid four dollars does
not wish to take three, and the artisan who
has had three objects to two as an outrage.
Still, the memorable general law will be
obeyed. The farmers thought two dollars a
bushel fair price for wheat yet it has stood
for wear at about half that sum. In point
of fact, it is lower than it was the year before
the war; with a difference against him of from
eleven to fifteen per cent in the value of
money and of fifty per cent at least in wages.
Would it not be well, then, for the farmers to
form a society and determine to starve the
people of these United States of America I'M
less they pay them two dollars for their
wheat? Or are such combinations of no more
use than to destroy the productive industry Of
the cOuntIy2
And yet, when the labor agitation is di-
vested of clap-trap and demagOguery, 1t is a
grand question. Can the laboring classes of
America maintain their position as the intelli-
gent independent men, on whose industry,
virtue, and votes the Republic resist The
enemies of our form of government have not
been slow to declare that when we acquire
dense population and wealth gets in few
broad channels, labor viii rise and wage agra
rian warfare, by arms or votes, against the
security of property, and chaos or despotism
will be the consequence. We do not think
there are just reasons for such fear. Some
suggest as preventive that everybody should
be thoroughly educated. Education, indeed, is
almost indispensable; but there are two other
elements even more necessary-virtue and en-
crgy. The safety of our country lies in the
fact that the avenues to wealth and distinction
are open to all. These avenues must be
kept open. When laboring men coop
crate, let it not be to paralyze industry, but
to secure for themselves the full pro-
ceeds of their labor. Let them save their
funds to set up woIkmen's shops.
Let them put themselves in "a condition to be
able, when All employer does not offer as fair
wages as he can afford, to employ themselves.
The field is open for every American laborer.
Let him strive to own the house in which lac
lives, the shop he works in, or to be stock
holder in the business in which he is an opera
tive. Let him become a capitalist. Capital,
whether it consist of a million dollars or a
ck-plane, naturally wants what its use is
worth in the market of the world He who