The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-08-12

he admits that his countrymen could not be
restrained. he does not say the Emperor
could not be held back--but his countrymen
Impartial history will probably record that
the French people forced the war on Napo-
leon. il not to his own destruction, at least
to his imminent peril.
We may we'll afford, while sympathizing
with the Germans in this contest to observe
with careful eyes the events which are now
taking place in the world-events which
have never been exceeded in Importance
since the French Revolution, and which are
destined, as we have always believed, to
change the whole current of modern Euro
pean history. To suffer ourselves to be
misled by the ignorant cries of wild fanatics
would be unworthy of us as men who are
living in times destined to stand out in
history with terrible significance. We may
be against France in this struggle, but it is
not necessary to insult France by asserting,a as
one of our contemporaries has done, that all
the French troops are drunk when they march
to the war, and that the people are bitterly
opposed to it. Let us, at least, as public his
torians, tell the truth frankly, no matter
where our sympathies may be. If we believe
that Germany is in the right, that is no
reason why we should garble the news which
finds its way into our columns. AS for Ma
poleon, what does his life signify in this
gigantic struggle, one way or the other? He
is but an accident of the hour. Strike him
out of the scene altogether, and this war
would be waged with tenfold intensity on the
part of France-for then the great present
cause of political differences would be re-
moved, and every man in France would rise
to beat back the tide of invasion. But while
the Emperor remains there are divisions
where all should be unity. If Napoleon
were to abdicate at this moment, and
leave the war to be conducted by other hands,
he would assist France infinitely more than
he can do by pretending to lead her armies.
His health is bad. His spirits are broken.
By abdicating he would stand in a better
position before the world than he can hope to
do now, even although an accident might
give him great victory. For he is charged
with being the sole cause of the war, and the
London Times, for instance, asserts that if
he were out of the way the war would cease.
The predictions and statements of theLondon
Times throughout our own war were SO re-
markably accurate, and so manifestly dictated
by love of truth and fair play, that we
cannot fail to attach the greatest Importance
to it's suggestions now. Its opinion is
scarcely less decisive than the ''opinion of
Antwerp" concerning which, by-the-by, the
cable has not kept us properly informed since
Monday.
In any case Napoleon, by withdrawing
from the scene, would put the question to the
test whether or not the war hinges solely
upon him. This is, perhaps, the most favor:
able termination to his rule which he can
reasonably look for. If he did not make this
crisis, it is all the more reason why he should
not attempt to control it. He is a cause of
weakness instead of strength to the country.
France may be beaten under an Emperor,
but it has always been found impossible to
reduce her under a Republic. Politically,
indeed, republics do not flourish on French
soil. They end in bloodshed and anarchy.
But they at least have always known how to
defend the country. The people know what
they are fighting for when Republic bids
them to advance against an invader. In 1892
Frenchmen conld turn aside from their own
Revolution to sweep back the Austrian in
vaders. Prussia would find her antagonist
fifty.fold more formidable if Republic were
declared tomorrow. She might still conquer,
but her task would be more difficult. AS for
the restoration of the Orleans family, it is a
hopeless chimera There will be no King in
France until a.Republic has had yet another
trial.