Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1870-02-25
EXTRACTS FROM THE COMMUNICATION OF
JAN. II, 1869.

The kind personal relations which
had existed between Gov. Brownlow and
myself from my boyhood, and the init
mate official relations which, by law, ex-
listed between cur offices, made me ex-
tremcly reluctant to differ with him in his
views of official acts. AS a consequence,
for long time l acquiesced in many
doubtful measures. But in the fall of
1867, His Excellency, upon entering upon
his second term, sent in his message as
sorting his right, under the schedule tothe
amended Constitution, to appoint call the
officers of the State, both civil and mill
tary, " for the full terms provided by law
for such offices. This power, coupled
with the power of removal, in my Opin-
ion, at once destroyed the republican
character of the State government If
the Governor is right in this declaration
of his power, all elections held since the
war by the Legislature or the people
have been held by his permission-he
having the power to fill any vacancy
about to occur. When this position was
taken by the Governor, l felt bound to
protest against it openly and decidedly.
subsequently, felt bound to dissent 10
the management of the non-paying rail
roads, the proposition to issue gOld-bear-
ing bonds, the use of militia instead of
county police, the administration of the
machinery of the franchise law, and
many other minor matters not necessary
here to allude to.
Cand0r requires me to say that differ
with some of our party as to the temper
with which ex-Rebels should be treated.
The State government should have con-
sidered itself as standing in loco pGre1l-
It's to the 10hole people of the State.
should have sought to allay the strife
among the children of Tennessee-tO heal
and soothc rather than to irrate and pro-
woke discussiOn-to cure up rather than
tear open the wounds which the war had
inflicted upon the body polite. 1t was
absolutely necessary that while the pas
sions of the people were yet intiamed and
heated by the war, that the victorious
minority should be protected from the
majority. A partial and conditional dis
franchisement could not be avoided. Our
mistake was that we made the franchise
law sweeping and perpetual-offering no
hope or inducement to the ex-Rebels TO
become loyal. Thousands of them would
join our party to-day, but we see they can
not get to US without perjury in taking an
Iron-Clad oath. This excessively severe
policy of our party is about to produce
its natural consequences. This narrow
policy as about to explode for the 1CdI1t
of caLiJre. If we had allowed the courts
a. I 6 ho1 4 a1
special tribunal, to relieve such as mani
tested a loyal and patriotic spirit, we
would have manifested a proper spirit,
and would have built up our party and
made it impregnable. Instead of this
we are growing weaker daily, and many
of our best men have become disguised
and declared openly for universal suffrage
at once. The COnfederates will ere long
get this boon in spite of US, and no thanks
to us. and will be the less inclined to len
iency. The only justification that can be
offered for the Acknowledgement of any
citizen is the protection of the minority.
pity the man who would disfranchise his
ncighbor for his own qualification.
The man who is DISTINGUISHED in a re-
public is not apt to feel that it is his gov
eminent, or to take any pride or interest
in it, nor apt to make a useful, or even
law-abiding citizen of it. / do not feel
comfortable residing in a State where
half of the people and twO-thiTds of the
taxpayers are publicly degraded by law,
without any motive TO he proud of the
State and its government. desire pa
ciiication, harmony and restoration OF
confidence among the people, and that
this chronic strife may cease in our gen
Grafton, and not be left as an heirloom
for posterity.
Again, while ! dcnOunce and condemn
those leaders who brought on the war,
and those of the lower order who NAL
treated citizens and prisoners, am per
suadcd that the misguided masses of the
Southern people were honest in their de-
vOtion 10 the Southern cause-bad as IL
was Il viii not DO to say that the men
and women of onethird of the nation are
all felons. | take it that the man who
left his family and home, and fought and
suffered for four years without pay, and
to his own impOveriShment, would not
have done so if he had not though he
was right.
These people were greatly Impoverished
by The war They suffered defeat, wounds
and captivity. We have emancipated
their slaves: we have disfranchised the
master and disabled him from hold
my Office or sitting on juries; We have
cnfranchised the slave, and given him the
right TO hold Office and sit upon juries,
thus in many localities reversing the re,a-
ton Of master and slave. ! think we
have punished them enough for partici-
patton in the rebellion, and that it is time
10 commence, gradually, at least, to re-
move their chains \ father may punish
truaut or rcbellious son until he gets
himself into the wrong.
have thus, Mr.. Editor, given express
sion to my candid sentiments. l am
aware that as nag views they are worth
nothing, but if they are words of truth
and soberness they are worth more than
cold and diamonds. A. J. FLETCHER.
EXTRACTS FROM 4 LETTER TO A FRIEND IN
BEDFORD, DATED JAN. %, 1859.
Thirty years Of agitation and four years
Of a great civil war and now four years