The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-11-26


and modified by his prudence and caution.
The Whig party had some strong tendencies
to Capitalization, but these tendencies were
in some degree held in check by the necessity
for paying Difference to the great fundamen-
tai principles of the rights Of States and
localities The Wings never attempted to
carry Presidential election by a sectional
combination; and the necessity they were
under, therefore, to secure the votes of
Southern States obliged them to be cautious
in their doctrines respecting the powers of
the Federal Constitution. Upon the whole,
il may be said that what was done by both of
those defunct parties to make our Federal
Government consolidated one bears no sort
of proportion to what has been done in that
direction by the Republicans Where there
was one measure initiated by the Federalists
or the Wings that gave rise to a serious ques-
ton respecting constitutional power, any one
acquainted with the Congressional legislation
and executive administration of the past ten
years can put his finger on dozen measures
each of which is of a more alarming charac-
ter than all the other measures of the Fede-
ralists or the Wings put together.
In the period that elapsed from the estab-
lishment of the Constitution down to the
final dissolution of the Wing party there we're
certain principles of Interpretation of the
text of the Constitution in regard to the ex-
tent of its political powers, about which all
parties were agreed. The memorable differ
ence between the Democratic party, as led by
General Jackson, and the Wings, as led by
Mr.. Clay, concerning the power of Congress
to create q national bank, developed more
decided difference in the spirit of consti-
tutional Interpretation than almost any
other subject with which those parties
had to deal-a far more decided difference
than that which existed between them con-
cerning the constitutional power of pro
lection" through a tariff of duties. But
with that notable exception there was, CON-
paratively speaking, but little difference be-
tween them in respect to the principal doc
trines of constitutional powers; and with such
men as Marshall and Story on the bench and
as Clay and Webster in Congress the Demo-
cracy as a party had little reason to complain
of the spirit and tendency of their opponents
in giving Interpretation to the particular
powers of Congress, or any other department
of the Government. The country had not
then undergone the misfortune of having O
President elected by a sectional vote; and all
men in public life, on all sides, agreed sub
stantially on certain great axioms of consti-
tutional law that preserve the line of demar-
cation between the Federal and the State
powers. public man in those days who
could be Justly accused of straining the Con-
Stitution beyond q reasonable definition of its
powers was a rare and unenviable character.
But now all this is changed. The Repub-
licans have brought about among all their
ranks, among all their leaders, and among all
their functionaries who have anything to do
with the administration of the Federal Gov
ernment. tone and style of treating its
powers as if they were paramount over all
subjects and on all occasions. The line which
divides those powers from the powers of the
States is ignored; or, if it is not absolutely
ignored, the habit of reasoning from the
principle that Federal power can alone
accomplish what people think ought to be
accomplished has entirely obliterated the
old doctrine that the supremacy of the Fede-
raj Constitution is supremacy that can exist
only within prescribed sphere. Hence we
have had usurpation following usurpation
until it is impossible to tell where this ten
dency to consolidation will end, unless it is
checked by political revolution that will
bring into power a class of men bound by
their party traditions, their personal training,
and their political principles to administer
the Federal Government in different spirit.
This political revolution can only be
effected by the Democratic party. This is q
reform which no other political organization
can bring about, because it requires the
binding force of old party traditions, habit,
and disciplineto to institute it and carry it out.
A new party associated only or chiefly on the
basis of a reduction of the tariff to the point
of destroying the hydra protection" would
be entirely without power to restore the
Constitution to the sway and influence of
those principles of Interpretation on which
Hamilton would have agreed with Madi-
son, Marshall would have agreed
with Taney, Clay would have agreed. with
jackson, Webster would have agreed with
Silas Wright. That there is such common
ground on which these great representatives
of their respective periods and parties stood,
and that it is the only ground on which we of
this generation can stand for the preservation
of our political system from the dangers and
miscbiefs of consolidation is perfectly clear.
1t is the mission of the Democratic party to
occupy this ground and to fight this battle. 1t
will do it by recognizing the settlement of the
issue of State secession as final, and by main
tanning the indissoluble nature of the Union.
1t will accept whatever changes have been
made in the text of the Constitution by
the rightful process of amendment, and it
| will Loyalty adapt its action and its measures
to those changes. But it will set its face
reselutely and sternly against all that habit of
constituting and using the powers of the Con-
stitution for purposes that are not within
! the sphere of the General Government which
| has taken possession of its legislative and
! executive departments. II will insist that
| the Federal Government shall be admins
tered as what it is-as a government of de-
fined and limited powers, each of which is
| capable of an exact and rational definition,
| that will save it from encroaehing IN the
rights of local self-government and prevent
the Federal system from becoming consoli-
dated empire.
The Democratic party are revenue reform
ers, and more also.