The Middlebury register. [volume] (Middlebury, Vt.) 1850-1882, 1870-05-03

startleu ana rOuScu 10 cruelty Dy tnclr
unhinching faith. But no heather writer
could have supposed that the promised
Messiah was to be a God of boundless
love that from the heart of the abiect
and hated race was to come forth a gen.
crous sympathy for the suffering and the
sad ofevery land ; that from mysterious Je-
rusalem was to descend upon the world a
faith that taught the common brotherhood
Of man, charity as limited as its celestial
source.-From "The Church of Jerusa-
lem,' by EUGENE LAWRENCE, in Harper'S
Magazine for May.
Tariff for General and not Special
Protection.
In the debate in the House of Repre-
sentatives at Washington, in Committee
of the Whole on the tariff, last Thursday
evening, Gen. Butler pressed some amend
ments to the bill, looking to a reduction
of the duty on some raw materials used
by the manufactures in his own district.
Western gentlemen were urging that fax
and hemp, and other products of the soil
should be protected as well as the products
of New England manufactures. To this
Gen. Butler had replied that he desired
to see manufactures confined to New
England he wanted all the duty he
could get on the manufactured product,
but he wanted to get raw material as cheap
as possible and that he never wished to
see the time when manufactures would
flourish at the West. This selfish doc
trinc struck New England members and
the House with astonishment. Several
members from New England at once re-
pudiated this narrow view of protection,
and used the five minutes allowed by the
rules to any one speaker to disclaim any
any sympathy with Gen. Buffers views.
In the course of the debate, Mr.. Willard
spoke as follows:
Mr.. Chairman, | rise for the purpose
of expressing, as a Representative of
New England district, my amazement at
the very bold statement of the gentleman
from Massachusetts, Mr.. Butler as to
his policy with regard to protective
tariff. His idea of a protective tariff
seems to be, that it is for the purpose of
building up few manufactures in his
district, and of destroying manufactures
everywhere else, so that everybody in the
country must pay tribute to his constitu-
ents. Certainly, sir, if we should follow
his views in this respect, we cannot turn
aound and say that he mas mislel us by
false prctenses. He has stated with suf-
fcient clearness and boldncss the ground
on which he bases his propositions.
Now, sir. | believe in protection not
protection to American manufactures
merely, not protection merely for n finish
ed and complete product ready for use.
but protection to American industry
wherever that industry is employed,
whether on the farm, in raising wool or
cotton, wheat or corn. flax or hemp, or in
the manufacture Of lastinge for making
shoes, or in whatever other form the in
dustry of the country may be employed.
If asked here protection for any industry
in my district, should feel that was
acting entirely from selfish considerations;
that had thrown aside all pretentions to
statemanship in my action upon this
question that had abandoned the idea
that | was citizen of the whole country,
and was settling myself down into the
conviction that | was merely Rcpresen-
tativc Of district in Vermont, and was
legisating only for the interests of that
district.
There can be no correct system Of pro-
lection in this country unless in contem-
plates protection to all industries. The
argument ofthe gentlemen upon the Dem
ocratic side of the House that an industry
giving employment to 5000 or 10000 or
10000 people is not to be protected be-
cause the product of that industry is
consumed by millions, and by such tariff
the few will be protected at the expense
of the many, is in itself a sound argument
and if protection stopped with the advan-
cement of a single indstry, that argument
could not be answered. But, sir, protec-
tion does not stop with the building up
of single industry. We are endeavor-
ing to protect all industries, to protect
the consumer everywhere as well as the
producer, to protect the product OF
the man who raises flax hemp and wool
as well as the finished product of the
manufactures. BY protection upon such
products the producer of them is enabled
to buy shoes manufactured in the district
: of the gentleman from Massachusetts,
BY the protection which we give to a man
growing some product which comes il
| competition with foreign product, VIC
: enable him to pay the enhanced cost iii
protection enhances the cost of any arti,
, which he may have to purchase and which
/ in like manner GENES into competition
| with foreign product, and needs ant
receives protection. In this way we MAKE
+ our protection general. We do not pro
+ tect special interest merely we protec
/, all interests. When we adopt such ,
: system, the argument that protection
, favors only special interests, that it il
a class legislation calculated to enrich tn,
5 manufacturers only, and to take money
{ out of the pockets of the laboring classes
= falls entirely to the ground. | can Sc,
= no reason and no justice in voting TO
, protection for particular industries, unles
e | am prepared to vote for it wheneve
/, any other interest is proved to need pro
5 lection.
5 Here the hammer fell.
r During the same debate, Mr.. Dave
, made the following remarks
: l have been trying for the last few day
to discover to what principle my colleague
, Mr.. Butlerl adberes in dealing with thi
tariff. A day or two ago he proposed tC
discriminate against a manufactured ar
, ticle for the sake of benefting the Lynn
shoemaker. He endeavored to destroy
, manufacture of this country, which
| would have the effect of compelling the