The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-02-03
sP1R1T OF TEE 2RHss.
Editorial Opinions Of the LEADING Journals
Upon Current Toplcs-Complied Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph.
PRESIDENTIAL GOVERNMENT.

very able, and most of them contain much
useful information. 1t is therefore subject
of natural regret that their influence upon the
national legislation is 80 very uncertain. Con-
press may, if it pleases, give them effect; or,
II il pleases, may throw them aside as so
much waste paper. AS members of admins
tration have no seats in the House, they can
not be certain of gaining an advocate
for their schemes or pressing them with
authority upon the attention OF the Legls-
lature This has often been remarked by
theoretical writer's as palpable defect in the
United States Constitution. How could gov
ernment be effectually carried on in England,
they ask if Mr.. Lowe had not the opportu-
nifty of defending his own financial schemes,
or Mr. Gladstone could only recommend Par
lament to reform the Irish land laws in
kind of official pamphlet Obviously, our
whole theory of government would be upset
by change to the American system, and
people sometimes wonder at the blindness
which prevents them from following our ex-
ample by adopting so obvious, and, as we
naturally think, so indubitably beneficial an
alteration.
The advantages Of the English system are,
indeed, papable; and the first step towards
constitutional government in France and
other Continental countries consists in the
adoption of our system. 1t may be worth
while to inquire shortly why the United States
form On exception to this rule, and whether
it is possible to make out any case for their
very different practice Constitutions can
not be considered piecemeal; and it may be
that an apparently trifing change is more
vitally connected with the whole system than
may be at first sight obvious. The plan was
originally adopted in obedience to the pre-
yailing theory at the time that the executive
legislative, and judicial departments should
be as independent as possible; but the instinct
which sanctioned that theory may have had
deeper grounds than any abstract political
speculations, which for the most part have
already become obsolete. The real difference
between the two systems is, indeed, wide
enough. If General Grant were bound to
select his chief ministers from Congress- as
Queen Victoria selects hers from the houses
of Parliament, he would be simply consti-
tutional ruler. His power and his response
bility would be enormously diminished. He
must of course take the leaders of the party
which had the majority, and must substan-
TALLY carry out their policy. He would be
nothing more than the head servant Of Con-
gress; or, indeed, considering the strictness
of party organization in America, he would
be little more than an ostensible official,
whose name would appear at the foot of
State documents, but whose practical inhu-
ence over affairs would be merely such as his
ministers chose to give him or as he
might gain by private intrigues. AS mat
ters stand the President can really
exercise a very great power, even
when as in the case of Mr.. Johnson, he is
opposed to the maj jority of Congress and of
the country. If backed by public opinion,
even with a majority of Congress against
him. he would be able as in the case of Gene
raj jackson, to exercise greater power than
almost any European ruler. The change sug-
gested, then, would amount to reducing the
President from a very powerful Prime
Minister to mere pageant; and it is plain that
such change, whatever its merits, would be
very serious affair. In an old country we
can understand a constitutional sovereign,
the limits of whose power, though not very
strictly defined, rest upon long prescription,
and are surrounded by a halo of historical
associations. But such an institution is one
of the things which, in the
common phrase, grow and are not
made. A democracy, building up everything
afresh and upon first principles, desires that
its executive should be the practical working
force, and not great name conceahng the
real springs and levers of the machinery.
Such democracy as that in America
moreover is not afraid of extrusting great
powers to its ruler; it knows that his respon
sibility to its will is thoroughly established
and that if there is any tyranny, it will moi
be the tyranny of an emperor, but that of
majority, to which it has no particular OBJ
lection. In our colonies the governors can
act as the viceroys of the constitutions
monarch, of whose prestige they more o.
less partake but if the colonies were to be
come independent, they would probably pre-
fer to have single ruler responsible imme
diately to them, and not to a body of dele
gates, whose responsibility would be mor,
or less frittered away by its numbers. II
short, democracy likes to have vigor ant
unity in its executive SO long as there i
no practical danger that it Will become indie
pendent of the popular will.
Another conclusion is equally plain. Con
gTess is very far indeed from being strict
analogous 60 the English Parliament. i
spite of recent changes, it partal1es partly @
the character of body of ambassadors fror
independent States, with strictly define
powers as well as of national Legislature
Its functions in the widest Interpretation ar
strictly limited. Most of the questions whic
stir the English Parliament would be entiral
beyond its competence Such questions, fo
example, as educational system, or the di
establishment of churches, or the alteratio
of land laws, could not possibly cone bofoI
it. 1t has not the parliamentary attr
butes of omniscience ana onnipresence.
does not meet its constituents
every turn of their daily lives, an
settle everything, from the construction
metropolitan drain to q change
constitutional law. 1t has nothing to do wit
the great mass of small legislative detail
and on the most important matters it has t
appeal to the direct intervention of the pe
pie. The popular sovereignty, indeed is L
mere theoretical dogma. The whole natio
appoints its Prime Minister by its votes, an
annointu him 70 dn work o,1 pnt tC ba a