The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-10-13


be very serious misfortune to those
liberties which Germany appears TO
be now sure of obtaining. The Germans
seem to have persuaded themselves that they
can re-Germanize Alsace and Lorraine by
careful administration. Yet this process has
been going on for long years in the Austrian
States, and the present dangers
of the Austrian empire arise from
the fact that the attempts of the German
bureaucracy to produce a uniform political
whole have failed miserably even in those
Slavonic provinces which have no mental his
tory at all and little more than pretence of
political history. Not even the political in
stitutions of Hungary seem to us likely to
prove material so stubborn and unmalleable
as the French structure of society in Alsace
and Lorraine. We cannot doubt that the
new provinces would have to be governed as
Posen is governed, only under vastly greater
difficulties Now we Englishmen have a
world of experience on this subject from our
connection with Ireland. We shall never
give it up so long as we exist as a
nation, and, indeed, we should cease
to be a nation if we lost it. But at the same
time we cannot help feeling for the political
rashness of a nation which should take to
itself sort of Ireland, save under pressure
of overwhelming political necessity. 1t is
not that nowadays we find it difficult to be
just or generous to Ireland; the misfortune
which it entails upon us is loss of confidence
in our own political, social, and economical
ideas. But a nation like ours, old in free
dom, can find its most cherished principles
falsifed in part of its territory, and yet not
suffer half the injury which similar mis-
carriage would occasion to a community
which is taking its first steps in political
liberty.
Nor need we hesitate to say that those diff
fculties which we trust we have nearly over
come in our government of Ireland would be
aggravated tenfold in the case of the new
German provinces. The great obstacle to
success in administering Alsace and Lorraine,
if they remained Gas we think they would)
permanently discontented would be the
proximity of France. France may be itn-
mensely weakened and impoverished; but
nothing will make Frenchmen cease to be a
great literary people. You may no longer
fear her armies, and yet her wit and her pas
sion may be to the last degree formidable. 1t
is hard to govern a thoroughly discontented
dependency under any circumstances, but in
finitely harder to govern it under the eyes of
bitterly critical neighbor who has the ear of
the world. However much we may recognize
the great qualities of the German people, we
cannot but see that there are many German
peculiarities which thoroughly unfriendly
censor may succeed in so describing as to
make them contemplate or hateful. Neither
the kings nor the mobiles nor the bureaucracy
nor the literary men nor the middle class are
exempt from weaknesses which it would cost
little to French criticism to make the sport
of the world. But the great weapon of
French literature would be the aggravation of
actually existing discomfort. In these days
of universal publicity there is no nation
which does not suffer extreme discomfort
| from the knowledge that she is suspected of
| expressing province or a dependency.
| Great Britain is singularly callous to foreign
| opinion, and yet the approval of the "intelli-
gent foreigner was promised us as the chief
reward of recent Irish legislation of which a
good deal was not to our national taste.
Russia takes manifest pains to seem uncon-
administration of Poland; yet the signs of
malaise may be clearly read in the affected
nationalism of her literature and her press.
| But discontents which are merely an annoy
ance to despotically governed country, or
to country of assured freedom, may prove
the cruellest of trials in the infancy of free
| government.
MUST WE HAVE A NEW PARTY?
From the NJ Y. Sun
In the old time the Wings made great
outcry against President jackson for bring
ing, as they alleged, the patronage and power
| of the government into conflict with the free
dom of elections The old General had rather
arbitrary notions of discipline, political as
well as military, and disobedience of orders
emanating from competent authority was
summariy punished. He contended that
men in the employ ment of the Government
could not in equity and good conscience
resist its measures. In other words, he in.
sisted, not only that his Cabinet should be 9
unit, but that inferior agents of the Govern
ment should not obstruct the harmonious
operations of the administration. The oppo-
sition, headed by Clay, Calhoun, and Web.
ster, nearly broke down General Jackson by
seizing upon this annunciation of his policy
and determination, and denouncing what was
charged to be usurpation and tyranny. The
country was electrified by eloquence steadily
poured forth in the Senate; but jackson un-
derstood the popular temper, and his strong
will and manifest honesty of purpose carried
him triumphantly through the terrible ordeal
Can Grant maintain himself in a similar
exigency? Without knowledge or experience
in civil affairs, with no comprehension of the
condition or wants of the country, no apti.
tude for the duties of his high Office sur.
rounded by flatterers who play upon his
weaknesses and direct the course of the Gov.
ernment with reference to their own selfish
schemes, it is not surprising that his admins
tration should be steadily falling into con.
tempt.
The President is constantly and openly in
terfering with elections in the States and
has no hesitation in directing ofice-holders
how to vote, or in threatening them with re-
moval in case they disobey his orders. In
Missouri the Republicans are divided, anG
Grant is bringing the whole power of the
administration to bear against the strongest
faction. Is 1t conceivable that the people
will submit to this impertinent dictation