New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1870-09-13
THE sovERE1oSrY OF FRANCE.

| The position assumed by King William
I of Prussia that Napoleon III is the sover-
eien of France, may have the effect Of
CHANGING the face of affairs in that unfor-
tunate empire very materially. The de-
claration has been repeatedly attributed
| to the Prussian conqueror, and the strong
probability that existed that such q course
would be taken, adds authority to the dis
patches. This view if persisted in ignores
the authority of the recently proclaimed
republican ministry to speak or act for
France in any manner, and Will exclude
them from all the councils and cOns1llta-
tons held to consider terms of agreement
between the belligerents. For there can
be but one sovereign or representative
of sovereignty, and the recognition of
one or the other of two or more claimants.
necessarily precludes all others. It has
been reasoned that King William, with his
high notions of the right to govern by
the grace of God and his well known at
tachment to feudal notions of personal
government, would refuse to admit the
right of any people to set aside the legal
ly cons tituted sovereign and vest the au-
'thority in other hands. Such princi-
pie, if admitted might be carried so far
as to question his own right to rule his
dominions, and ultimately, if not at once,
suggest to his people the feasibility of
choosing another head for the kingdom or
changing the form of government. The
proud descendant of line of Prussian
monarchs can not, therefore, be expected
to countenance any such revolutionary
idea, and would be ready to OPP ose it
with more determination even than he did
the attempt of the Emperor Napoleon to
dictate to him the manner in which the
affairs of Germany and Spain should he
settled. Another significant phase of the
question is shown in the refusal of Prlls-
STA to accept Austrian mediation based on
the integrity Of the French empire.
Taking the two together, it looks as
though Prussia had determined to treat
Napoleon as the lawful ruler of France,
and to adhere to tie original idea to
5E tie frontier" If it shall be
luuud impossible to restore Napoleon TO
the throne, the Prussian cabinet may pro-
pose some one else by way of compro-
mise The house of Orleans, for example.
offers suitable candidates, and has the adj
vantages of high descent and undoubted
hereditary claims. A prince of this house
would need but little, if any, outside aid
to enble him to sit in the somewhat pre-
carious seat of Charlemagne, as the ancient
regime is yet powerful, and has numerous
1t might not, possibly, be
necessary to consider the propriety Of
taking up Hohenzollern prince-the one,
for instance, who was proposed for the
vacant throne of Spain. 1t would be a
singular spectacle to behold as King Of
France the prince whomS the French
stoutly declared should not even sit on
the throne of Spain.
But whoever may be selected, it seems
to be quite clear that King William or Bis
marck, is determined to have a sovereign
Of France to deal with in all subsequent
Napoleon is evidently the
first choice for the position, but between
him and the Republic stands crowd Of
princes, either of which would,
in the view of the Prussian cabinet, be
preferable to Jules Favre, or any other
man whose sole authority is derived from
the people. This refusal to recognize the
ministry will strengthen them
to some extent in the confidence and affec-
ton Of the people; but it will, if adhered
to, tend to have fatal effect upon the
success of the new revolution; for Prussia
soon will be, if she is not now, in a
condition to absolutely dispose Of
the question. Other nations may try
the doubtful efficacy of diplomacy. Prussia
may amuse them with listening to their
reasons with grave attention, but
AoluiLS S4olt VI StIlouo OiSoAtti
in the field can turn William from
his declared purpose to change |
the boundary line of the two Kingdoms,
make France pay the expenses of the cam
paign, and leave man of his own selec- |
ton at the head of the conquered empire.
Any speculations as to the probable sue
cess or duration of the republic in France
may therefore be considered premature,
unless they are able to arouse their almost |
paralyzed energies, rally to the standard |
Of the nation, and beat the invader back |
across the Rhine. The talking men of |
Favre, Rochefort, Victor |
Hugo, and the rest-can not do this by
their highest flights Of eloquence. 1t will
require half million of we'll trained, |
we'll armed and equipped troops, COM
handed by at least one slillful general. to
10 this And the possibility Of fulfilling
,hese conditions is so remote, that we may
IS well prepare to see the Prussians be-
come the sole, unquestioned arbiters Of
he war.
A PRACTICAL QUESTION.
As an abstract question, said the poi
shed and pointed Governor Mouton, yes