The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-09-12
PEACE NOW A NECESSITY.

PEACE NOW A NECESSITY.
From the N. Y. Herald.
The burden of the news on Saturday morn
ing, as, indeed, it has been for some days, is
encouraging for the lovers of peace. The
success of the armies of Germany has fright
ened Europe into sense of propriety So
long as the two countries at war seemed
equally matched, SO long as there was a rea-
sonable hope that the war might end, leaving
the European balance of power very much as
it was, the other powers could afford to look
on calmly and philosophically. Now, how
ever, that Prussia has beat down France, the
big powers begin to tremble. Russia is at
her wits end and Great Britain cries out like
a sick child So much are Austria and Russia
and Great Britain brought into community of
sentiment that an armed alliance is no longer
a mere possibility. The efforts now being
made by Russia and England to bring about
jealousy of the alarming power of Prussia as
of desire to put an end to the unnecessary
destruction of life and property.
jealousy or fear of Prussia is not, however,
the only reason why efforts, likely to prove
successful are being made to secure peace.
The French republic has made a good start.
The revolution SO far has been easy
and bloodless. Although we sac no good
reason to believe that the republic will ever
be denied that the prolongation of hostilities
will give to the Italians and Spaniards an op-
portunity which they we'll know how to USE
Unless something is done within the next few
days to bring about suspension of hostili-
ties we shall expect to hear that Spain has
become republic, that Portugal has imi-
tated her bigger sister, that Italy has followed
suit, and that King Victor Emanuel, with all
the princes and princelings of the South of
Europe have set out to keep Queen Isabella
and the Emperor Napoleon company.
The monarchies hate republics. Much as
the great powers dread the growing strength
of Germany, they dread republics more But
both causes combined give force to the move
ments of Great Britain, of Russia, of
Austria. The latest news does not encourage
us to believe that France can offer the in
vader any very effective resistance. The new
Government, in spite of some demonstrations
to the contrary, seems alive to this fact. If
King William and M. Theirs can come to any
satisfactory arrangement, an armistice is pos
sible before the first gun has been fired on
Paris. Prussia is, naturally enough, little
imperious, and too much disposed to override
all reason. 1t will not be we'll, however, for
Prussia to despise the public sentiment of
Europe. Public sentiment has, so far, been
on her side. Her victories, in consequence,
have been easy. II she proves too impe-
rious public sentiment may go against her.
Besides, Prussia ought to remember that re-
spect was paid to her voice in 1860, Just as
she herself listened to the voice of France in
1866. 1t is her privilege once again to be
the victor. 1t ought to be her pride once
again to listen to the voice of reason. 1t is
our belief, considering the situation in
France, considering the growth of republican
sentiment all over the South of Europe, con-
sidering the no longer concealed sentiments
of the other great powers, and considering
the negotiations which are now going on,
that peace has become a necessity and that
the war will soon be ended. Prussia can well
afford to be magnanimous. She can boast of
the most magnificent campaign which was
ever conducted by any people. Never was
the science of war SO brilliantly and effec-
lively illustrated. Never was so much done
| by an army in SO brief a space of time. 1t
will be well if Prussia give evidence to the
| world at once that she is not vindictive that
she does not fight for the sake of national
aggrandizement, but in the interests of
peace If Prussia is not now willing to listen
to the dictates of reason it will be bad for
Europe it may not be good for Prussia. A
continental war-a war which will array the
peoples against the dynasties-is not to be
provoked rashly.
ENGLAND AND THE BELLIGERENTS.
From the London Saturday ReUiep.
We In England are convinced how sincere
our neutrality is. We take calm, and, as
far as We can, an impartial view of the com
batants, and distribute our praise and blame
as justly as our means of judging permit.
But it is notorious that we do not please
either side. Both think us cold unfriendly.
and dead to our own highest interests. Both
think our neutrality too favorable to the
other side. This, it is truly said, only proves
how impartial we are, and how sincere and
exact our neutrality is. Still, if we are to
learn from foreign nations at ALL we must
learn from them when they criticize us, and
the judgments which are now being passed
in Germany and France on England are not
without instruction. The conduct the in
stitutions, and the political position of Eng
land are not thought very highly of at
present, and it is at least rather in
teresting inquiry for us to ask why
this is so. In the first place, why,
as a neutral, does England always give
offense? We think that there is no doubt as
to the true answer. 1t is the English press
that makes England disliked. time like
| the present enables us to realize what the