The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-10-13

indications of liberal reaction in Germany,
The first exultation of victory is over, and
considerate afterthought has calmed the pas
sions, and, joined to the melancholy argu-
mept of infinite desolation and mourning,
has created an intense desire for peace.
The iron rule of what the world has been
pleased to term the most formidable military
despotism now absolutely prevails throughout
Germany, and it is, accordingly, somewhat
difficult definitely to ascertain the
exact condition of public sentiment in that
country. Such of the surface indications of
this change of sentiment as have been per-
mitted to come to us, are the imprisonment
of the eminent German liberal jacob for a
most able and moderate speech, the arrest of
other liberals in different parts of Germany,
the opposition, although restrained, of a con-
siderable number of the national liberals and
of the F0rttchTitts party, and the German
republican protest against the annexation of
Alsace and Lorraine.
Although these malcontents would yield
to none in their devotion to the cause of
German unity, they have some very unmon-
archical notions with respect to human liberty
and self. government. While they love unity
much, they fear despotsm more, and can but
regret that Sedan should crown the work
commenced at Sadowa, if the consequent
gigantic centralism shohld prove hostile to
the development of individual freedom. That
such n fear exists, the speeches and protests
above referred to show. The traditions of
the Prussian monarchy are not favorable to
an opposite view While, as King William
himself has said, 'Prussia is State which,
beyond dispute, is, by its intelligence,
strength, and order, at the head of Ger
man civilization" there are, nevertheless,
many who believe that it is impossible that
anything like freedom should take root in any
soil trodden by the iron heel of the Prussisn
monarchy. In 1862, in discussing the future
of Germany, Bismarck aid:-"The improve
ment of the condition of Germany with re-
spect to it's constitutional relations is both
desirable and necessary, but it can. however,
be improved, not by the resolutions of maj o-
rites, speeches, and the like, but only by
iron and blood" Iron has been used, and
the blood of the flower of the German youth
has been shed since 1862, with the accom-
plishment of German unity for result, which
may mean the advancement of liberty or the
increase of despotic power.
The principal cause of opposition arises
from the conduct of Prussia with respect to
the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine. This
dissatisfaction is best set forth in the remark
able speech of DIR. Johann Jacob, for which
he was recently arrested at Konigsberg.
For these manly words Jacoby was inconti-
nently sent to prison, to the great disgrace of
| the Prussian government. The official pro-
! test of German workingmen is very similar
in sentiment, and demands an immediate,
honorable peace. In addition to this, the cry
is raised that the constitution of North Ger
many is not adapted to the new conditions of
that country; that it is the hasty and incom-
! plete work of 1866 thrown together merely to
secure the fruits of sudden and unexpected
victory; that under it excessive military du-
ties are required of the people, and enormous
taxes; that it still maintains the union of
Church and State, the tax on newspapers, and
the severely oppressive police regulations,
and that its provisions are inimical to per-
sonal liberty.
The protest with respect to the treatment
of Alsace and Lorraine is timely, but, as in
the case of Schleswig- -Holstein, is likely to
remain without effect. Indeed, the summary
answer given to those suggesting such an
eminently just principle of annexation is
ignominy and imprisonment Napoleon, the
author of the modern doctrine of nationali-
ties, always presumed as a condition prece-
dent of annexation, a popular vote. This
condition Prussia agreed to accept with re-
gard to the Danish provinces, and dishonor-
ably broke its word, and defed the impotence
of the inhabitants of those provinces and of
the parties to the treaty. Article of the
treaty of Prague provides: -'His Majesty
the Emperor of Austria transfers to the
klng OF Prussia all the rights acquired by
the peace of Vienna, October 30, 1864, over
the duchies of Holstein and Schleswig with
the reservation that the populations of the
northern districts of Schleswig shall, if they
express by free voting desire to belong to
Denmark be ceded to that State" This ar.
ticle Prussia has never fulfilled by offering
the inhabitants of Northern Schleswig an op-
portunity to vote. Having violated this
solemn compact, Prussia does not enter into
similar engagements with respect to the
Rhine provinces, but having taken them,
has already practically incorporated then
into the Prussian monarchy, by simple fiat
of annexation, as the duchies have been incor
porated, and, after them, Hanover, Cassel
Nassau, and Frankfort.
Whether this reaction will in any wise in
fiuence the action of the victorious Prussiar
monarchy it is impossible at present to deter
mine