The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1866-1891, 1870-10-21
DISTINGUISHED Rebels.

There is at the.pre<ent time pollil-.
cal problem in the course of solution in
the State of Missouri which isnot with
out interest elsewhere 1t had it's
origin in the late war, and the question
is shall the participants, or sympathi-
zcrs with the struggle of the seeded
States remain, disfranchiscd according
to the terms of the Missouri statute of
1852 Governor McClurg, represent
ing the men of the party now in Office,
contends that tie rebels. of 1865, are
rebels, still, and that if given the right
to vote they will control the Stale in
the interests of the old rebel clan, main
tain disorder instead of order, and wage
relentless persecution against the u
nionists. ... ..-.
Against these opinions tho Gratz
Brown wing of the party protests. The
men composing it allcdge that the dis
turbanccs are not the work of the rebel
element, but of few rutfiaus who mere
ly use the rebellion as a cloak to cover
their dastardly acts, and that these
bauds of outlaws are composed OF men
who care neither for north nor south.
The truth seems to be that the latter
party, and evidently what Missouri
needs at this crisis is State Govern.
ment strong enough, and honest enough
to compel the respect Of every one OF
its citizens. No such Government can
be established SO long as any significant
number Of the people are denied the
power to assist in establishing it.
The cry of the rebellion is very OLE
cry indeed, aod the men who at this
late day permit themselves to be fright
ened by such very transparent ghost
are scarcely entitled TO much sympathy.
Among the participants in the late
struggle for Southern independence,
the cause they espoused is considered
altogethe- lest and the North itself is
uot more anxious for the restoration in
letter aud spirit, of the Union, as IS
the South. The latter has seen already
the advantages accruing to it from the
extinction Of slavery and the emigra.
tion to it OF white labor, and more than
all, of Northern capital, pouring into
its fields and markets.
The scheme of disfranchisement was
we'll enough to adopt in 1865, when
war had just closed, and when it c"uld
not be known in what manncr the vast
armies of the South would, after dis
memberment, accept the situatirn.-
But in 1870, disfranchisemcnt may
euit tic ambitious ideas Of few politI.
clans, who seek to ri,e upon prejudice
and misrepresentation; but regarded in
a broader sense, it is national crime.
The armies OF the South are today sim.
ply historical. They have no rcal ex-
istence whatever, aud in their minds
the issues of tho war arc US basclcss
now as their old organizations. The
men are there, it IS trae; but they are
wiser and better, and if they were per-
mitted to have voice and haud in the
election Of the Government, would be
better citizens than they ever were in
those days of universal Southern dis.
coutent. Whatever Of bitterness Of
feeling and practical aggression there
is at the South at the present time,
result from disfranchisement, and not
from recollcctious Of cause hcpelcssly
lost.
Men are taxed but not permitted
representation; they arc made subject
to laws, but they are not allowed to
assist in framing them; they work in.
field or shop, thus aiding the prosperity
of tie whole country, yet in the cuun-
try, even in their own State they have
no stake. ..;
Injustice can 60 no further than
this, and the sooner an enlightened
public sentiment, whether led by Gratz
Brown, in Missouri, or by Brooks in
Congress, enfranuhises the whole south.
ern people, the better it will be for the
peace and progress Of the entire Usion.
SOUTHERN CULTIyAToR for October
oonto;ne ,notber volu,hle article from