The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1870-07-21
THE NATURALIZATION LAWS.
SPEECH OF RoN. MATT. II. CARPENTER,
IN o. S. SENATE, JULY 4, 1870.
Shall Cinnamon be Cjtizens--- The Right to
Vote Discussed on Broad Principles
AU Who are Bound By the Lar
ought to hare Voace IN Max
ing the Lao.

MIR. SAULsBURY. AS consistency is a
jewel, wish to show my appreciation OF
this proposition, and therefore | move to
amend this proviso of the Senator from
Oregon by adding " or persons of the ne
gro race of foreign birth :" SO that the
proviso will read thus;
Proyided, That nothing in this act shall be
construed to authorize the naturalization OF
persons born in the Chinese empire, or persons
of the negro race of foreign birth.
Mr. CARPENTER. Mr. President, the
Republican party must be as immortal as
MiIton's angels" vital in every part,and
can but with humiliation die;'' because
at least once a week since [ came into the
Senate the Republican party has been de-
liberately buried by some of it's weeping
friends. The Senator from Oregon Mr..
Williams has again pronounced its doom
if his views do not prevail. The Senators
who have predicted the destruction OF
the party unless their wishes could be
respected have generally been driven to
the wall by the vote OF the Senate, be-
cause it is only in the most desperate
cases that man attempts his own life or
threatens that of his party These Sen
ators have generally been defeated in
measures which they declare essential to
the life of the party, and yet, despite
their gloomy predictions, the party goes
steadily on. The Senator from Oregon
apprehends great danger from the exist
ence of theories and remember that on
a former occasion he declared that we had
nearly cone to national destruction be
cause Mr.. Calhoun has been strictly de-
voted to theory.
Now. Mr.. President-and speak it in
Difference and with respect for that Sen
ator-I have always understood that the
difference between statesman ana
quack in politics was this: that the
statesman examines a subject In all its
lights and bearings, and from It's details
and essential circumstances deduces some
general principle in the light of which
he deale with the subject as a whole ;
whereas the quack, ignoring principles,
thinkers here and there in patchwork and
by piecemeal.
The United States was not brought to
the trials of civil war because Mr.. Cal
houn had theory, but because Mr.. Cal
houn's theory was wrong. No danger
need be apprehended from our statesmen
cherishing sound theories of government
or correct principles Of civil administra
ton. So long as the theories of our
statesmen are Just, the more strictly they
are adhered to the better for the country
and for the existence of our government.
I do not intend to enter at length upon
this discussion, but to state briefly the
views | entertain, and which will control
my vote.
The bill before US proposes to amend, |
in several respects, our naturalization
laws. The Senator from Massachusetts, !
has moved an amendment to strike the |
word "white" from all laws upon the
subject of naturalization and our friends,
the Republican Senators from the Pacific
slope, are horror-stricken at the thought |
that the Chinaman may claim ad
mission to citizenship under our laws
thus amended and the Senator from
Oregon Mr.. Williams proposes to amend |
this bill by declaring that no person shall
be admitted to citizenship who was born
in the Chinese empire. We have receiv
ed the ambassador of that empire with
more distinction than we ever received
the ambassador of any foreign nation
since we became nation. Yet it is now
proposed to say by law that no subject of
that empire, no matter how long he has
resided among us, nor how thoroughly he
NAV have become identified in interest
with us, and no matter what may be his
character, intelligence, or virtue. shall
ever become an American citizen.
Whenever a new question arises in the
details of administration whenever new
subject is presented for legislative regu-
lation, and doubts exist in regard to the
course to be pursued, it is safer to be re-
garded by principle than by prejudice
or passion. What, then, Is the American
principle that should guide us here?
There are, of course, many theories as to
where the right of suffrage should be
vested. Those writer's on the science of
government who believe that the few
were designed to govern the many have
long since predicted ruin of our nation,
because the right of suffrage is so widely ;
extended. Some contend for a standard
in intelligence; some would seek the
standard in wealth some in blood some ]
in one thing, and some III another. But /
we Americans have met all the discussions
and arguments upon this subject with a
broad American principle, which is that
every man who is bound by the law
ought to have voice IN making the law
This single maxim, the cornerstone of
our institutions, we have laid down as
our ultimate determination of the whole
matter
Mr.. STEWART. Isthat strictly correct?
Do we not make distinction as to for I
eigners now, requiring them to remain
here five years before they can become
citizens although they are subject to our
laws the moment they land here? Dove
propose to wipe out all those distinctions
MIR. CARPENTER. II The bill before us