The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-10-14

military service OF France. The book shows
him to be man of fine intellect and admira-
BILE ideas; but he will have to conduct sac-
cessful campaigns, as well as write military
criticisms, before he can be considered great
soldier. He has, at this time, prominent
part to play in the history of France; and
the Germans will not give him much longer
to prepare for the performance.
MR. HUGHES ON ENGLISH REBEL
SYMPATHY.
From the N. 7. World.
The lecture ON English views of the Ame-
ricsn civil war, delivered by Mr.. Thomas
Hughes, M. p, in Boston, and reported in
our paper on Wednesday, is much better
worth notice than most utterances of the
kind. In so far as Mr. Hughes has touched
one of the points of irritation In the COM
plants made by our people against England,
namely, the accordance of the belligerent
character to the Confederate States, his tes-
timony confirms the views which have been
repeatedly expressed in the World. We
have always maintained that the proclama
tion of neutrality was in itself friendly act
dictated by proper motives. Mr.. Hughes
has stated, as indeed was well known before
on this side of the Atlantic, that the
proclamation not only had the sanction
of the staunchest friends of the Union
in Parliament, but that it was issued at the
earnest suggestion of AR. John Forster, who
was always particularly active and Jealous in
our cause, and who certainly had every rea-
son to believe that it was a correct and pro-
per step. And we must say that we think it
quite time our administration had decided to
eliminate this matter from the controversies
and negotiations pending between this coun-
try and England. We will not now repeat
the reasons which have all along convinced
us that no English ministry can consent to
admit that an act of the crown, adopted with
the full sanction of all parties in Parliament,
in an affair of international policy and duty,
was done with unfriendly motives towards
nation with which England was at peace,
or done unseasonably. To raise such a
point is only to block the wheels of negotia-
tion by discussions that can lead to no prac-
tical result. The American Government now
has in hand, or ought to have, a matter of an
eminently practical character. 1t is, How
shall we obtain indemnifcation for the losses
of individuals sustained by the depredations
of the Alabama upon our commerce? That it
is the duty of our Government to obtain that
reparatioD, and that the principles of the
public law entitle us to demand it, we enter
tain no sort of doubt. All else that is CON-
pretended in our complaints against England
is matter of sentiment, feeling, and theoreti-
cal controversy. We want damages -pecu-
whose ships were destroyed on the ocean by q
cruiser fitted out in England for the Confede-
rate service, and known by the British Gov
erDment to be so intended before she sailei
This alone has any practical consequence
If such reparation can be obtained, either
with or without an arbitration, the consent to
pay it, or the consent to arbitrate the ques-
ton, will comprehend all the apology and all
the satisfaction to onr national honor that we
need ever demand. The idea of seeking
consequential damages for remote injuries
supposed to have arisen from the recognition
of Rebel belligerency is one on which a
theoretical and rhetorical statesman like
Mr.. Sumner can make a hourishing
speech; but would vanish into thin
air the moment it should be brought to
the test of arbitration before any sovereign
umpire, or before any board of impartial
civilians to whom this point of controversy
might be submitted. There is nothing tan.
| gible about it. The complaint would be
| ruled out of court on demurrer The mosI
| ingenious pleader in a court of the law ol
nations could not state cause of action or
well grounded equitable claim arising on the
alleged injury or additional expense or loss
accruing to the Federal Government by
reason of the fact that England at particular
! time, or at any time, chose to say to he
own subjects that there existed aodl
! between the United States and the
Confederate States, and that they mus
govern themselves accordingly. But will
regard to the claims of our citizens TO
direct losses caused by the destruction o
their property by cruiser fitted ont in Eng
land after the proclamation of neutrality, th
case is very different. 1t is the duty of on
Government to press these claims; and i
some mode is not devised speedily to satisf
the country on this point, we are not sur
that il will not become the duty of the Demo
cratic party to point out to the administeatio
mode of dealing with it which would ON
mand the respect and appreciation of a
parties excepting Mr.. Sumner and his 70
On another point touched by Mr.. Hughe
he has not been SO happy. We do not beiiey
that the sympathy felt in England toward
the Confederate canse is to be traced to an
peculiarities OF caste, whether aristoaratic @
mercantile, or TO any original desire on th
part of those classes to see our Union broke
up. The nature of the question at issue ha
more to do in creating the pro-Southern syn
pathy than any other cause We doubt ia
existence Of an Englishman' who cohl
rightly comprehend the nature of the Aper
n can Union ~ it has genersiiy been D,
+ r. Va.