The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-01-04

cal pOSitlOn Ol LneT country, an olmOSb COm-
plete enclave in Germany, it is nearly impos-
sible that they should ever form an indie
pendent people. If Austria abandoned them,
North Germany would swallow them up; and
if Russia protected them against both, their
country would be but a province ruled from
st. Petersburg Moreover, the Bohemians
are not five millions in all, and among the
three millions of Czechs reside two millions
of Germans, who, in the event of an insur-
rection, would to a man side with their coun-
trymen against q race whom they regard as
radically inferior. The Czechs are admitted
to all political privileges, send up their full
complement of members to the Reichsrath,
are taxed as all other Austrians are
taxed, have, in fact, but sim
gle grievance-common to them, and all
German, Spanish, and Italian-spealdng people
within France, that no effort is made TO keep
up, far less to cultivate, their language.
Their nationality, they say, as the Welsh say,
is dying slowly out. Nevertheless, so little
have the Germans, with all their resources,
and their culture, and their belief in them
selves, succeeded in subduing or oonciliating
the Czechs, that they are agitating for ere
peal, that is, for the concession of further
powers to the local Diet; and they press for
revision Of the electoral law, in order that
they may send up only Czechs, and so infiu-
ence the Reichsrath on behalf of federalism.
The old difficulty of the empire, the struggle
between the unitarian and the federal princi-
ples appeased for moment by the conces-
sion of dualism, has revived again, this time
within one of the coordinate powers.
The success or failure of this movement in
Bohemia, and in many places similarly stu
ated, will depend upon very curious ques-
ton, which the most thoughtful politicians
will be the most reluctant to answer prema-
turely. There can be little doubt, in spite Of
the American war, of Sadowa, and of very
diffused tendency towards the agglomeration
of great States, that civilization does exer-
else a certain separating influence among
races. As they advance, they perceive the
differences between them more keenly, re-
cognize more clearly the breaks in their in
terests, their habits, and their civilizations.
Ireland is not nearer in sympathy to Britain,
Poland to Russia, Naples to North Italy, Bo-
hemia to Germany, Hungary to Austria, the
Turkish States to Constantinople, than
they were a century or two ago;
but if anything, rather less near, rather
more conscious of separate existence. Is that
consciousness temporary or q permanent
feature in modern politics? If it is tempo
rary, the world may go on without immense
changes in the existing distribution of politi-
cal power; the nations, as we call them, may
last intact for centuries; but if tits permanent,
IuUSJ hOOu6T OT ldI6E lily W pl6CSS, auu
the world be recast as regards its foreign
politics. On the whole, and with extreme
diffidence, we incline to believe that the
movement is not permanent, but it is the
result, first of the temporary disuse of one
centralizing influence, physical force; and,
secondly, of the immense increase in the appa-
rent gOEolne, as distinguished from the mo-
mentum, of all political movements whatso-
ever. Nations rebel more than they used,
because rebellion is very much safer. If a
nationality propounded claims of its own as
against Rome, Rome swept it out of existence,
and the sovereigns of modern Europe, till
lately, have not been much more merciful.
If Ireland had wanted new tenure or Bo-
hemia cried for autonomy century ago,
both would have been held down by
force their cities fired, their people
slaughtered il heaps, until they had either
abandoned those indiscreet wishes, or post
poned their realization to the day when all
things will come right. Now the highest
penalty which falls upon them is a solemn
lecture on the improperly of their conduct,
or in extreme cases, an increase of q garrison
which attacks nobody and nobody need at
tack. Supposing the disposition to sepa-
ratism to be no stronger than before, this
new facility of expression would make it seem
stronger; and the seeming strength is indef-
<nitely increased by the multitude of voices,
once incapable of speech, now just sufi-
GENTLY developed to join in chorus. The
Irish kerne hated us just as much as the Tip
perary Fenian, but he had not the power to
send up a political prisoner as his chosen
representative. The Bohemian serf fought
far more desperately against Austria than the
Bohemian peasant, but he had not the same
idea of swelling the cry proceeding from a
few isolated leaders. The armies of disaffec-
ton were always there. They are, we be-
lieve, no stronger, but they have power of
combined shouting which does not increase
the difficulty either of negotiation or coercion,
but only compels the General Government to
negotiate with the people instead of class,
or to coerce through popular armies instead
of small trained force.
MEXICO DURING GRANTS ADMINS
TRATION.
From The NJ Y. Herald.
In reviewing the history of Mexico since
the restoration of President Juarez to power,
and more especially the history of her
finances, it cannot fail to be observed that
Notwithstanding the labored and unsuccessful
effort Of MIR. Payne, her eminent statistician
and ex-Secretary of the Treasury, to prove,
in an immense volume published by the re-
publican authorities in 1868, that Maximilian