The aegis & intelligencer. [volume] (Bel Air, Md.) 1864-1923, 1870-01-21
The Egis & Intelligencer.
BELAIR, MD, JANUARY 81, 1870.
Continued from first page. !

duress, and without submission to legisla-
lures ell ed with reference to so great a
change it is not for me to anticipate
nor am prepared to indicate in what form
relief may be hoped for. The question
that most concerns the country at this
time is whether Congress, in the exercise
of its functions as n coordinate branch of
this government is to be held strictly to
its delegated powers, or whether it is to be
recognized as supreme and absolute in the
exercise Of Others not specifically enumera-
ted.
The confusion brought about by the
condition Of the country during period
of civil commotion furnished a preteXt for
the widest theories in regard to our lGder
al system. How many amendments look
ing to change in your organic law, and
to centralize power in the hands of the few
few have submitted for your action, IL Is
unnecessary to refer to. Some of tues1 are
still pending, trust never to be revived.
The emancipation of the colored race by
general consent, with the privilege Of all
the rights enjoyed by the white race ex-
cepting only a participation in the govern
sment control of the country, was not sutfi-
cient to restore harmony and a respect for
the ancient safeguards which our fathers
had provided as security against usur-
patton and party domination. The revol-
ted States must be treated as aliens and
conquered provinces, subject to the abso
lutte will of Congress; and to secure this
element of power to the dominant party it
was necessary to enlarge the powers of
Congress by laying violent hands upon the
constitution. This has been the fruitful
source Of all the encroachments upon the
reserved rights of the States and the peo-
pie during and since the close of the war.
\ policy so disorganizing, and at the same
time so we'll calculated to engender strife
and keep alive jealousies and heartburn
ings in all sections Of our common country,
is already beginning to develop its bitter
fruits.
It Il # ST
l have no confidence, Mr.. Speaker, in the
present status of the Southern States
brought back into the Union under the
doctrine of congressional reconstruction
1t is the offspring of revolution, and must
be so viewed by all who properly estimate
the checks and balances of our political
system. The organic law Of a State must
proceed from the free will of its own peo-
pie; it can come legitimately from no 9TH
\er source. Itmakes the condition of the
lolored man more dangerous, it anything,
han it was before his emancipation, and
3 nay ultimately prove his ruin. The States
never can be deprived of their constitution
al functions. They never were out of the
Union to be dealt with as aliens and
brought back by forced constitutions die
tated by Congress A rebellion may be
formidable, but cannot change the form of
our government so long as there is q YES
tige of it left. The Union is not Union
without the States, and the moment the
rebellion was subdued each State fell back
into its original channel. The State of
Georgia has been deprived of her represen-
tation because certain citizens of African
descent were not permitted to hold seats in
her Legislature. This foreshadows the COM
plications into which we are fast drifting
h * X x Il
Louis Napoleon inaugurated his empire
by the same species of duress which has
marked the progress of this fifteenth amend
ment; less glazing, perhaps, than what we
have witnessed here. He gave his people
the power of suffrage, but there was no
recourse but to vote with the government
in the establishment ofan empire. Every
voter knew that. Congress does not even
pretend to disguise its purpose, but tells
the States in plain language, you shall vote
for this amendment, or remain disfranchis-
ed and under military rule, so long as
Congress has the power, and until their
terms of readmission have been fully COM
piled with. The law of duress, applying
to States as well as individuals, is too well
defined to require repetition here.
i IL s. =
The rapid strides we are making towards
a centralized government, as abundantly
appears in the bill before us, are well cal
culated to excite alarm. The absorption
of the reserved powers of the States and
people, has become the startling features of
the times. The original powers of this
government no longer reside with the peo-
pie. The relations between the creator and
the creature have been changed. There
are no reserved rights in the States now
which the coordinate departments are
bound to respect. More than six years have
elapsed since the termination of the rebel
lion, and who will say that the first step
has been taken toward just and perma-
nent reconstruction of the revolted States?
Is there authority for this Congress
makes laws of probation and excommuni.
cation, and they are obeyed. Some of
the States are still under military rule
The writ of habeas corpus is in the
3 nds of the military. The subordina-
nation of military to the civil power, once
living principle in your organization, is
long since obsolete, and the bayonet, I'M
der the lead of Congress, has usurped the
the places where justice was administered
and the people met in council to legislate
for their own welfare.
4 Il i 81
There can be no better illustration ofthe
intolerant spirit influencing extreme men
of the dominant party at this time, the
abuse or power and the consequences re-
sulting from a PROSTATE constitution, than
the present deplorable condition of the
Southern States. Passing through such
war as the world had never witnessed-a
war marked by deeds of valor on both
sides, which in this feature at least iden-
titled us as kindred people-the South
ern States recognized the hand of destiny
in their crushing defeat, and laid down
their arms that they might stand again
united under the flag which they had so
vigorously opposed.
Il II * Il Il
In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, permit me
to say that when l reflect upon the fearful
advances of congressional encroachment;
when T conai6ar tho Unavailable oo,sooro,,