The Pacific commercial advertiser. [volume] (Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands) 1856-1888, 1870-06-18
speech
Delivered by the Hon. {. j. Lyons, I'm Closing
the Debnfe upon the Repeal of the
Masters and Servan ts Law,
june 10, 1870.
CALAMCS.

lengthy debate to a close, L am Impressed with the
fact that very much still remains to be said. j
is a subject that branches out SO widely in differ
ent directions that one is at a loss what particular
line Of argument to pursue, and many points
bearing on the question yet remain entirely un
touched.
No one has regretted more than myself that sc
much that has been purely personal has been ut
tered on both sides by the persons who have taker
part in this debate. But in justice to my OWL
side | must call attention to the fact that these
personal attacks on motives and character came
first from those opposed to the bill now before the
House. | will not weaken my argument, nor this
cause which l sustain, by resortlng in this closing
speech to anything of the sort. But in order &c
clear M the ground on which l stand, and in
order that no suspicion Of interest or foul motive
NAV clog the arguments which may now be pre-.
sented, it will be expedient for me to allude to
some charges which have grown up from words
spoken in the present session OF this House, and
in so doing to reply to the most important one
first.
NV principal opponent did speak of a member
of this House. the mover of the bill, as saying
that he would " do all in his power to establish a
Republican Government" L am glad to say that
His Excellency corrected himself, and Immediately
quoted the words that | actually did use, namely,
- that 1 had Republican ideas, and would do all
in my power to carry them out Even these
words would raise suspicion unless the occasion
on which they were used were again recalled as a
commentary on their true meaning. 1t was on
the motion to POSTPONE the consideration OF the
Appropriation Bill till other questions were dis
nosed of-this Master and Servants Act among
others-for the acknowledged reason that such
postponement might affect the fate of such bills as
this House might pass. The measure was intended
to strengthen the popular side of the House, and
as such was to be called a g Republican idea"
Now-to prove that such a measure is perfectly
constitutional under a monarchy, and does not
violate any oath to the onstitution-perm me to
quote from British History. On the memorable
occasion of the passage Of the Reform Bill of
1882 the Duke Of Wellington protested against
the proposed creation of new peers by the Crown
in order to carry the measure in the House of
Lords, us unconstitutional Lord Grey, then first
Lord of the Treasury, answered:
- And | ask, what would be the consequencesif
we were to suppose that such Il prerogative did
not exist or could not be constitutionally exercised.
The Commons hare a control over the power of
the Crown by the privilege in extreme cases of re-
fusing the supplies and the Crown has by means
of its power to dissolve the House Of Commons a
control upon any violent and rash proceedings on
the part of the Commons; but ii a majority Of
this House (f Lords) is TO have the power when
ever they Ilease of opposing the declared and
decided wishes, both OF the Crown and the peo-
pie without any means of modifying this power,
then this country is placed entirely under the in
iuence of an uncomfortable oligarchy."-
(knights History of England, Vol. VIII. p. 299.)
| quote this to show what has been said under
another constitutional monarchy, and to show that
these was nothing disloyal or unconstitutional in
what was said here in this House, and that no
suspicion can be thrown upon the mover Of this
measure on those grounds.
In support of the fact that [ had grown up in
sympathy with the people, L alluded to the COM
mencement OF my active life in surveying their
kuIeanas or land claims, to this it was replied
that that was no honor. Very true. it may not
have been any hon0r-but permit me just for
the moment to alludc to the circumstances Of the
case. Under the direction Of the Hon. Geo. NJ.
then of the Land Commission, L was
surveying kuleanas on Hawaii. Day after day,
and week after week, my steps were logged, and
my work impeded by the agents of the chiefs
lands, some of whom seemed to hate a compass
and chain, as others do Il printing press. And SO
day after day L had to insist On the right of the
to their kuleanas, the idea OF possession
being a new one to them. l went to my superior
officer afterwards, Judge Robertson. He said 'sgo
back and do the best you can And so | went
back and decided as best ] could, and none of
those decisions, l am happy to say, were reversed.
also in open kula districts the surveyor had to
decide the size of the kuleana and now those
people have not forgotten who measured their
kuleanas for them. If l have made a sighting
allusion in this debate to those ON the side of the
wish to withdraw it from the argument,
however true it may have been. There has been
L fling at poverty. Sir, neither poverty nor
wealth are supposed to cast suspicion upon a
mans integrity. 1t is asked where our money is
invested, and why not in this country. Mine was
invested in an education, and l am trying to give
hat to the benefit of the country.
Now as to the severe language which His Ex-
,ellency the Attorney General has received in this
Assembly from his colleague on account of his
tand and his spoken opinions on the question.
10 not know what this House has to do with what
,oes ON in the Cabinet. We have q right to
now the individual opinions of the members of
his House. Those opinions have been honestly
nd frankly given by the Attorney General, and
his House has no right and no desire to know
whether those opinions have been delivered in
lis Majesty's Cabinet or not. But now, mas
ouch as His Excellency the Minister of Foreign
has broadly and directly accused the
1over and supporters of this bill of a desire to
reak down the sugar plantations and thereby
uln the country and the Government, permit me
0 ask whether he makes that charge against his
and to ask whether persons on this
Of the House should not have equal Justice
one to their motives. Can he not believe that
re too are honest in our convictions on the con-
nationality of this measure? Mr.. President
nat is a most bitter accusation-a vile accusation
1T liz too shockingto be entertained here. Let it
efeat itself. And now I might perhaps inquire
neither my opponents are not interested in the
llture of sugar-I will not-I must ot-bu [
ope this House will hereafter observe this rule
{ our Manual, viz, Cushings: 50 the conse-
VI d uedeure may Oe repTODateO III sLrOng =
rms, but to arraign the motives of those who /
lvocate it is both supplementary and out of :
(Sec. 2l1.) '
This bill, which it is now proposed to indie h
nitely postpone, is condemned as too sweeping. l
What do you offer in its place? ?" 1 am asked. !
ut when l ask my fellow members what portion 0
the present law they are DESTROYS of repeating, =,
majority tell me-and L ask them now if it is A
1T so-that they are opposed to the imprisonment 9
T d~esertion of service. Now the whole of the 4
resent law turns upon that point. Do away il
it'll that, and the whole goes by the board. P
rant the principle, that the laborer is to be V
mpelled by the force of the Government to adj e
re to the service of his master, and it may well a
questioned whether the present law is not, ON h
e whole, a good one. Take the enactment with re
bich so many find fault, that when a laborer de- II
rts, he shall on returning serve double time. i
is an excuse for that. For supposing the Z
borer is absent a couple of days, and upon be- /
2 summoned to return, returns willingly, what v
rety is there that be will not continually be '
lving for short periods, always returning with n
t resistance when sent for, unless there is some ;
nple method by which he shall be made to pay p
=