New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1870-03-14

1 laIu as are ucSIaDle, anu 10 Institute SUCH {"
system Of compensation and such scale OF
costs as will make eviction, except for absolute
non payment of rent, very difficult or undesira-
! ble The outgoing tenant must in any case be
paid for whatever real improvement he makes
upon the land, and. if evcted, must have had
| a years notice. Diycsted OF much which at
| this stage of the bill may not interest the
| American reader, its principles are, mainly,
| first, the legazatiOn OF Ulster tenant night
| and other customs founded on the tenants
interest in the land second, guarantees against
arbitrary evictions, to the extent OF considera-
| bic cost third, inducements to give thIrty-one
wear leases in exchange for the surrender OF
certain ground rights or interests, but not OF
all; fourth, Government help to buy land;
| fifth, courts of arbitration. Mr.. Gladstone has
stated the principles of his bill as follows:
II we we're to give security of tenure to the occupeFS
OF the soil we thought could do only by attaching
to evictIons such conditions would render them
impOlitic aud difficult the part OF the landlord
| unless there existed strong and urgent reasons
why they should be resored to- and secondly by Hecur
ing the eyicted tenant, If lie fulfilled Eis contract
from being thrown upon the world without carrying
with him fair and reasonable compensation not ohy
for the improvements which he had effected but also for
the deprivation OF his OF livelihood afforded him
by the occupation OF the land from which he was evcted
But as We have afforded the Occuper improved security
OF tenure also afforded the landlord improved
security his rent aud improved security for the better
cultivation OF his land, and we have. hope not I'M
wisely. gwen him powers against the sublctting and
subdyidng of his property, because the tenant II he
chose to such practice, will lose some OF the
greatest advantages offered him by this bill
We shall leave Irish opinion to deal with the
defects of the measure, for we do not propose
to enter into its accumulated details. The
Dublin Nation, which declares that It's hcter0-
geneous appliances will bring all Ireland into
litigation. and revives the demand of the National
Conference" Fixed tcnurcs, fair rents" Lord
Granard, one of the most Irish of the Catholic
peers, regrets that the bill does not extend the
Ulster custom to the rest of Ireland, and objects
to the scale of compensation for eyctions as
calculated to do away with small holdings
Tho Freeman'S journal likewise regrets that the
Ulster tenantright has not been extended to
all Ireland, and objects to the 3l-year clause
of the bill which it says destroys the property
of the tenant:
We frankly confess we believe that IL every landlord
had to pay to each farmer before eycting
hnfOr under the clauses the tenant is not TO be re-
moved till the award be paid-eycton would end IN Ire.
land the OF the tenantrythe largest class
and taking all whose farms average under 20 Irish
acres those who constitute the great bulk OF the whole
body-are concerned This scale clause would end evic
tion aud would far give xty Of tenure to the people
But the 81 years leasing tender renders
than nugaory, and this clause must DO removed before
the bill be avOraby considered in the light OF an APP
proach to a settlement. The bill wants other serious
amendments. without these amendments. or any Of
them. 1t will pass into law but it Will Leave the old sore
unhealed, the land question unsettled"
The recorded objections to the bill may be
summed up as-frst, its partiality in respect to
Ulster tenant-right; second, its defect IN the
thirty-Onc years clause third, its provision for
litigation, which the landlord can best sustain
to the heart breaking of the tenant; fourth, the
insufcicncy of the preferred loans to make
landlords any more willing to sell, or tenants any
better able to buy than they are now Thus
the much-auded, and in some respects we'll
Landed bill of Mr.. Gladstone is not without de-
liciencies, and will, to use his own candid Ian
guage require considerable amount of time
to be spent in the endeavOr to make it q very
good meaenre,
In all the more recent of what are called the
great English measures we can trace q charac
terlstc resemblance in principle. The Discs
tablshment bill, for instance, was, in plain
ance for bribing out of existence another pom
dcrous continuance known as the State Church
The English and Irish people were asked not
how TO lay the Ak To the root but what sum
they would pay to get rid of the monster and
accordingly the principle of here little and
there a great deal more was applied in the
shape of money. The same tenderness as to
prejudices, the same care for local COM
Bright calls tinkerng is perceptible more
or less in the Education and Land
bills. Mr. Foster does not make education
free in one case or compulsory in another,
neither does Mr.. Gladstone prescribe that all
Ireland shall have the same rights in the mat
ter of land The unifying and inspiring prin-
ciplc Of truly great law is as wanting in
these bills as the one for Disestablishment
They adopt, it is true, the ablest of hetero-
geneous methods for curing the most elaborate
of heterogeneous evils Their professed motive
is to help people to help themselves, and un-
doubtcdly they give to hasty, sweeping,
and ill-dgested legislation the profitable
example of that wary walking which would
plOd rather than stumble, and take rOunda-
bout road to avoid a needless encounter. 1t
would be hard to deny that such elaborate
legislation is not great, if only because extern
siye yet, after all is said. there remains in
the Republican mind conviction that the
simplest principles are the best solvents, and
that TO help people to help themselves, it is
necessary to help them equally
The Common Council does not hold all the
officials of whom NewYOrk City has frequent
occasion to be proud. From tho time of Con-
NARY and tba Rurdeu puPdar yb;.h xo~o.