The Tiffin tribune. (Tiffin, Ohio) 1868-1887, 1870-09-15
LAND GRANTS

"a And now, fellow citizens, let
d look for while at a few question
Sc that naturally give rise to a differen,
n Of opinion. Both the Republican al
II Democratic parties in Ohio have r
y Gently proclaimed in State CONVEX
II uons their opposition to further gran
it OF public lands to railroad eompanie
g As one of your agents, / viii fe
n bound by this decision, and will vol
le for no further grant Of lands to raj
le roads, except that Ishall feel bound
sr give to a Southern Pacific RaiIFoa
g the same grants of land that hay
e been given to the Northern and Ger
K tral roads. We ought not in justiC
Is to adopt new policy that will prC
;, yentthe South hfromenjoying equal faC
e ilities for trans-cOntinetnal railroad.
r Since 1862 I have usually voted fC
railroad grants, but in a question {
D this kind win cheerfHlly obey tn
general voice of the people of Ohio.
II But feel bound to correct some q
r the errors into which some of Ou
! Democratic friends have fallen as t
4 the land grant system. 1t had il
= origin with Mr.. Douglass in the gran
to the Illinois Central Railroad. /
: was in full force long before the Re
: publican party existed. The mos
a numerous grants ever made werl
made by the Thirty-ffth Congress
3 which was Democratic in all il!
+ branches. The largest grant eve
: made was made 10 the Union Pacifit
4 and Northern Pacific Railroads, il
! | 1862 and 1864, and was voted for,
: think, by every Democratic membel
I nf n rts.Ianr~
|; ally approved and adopted by the
; Westwitheut distinction Of party.
1t Is raid that this policy yyYas waste
OF public revenue. Not so; the re.
i served alternate sections were doubled
in price and then sold more rapidly
than before. The actual money rev
enue was increased. The advantages
, of the system were in the rapid de-
velOpment of the West and increased
, facilities Transportation. Many ad-
Vantages have grown out of the much
abused land grant system. but the
reason why readily aeqniesee in the
suspension of these grants is that il
Will enable us to carry out the favOFa-
Die policy OF the Republican party
the homestead law. Let us adopt
this principle, that hereafter no pub
lIe land shall be given away or sold
70 any one except pre-emptOF or
settler under the homestead law. This
Will lead to the full execution Of the
homestead law, and is the only cor
rect basis OfR permanent policy. Let
the Land go to those only who will settle
upon, improve and cultivate It, and
thus the nation at large will gain a
greater benefit than 10 can get by any
gift to railroads or sale to speculatOrs.
THE TARIFF.
Again, great deal is said among
all parties about a protective tariff
and Q revenue tariff. The last Ma
tiOnal Democratic Convention, in
IS6S, declared for "a tariff for revenue
upon foreign imports, and such equal
taxation under the Internal Revenue
laws as will afford incidental prOtec-
ton to domestic manufactures, and
as viii, without impairing the reve-
nue., impose the least burden upon
and promote and encourage thegreat
industrial interests of the eOuntry.D
The Substance of the recent Repub-
lican platform at Columbus Is for =
revenue tariff with incidental protec-
ton. The substance of the recent
Democratic State platform is for a rev
enue tariff, with all the necessaFies
of life free. Now if all the necessaries
of life are free, the revenue part of the
tariff would not be enough for good
Democratic treat. If sugar, tea, coffee
brandy and gin are necessary, / don't
see what the luXuries are, unless they
are the silks of the ladies, and we have
the duty now as high on silks as the
ladies' will submit to. 1t is not fellow
citizens, by such general phrases you
can deal with practical question like |
this. 1t has been the bone of conten- !
tion since the beginning Of the Gov |
ernment. There are a few simple |
propositions that we can agree upon |
and they settle nearly all the princi-
upon which tariff in the present |
condition of our finances can be bas-
ed. The primary principle-which /
governs all the Others-is that we /
must raise revenue enough by a tar
ift on imported goods to pay the in
terest of our debt, one per cent. annu-
ally, OF the principal, and the expenses
Of our foreign intercourse.
This can not be less than $50 mill
lions s-year until.sfhe Funding bill 1
gradauy reduces it. We know that
> C~-A ~ eAAA G1Al OuL lLlADUILaLAOLH
foreign goods are about 400 millions of
dollars, exclusive Of the flow of gold
which from its use is not taxable.
Now uniform rate Of 40 per cent. on
all articles would produce the 1GO
millions which We must raise. Every
body admits that we ought to levy
the same rate OfdGty on all articles i'm
ported, and here is the rub. Political
theories, sectional interests and de-
magogism add to our difficulties in
making the distribution. Let us lay
these aside, and see if we can agree
q little further. Let us divide our i'm
portatiOns into classes according to
their nature and uses, and fix the rate
OF duty afterward. A great multitude
of articles are to tFihing in amount to
make it worth while to tax them.
Certainly medicines of tropical pro-
ductiOn are indispensable TO health.
Certain dyes are of universal use, like
where the chief cost Is the
trouble of preparing them for use.
Certain raw articles are the basis Of !
domestic industry but OF little value !
in themselves-all these we can agree /
ought to pay no duty. This is class ,
No. 1. We can, perhaps, agree that r
other articles which we can not pro- !
luce in this country, are Of such uni n
versal use and neeessity-such as su- !
gar, tea, coffee, spices that the duty
should be as low as possible cOnsls-
tent with the wants Of the Govern !
ment. But these articles, from their
being so universally used, are the
most fruitful sources of revenue I,
yielded US last year $50, 900, ,OOO-and If ,
we take the taxes of of these articles
we must make up in others. This is !
class No. .. Up to this point the only /
question is one of revenue. We come !
now to the great mass OF articles Of :
prime necessity, which are produced ;
not only in foreign countries but in !
our own country. Now, any tax you q
put upon such an imported article is .
to the extent of the tax a protection !
10 the domestic article. 1t is not !
strange, but is in accordance with the !
law of seliishness, that ev- !
cry domestic producer wants the duty !
rs high as possible on the foreign arti- /
cIe that competes with him, and as
low on everything else. If you put
. lower rate of duty than the average
Of 40 per cent. on the foreign producer
you discriminate against the home |
producer to his injury. IL YOU put a
higher duty than 40 per cent. on a ,
foreign article you discriminate I'm IA J
vOr of the home producer. This class
includes the manufacturers Of iron,
steel and cotton, all the multiplied OBJ
ieets Of modern commerce, alsO coal
salt, and such natural gifts, whose
chief value is in the labor Of mining
and transportation. This is class No.
3, and, with class No. 2, Is the basis
Of our revenue. There are also a number
Of articles Of luxury, but as their use
Is confined to few the revenue Is not
so great. This class No. 4, and in
cludes spirits, wines, cigars, silks, sut-
lns and the like. We will agree that
these ought to be taxed the rate that
Will produce the most revenue. I'm
some Ofthem areofa char
acter to be easily smuggled- as
ieWelry, diamonds, and the like, and
too high a duty leads to the loss Of ,
revenue; while upon others, like bran
1y and cigars, we levy the highest
rates of duty. Now, fellOW-eitizens,
the chief trouble with the PRESENT. tar
iff is in the inequality Of class No. 3.
Some Of them are cOnfessedly too !
hiOh and SOna too IOxr II x,ras trr,r,r,i 4 ]