The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-05-21
THE JUNE MAGAZINES.
"THR GALAXY"

IOuOW1ng JADlo Oh COutouts'-
'Put Yourself in His Place, by Charles
Reade, chapters xiii and''xliii with an illus
tration); FRA Angelica" by Margaret J.
Preston; "Tobaccophagei and Tobaccopha-
gism," by John @. Draper; "Enola," by
Howard Glyndon; American Men and En-
glishmen," by Justin Mccarthy; Keeping
the Cash." by ]. T. Mckay; ''Ten Years in
Rome-Internal Economy of the Papal
States. Ecclesiastical and Civil :" "Two
Women" by Rebecca Harding Davis; 'Ad
Astra," by H. d. Ganse; "Senator Wilson
and Edwin M. Stanton" by j. S. Black;
Hostages" by Fl. H.; early Incidents of
the Rebellion" a chapter from Mr.. Thurlow
Weeds autobiography, by Thurlow Weed;
''The Galaxy Miscellany" 'Drift-wood," by
Philip Quilibet; Literature and Art" ''Me-
moranda," by Mark Twain; 'TNebule," by
the Editor.
As entertaining reading for the hot weather
rs can be found in the magazine is the Hon.
Jeremiah S. Blacks letter to Senator Wilson
in reply to his article entitled edwin M.
Stanton, which appeared in the February
number of The atlantic. Judge Black opens
with q general defense of President Bucha-
nan and the members of his Cabinet, in
which, however, he advances nothing very
new or startling. The most interesting por-
ton of his paper is that which refers to Mr..
Stanton and the eulogy pronounced upon
him by Senator Wilson. This we quote for
the edifcation and delectation of our readers:
Your attacks upon Buchanan, Toucey and
Thompson might be safely passed in silence,
but the character of Stanton must utterly
perish if it be not defended against your
praise. ..s
You give us the first information we ever
had that Mr.. Stanten, though acting with the
Democratic party, was an abolitionist at heart
almost from his earliest youth. For this fact
you vouch his declaration to Judge Chase
more than thirty years ago, at Columbus,
Ohio and you attempt to corroborate it by
citing his association at Washington with DIR.
Bailey and other abolitionists. If you tell
the truth, he was the most marvellous impos-
tor that ever lived or died. Among us, his
political principles were thought to be as we'll
known as his name and occupation. He never
allowed his fidelity to be doubted for one
moment. 1t was perfectly understood that
he had no affinities whatever with men
of your school in morals or politics.
His condemnation of the abolitionists was un-
sparing for their hypocrisy, their corruption,
their enmity to the Constitution, and their
lawless disregard for the rights of States and
individuals. Thus he won the confidence of
Democrats. On the faith of such professions
we promoted hin in his business and gave
him Office, honor, and fortune. But, accord
ing to your account, he was all the while
waiting and hoping for the time to come
when he could betray the Constitution and its
friends into the cruel clutches of their ene-
mics. For this cold-blooded and deliberate
treachsry you bespeak the admiration of the
American people. You might as well pro-
pose to canoniZe Judas Iscariot.
1 maintain, on the other hand that he was
what he seemed to be, sound and sincere
friend, political and personal, of the men
who showered their favors on his head. He
had at least the average amount of attach
ment for ''the Constitution of the United
States, and for the peace, good order, and
happiness of the same" AS a necessary con-
sequence, he dreaded the dishonest and de-
structive rule which he foresaw that you
would be sure to establish as soon as you
could. His Democracy did not cease when
the war opened. In tho summer of 1861,
when your anti constitutional principles began
to be practically carried out by the kidnapping
of innocent citizens, by the suppression of
free speech, and by the enslavement of the
press, he imprecated the vengeance OF God
and the law upon the guilty authors of those
crimes with as much energy as any
Democrat in the nation. Only a short
time before his appointment as Secretary
of War his love of liberty and legal justice
impelled him to curse Mr.. Lincoln himself
with bitter curses. He called him by con-
temptuous names, and with sin1iGn, if not
with ''swinish phrase soiled his addition"
admit that he changed these sentiments after
wards, but deny that he had adopted your
way of thinking while he pretended to concur
in ours. His conversion was real one, pro-
duced by what he regarded ''as good and
sufficient reasons him thereunto moving"
and it was accompanied, or Immediately fol-
lowed, bya corresponding change of his party
attitude. He was not what you make him out,
mere fawning hypocrite.
The issue is plainly made. The friends of
Mr.. Stanton will not permit you to gibbet
him in the face of the world after death has
disarmed him of the power of self-defsnse.
Yon must prove the injurious allegations you
make or else accept the just consequences.
If the Chief Justice will say that he knows
Mr. Stanton to have been Sin entire agree
ment" with the abolition party thirty years
ago, his testimony may silence denial. But
you must not triie with us; we will hold you
to strict proof; hearsay evidence will not be
received least of all will the fact be admit
ted upon the second hand statement of Q
person who thinks, as you manifestly dc
think, that deception, fraud, and false pre-.
lenses are an honor to the man who prac.
tises them.
Next in chronological order is your asser.
ton that Mr.. Stanton, while yet private
citizen, advised Mr.. Buchanan that it was the
duty and the right of the Federal Govern
ment to coerce seeding States; that is to say,
make war against all the inhabitants of every
State in which an ordinance of secession had
been or should be passed. Now, mark how