Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1870-08-25
A German Upon the War

I we copy the following lucid,
Democratic and statesmanlike ar
ticle from the Cincinnati Common.
.er. 1t is evidently written by a
thoughtful and thoroughly posted
native of the country now about
to be devastated by great war,
and a Democrat whose sympathy
is American If we are not mis-
taken by the internal evidences,
it is from the pen of CHARLES
RAEMELIN-a gentleman worthy
Of being heard upon SO important
atopic: : A@3 A01
u,9 THE HOHENZ0LLERNS.
The arrogance with which the
Prussians have constituted them.
selves TO be the whole Of Ger
many IS only equalled BY the ef-
frontery with which the United
States are simply to become an
nexed to the dynastic policy of
the Hohenzollerns. 1t is an old
stage trick to make some seconda-
ry cause the one in which the
whole of mankind are interested,
and the delusions engendered
thereby have cost the human fam
lily rivers of blood. Plain speak
ing is, therefore, required at the
hands of those who wish to save
their country from disasters lying
close at hand. sssa aG
1t is marvellous that anybody
could be deceived as to the real
character of Prussia and her royal
family. There she stands with
hardly foot of soil honestly her
own. She governs some eighteen
provinces, all, except Branden-
burg, acquired by either violence
or fraud. And further, she is dis
covered in secret cabal to put one
of the princes of the royal family
upon the Spanish throne.
That the interest of such a dy-
nasty should be declared identical
with our foreign interest is, 70 say
the least, violent assumption.
The United States may, per-
haps, look on with unconcern if
any one of the powers of Europe
should become all powerful, though
the jealousies of these powers
have frequently been beneficial to
us, but it is another question,
whether we will take sides for or
against either of them. The faith
ers of our republic refrained from
being hurried by their sympathies
into any European war; they were
chiefly natives of this country,
and their feeling in favor of this
or that country were always tenn
pered bya sacred regard for the
interest Of their own colintry.-
How different do all affiliations
with foreign powers become, theI
moment those citizens. of this
country, who indulge in them. are
stimulated by their affections for
their native land Sg8ABlAa
Every one must see that A.
merica ceases to be a free agent
in her foreign policy, as soon as
SO large a portion of her foreign
population becomes actuated by
such proclivities. 9 2 assaoisa Zee
In the question pending, the
danger8to. tie United States is
the greater because it is likely to
make an enemy of a people. with
whom we are both commercially
and geographically much nearer
connected than we are with Prus-
sia. - iiir ssosi hias sfss 81 Tss1
Thomas Jefferson's sympathies
with France were we'll known;
but even he would not tolerate
Genets movements, because they
were likely to deprive the United
States OF that full voIition which
is absolutely necessary to an in
dependent people. Within the
last two weeks, steps have been
taken in this country by the
friends of Prussia, that are much
more reprehensible than those OF
Genet. Persons have acted as if
they had long forgotten that the
States Union of America is now
their country, and that to their
own State they owe their only al.
legiance. We may understand
and appreciate how their natural
feelings have carried them away,
but we certainly should not en-
courage them in it. -. .,ssmxI
This view of the case is
strengthened the more We I'M
derstand the questions at Issue be-
tween the French Emperor and
the Prnssian King. The first did
no more than the national law.
writer of France VatteI1 says he
was bound to do, when the latter
refused to give the explanations
and guarantees which the same
iiurist insists he should heav
given. 1t is well known that for
the last twenty months Bismarck