Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1870-01-27

mluOilty report as nlS IrSt cnOlce, Out n
was willing to support it, and send tn
proposition before the people to b
voted on as q separate question. H
claimed that the negro had never beel
constitutiOnally vested with the right t,
vote. The idea that negro suffrage wa
an accomplished fact he repudiated. Th
war had set the negro free, but there wer
no facts to warrant the conclusion tina
he should be vested necessarily with thu
right of suffrage He believed he wa
the friend of the negro race, and h,
would withhold this privilege from then
for their good. He would hold up tn.
privilege of suffrage to the negro as
great boon to be won by the exhibition Of
great qualities. The descendants of thu
people who. conquered these wildernesses
were the only people who had any inner
ent right to suffrage. He claimed thai
the giving of the franchise to the negro
would be his ruin. He believed that the
white people would control these 0,00C
negro voters. He was not afraid OF
their power, but he was opposed to the
doctrine of negro suffrage on principle.
He believed that the minority report
should be adopted because it would give
the white people a chance of enfran-
| chisement.
Mr.. Brown, of Carroll, Gibson and
Henry, was opposed to the majority re-
! port. By that report the negro would
have the right to vote if he paid his poll
tax, which might be ten dollars. Let the
proposition be submitted to the colored
people, and let them have the right to
vote, but coupled with that right win be a
| burden of taxation which may reach ten
dollars. He claimed that the right of
suffrage was not what these people
wanted. Hley wanted bread and homes.
He was the friend of the cOlored man, he
would give him all the rights of citizen
ship, but he would withhold from them
this engine of powerwhich might be turn
ed against them for their destruction.
He claimed that the people of the North
did not call for negro suffrage. 1t was
Congress, the creature of an hour, which
demanded it. He denied that the Four
teenth Amendment had any validity here
nor anywhere else. He claimed that it
had never been legally passed, and he be-
lieved that the time would come when it
would be secuted by the free people of
this country. All he wanted to ask on
this question was that the people should
have the right to vote on this PROPOSE
ton separately and decide it for them
seVes.
Mr.. Thompson, of Maury, claimed that
but one gentleman had presented the ques-
ton properly, Mr.. Turner, of Sumner
He claimed that he did not come here to
give the negro the right to voae. The
negro had exercised that right for three or
four years. What he came here for was
TO bring up the Confederate soldier to oc-
cupy the same place with the negro. He
was here white man in favor of white
mans government. He believed in the
superiority of the Anglo Saxon race. He
did not think that there was any danger in
10, 900 voters overcoming 100, 900. If it
was an original proposition upon which
he was called upon to decide, he would
as soon give the right to vote to a babOOn
as to the negro. He had done all he
could to perpetuate the institution of
slavery. He had owned them, had re-
ceived them from his ancestors, con-
sidered slavery one of the greatest
blessings to the country. But Uncle Sam
came along and took his negroes, and his
horses, mules, corn, hay and other chat
tells, and he had long since charged them
to profit and loss. He was not afraid of
40, 900 negroes in the State as balanced
against 100000 white. What his people
wanted was to get rid of this eternal ques-
ton of the negro. They wanted it settled
forever. He was opposed to separating
this question and submitting it to a dis
tinCt vote of the people. He saw no use
in excitement. Let the entire Constitu-
ton be referred to the people, and they
would take it as most Christians expect
to get to Heavcn-On faith. If it was
right under former Constitution to allow
lew negroes to vote, was it wrong now
to let them all vote, that they were free
But this was not the question; it was,
would they put the ballot in the hands of
the Confederate sOldier-the negro had
the right to vote already: Would they
refer this question to a separate vote of
the people and pave the way to q war of
raCes2 God forbid this calamity, He
was no advocate for negro equality. He
stood up firmly upon the superiority of
the white race.
Mr.. Baxter, of Knox, denied the au-
thOrity of the amendment to the Consti-
tuition in 1865, and, in his opinion as
lawyer. the colOred people did not now
have the right to vote. He did not be-
lieve that the Fifteenth Amendment
would ever be legally adopted. Never
theless, he was in favor of incorporating
in the Constitution of Tennessee an
amendment that should give the negro the
right to vote. He believed that slavery
was wrOng-that it was a great political
evil. If a republican form of govern
ment could not succeed without slavery
as cornerstone, they might as well
give up. Slavery had been abolished for
ever. Now that the agony was over, he
was glad that slavery had been abolished.
He believed that slavery had entailed upon
the country such evils as it would not re-
cover from by the best conduct for the
next half century. He spoke of the effects
which had been entailed upon the State by
the negro question. Why could they not
come forward and consider this subject
without prejudice, and as statesmen
The proposition was to refer this
question 10 separate vote of the
people. What would be the re-
result? Ii would absorb all other ques-
tions, would excite prejudice and passion,
and would drive the negro back into the
arms of the men who were our enemies.
Let them submit the amended Constitu-
ton as a whole. This would allay pas
sion; would bring all classes of the people
to vote for it. lie had been a Conserva-
tive all his life, but he considered the Con-
sentative party too scrupulous. If they
sought to allay the passions between the
two races and acted like men of sense,
they could turn what might be considered
an evil, to blessing. He wished to Sc
cure an additional representation in Con-
gress of three, which might be gained to
Tennessee by the negro vote. He be-
lieved that the negro, though inferior,
had enough sense to use the ballot prop
erly.
Mr.. House, of Williamson, did not
come to the Convention with sealed lips.
He came here, pledged by the vote of the
people of Williamson county, to go for
universal suffrage. The question was
not whether the negro should be given the
right to vote, but whether the white man
should be placed on his feet again. Dur
ing the last gubernatorial canvass the doc
trine of universal suffrage was everywhere
preached. 1t was their duty to divest
themselves from all prejudice and pas
sion, and to go forward in the stern line
of duty. He wanted to know what good
would result to the people of Tennessee
by submitting this question as a separate
and distinct nrOnosition He wanted for