The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1870-01-28
TR UTH 1T LAST.
THE BUCHANAN CABINET.
Historical Revelations OF Judge Black
-Stanton's Political Position in 1860.

Historical Revelations Of Judge Black
-Stanton's Political Position in 1860.
The Hon. Jere. S. Black publishes lengthy
and interesting card to the public, detailing
his "reminiscences of the official conduct of the
late Secretary Stanton during the latter's asso-
citation with him in the Buchanan Cabinet.
His object in bringing to mind these political
by-gonesi is to contradict statements which have
been made by eulogsts and others, ''that Mr..
Stanton entered that administrator with views
opposed to those Of the President and the men
who were to be his colleagues, all of whom,
except Messrs Holt and Dix were in favor of
the Southern Confedcracy, and ready to sacri-
fee the Union; that, supported by these two,
he bullied the rest; that he terrified the Presi-
dent By threats Of resignation into measures
which otherwise would not have been thought
OF that he urged immediate war upon the
seeding States, to crush out the rebellion;
that though defeated in this by the treason of
his associates, he carried with high hand
other points of sound policy; that by these
hardy displays of hostility to the admnistra-
tion which trusted him, he promoted the in
tercsts and won the gratitude Of his enemies" !"
THE REAL ATTITUDE OF Mr.. STANTON.
The political attitude of Mr.. Stanton towards
the Buchanan administration previous to his
appointment as Attorney-General, Judge B.
proceeds to say, is wholly misunderstood or
else wilfully misrepresented. He was fully
with us at every stage OF the Kansas question,
and no maR felt more loathing contempt
than he did for the knavery OF the Abolition
lists In refusing TO vote upon the Lecompton
constitution, when nothing but vote was
needed to eXpel slavery from the new state,
and thus terminate the dispute by deciding 1t
in the way which they themselves pretended to
wish. He wholly denied Mr.. Douglas no.
tions, and blamed him severely for the unrea-
sonable and mischievOus schism which he
had created in the party. The Know-noth-
ism of Bell and Everett found no favor in
his eyes. In the canvass OF 1860 he re-
garded the salvation of the country as hanging
upon the torlorn hope Of Brecklnridge's cleo
tion. We knew the Abolitionists to be the
avowcd enemies of the constitution and the
Union, and we thought the Republicans would
necessarily be corrupted by their alliance with
them. AS we saw the march Of these cOmbin-
cd forces upon the capital, we telt that the
constitutional liberties OF the country were in
as much peril as Rome was when the Gallls
were pouring over the broken defence of the
city. Whether we were right or wrong, is not
the question now. 1t Is enough to say THAT Mr..
Stanton shared these apprehenslons fully. He
more than shared them; to some eXtept he In
spired them, for he knew Mr. Lincoln person
ally, and the account he gave OF him was any
thing but favorable.
HIS OPPOSITION TO WAR.
During the angry excitement following the
election of Mr.. Lincoln, and the warlike att
tudc assumed by South Carolina the question
arose in the Cabinet as to how the difficulty
should be settled The President was bound
to do both parties the best service he could in
spite Of their teeth, and that service consisted
in preserving the peace of the nation. 1t was
his special and most imperative duty not to en-
broil the incoming administration by civil
war which his successor might be unwilling to
approve or to prosecute. 1t was undoubtedly
right to leave the President elect and his ad-
visors in situation where they could take their
choice between compromising and fighting.
In fact, Mr.. Lincoln was in favor OF the former,
if his inaugural be any sign of his sentiments.
The mind OF no man was more deeply i'm
bued with these opinions than Mr.. Stanton's.
The idea never entered his hcad-certainly
never passed his lips-that the President ought
to make war upon States or put the whole
people out of the protection Of the laws, and
ter rs public enemies, because some individ-
llals among them had dole or threatened to
do what was inconsistent with their obliga-
tions to the United States.
LEGAL POWERS OF TIE PRESIDENT-MR STAN
TONS APPOINTMENT.
On the 10th of November 1 answered the
Presidents questions concerning his legal
powers and duties, holding that the ordinances
Of secession were nullitiess; that the seeding
States were, and would be as much in the
Union as ever; that the Federal Executive was
the laws. to hold the public property and to
collect tile revenue; that if the means and
machinery furnished by law for these purpo-
scs were inadequate he could not adopt others
and usurp powers which had not been dele
gated; that neither the executive nor leglsla-
tive departments had authority under the con-
stitution 10 make war upon a State; that the
military power might be. used, if necessary, in
aiding the judicial authorities to execute the
laws in collecting the revenues, In defending
or rctaking public property, but not In acts OF
ndiscriminatc hostility against all the people
of State. This is the ''Upinion" which has
since been so often, so much and so well
abused, denounced and villfacd. Mr.. Stanton
did not stutify himself by denying the plain,
obvious and simple truths which It expressed.
Tile paper was shown him before it went to the
President, and after slight alteration sugges-
tel by himself he not only approved, but ap-
plauded it enthusiastically.
1t disappointed the President. He had hasti-
ly taken it for granted that Congress might
make secession cause for war; and In the
draft of his message, already prepared, he had
submitted the question of war or peace to
their decision. But the advice OF the law de-
partment, supported by a powerful argument
from General Cass, convinced him of his error,
and that part of the message was rewritten.
The substance Of the message, so modified, re-
ceived Mr.. StantOn's hearty endorsement in
everything that regarded secession and the
treatment it ought to receive.
Soon after this General CasS retired. was
requested to take the State Department, and
Mr.. Stanton was appointed Attorney General
upon my declaring that l was unwilling to
leave the care of certain causes pending in the
Supreme Court To any hands but his. This ap-
pointment alone, without any other proof,
ought to satisfy any reasoning mind that all |
have said Of Mr.. Stanton's sentiments must be
true. We took him for what he professcd to
be-a true friend of the Union; a dcvout be-
lever in the constitutions; a faithful man, who
would not violate his oath of Office by wilful
disobedience to the laws. am still convinced
that he did not deceive us. II he abandoned
those principles in 1862, the change, however
sudden and unaCcountable, is not satisfactory
evidence that he was an impOster and hypo-
critic in 1850.
The card concludes with refntation Of the
reports that Mr.. Stanton engaged in dragoon-
ing the President and hect0ring his colleagues,
the writer being unable to recollect that he
ever had one word of serious controversy with
the President or anybody else During the
discussions which concluded in the detcrmi-
nation TO reinforce Fort Sumter, Mr.. Stanton
''WaS ALWAYS trup. hut thp Dart he took was