The weekly clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1863-1882, 1870-02-10

been passed by Congress Tor ne pr0Iec
ton of New England manufactures are
wholly unwaz1anted, and are, in fact in
direct violation Of the constitution. They
are not only IN violation Of the constitu-
ton, but they are very detrimental to the
interests Of the Agricultural States of the
West and South BY them foreign man
ufacturers are unable to compete with the
manufacturers Of New England who
therefore have a monopoly in their goods
and wares, and can place whatever value
upon them that they please. The part OF
the constitution which gives to Congress
the power to enact tariff laws was clearly
intended by it trainers only to provide a
way by which a revenue could be raised,
and not for the purpose of protecting the
interest Of this, or that, branch of industry
to the detriment of another. That part
of the constitution, under which Congress
claims to be acting when they pass these
tariff laws, of which we speak, will be
found in Article /, section 8, which pro-
vides that:
''The Congress shall have power
''to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts
land excuses to pay the debts, and pro-
"vide for the common defense and general
"welfare of the United States but all
''duties, imposts and excuses shall be uni
''form throughout the United States.
1t is true that by the laws in existence
great deal of revenue is raised, but
these laws were not enacted with that in
| tent, but to encourage and protect the
New England manufacturers. The
first tariff act was passed In 1888,
| and was on manufactured articles at the
rate of 5 per cent, clearly showing in
what manner this article was interpreted
by the Congress of that day-one year
afterwards it was increased to q per cent.
AS the manufacturers of the Eastern
States come to be more and more power
full by means of their wealth, year by
year the tariff was increased, until in
1918 it had reached the rate of % per
cent. This was considered such an enor-
nous imposition that the great Daniel
Webster in a speech, at tariff meeting
in Fanueil Hall, Boston, in October, 1920,
said:
''For my part, / had supposed that
restrictions on trade and commerce, In
''order to benefit particular classes OF
manufactures, we're now being generally
understood to be mischievous, and in
consistent with Just notions of political
ECONOMY"
How different the acts and the speeches
of the representatives of Massachusetts of
the present day. But Notwithstanding
Webster's opposition to oppressive tariff
laws they were again and again increased,
still for the same purpose of aiding the
New England cormorants, until in 1928
the Bill of Nominations, as it was called,
which raised the tariff rates to forty per
cent. was passed. 1t was this oppression
which did so much injury to the industri-
al interests of South Carolina and that
droveher into notification. From that time
the rates were reduced to % per cent.
and so remained until 1883, when to
avert a civil war, Henry Clay's Compro-
mise Bill was passed which reduced the
tariff to 164 per cent. This act remained
in force for ten years.
Then the cohorts of New England raj
lied and forced the rates up, and again
they were forced down to % per cent.
So they remained until 1861, when the
withdrawal of the Southern States from
the Federation, gave the New England
Yankee an opportunity to gull the Yves
tern Hoosier into again giving him a
monopoly in manufactured articles.
''The Union" and the ''Old Flag were
the watch words and the Western men
rushed into the war, and when in 1865
they returned they found that New Eng
land had them in their power by the
possession of the bonds that had been
issued at enormous rates of discount, and
by the tariff laws which had been enacted
raising the duties to 48 per cent. And
at these rates the tariff will remain until
the present Congress is overturned and
men of different politics are given in
charge of the Government---for the party
now in power is under the control of the
bond-holders who are for the most part
Eastern manufacturers