The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-08-30

itself in favor of annexation; in Mecklenburg
universal suffrage took place in the midst of
a feudal system religiously preserved; and
there the peasants, still suffering under rem
whom they believed would best please their
masters. They would have naturally chosen
radicals. In general, particular interests have
shaped their political opinions; but the result :
of the elections in all the countries which had
not been under Prussia previous to the battle
of Sadowa has been to give strong majority
against M. de Bismarck.
HOW BISMARCK MANrPUnKTEs THE PARLIAMENT.
Thanks, however, to the ancient Prussian
provinces, the two parties are very nearly
balanced in the Constituent Assembly. Nj.
de Bismarck, who cannot fully rely on either
party, manouvres with them as he did in the
Prussian Chambers. To the conservatives,
who regard him as a renegade, he points out
the will of the King; to the liberals he has his
plans ready to submit, and points out to them
the constitution. s'You can, i" he SAYS. unite
to vote against me, as you are left free to do;
but you will never agree when it is necessary
made evident, all Germany will hold you re-
sponsible for the confusion into which it will
be thrown by your cramping its organization"
In fact, his good fortune has given him in
such an emergency the case of Luxembourg,
of which he always takes care to avail him.
self when he wants to shut the mouth of his
adversaries in the name of the national honor.
These tactics have made the constitution act
almost as Nj. de Bismarck intended it should;
but they have not been able to prevent
all the elements, as yet scattered, of a
strong opposition from drawing nearer
each other and reckoning their strength. The
victory of the Prussian Prime Minister has
been incomplete, and in spite of the defec-
tion of portion of the liberal party, some of
fhap 1nl A.
ried discussion of the Constitution has given
opportunity are full of good augury for the
future. nj. de Bismarck has found again con-
fronting him that famous military question,
the cause of his prolonged quarrel with the
Prussian Chamber, and the warmth with
which it has been debated proves that il will
yet be for Germany the touchstone to dis
tinguish constitutional Governments from
absolute Governments. This question is, in
deed, highly important; for upon its solution
depends the supremacy of despotism or of
liberal ideas. .s
SHALL PRUssIAN RULE BE CONSTITUTIONAL OR
DEsPoTIo ?
The question at issue is to decide whether
the military contingent shall be fixed by the
constitution, and, if once so fixed, whether
the king shall have power, without the inter-
vention of Parliament to levy annually the
men and money necessary for the mainte-
nance of the army; or whether the contin-
gent and war budget shall be annually voted
by the Parliament, as has been the practice
in the Parliaments of the minor States. 1t
is final test of strength between the Parlia-
ment and the executive, between the will of
an individual and the will of the people, be-
tween personal government and national
government. Upon platform SO large
| Prussia has not been able to render sacred
| the principle of absolutism by means of the
fxuifh or fbo Az ate "a h
recourse to. BY pro ,eeding which has only
| postponed the question without settling it,
| the military law has been voted for five years.
| This affords safeguards for the future of the
liberal party, and in FIVE years, if it have
gained support, it can, upon the basis thus
arranged, bring about the defnitive triumph
| of its principles.
| The partial success it has gained TO-DAY
proves it is not dead; that it can rally and
| again enter the arena stronger than it has
| yet been, owing to the unifcation of Ger
many and the onerous and difficult task thus
imposed upon it. To this end, it can calcu-
late on support upon which it had no right to
count last year. The conservative party has
| been even still more disorganized MANY
upright men, wounded in their feelings and
| disturbed in their convictions by the policy
| OF the King of Prussia, whom they had re-
! garded as the personifcation of their IDEAS
| have frankly avowed themselves liberals I'M
| portant interests demand aid and protection
to the liberal cause against the encroachments
of Prussan despotism. The princes depend
ent on King William can, if they act oppor-
tunely and in good faith, secure to them
selves by this means what still remains to
them of their authority and prestige.
WHAT SHOULD BE THE POLICY OF FRANCE.
| Such are the various elements which begin
| to develop themselves in the midst of the
confusion produced in Germany by the late
! war. What appeared possible last year, what
! France would have desired, and what would
! have then been acceptable to our neighbors,
| is to-day in turn discarded. The unity of
Germany, long contemplated, is not only
accomplished, but accomplished by force and
military prestige. Complications abroad or
| occurrences at home may hasten or modify
the course of events. A war may burst forth
| and suppress that resistance which, springing
up, fetters to some extent the domination of
the Prussian system. A revolutionary wind
may blow over Germany, and, after
having served all parties in turn, with
out inspiring confidence in any, the
King of Prussia may learn one day that he
has not elevated himself SO high as he antici-
pated when he removed with his own hands
the natural props of his throne. If, on the
contrary, heightened calm succeed the
tempest of Sadowa, one may then conjecture
that, even in the midst of the changes in
Germany, liberal ideas will revive, find their
ancient defenders, gain new ones, and resist
the extension of ''Cesarism" over Central
! Europe. If they receive popular support,
who knows but they may even calculate upon
having M. de Bismarck one day among their
most Jealous defenders9 m
Be ii as ii NAV. it is not possible to pene-