The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-10-26

existing in Great Britain before the passage of the
Reform bill, not indeed IN our Constitution, but in
ourselves. 1t is not our laws which we need TO
amend, but our method Of procedure under them.
Three inquiries present themselves suggesting
difficulties and In replying to them we shall
deavor to develop the course which in our iudg-
ment should be taken to reform Congressional
First How can we secure the election OF a proper
number Of commercial men of the right kind? This
matter in reference to which the businessmen OF
these constituencies mUst bestir themselves aud
with them rests the responsibility Of taking the
steps in the direction OF reform That they have the
power to carry the point there be little doubt il
they use proper means The commercial class, as
have scents eighteen per cent? the total Of real
producers in the land, and It is of course the
strongest proportonately in the communities in
which it is proposed that their Influence for reform
shali be put forth. 1t also holds the purses strings
which have to be united at the committeeman of
every poiiIca Taisnd campaign; nearly ail the
purposes is contributed bY business mea,
and it would be quite Legitimate for them to ias,st
beforehand on due recognition of their class, or
failing this, to subsequently allow those VINO over
rule Their preferences to pay all the election bs,
source OF strength they would be heartily sustained
by the best men in all the learned professions aud
by thoughtful citizens Of every class. The present
time is favorable for commencing such movement.
The issues between the two political parties are less
sharply defined than they have been for many years
and there seems to be a growing disposition on the
part OF moderate men on both sides to work together
The pu, pose will not be accomplished all AT once; il
will be less dcult to succeed In some constituencies
than in others, but every additional commercial man
sent to Washington will make it more easy to elect
others.
Secondly. How can we obtain the consent of the
men whom we wish to nominate and elect? Such
men generally would hesitate to go to Congress;
going there would involve some pecuniary sacrifice.
Still we think that, under certain circumstances,
enough OF such men could be induced to forego per-
sonal considerations at the solicitation or their
brother merchants, supported by their fellow-citl-
zens generally, to represent the more important
constituencies But to persuade such men to stand
we must them that they are going to an as.
sembly made up not wholly of lawyers or wholly of
politicians but of all classes of our citizens in far
proportion and of men who will be able to appreciate
their motives and sympathiZe with them in their
aims. We must also relieve them from the annoy
ances OF patronage, aud give them that 1t
is legislative and not party work to which they
expected to devote themselves.
Thirdly. How can we guard against the use OF
their position by business men to promote their per-
sonal gain? me same question might be raised
whenever we make man bank president place
him at the head of large railway corporation.
There is always danger in any such appointment; ;
and how do we guard against it? BY electing to
such trusts men who value their good name and
their high standing on Change as worth more than
bags Of gold We also think it an advantage
and an additional security when men
the success Of the which ws pace
their charge. Possibly there might be an Instance
IN which commercial representative would devote
himself too exclusively to advancing his own or
some local and restricted interest, to the detriment
OF the country large, forgetting that while sent to
Washington to represent his own constituency, he
is sent there also to egslate for the whole people
But such thing might occur if the representative
were lawyer or politician, and all such instances
Will cure themselves and purify the system, for the
moral sentiment of the community will not long
We do not urge this reform merely in the Interest
of merchants and capitalists. They take ire Of
themselves, and if legislation affect them unfavor-
ably In one direction, they can divert their enter
PRISE and change their movements TO new teldS OF
operation. But we believe that the best prosperity
of the nation depends upon the prosperity of all
branches of our national industry and the develop
ment of all the resources of our national wealth
and, further that this can best be secured by the
admission Of men to halls of legislation VINO are
thoroughly familiar with the great interests which
there require attention. We urge representative
reform upon the broafest grounds of national eXpe-
diency and in the interest of the nation as whole.
sGcini Science in England, by A. j. kEundelIa,
VI. r.. or sheffield.
Mr.. Mundella on being introduced by the Pres.
| dent, made address on the subject OF social
science in Epgland in place OF the third essay for
We have been in England too neglcctul OF many
questions OF most importance but, situated as we
are, we view many Questions from different light
from what you do. Our popular education has been
neglected, but within year there will be ample
school accommodation for every child in England.
And we will go beyond you one
pont-we will compel the attendance
of the child No ignorance the part OF the parent
shall prevent or interfere with the cAd's welfare
These new things we have partly learned from you
| partly from Germany. / have nowhere seen such
| good sChOOhhouse or such lavish expenditure OF
| money for school purposes as have in your coun
| fish; we want to go little beyond you Our inst
| tutions are connected intimately with the feuda
system, but the remainder OF the feudal system is
| fast dying out.
After Mr.. Mundela's address the association ad
ourned until evening.