The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1870-07-02
FROM ILLINOIS.
re che Editor Of the woRKiEoMAS's ADvocArE.
GREENUP, June Is, 1870.

wolves the duty Of solving problems, in
moral, social, and political science,
which the wisest lawgivers and the
most eminent statesDe en-, philosophers,
and philanthropistt Of all ages, have
attempted, in vain, to unravel. The
great problem of selfgovernment is
submitted to this age and to this peo-
pie for solution. The capacity Of the
masses to govern themselves, to pre-
vent The oppression of the weak by the
strong, the deception of the unlearned
by the educated, and to, secure "equal
and exact justice to all, is now upon
trial. That they possess such ability,
we doubt not, but that American his
tory demonstrates its existence, we do
not assume. 1t is true that we have
maintained our existence as a nation,
through the most terrible ordeals, yet,
at the same time, we have been the
victims of class Legislation, by which
the burden of debt and taxation are
placed upon tie toiling masses, and
the profits into the pockets of favor
ed few. And we will not have demon
strated our capacity for selfgovern-
ment until we shall have effectually
checked this retrograde tendency, de-
stroyed the potent influence Of monek
in procuring legislation, and by fra
ternal cooperation, have changed our
system of industrial feudalism, and dis
tinctions Of caste for rule Of right.
To this work, every true friend Of
his country and his race, will address
himself In the very nature Of things,
the entire work Of production
must depend upon labor and JUS
tice, Indicates with unerring certainty,
that the laborer should be abundantly
supplied with the products of his own
industry and his own skill. That he is
not thus supplied, demonstrates The ex-
istence Of wrong, and the existence Ct
wrong demonstrates the necessity for
reform. And reform to be effectual,
must strike at the root of the evils to
be removed. Hitherto, these evils,
these antiquated errors, of which we,
as working men, so justly complain,
have been impregnably intrenched
behind issues growing out of slavery,
and the status of the negro. Thank
God, that these most bitterly contest
ed, if not most important questions,
have at last reached basis of settle
ment. The mighty revolution through
which we have been passing, has de-
creed that this basis shall be universal
amnesty, and universal suffrage. That
this basis of settlement will meet the
entire approval of any party, is not to
be expected. But, it IS a settlement
nevertheless, and that, after all, is the
one thing needful. Compared with
this, the basis of settlement, or any
part thereof, sinks into insignifcance.
IEvery true friend Of his country and
his race, must rejoice that the questions
arising out of the anomalous condition
Of the late rebellious States and the
status of the negro, must soon cease
to distract the public mind from mat
tiers of vital Importance to the toiling
masses Of our country.2
Public attention has been so long,
and so completely occupied by ques-
tons founded in prejudice, or growing
out of the antagonism engendered by
party passions and lust for power, that
the American people, with all their
shrewdness and jealous love ofliberty,
seems to have entirely lost sight of
some of the plainest dictates Of justice
and common sence, the absence Of
which in our industrial system, tends
slowly, but surely, to crowd the AEeri-
can producer down to level with the
pauper-paid labor of Europe. None
but capitalists are satisfied with this
retrograde tendency, as they alone are
benefited thereby; and, Judging the
future by tie past, we may expect
them, through the instrumentality of
corrupt politicians, to persevere in
their work of disseminating false no
tons of political economy, and promot-
ing dissention among the producing
classes, by raising questions which APP
peal only to party passions and preju-
dice. by such means, they hope to be
able to prevent cooperation among
those who depend directly upon their
own labor, mental or physical, for the
means Of subsistence. Blind as they
are 10 the requirements Of sound pub /
lie policy. as well as to some of the I,
plainest dictates of justice, they are
still sharp enough 10 see that just
where the tOiling masses begin to un-
dcrstand their true condition, and to act 4
accordingly, the power Of capital to
control legislation for its own personal I
ends, will begin to crumble.
Ninc-tenths of the American people
depend directly upon the primary
branches of labor for all that I
they possess of the necessaries .
and comforts Of life. They hold
the power i'll their own han Is,
and the settlement of the veXed ques-
ton growing out Of the war, its causes,
and its consequences, giving an open
field for discussion, we feel that we
may safely assume, that they will rot
much longer permit themselves to be
robbed 10y systems of rascality, framed
lnCO law, IT lne DluuihS Oh lhoSe OlOOu
suckers Of society, who producing
nothing themselves, fattcn upon the
labor of others.
The labor question is cmphatically
tile question Of The age. 1t is the legiti-
mate continuation Of that irrepressible
conflict, between right and wrong.
whose name is legion, but the charac-
ter Of which, though ever changing, is
always consistent. Whether the issue
presents itself, as Freedom rs. Slavery;
the Rights of Man rs the Rights Of
Property; Manhood rs. Money; or
Labor IS. Capital its spirit and pur-
pore is still the same, in absolute and