The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1870-06-02
The Problem for the Convention.

Carolina most surely obtain an able, upright
and economical State government, which
shall protect both labor and capital, and
give equal and exact justice to all classes OF
citizens? A Ring of unscrupulous politi-
clans has squandered the public treasure,
and piled tax after tax upon the bended
backs of the people The victory OF Radi-
calism is the triumph Of that Ring, and the
day which sees its members installed for q
new term, in the high places OF the State,
will lie the beginning Of another cru OF pub
lie extravaganza and private shame. This
the convention must know; and it will be
its duty 10 declare, after full discussion,
whether we should take up arms against our
myriad troubles, or wait till Providence, in
His own good time, send death or deliver
ance to the State.
The convention, as the representative body
of the State, should be untrammelled by
party claims, and unbiased by personal
preference. No line of action has been
chalked out for its members. They, in their
wisdom, will decide what shall, and shall
not be done. And yet, it may safely be
said that the deliberations of the convention
will direct themselves towards two main
points: determination, or o refusal, to
nominate candidates for Governor and Lieu
tenant Governor against the nominees OF
the Scott Ring; and, secondly, the charac-
ter of the address, or declaration, to be
adopted by the convention as an expression
of its plan and principles.
1t has been urged that the convention
pledge the Reform party, not only to the re-
peal of certain obnoxious and injurious
laws, but to the enactment, if successful, OF
well-considered measures looking to the de-
velopment of trade and the encouragement
Of thrift and enterprise. And it seems to US
that the great questions of popular educa-
tion, and a limitation OF the hours Of labor
in q legal days work, might be discussed
and with advantage he embodied in the Re-
form platform. But to one thing the con-
vention is bound by the terms OF the call
under which the different counties elected
their delegates, and that is () the atfirma-
tion or recognition OF the civil and political
equality of all citizens Of the State, and (2)
the affirmation or recognition of the equal
right of all citizens, who are properly quail
fed, to hold public Office. These points
must, as we understand it, be included in
whatever declaration of principles the con-
vention may put forth. They are, in truth,
the foundation Of the whole great movement.
As such, and as a recognition of palpablc
existing facts, they are already accepted and
agreed to by the large majority OF the white
people OF the State. This is, in our judy
ment common sense and patriotic view
OF the political situation. There is no WON
derful generosity, or marvellous charity, in
admitting that all citizens OF South Carolina
are politically equal. The law of the State
declares it. The Constitution OF the United
States declares it. The fact stands the
same, whether We shut our eyes or not. And
yet, small knot of highly respectable citi-
zens who live, under tie lar, and make all
the money they can, under the lar, and
take all the protection they can get, unaer
the lo,r, refuse to admit, what they see every
day, that the colored man, unoler the law, is
just as much e. citizen of the State as the
whitest white man that ever drew the breath
of life.
The malcontents, if few in number, are
earnest and sincere. They declare that to
acknowledge the political equality OF the
colored man is desertion OF principle; and,
worse still, they warn their fellow-citizens
that political equality will bring in its train
that terrible "social equality" which is the
bugbear of the times.
1t is upon the first ground that the Augusta
Coustituttonalist, with less force than fluen-
cy, bids South Carolina beware lest she
swap ga devil for a WITCH" and declares
that "no triumph is worth the winning at
~ the virtual surrender OF principle" We,
on the other hand, believe that it is an adj
herence 20 principle to acknowledge that the
colored man does enjoy the rights which the
laws give him. Our acknowledgment does
not add one title to the security OF the col
ored citizen. The law gave him the ballot.
We did not bestow it, and, il we would, can
not take it away. We seek the colored vote.
We petition our colored legislators. We
count or the colored man to side with US in
the contest for good government. And after
this has gone on for two years and more, we
are expected to deny that the colored man
does vote and does hold office: This is too
absurd 1t is even unprincpled, for it is as
much as to say: "Cuflec! We, the Irrecon-
" cilables, would like TO use your votes until
{" We get, by your help, the upper hand, and
then we will strip you OF the ballot and
"let you shift for yourselves" This is the
meaning, we presume, OF "going back TO
i" original Jetlersonian principles. Such
policy may suit the Augusta Constitution
,t!ist, but it is not frank enough, or honest
enough. for oll-fashioned South Carolina.
The talk about social equality E!ay Go
to frghten babes, but il is not worthy Q: tie
OF men q mature m:n,i. Tire
colored man, we repe::, has the same !esa.