Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1870-06-11
STEPHENS ON THE WAR.
ssThe yTatchIess DuplicitY ssnd Dis
honesty Of Seward''-The Ramp-
ton Roads COnfercnce-seess EHva-

ume of Alexander II. Stephens import
ant work have been read by the editor Of
the Augusta COJastitUtioaoList. The fol
lowing extracts from that paper show the
scope of this remarkable contribution 10
| the history of the war:
The initial colloquy is taken up With a
distinction as 10 our form of government
The federative principle is held To be a
| discovery in political science We are
| cOnfederated natlon--a nation Of nations,
| in which the power of sovereignty
| is divisible, but not the sovereignty itself.
The narrative then proceeds to the causes
of conflict arising from neutrality-suspicious.
of governmental principle enunciated
The passage of personal liberty bills by
several of the Northern States, preyenta-
tive of the rendition of fugitives from
service, is shown to have been violative of
the Federal compact, since, without ample
| pledges on the part of the North, there new
er would have been any Union. The agita-
| ton arising from this breach of contract,
bad as 1t was, became intensified by the
declaration of Salmon 2. Chase, that the
Northern States would never repeal their
| acts. Hence, the secession of the South
was principally brought about by the per-
fdy of the North, and her declared deter
mination to continue in periidy. Mr..
Stephens completely exonerates the South
from the Inauguration of the war. The
first gun at Sumter was not the overt act,
since the agressor in war is not the first
who uses force, but the first who renders
force necessary. 1t is clearly shown, too,
that the South exhausted every known
means of preventing the shife, but was
met at every turn by the matchless dupli-
city and dishonesty of William II. Seward.
The history of the formation of the Con-
federate government is deliberately drawn.
Jefferson Davis was looked upon by all
as an eminently conservative man. Toombs
was to have been chosen President, but
failed through singular misap-
prehension on the part of rep
resentatives of other States, VIII, had I'M
derstood that he refused to have his
name put forward. There was some
misunderstanding likewise concerning
Howell Cobb being the choice of Georgia
BY accidental complications Mississippi
had the first choice, and chose Jefferson
Davis, leaving Georgia the second, which
resulted in the Vice Presidency of Mr..
Stephens. The Montgomery Const;tu-
ton is monument of the wisdom, fore
cast, and craftsmanship Of its trainers and
an everlasting refutaiion of the charges
brought against the South of disloyalty
to the federative principle. Coercion
was unconstitutional and only defended
on the plea of necessity-the plea of the
tyrant in all ages of the world A con-
vention of the States called by Congress
would have prevented war and restored
the Union; or, in case the South refused
to go into such convention, the North
would have had better cause Tor battle
1t is misnomer to call the wax '',ebel-
lion" or ''civil war; 1t was ''war
between the States" One of the most
remarkable and vigorous portions of Mr..
Stephens book is his state ment Of the
treatment of prisoners of war by both
belligerents. The cruelty and torture
charged upon the South is fixed upon
Stanton and the Washington authorities,
and upon them and their policy will for
ever rest the blood and the suffering Of
the brave on either side.
The responsibility for The failure to al |
vance after the battle of Manassas is re-
ferred TO President Davis. Mr.. Stephens |
atfirms that there never was any personal !
feud between him and Mr.. Davis, though |
they differed widely on many questions !
of public policy. Mr.. Davis is alluded to |
throughout in the kindest manner, and |
warmly defended against the aspersions |
OF his enemies at home and abroad. Mr.. !
Stephens believed that diplomacy could !
honorably stop the war in 1863. He pro-
posed a mission to Wash ngton for that |
purpose, when the military status was
most favorable to both parties. Mr.. Da- |
Wis did not concur until too late, until, in |
fact, the military status had rendered such |
course impossible. Lees invasion of |
the North was great blunder politically |
and 10 q military sense, but chargeable, in |
the main, to the Richmond cabinet. |
Gettysburg and Vicksburg turned the tide |
in favor of the North. But the vital |
blow struck at Southern success was in
the mistaken policy of finance and con-
scription--the latter, especially. The |
peoples spirits were broken by it, and it was |
as unconstitutional as unnecessary. The |
people were willing to fight for liberty, |
but were not willing to be compelled to |
do so. If compulsion had been necessary, |
the war ought to have been abandoned; |
for no people are worthy OF liberty, or |
capable of preserving it, who have 10 be |
driven into battle. Even in the early part |
of 1865, Mr.. Stephens had hopes, in case |
the policy of the administration changed. |
1t did not change, and so CONSUMPTION, |
impressment, the suspension of habeas !
corpus, and prodigal waste of lives and |
property were the causes of Southern !
despair and defeat. Much light is thrown |
upon the Hampton Roads Conference |
There seems to be little doubt that a |
scheme was concocted to terminate the |
war by diversion of the question to an
other channel and joint movement of |
both armies against the French in Mexico. |
To have been successful the preliminaries |
to a military convention demanded the |
utmost secrecy. Mr.. Stephens proposed |
that Mr.. Davis should meet Mr.. Lin
coin. He refused, and suggested three |
commissioners. Mr.. Stephens advised |
that three able men should be ap-
pointed whose absence would not be |
detected or observed. Mr.. Davis, how !
ever, insisted upon appointing just the |
very trio whose absence from Richmond |
would have been remarked at once. In |
consequence, the matter became COM |
mon public rumor, and the whole bust
ness was thus defeated from the start. |
Nobody was more disappointed at this re-
suit than Mr. Davis, who subsequently /
seemed TO lose his good judgment, but |
never his ardent devotion to liberty. Mr.. |
Stephens desoants upon the future destiny |
of the United States. he holds that the !
South is pOwcrless at this time to shape |
or control events. The judiciary depart !
ment, though sadly brow beaten, may still |
be a bulwark of liberty. So far, how |
ever, the cause lost at AppomatloX was |
not the Federal principle, but the main
tenace of that principle by arms. The |
point reached by the Centralists is an
attempt by duress to induce certain States, |
as sovereign States, to conform 20 their
action under the scmblance of vol |
untary consent. The battle is still |
to be fought in the forum of reason,
on the validity or invalidity of Their
acts. To the last Mr.. Stephens fingers
wistfully over his beloved South and her
cause. He declares that we are moi
conquered peoples" at all events, that
assumption has never been formally
II