The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-01-26
GREAT BRITAIN.

Sir Charles Dllltc on the AInbamn Question
hemnrknbio speech.
LONDON, Jan. Sit is long since anything
has been uttered in England about the Ala
bama question which Americans could read
with more pleasure than what Sir Charles
Wentworth Dixie has just said in the course
of an address in London:
He said that the present phase of the Ala
bama question dated from the month of April
last the time, namely, of the rejection of the
Reverdy johnson treaty The excitement
caused over here by the publication, not of
Mr.. Summers speech, but of certain COM
ments upon that speech, had much astonished
him-not so much he feared as it had asto-
nished poor Mr.. Sumner (Hear, hear He
was, in the first place, astonished at being
supposed to have made some altogether new
and unheard-of claim, whereas he had only
stated the American case, and stated it almost
in the same words in which it had often been
stated before He was still more astonished
and still more grieved at being
supposed to have made a warlike speech
he, one of the strongest friends of England
in all America. At the time that speech was
made, the prevalent feeling in the Senate
was that not only should the treaty be re-
jected as q bad one, but that the whole sub
ject should be left open, on the principle
that America could afford to wait better than
could England. Mr.. Sumner made his speech
to combat, in the interest of the friendship
between the countries, this idea of leaving
the question alone, and his speech and Mr.
Motley's instructions should be read as one.
Mr.. Summers speech expressed not Mr.. Sum-
nersindividual opinions merely, but the unani-
nous feelings of all Americans and the precise
opinion of the Cabinet of General Grant. At
the same time great ignorance existed, and
still exists, as to what Mr.. Summer really said
He said nothing about claiming two hundred
millions sterling, and he said nothing about
an abject apology from England. What he
said was that England's action had in some
measure, been the cause of an enormous loss,
and that there had never been on the part of
England any expression of national regret. As
for the recent correspondence between Lord
Clarendon and Mr. Fish, Sir Charles Dixie
said that he could not but regret that it
should have taken place. 1t was hard to say
which made out the strongest case Lord
Clarendon upon the point of law or Mr.. Fish
upon the side of sentiment; but, if we were
to go on writing dispatches until doomsday,
we should not succeed in convincing the
Americans, nor they us. (Hear, hear.) Mean
| while, with liberals in Office on both sides of
! the Atlantic, it would be strange if this ques-
tion were not settled. The President. in his
recent message, had taken most decided
step, for he had gone out of his way to say
that the recognition of belligerency was q
| matter which every nation should consider
| for itself. He would certainly not have
made this declaration unless it were
| to aid us towards a settlement of the Alabama
| question There was no other kind of reason
for inserting it, (Hear, hear.) Sir Charles
| earnestly advocated the making an immediate
attempt to settle the question. Other things
being equal, there was always probability of
| war with America. The quiet minority
there was always at work restraining the noisy
majority from fighting us. Zone war at a
time, gentlemen, was all that even Lincoln
dared to say. The greater portion of the
Irish in America, and the Democratic party
excluded at present from power, and hopeful
of regaining it-are always ready, and the
train being laid, we can at any moment light
it. To the workingmen of this country war
with America would really be that which it was
sometimes idly called-a civil war;" Almost
every family that he knew had members OF
friends cut there, and many looked to Ame-
RIGA as their future home. To them it would
be civil war; If, then, he were asked how
the matter could be settled, he thought that
the idea of arbitration should be entirely
given up, and that an English commission
should be appointed to assess the claims. II
q special envoy were to be sent, even suppos
ing that Mr.. Bright cheers )-should refuse
to go, Sir Henry Bulwer or the Duke oi
Argyle-(hear, hear r)-would be good men
but his own opinion was that the mission Al
Washington should be raised to one of the
first-class, and that the ambassador should
treat, for in that case temporary failure would
leave matters only as they were. In any cast
negotiation must take place at Washington
inasmuch as the Senate was in reality th,
treaty making power.
|