The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1870-02-10
:: :. I][Oi H][OYF r & CO., Proprietors


which his successor might be unwilling to
approve or prosecute. 1t was unaouoteu,
ly right to leave the President elect ana
his advisers in aasituatlon9 wnere they
could take their choice between compro-
missing and fighting. In fact, MIR. Lincoln
was in favor of the former, If his inaugu-
raj be any sign of his sentiments.
The mind of no man was more deeply
imbued with these opinions than Mr.. Stan.
toms. The idea never entered his head
Certainly never passed his lips) that the
President ought to make war upon States,
or put the whole people out of the protec-
ton of the laws, and expose them all to
indiscriminate slaughter as public enemies
because some individual among them had
done or threatened to do what was incon-
sistent with their obligations to the United
States. He knew very we'll that no such
thing was either legally or physically pos
sible. Ger. Scott had reported officially
that five companies constituted the whole
available force which could be sent to the
South for any purpose, offensive or defen-
sive. ltis impossible that Mr.. Stanton
would have undertaken to conquer the
South with half regiment. He was
thoroughly convinced that war at that
time, Of that kird and under those circum-
stances, would not only sire the Southern
heart" but give to the secessionists the
sympathy of all the world, and ultimately
insure their success, while 1t could not
help but cripple, disgrace and ruin the
cause of the Union. Nor did he feel
pleasure in the anticipation of any civil
war between the two sections of his conn-
try. From the standpoint which he then
occupied he said that war was disunion;
it was blood, confragration, terror and
tears, public debt and general corruption
of morals, all ending at best, not in the
union of the States, but in the subjugation
of some to the despotic will of the others.
He was apt to take sombre view OF
things, and he looked at the dark side OF
this subject. The glory, profit and plum.
der, the political distinction and pride OF
power which brighten it now, were not
included7i in prospective survey. :.
On the goth of November / answered
the Presidents questions concerning his
legal powers and duties, holding that the
ordinances of secession were mere NULL
ties: that the seeding States were and
would be as much in the Union as ever;
that the Federal Executive was bound
there as we'll as elsewhere TO execute the
laws, to hold the public property, and to
collect the revenue; that if the means
and machinery furnished by law for these
purposes were inadequate he could not
adopt others and usurp powers which had
not been delegated; that neither the ex-
ecutive nor legislative departments had
authority under the constitution to make
war upon State; that the military pow
er might be used, if necessary, in aiding
the judicial authorities to execute the laws
in collecting the revenues, in defending or
retaking the public property, but noe in
acts of indiscriminate hostility against all
the people of State. This Is the "opln-
ion" which has since been so often, so
much, and so we'll abused, denounced and
yilli6ed. Mr. Stanton did not stultify
himself by denying the plain, obvious and
simple truths which it expressed. The
paper was shown him before it went to
| the President, and after a slight altera-
ton, suggested by himself, he not only
approved but applauded it enthuslastlcal-
ly. -. u.,,
1t disappointed the President. He had
hastily taken it for granted that Congress
might make secession cause tor-war; and
in the draft of his message, already pre-.
pared, he had submitted the question Of
war or peace to their decision. But the
advice of the law department, supported
by a powerful argument from Gen. Cass,
convinced him of his error, and that part
of tile message was rewritten. The sub
stance of the message SO modified received
Mr. Stanton's hearty endorsement in eve
thing that regarded secession and the
treatment it ought to receive.
Soon after this General Cass retired. /
was requested to take the State Depart
ment, and Mr.. Stanton was appointed At
!, torney General upon my declaring that l
was unwilling to leave the care OF certain
causes pending in the Supreme Court to
any hands but his. This appointment
alone, without any other proof, ought to
satisfy any reasoning mind that all have
said of Mr.. Stanton's sentiments must be
true. No man in his sober senses can be-
lieye that would have urged, or that MIR.
Buchanan would have made, the appoint
mept if we had not both known with per-
feet certainty that he agreed with us en-
tirely on those fundamental doctrines OF
constitutional law to which we were COM
mitted. The faintest suspicion of the con-
trary would have put the Attorney Gene
RAILS Office as far beyond his reach as the
throne of France. We took him for what
he professed to be-a true friend of the
Union, devout believer in the Constitu-
ton. a faithful man, who would not violate
his oath OF office by wilful disobedience to
the laws. / am still convinced that he did
E not deceive us. If he abandoned those
PRINCIPLES in 1862 the change, however
P31 o,d ,,noccountable. is not satisfac-