The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-09-01
DECLINE OF POLITICAL LIFE IN THE
UNITED STATES.

From the Missouri (St. Louis Republican,.
In alluding to the many symptoms which
indicate weakening of political life in the
United States, we have in view some manifest
tendencies which do not allow of any mis-
understanding. By centralizing the powers
of the various States and of the people them
selves into what is usually called a strong
government, large element in political life
was lost. Of the two great currents in Ameri-
can politics, one was stopped entirely, and
vast amount of debatable matter was taken
out of the domain of public discussion. So
long as almost all the power emanated
directly from the people, the form in which
it was to be moulded was the great
topic of public discussion. The larger
the portion became which was wrested from
the.people and treated as an integrant, indis-
putable attribute of the Federal Government,
the more insignificant became the programmes
of partisans. Suppose we were to make half
a dozen additional amendments to the present
Constitution, whereby doubtful or growing
questions concerning, for instance, the COM
potency of the Supreme Court, or, in general
the relation of the judiciary to the two other
branches of the Government would be per-
mamently settled, the political life of the
people would be greatly reduced in quality as
we'll as in quantity of debatable matter.
With a complete and an infallible constitu-
ton republic becomes despotism, just as
q monarchy, wherein everything is on princi-
pie taken out of the hands of the people and
lett to the arbitration of power which can
not err, because there is no tribunal above it.
Every day establishes a new example of the
diminishing importance of partisan issues.
During the epoch of the great American
statesmen, and of a vigorous political life in
the country, neither the folly of creating
national temperance party nor that of origi-
mating a national labor party was possible.
Evidently these have not much vitality now,
but even as late as fifteen years ago they
would not have dared to show themselves on
the public arena. The one being based upon
the appreciation of individual desires, vir-
tues or weaknesses, which are entirely out
side of the action of the State, would have
looked for a solution of the difficulties to the
school room, to the propagation of sound
moral ideas, and in the establishment of
popular amusements of more elevated char
acter. The others, believing themselves to be
the privileged expounders of certain princi-
pies of national economy, would have been
| taught at once by the other classes of the
people, that they were also entitled to hold
certain theories of their own, and the forum
of science would have been the natural tri-
bunal for the decision between the various
dogmas. Neither book like Mr.. Kelloggs
nor whims like Wendell Phillips, in those
! times could have been used as the basis for a
national party. Only when one of the con-
stituent powers of the Government had
usurped every prerogative of the nation in
regard to the great currents of public
activity, did classes dare to raise their pecu-
liar pretenses to the standard of national
| questions. Then, too, whims and fanciful
theories were launched upon the nation with
the hope of making them gain by universal
discussion what they never possessed in uni.
versal significance.
1t is not our purpose for the present tc
show the weakening of political life even il
the professions of faith of the two great par
ties which have during the last ten years
struggled against each other, nor do we in
tend to discuss the question whether or moi
it is a symptom of intrinsic and self lf-conscioui
life of our political parties, that in the dis
cussion created by the war between France
and Germany almost every Democratic pape
took sides with France, whilst almost ever,
Radical paper favored the cause of German!
but this we do assert, without fear of con