New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1870-10-18
REVIEW OF ENGLAND's POSITION

BOsTON. October ll.-Thomas Hughes, NJ
p, of England, lectured at the opening OF
the Parker Fraternity series Tonight, Ii
Music Hall, before an audience ming every
part of the house, and who received him
with every mark of sincere regard as a
friend of America throughout the war OF
rebellion, His subject was John to
Jonathan" ..'
He began by saying it was with a heavy
sense of responsibility and no little anxiety
that he ventured to express his sentiments
in relation to England's attitude during the
late civil struggle, and as he should say
something disagreeable in the course OF
his lecture, he hoped his hearers W Guild re.
ceive it kindly and in the spirit Of allowing
free speech to all. He had been in the
country but two months, and from the day
he crossed the frontier from one side to the
other of a land upon which he considered
he had no shadow of claim, he had met
personally with the most generous and
grateful hospitality.
Even an Englishman can claim, in his
most demOralized state, to pay his own
postage, but it had been with difficulty, lest
the stamps should be placed by unseen
hands. He could never hope to pay the
. kindness, but he was thankful for the OPP
s. l.ortunity of publicly acknowledging it.
There was no pleasure, however, he was
going to say, that was unallOyed. He had
noticed throughout his journeying that,
whenever the name OF England was men,
toned, u change came over the counter
ances of Americans, a circumstance truly
sad to the Englishmen who witnessed it.
He did not prefer American to English in
stitutiOns, and his hearers could denOunce
him and John Bull ii they would.
The difficulty was, that the Americans
seriously misunderstood the events that Oc-
CURED in England during the progress of
the war. The people who had poured out
their blood like water would not fail to stick
to their country, and they would not chide
him for sticking to his. He hoped to prove
to the Americans that England was not the
nation she was taken for, bent on absorbing
all things for gain. No nation in the trouble
that America experienced could be expected
to Judge fairly Of the course Of another out
side of the contest. But the time had ar
rived, in his opinion, when an explanation
would be made.
The social and political life of England
was agitated at times almost as much as
that Of America. The government had
taken part i'll almost every question, and
not even in the great free trade crisis was
his country more stirred than when the
news of the triumph of the Union was re-
ceived. There was plenty of ignorance and
partisanship among well-informed people,
who could not discriminate between con-
ficting statements, but there was no indif-
ference. The feeling of antagonism among
the American residents of opposite views
was violent, and has often broken forth to
the public gaze and influenced opinion
somewhat, but no section OF England was
at any time wholly on the one side or the
other. The aristOcracy, as class, took
part with the Confederates. Nothing else
could be expected. Americans had never
u H.,
threw off their dependency. but the
press of America continued to de-
nOunce them as class. They were not in
the habit of uttering their sentiment, but
had long memories, and their descendants
did not like to be told that they were stand
ing nuisances. There were, however, few
exceptions in the Argyle and Carlyle tami-
lies, and a few others who could be men
toned, as friends Of the North. There was
no discussion in the House of Lords but
many of that branch contributed money to
the Confederate side. The struggle, he be-
lieved, would never be renewed, and there
was now more English sympathy for Amer
lea than there ever was before. There were
at the time, class of papers of the Pail
Mall Gazette stripe using baleful influence,
but they were not generally depended on,
though occasionally delivered. In CONNER
cial circles the anxiety for gain made many
of the best men go wrong.
But there were noble friends of America
in the Earrings, the Hodsons and others.
He could name among them Golden.
Bright, Foster and Mundella as representa-
tives IF the commercial interests in the
House of Commons. The difficulty with
visitors from America was that they were
thrown in with the aristOcracy almost ex-
clusively, and had little opportunity to
Judge of the sentiment of the mass.
II, %1ot %1,<,h bali f hat
England Vas for the rebellion would be
stayed by what he would say of the work
ing classes. Those of them who had read
history knew that the war was for the
Union. AL felt the significance of the
struggle where the existence of slavery was
at stake. It was in that faith that their
stand was taken. Little could they do but
it was done from the heart.
In neutral circles scarcely whisper was
heard in favor of the rebels until the battle
of Manassas. When that defeat was an
nounced the anxiety to get on the winning
side apparently turned the tide of express
sion. The unfortunate Trent affair did not
by any means check the current OF opinion.
But the English government could take no
other course than that pursued, and
perusal of the official documents by Ameri-
cans now would lead them to say that Eng
land was right.
The statement by President Lincoln and
Secretary Seward soon afterward, that the
war was not for emancipation, chilled the
hearts OF many, and turned others to the
rebels. The speaker could well remember
the despair caused in his heart when he read
a report of speech by Wendell Phillips in
the Cincinnati Music Hall, wherein he
charged the Republican party with will
ingness to sacrifice everything for the
maintenance of the Union, even their anti
s1avorv v,rira eir1os Cf.ou offor Mason ar.
rived in England and established a COnfed-
crate States Aid Association, which met
with some encouragement.
The emancipatiOnists, however, had not
lost hope. They issued addresses calcu-
lated to cOunteract its influence, and stated
their belief that the Confederate States were
fighting to perpetuate slavery. Mr.. MasOn's
sons. On New Years Eve, 1862 an address
of encouragement was adopted by the
Emancipation Society of London, Endorsed
by large meeting Of workingmen, to be
sent to President Lincoln, expressing the
trust that Ged would strengthen his hand
for the cause of the brotherhood of freedom
and equality throughout the world. Furious
attacks were made upon them by the press.
The Times called them imposters. The
Saturday Reciew said they were mis-
chievous agitators, and that Lincoln's pro-
clamation would prolong slavery.
In 1863 an American sympathy meeting
was extensively advertised to be held in
Exeter Hall, to which friends and foes alike
were invited. Timid people looked grave
The cotton famine was at its height. The
evening came, and never was anything wit
Messed approaching the scene. No orators
had been announced, and the American
army, it was known, was just falling back
from the heights of fredericksburg, but Eng
hshmen came forward and showed their
sympathy In such dense masses that all the
seats IN the structure, and even the streets,