The Evansville journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ind.) 1866-1870, 1870-07-29

1huUCH6U Hk6AnO0 LIZ "A n nav
been in public life. You have never
heard me on that subject. I have
been assailed as perhaps no public J
man in this or perhaps any other of
the Western States has been assailed,
but I have never condescended to de-
fend myself against any assault. l
have tnrned from them on my heel
with Indifference, and / have left my
vindication to time and the intellI.
gence of the people. In 1866. IN that
bitter campaign, you all remember
the systematic and concerted attempt
to oyerwhelm me by personal defama-
ton of the most atroclous character.
It was ~concocted by the vllest of the
vile. and it was winked at and coun-
teuanced and sometimes repeated In
private by men who claim to be de-
cent and respectable. That attempt
failed. It failed ANONYMOUSLY. In
1868 the plan was changed a little.
and there seemed to be a concerted
arrangement to destroy whatever
political influence 1 might have by
misrepresenting my political opin-
ions. That was done all through
the campaign Of Governor Ba-
ker. Opinions were constantly and
Systematically attributed to me
that I eve uttered, and those I
had were systematically misrepre-
sented. This thing was continued in
the campaign In Ohio, In 1869. was
invited over there and made several
speeches. and was followed by Demo.
Gratis who carried out so far as they
were able that which was done in
Indiana in 1868. But this scheme of
disappearing political opinions
eliminated in a speech made by
Mr.. VOORHEES, in this city some
three or four months ago. This
speech of MI. Voorhees, was extern
sively advertised by telegraph, and
by letter writer's from Washington
City, for some weeks before it was
here. 1t was advertised as being a
young 30-inch gun, which was de-
signed for my destruction at the first
discharge. Everything was done that
could be done to call the public at
tention to that speech. As it turned
out, it caused a good deal more atten-
ton before it was made than after
wards. Laughter Well, Mr.. Voor-
bees, [ believe from this very place
where / now am, made a speech ofsome
three hours in length, devoted almost
entirely to myself. You must not
think I am going to try to answer that
speech tonight. Life is entirely too
short for any such thing; nor would
it be important to you or to me; but
/ want to make n single remark
about it. Throughout all that long
speech there is not one fair and can
did statement In regard to myself, the
Republican party, or General Grants
administration. Many statements are
entirely unfounded. There are many
things, In fact, so perverted and mis-
represented as to be made to mean
the exact reverse of the truth. There
is only one misrepresentation in that
speech to which l wish to call your
attention, not because it is importa Mt
for my vindication, but / Wisht to place
the Democratic party, or that portion
of it which Mr.. Voorhees, represents.
in a proper light before the public. I
refer now to the greenback question;
and first, | will give a very snort his
tory of greenbacks. On the 18th of
February, 1862, the first act author
izing the issue or emission of green
backs was passed by Congress. The
second act was passed in January,
1863. Also a last act was passed,
March, 1868. Under these several
acts four hundred millions Of
greenbacks were issued. OF that
number forty-four millions were re-
tired during Johnson's administration
leaving three hundred and ffty-six
millions still in circulation. / want
you to bear these facts in your mind.
In the great loan bill of 1864, under
which most of our money was bor-
rowed and bonds issued-in that bill
there was a guarantee to the effect
that not more than $40O, 000, 900 of
greenbacks should ever be issued.
That was put into the law because it
was believed that moaey could not
have been obtained without the gov
eminent first giving that guarantee.
Men Of means would not lend their
money unless the government would
agree to keep greenbacks within rea.
sonable bounds. The Law limiting
them to $40O, OOO, 900 has never been
repealed, is as binding to-day as it
was then. Now Mr.. Voorhees, in a
speech be made in Congress, along
about the middle of February, enter
ed into a calculation in regard to the
national debt. l might illustrate the
point by just referring very briefly to
the subject. In view of that I will
read an extract from my speech, for
merly made, wLich gives precisely the
idea I wish to give tonight:
In that speech Mr.. Voorhees, " en-
tered into a minute calculation In
figures, to show that our public debt
81, $50, 538. $3.50 we're without consider
alton, fraudulent, and should not be
paid. That the whole amount, only
81, 81 ,424,7 were fair and honest,
and should be paid"
Now it occurred to me to put these
two sums together, and / find, upon
putting them together, they make the
sum OF three hundred and seventy
three millions of dollars more than
the debt was. There was a mistake
of some 1878, 600, 900.
Mr.. Voorhees,, in commenting on
this part of my speech. said he had not
made any mistake. Why? Because
he had convicted In future interest!
But simply made nonsense of the
thing. He was proposing to en-
ter into an analysis of the principle of
{ le debt to show how much was genu-
lie, but when these two sums were
put together it made nearly $400, 000,-
600 too much, and when he came to
explain this little discrepancy of nearly
s400, 100000. he said he counted in in
terest yet TO accrue. which of course
defeated the whole idea. He went on
to say in that speech that this large
amount of fraudulent debt could not
be paid, and if the creditors should
on payment of that part then
The Government would be exono-
rated from paying the other part. He
knew the creditors insisted upon the
payment of the whole of the debt, and
the condition had alraadu han