New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1870-11-18
war, for any purpose whatever. That history.

nected with the International Association, ana
possibly its estimates Of the numbers and III
fuence of the party might be too highly col
Ored by the writer's enthusiasm; as an expo
sitiOn, however, Of the character and OBJ
jccts OF the organization, it was entitled 10
the fullest consideration. Professor Becsly,
who is one of the best known leaders OF the
English branch OF the Association, has just
contributed to The Fortnightiy Reriew an in
terosting sketch Of what has thus far been
DONE with few words upon what is to be
attempted hereafter. Ii il a curious illustra-
ton of the difference between the German and
English ways Of looking at social questions
that while our contributor being German,
laid most stress upon the political and eco
nomic theories of the Association, Prof Bcesly
regards these as far less important than the
question of wages and hours of work, and
feels assured that "tho large mass Of English
"members do not trouble themselves much
"about theories of property" No doubt he is
right, so far az the English w0rkingmen are
concerned; but the real strength and real
leaders of the Association are to be found on
the continent.
The International Association of Working
men was founded at a public meeting in Lon
don in 1854, and has since held four general
European Congresses. No statistics OF mem
bersbip have been published, but it is known
to have spread with great rapidity. From one
point Of view, it may be regarded as a vast
Trades UniOn-a combination OF the working
men Of all nations to enforce the rights OF
labor against capital, and to assist strikers
whenever in the judgment of the governing
th.ir
Thus it ia REGARDED in England, and its power
in regulating the relations between master
and workman has already become enormous.
In France and Germany its character Is Tar
different. Based upon the assumption that
there is an irrepressible conflict between capt.
tai and labor, and that the tendency OF mod
crn times since the introduction OF machinery,
has been to concentrate property In the hands
of the mOneyed class and reduce the laborer 10
the condition of slave, it avOws its purpose To
reOrganize society on principles akin to those OF
the Communists Of 1913. The combination OF
the wOrlingmcn fer this end must be political
as well as industrial. They must make COM
mon cause, all over the world, against their
common enemies, the capitalists. All wars
must cease The WOrkingmcD OF France anu
Germany must not be forced to raise their
hands against each other. Dynastles, DOun-
DIARIES, are nothing to them. They are menu
beers of q universal brotherhood, everywhere
wronged and oppressed, but strong enough, IL
they unite, to sway the world. Wage-labor
must be abolished, as slave labor has been;
and associated labor, fostered by the State,
must take its place. Land, machinery, mines,
railways. everything used as an instrument OF
l.h L., En
call anything his own which he has not pro-
duced by the Labor of his own hands. There
shall be no capitalists, therefore, but all shall
be- wOrkmcn.
How these vast changes are 10 be effected no
one has yet authOritativcly explained. The
working class must first obtain political power
Meanwhile the Association toeratcs the widest
diversity of theories among its members, who
agree only in two things-they are all Repub-
Leans. and all theoretically opposed to war.
In Germany, as the law prohibits corporate
aliliation with any foreign society, the working
men organized III 1869 new party, styling
itself Democratic Socialist, but the members
individually joined the international, and the
programme of the International was adopted
so that the separation is merely fictitious. 1t
ia OF this parry chat Dr. Jacoby is u distin-
gtishCd leader.
Such being the political principles OF The IN
tcrnatiOnal, it is not strange that the members
should be prosecuted by all absolutist govern
ments, that Napoleon's police should have
manufactured plot for the purpose of arrest
ing their leaders on the eve of the plebiscitum,
and Prussia should repreSs their demOnstra-
tons with all the severity she thinks it safe
U,,I Il.
able in numbers. il is strange that its peace
doctrines have made so slight an impression
on the public sentiment of either of the great
nations now engaged in deadly conflict. The
Paris section published q manifesto against the
war three days before war was formally de-
clarcd "Brothers of Germany" said this
document, our division would only result in
" the complete triumph of despOtsm on both
" sides of the Rhine. WOrkmen of all countries
"whateyer may for the present become of our
common efforts, we, the members of the In
ternaiiOnal Workingmen's Association, who
know of no frontiers, send you rs pledge Of
ndissOluble solidarity the good wishes and the
calculations of the workmen of France" At
Berlin and at Chcmnitz in Saxony resolutions
were passed accepting the French declaration,
and replying in language of similar import.
The Brunswick protest, for which Jacoby and
his companions were imprisoned, was to the
same effect, and there have been manifesto
tons in Bavaria and elsewhere. But what do
these declarations practically amount to- 1T
may be said there is no freedom of speech in
Germany but this is not strictly true. King
William is not disposed to allow fire in the
rear, but if the workmen of Germany as u
olaSa waro really in fovor of nnaca IL would