The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1870-03-19

Those proceeding on the ground that the
labcripg classes will never get their jusf
portion of worldly goods and snjoyments
otherwise than through political action. ms.
for instance, the national labor reform
party. (5.) The Utppian and secret 30
cieties imagined by inhdels.H : , 9'l''- ~
q is this aforementioned class whose
theories, acts, and progress compel rs to
consider them from a., religious point Of
view. They are the ofsPting of Camps
nella, Of Nicolas of Munster, and Of Gior-
dano Bruno From these sprsmg Boiling
broke, Voltaire, Rousseau, D 'Hoibach, and
host Of mere sceptics and spectators like
them. Then came the chiefs of the French
revolution. Marat and, Rcbespisrre. Next.
in 1877, Babedf opposed even Robes
pierre rs being too backward and arstO-
cratic, and formed conspiracy 10 massacre
the rich, and proclaim sumptaary laws from
mountain OF the slain. 4Iter him up.
peared Owen, trT:rg to realize the insane
idea Of ecnciliating atheism with charity.
He was followed 6y 81 Simon. who sought
to ereate smother contradiction, that Of an
ariseocracyo H philsntbfoPFts; : q governors
and prinessiil iil6f ,tfuafy Il who, q how
ever, never found atty subjects y Cbntear
poraneously,' Fourier invented 1ondefal
scheme for procuring 10 labor association
the most luxurious pleasures and heeritious
indulgences. Close at bis heels came
OAbes, continuing Ovens method oh less
offensive conditions. y Last Of ell, Noyes is
trying to conceal the wolf of beastly pro-
mscaousness under the robe OF the pure
lamb Of Christian love. These are the
most notorious Of those who may be de-
nouneed as the snti- Christian agitaters of
the labor question. Socialism is the name
they have inscribed on their banner and
hence, since all these inventors and cham
pions have also been Unanimous in waging
war, directly or indirectly, against Christi
anity, their socialism itself should be ep.
posed by all good Christians. n' i h.T
But, unfortunately, socialism, while op-
posing or seeking 10 undermine Christian
ity, succeeds m seducing many by the
promises Of sensual enjoyments she makes.
Indeed, the rationale Of every sect or party
concerned in the labor movement begins |
with the main proposition which makes them
aud even inidel socialism acceptable to
multitudes, namely, that society or The State
is under obligation 30 relieve the miseries
Of the poor, and IL possible % eradicate pau
pefism itself. II any deny that soeisiy or
the law has done any injustice 10 labcr-if,
for instance. the Legislator who framed tho
poor laws thought the psaper and nobody
but himself to blanche nevsrthsles aA-
mits that nauperism is mot merely a per.
sonal misfortune, but a, public one that
pauperism must be regarded as n social
malady or sore, which, though ID may not
be radically cared, must and ought % be
treated 1t least with palia6ves, 70 ss 10 pre-
vent it from becoming fatal to the body
polite. Thus, while attempting to exoner-
ate the state, even the erthodox politician
admits Chat the body politic is deeply afaict-
ed BY the virus Of pauperism. aud there
fore himself posits the very question he
would .fain ignore The poor join issue
with hing, and argue that from the day
North Germany wrested the
care of the poor, from the monastsriss, the
stsss assumed the responsibility uf thsir
distress, and is beaad to make such laws as
will radically cure all misery. The con-
test is now raging in every direction, not
only on the question of Who shall take care
Of the poor, but Hosc shall they be cared
for, and What are the rights and remedies
they are entitled to? baI-ir