The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1870-05-17
POLITICS IN FRANCE.
TPRoM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT
PARIS, April 80.
THE PLEBISCITE

PARIS, April oU.
THE PLEBISCTTE
Is developing the sap and life of the nation
to remarkable degree, and the result OF the
poll may be fairly regarded as the present true
mind of the people. Under the first Republic,
the Consulate, and the first Empire, the Plebis
cites had no secret voting, and Napoleon the
Third, in calling for o mass vote, follows not in
the wake Of the Caesars, but that Of the Roman
Republics. In 1851, the people were in state
of terror r-militarism confronted them at every
step, and the cold chain OF silence hung alike
over public men and the press But, nous
auons change tout celia. Fontenelle said, that
if he had his handful of truths, he would but
open one finger at time. The Emperor has
followed this reserve in restoring France her
liberties, and she has now the fullest freedom
to express her Views.
THE CONSTITUTION,
as submitted for ratification en- bloc, will be
approved by an overwhelming majority, not
that it contains oil the liberties desired, or is
sufficiently Democratic for many minds. To
refuse it on the grounds Of its defects, would
be to postpone real progress-the step gain
ed to-day brings the morrow nearcr-hence,
why many are forced to say "Yes." Absten-
tion; under these circumstances, implies abdi-
cation, for if man processes to hold an
opinion, he should have the courage to express
and Hght for It, From 1s4s to 1859, the regis
tered voters rose from ten to ten aud halt
millions-the average of the absLentionists on
the eight occasions the people were called
upon to exercise their ties, whether by PIE
biscites or by genera Elections, was over 26
per cent.-a rather high figure; the lowest
average, II per cent, occurred on the ques-
ton Of the restoration of the Empire in 1852,
and the highest, nearly 81 per cent, the same
year for the election OF deputies. To deprive
the Emperor Of all opportunity to resort to
future Plebiscites, Is for the nation to use wor-
thily the liberties conceded. Another deciding
influence with many to vote afirmatively, Is
the attitude taken up by section of the Re-
publican parry, who will vote INC" because it
means revolution. To redress political griev-
aRces by street Instructions Is decidedly out
of fashion. When a government Is establish
ed, and accepted by the majority Of the nation,
tits the duty of every good citizen to submit
to the national will. Reclaim llberty-this Is
all mems inalenable right, but to overthrow
government to place in Its stead this system OF
that, because we may prefer 1t. Is more than
factious. 1t Is the violence of parties that, up
to the present day, has made the duration OF
liberty an impossibility.
HOW THE PEOPLE VOTED.
Those who protest against the Plebiscite,
were, few weeks ago, the loudest In demand
ing the dissolution Of the Chamber. Those
who have confidence in universal suffrage
when it is fractiOnally expressed, through 2l2
electoral districts, have no faith in the nation
al sovereignty when elected from one vast
a(r fnffn a1n oro-
solve themselves into yes or no. It was In
May 1869, that The three and half millions of
hostile votes admoniShed the Emperor he
must finish with personal government. He
wisely acted on the hint. 1nfammatory ap-
peals against his past iron-rule will not affect
the bunder of Mexico or the political check at
Sadowa. Blcated budgets regard them not,
| since they have not extracted an additional
sous from their purses, and they are content
to see the deficits Of the exchequer balanced
by q loan for posterity to repay. They have
become rich even under the despotism Of the
| last eighteen yearS-the Empire secures them
the peaceable enjoyment Of their wealth,
which revolutions have disturbed or destroy
ed. AS class, they are very ignorant-and
dependent on the local official to pilot them.
He is their ''mediclne man." BY and by, edu-
cation will correct this. In 1880, they regarded
the "Charter" as the wife ofLafayette 1870
"Plebiscite'' IS the Emperor's son.
A BLUNDER
In the multitude of official and semi-ofhcial
addresses, M. Olivier has, unfortunately, in
letter to his constituents, touched sore
point when he hopes that the result of
the vote will he o tranquil future, ''in order
that on the throne, as in the most humble
dwelling, the son may succeed the father in
peace" This paragraph has naturally excited
tho, of xyhn rapp1iatp tltha
nous faith of many made for ALL" The throne
of France is not an affair of civil right OF the
private property of any dynasty. The Plebtscite
this civil w,ir without arms-is but intended
as renewal Of the bail of the Tuileries to the
Napolecns-or the promlssory note. The Tuie-
ries has been more a tomb tnan dWelling
place for dynasties-the people have occupied
Il nearly as often as their kings.
"Where the poor palace changes masters,
Quicker than snake It's skin,
And Louis Is rolled out on castors,
While Boney's borne on shoulders in.'
Bossuet made OF the Grand Dauphin an i'm
beclle. and Fenelon of the Duke OF Burgundy
blockhead, but nature, 1t must be added,
contributed much towards this character of
the pupils. The Prince Imperial lives in other
times, and his governor, General Frossard, is
man of the world. Besides, his father, like
the popular Henry the Fourth, has learned the
sweet uses of adversely, and has not failed to
impress on his son that men are not counters
to be played with; that they have eyes, hands,
organs, dimensions, senses, passions, affec-
tions, like kings, with intelligence at least
equal, and in cases superior.
FREE VOTE.
Not reprcach can be made against the gov
ernment as to the perfect freedom under which
the vote Of the 9Th of LAY will be taken. The
journals are displaying the liberty of the press
to the full, ard to think that it Is hardly year
since NJ. NJ. Pinard and FORBADE, the Home
Ministers, each exclaimed
"God knows love- to ev'n excess,
The sacred freedom Of the Press
My only aims to crush the writers ~