New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1870-09-01
TIE NEUTR1L POWERS.

The attitude of the great European Powers,
| with regard to the French-G German war, has
from the beginning been canvassed with in
tense interest During the progress of the
war this interest was somewhat eclipsed by
the brilliancy of the German victories, but
now it revives with the prospect of a speedy
peace. AS each of the belligerent Powers is
very cautious to publish, concerning this
point, only such facts and rumors as are
favorable to its own side, the Cable dispatches
are naturally more adapted TO misguide than
to enligbten public opinion. We know, how
ever, enough of the disposition of the great
neutral Powers to ascertain, with high de-
gree of probability, what course they are
likely to pursue. 1t may be regarded as self
evident that the great victories of the Ger
mans are not calculated to create OF to
strengthen friendly feelings between Prussia
and the Governments of the other European
Powers. Among the peoples the idea of a set
Element of all international feuds on the basis
of a mutual recognition of the nationality
principle, may gain ground. The sOvereigns
are still guided by considerations, based on
the old views of a balance of power in Eu-
roIe. No Government would probably have
seen with satisfaction the extension of France
tn the Rhine though the silence and even the
alliance of Austria and Italy might have been
purchased by the promise of French aid for
the attainment Ct their own purposes. The
other Governments are no less opposed to the
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT of Germany, and the more
extraordinary the distinction is which the Ger
mans have won during the present campaign,
and by which they have astonished the world,
the greater is the jealousy at this new mOdi-
fication of the map of Europe which the other
Governments are likely to feel.
The French Government has obviously made
the strongest appeals to the well-knOwn sensi-
bilities of the other Powers with regard to the
balance of power in Europe, to secure their
joint interpostion OF even intervention, in
case Germany should insist on the restoration
of Alsace and Lorraine, or impose other con-
ditiOns too revolving to the still unbrOken
pride of the nation. The special missions of
Prince Napoleon to Florence, and Prince Mu-
rat to London, have undoubtedly been caused
by these views. Of the results of these mis-
sions we are but imperfectly informed. A
significant declaration is, however, published
by the official organ of the Russian Govern
ment, which denies that its Government has
committed itself to protest against the dis
memberment of France, though it admits that
it would not favorably regard any schemes of
that kind. The Emperor Alexander is known
as a decided partisan of a lasting alliance with
Prussia but he finds it nevertheless necessary
to express in advance a dissatisfaction with
the growth of Germany at the expense
of France. The German Provinces of
Russia ON the Baltic, in which the feel
ing of the German nationality has of
late begun to assert itself in very marked
manner, are a constant irritation of the Slavi
against the German nation, and a check to
any alliance into which the personal feeling of
the present Emperor might lead him to enter.
The heir to the throne is reported to be a
violent Panslavist, who, with his party, is fully
convinced that a great war is inevitable be-
tween the Germanic and Slavic nations for the
purpose of consolidating the whole Slavic race
into one Empire under the rule of Russia and
his party, the Panslavists, arc parading in
their principal organs the most violent oppo-
sition against Prussia. Fortunately for the
Germans the enthusiasm OF the Poles for tho