The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-11-12
OUR WASHINGTON LETTER.

COX xImbrosIto-statesmaush uship the Impera-
tive want of the Administration AdmInis-
tratIon Supremacy Lost In the Next Con-
sress-PossibIe Success of the Democrats
and Revenue Reformers-Covernor Curtin TO
Remain In Russia.
From Our Own Correspondent
WASHINGTON, Nov 10, 1870.
The concern in administration circles deepens
with reference to the political future as the
returns of the late elections present their stub
born realities. On Tuesday night and Wednes-
day the President was in receipt of the most
fattering dispatches from most OF the States
and he was greatly elated at what was sup
posed to be the practical completeness OF the
Republican triumph; but as the enthusi-
astic reports of heated partisans give
way to the irresistible logic of
arithmetic, the measure of the disaster presents
its full significance. First came the unwecome
tidings of Governor Newells defeat in New
Jersey; then another and still another was added
to the lost Congressman in New York; then
came Kentucky with but district claimed
by the Republicans, and that still doubtful; then
came Alabama with sweeping Democratic
victory; then came Arkansas with like results
then Florida fell back into the list of doubtful
States then Missouri swelled the tide of adverse
majorities until but two administration Repub-
licans remained; then Nevada faltered, and Illi-
nois grew worse with each new return, until
Ingersoll turned up defeated, aud the dele
CATION will probably be Democratic. In sthe
great battle of Tuesday, the only achievement
worthy to be reckoned victory was in New
Jersey; in all the other States the variations in
the political tide were uniformly and in many
instances fearfully pregnant with evil fore
bodings to the Republicans. The latest des-
patches received tonight are but confirmatory
of administration reverses, and the significant
tLa Gtata C
Delaware, Maryland Virginia, West Virginia,
Tennessee, North Carolina, Alabama, Arkansas,
Florida, Nevada and Missouri are not Republi-
can and Georgia and Texas are reasonably cer-
tain to follow. To these losses must be added
Connecticut, Indiana, California, and Oregon,
with Pennsylvania trembling in the balance,
while obstinate Kentucky and New York are
more hopeless than ever.
1t was not disguised to. day in administration
circles that the disaster is serious, and the
President feels keenly disappointed and morti-
fed at the general political aspect of the coun-
try. Cameron has been here to look after new
spoils, but the President was not in a humor to
promise anything. He feels that he has blum
dered; that he has wasted his great powers;
that he has not been sustained by the nation;
and he would be glad to remedy the misfortune
if he could see a clear way open to retrieve
himself. But Cameron comes and renews his
repeatedly-broken promises of future success,
and demands offices and plunder. Chandler de-
mands rigid political prescription of the starve-
lings of the departments, with a few Indian
agencies thrown in, and transfer of the
patronage to the Congressional Committee, as
panacea for revolving States. Butler comes
with the Alabama claims measure of Re-
publican unity, and makes them
sulphurous with threats of war. Conkling
comes with fresh lists of Fenton's friends
for decaptation, and promises the Empire State
for 1872. Drake comes with a lost State, sacri-
feed to administration stupidity and brakes
malignity, to hurl Shurz, Carpenter, Trumbull,
and other revenue reformers outside of the Re-
publican organization as the only measure of
safety; and the fading carpet-baggers come to
force new rebellons upon the President to
ensure them Office in defiance of the people.
But the President has tried Cameron and Chan
dler as politicians, and has the Cox blunder as
the legacy. He has tried Buffers counsels and
actions in war, and will not fight England to
crafty the ''botted-up" hero He has reaped
the whirlwind as the harvest of Conkling's SOW
ing in New York and brakes in Missouri, and
the debatable Southern States and their politi-
clans are running sores of discomfort.
What policy the President will adopt he has
lot vet decided himself For the first
time since his Inauguration, he appreciates that
however well he could command armies he is q
failure in the command of great political party;
and the surrender to Cameron and Chandler by
the removal of Secretary Cox has astouuded
him by the widespread and earnest protest of
the more influential Republican journals. The
effort to cover it with the McGarrahan case is
himsy and discreditable pretext, and so the
country understands it. 1t was shameful sur
render to mere political camp-folowers. Had il
been an advance in the direction of statesman
ship, it would have commanded Republican
approval regardless of dissatisfied politicians,
but to allow Cameron and Chandler to proclaim
policy of the administration was simply to allow
them to proclaim in advance its defeat.
is there no one to impress the President with
the fact that he must at once call the represen-
totiUe statesmen of Gte Republican party around
him, If he could not SloeH he disasters of 1870
TO tidal aoGUe in 1872? Does he not know that
the statesmen of tine country rarely give un-
bidden counsel; that they do not crowd the
halls of the White House; that they do not pro-
mise political impossbilities; that they do not
backmail official subordnates; that they do not
barter in administration patronage; that they
do not carry their petty jealousles to the throne
and load it with their quarrels: that they have
achieved position and honor by deserving them
and not by accident or yenality and that they
respect themselves and their integrity more than
they respect power or its plunder? They do
not rush to Washington and hire cores
pondents to proclaim their purposes