The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-08-26

6uCn Is the aQmln1BtfhuVo impotence with
which. at a crisis. this great nation is afflicted
At home and abroad, it is all alike.
GERMANY AND EUROPE.
From the London Saturday Rerie,c.
The success with which Germany has
opened the campaign has naturally given
rise to speoulations and suggestions of every
possible kind as to the consequences, remote
or imm ediate, of Germany establishing an
incontestable superiority over France The
Journal 06iciet had even gone so far as to
publish manifesto addressed to all the
nations of Europe, showing how very dan
gerous to each might be the triumph of so
INSCRIPTIONS and rapacious power as Ger
many. While there is yet time to give effec-
tual aid, the Journal OGciey entreats the
countries now neutral TO stand by France,
the champion of European independence.
What is asked is, in plain language, that
Western Europe should form q coalition
not against France, but in her favor
Perhaps no effect of the reverses the
French army has sustained is more
curious than this. Here is the organ of the
French Government, within month of a war
undertaken in lightness of heart to teach the
Prussians manners and to show the world
the prowess of the French army, crying out
in hopeless panic to the world that these
Prussians are too great and strong for any
one power to contend against, and that all
who want to be safe from them must unite to
put them down. The Germans inspire the
officials of the Third Napoleon with some
thing of the same terror with which the vast
ambition and colossal strength of the First
Napoleon inspired the courts and peoples in
his neighborheod. vision is conjured up
of German empire making the Baltic Ger
man lake. The expression which the French
have on their own behalf delighted so much to
apply to the Mediterranean is to be applied
by the Germans, in their horrible presump-
ton, to the sea that washes their northern
shores. But this would never content the
Emperor of Germany, for the French mind
perceives that this would be the new title of
the King of Prussia; and while it is the most
harmless and natural thing in the world that
France should have an Emperor, it reveals
an almost superhuman insolence in the Ger
mans that they also should have an Emperor
to rule over them. The whole tone of the
Journal Ofioiel in this respect is perfectly
artless and sincere, and is thoroughly French
That France should domineer over
her neighbors is quite in keeping with
the proper order of things, and can give
offence to no one. But that Germany should
talk as France has been in the habit of talk
ing, and should act as France has boasted of
wishing and intending to act, is truly awful
There is no end to the dreadful fancies that
such thought suggests. The Emperor of
Germany will want Holland, he will want
Venice, he will want Trieste. He will bar
gain with Russia, and in return for ample
compensation will plant the Gear at
Constantinople. He will in fact play the part
which Napoleon played with so much relish
at Tilsit. To prevent such catastrophe
France asks for aid from those who would
most suffer at the hands of too triumphant
Germany; and it may perhaps be worth while
for the neutral nations to ask themselves how
forf fao ina hak1
the Germans succeeded in inficting further
defeats on France, the interests of European
peace would be seriously endangered.
1t is impossible for us in England to regard
Europe from the same point of view in which
the French regard it. To us the strength and
power of Germany have value which the
French, against whom we wish they should
be in some measure directed, cannot be ex-
pected to appreciate. 1t is for the great
good of Europe, and, as we believe, to the
real advantage of France itself, that there
should be neighbor of France strong enough
and resolute enough to ease France of some
thing of its restless ambition, its tall talk and
its tendency to relieve the weariness of its
home politics by interfering with every one
outside its borders. A nation that is prey to
revolutions, to adventurers, and to military
despotism, and that avowedly looks on war
as last stake which its gamblers throw when
they are hard pressed, is constant source of
peril to Europe. II is not wholesome for
Europe that there should be in it country
the Prime Minister of which rushes into
totally unjustifable war with lightness of
heart. When we have said thus much we
have said all that we have to say against
France. That France should be really
bumiliated, crippled, and powerless, would
be state of things in every way deplorable
and very unwelcome to England. The French
have forced on the war, and they must take
the chances of the war they have provoked;
but France bleeding and PROSTATE is a spec
tacle which Englishmen will regard with the
most unfeigned reluctanAae, All that is
wanted is that sIrance shou learn the lesson
it so much needed, that It must leave Ger
many alone. But will the Germans be
content to be left alone, or will they use their
victories, if they continue to win them in
spirit of arrogance and insolence, and so as
to menace Europe The French say that
they will, and they have, it appears, not only
said this in a general way, but they have
pressed some neutral States, and more parti-
cularly Austria, Italy, and Denmark, with the
argument that to join France promptly and
openly is their last chance of independence.
Would wise Austrian or Italian admit the
force of this argument, or not? Is the sue
cess of Germany a danger to Europe? OF all
the political questions of the day, this is
perhaps the one it is most desirable to answer
Alright. No prudent person would give other
than guarded answer Success quickly COR
rupts the heart of man, and no one can
speak positively as to the effect on Germany
of finding itself quickly and indis-
putably victorious But SO far as it is pos
sible to form an opinion now il NAV be