Spirit of Jefferson. [volume] (Charles Town, Va. [W. Va.]) 1844-1948, 1870-06-28

The advance sheets of the second volume
of Mr., Stephens's important work have been
read by the editor of the augusta ConStitu>
tionaZist The following extracts from that
paper show tie scope of this remarkable con-
tribution to the history of the war
The initial colloquy is taken up with a dis
tinction as to our form of government. The
federative principle is held to be discovery
in political science. We are a confederate
nation nation of nations, in which the
power of sovereignty is divisble, but not the
sovereignty itself The narrative then pro-
ceeds to the causes of conflicts arising from
misiuterpretation of the governmental prin-
ciple enuuciated. The passage Of personal
liberty bills by several of the Northern States,
preventative of the rendition of fugitives from
service, is shown to have been violative of the
Federal compact; since, without ample pledges
on the part of the North, there never would
have been any Union. The agitation arising
from this breach of contract, bad as it was,
became intensified by the declaration of Salmon
p Chase that the Northern States would
never repeat their acts Hence the secession
of the South was principally brought about
by the perfdy of the North, and her declared
determination to continue in perfdy. Mr..
| Stephens completely exonerates the South
from Inauguration of the war. The first gun
at Sumter was not the over act !; since the
aggressor in war is not the first who uses force,
but the first who renders force necessary. 1t
is clearly shown, too, that the South exhausted
every known means of preventing strife. but
was met at every turn by the matchless
duplicity and dishonesty of William H.
Seward. The history of the formation of the
Confederate government is elaborately drawn
Jefferson Davis was looked upon by all as an
eminently conservative man. Toombs was
to have been chosen President, bot failed
through singular misapprehension on the
part of representatives Of other States, who
! had understood that he refused to have his
| name put forward. There was some mis-
understanding likewise concerning Howell
Cobb being the choice of Georgia. BY acci
/ dental Implications Mississippi had the first
choice, and chose Jefferson Davis, leaving
! Georgia the second, which resulted in the
Vice, Presidency of NIr. Stephens. The Mont
| gomcry constitution is a monument of the
wisdom, forecast, and craftsmanship of its
trainers, and an everlasting refutation of the
! charges brought against the South of dis
I loyalty TO the federative principle Coercion
was Unconstitutional and only defended on the
! plea of necessity-uhe plea of tho tyrant in
all ages of the world. A convention Of the
vented war aud restored the Union or, in
case the South refused to 60 into such con-
yention, the North would have had better
cause for battle. 1t is msnomer TO call the
war rebellion" or civil war" 1t was
''war between the States" One of the most
remarkable and vigorous portions of Mr..
Stephens's book is his statement of the treat
ment of prisoners of war by both belligcrents.
The cruelty aud torture charged upon the
South is fixed upon Stanton and the Wash
ingtOn authorities, and upon them and their
policy will forever rest the blood and the
suffering of the brave on either side.
The responsibility for the failure to advance
after the battle of Manassas in referred to Pres.
ident Davis. Mr. stephens afIirr.s that there
never was any personal feud between him and
Mr.. Davis, though they differed widely on
many questions of public policy. Mr.. Davis
is alluded to throughout in the kiudest man
per, and warmly defended against the asper-
sions of his enemies at home and abroad
Mr.. Stephens believed that diplomacy could
honorably stop the war in 1868. He pro-
posed mission to Washington for that pur-
pose, when the military status was most fa>
vorable to both parties. Mr.. Davis did not
concur until too late, until, in fact, the mills
tary status had rendered such a course im>
| possible. Lees invasion of the North was
| great blunder politically and in a military
| sense, but chargeable, in the main, to the
Richmond Cabinet Gettysburg and Vicks>
burg turned the tide in favor of the North
i, But the vital blow. struck at Southern success
was in the mistaken policy of finance and con-
scription, the latter especially. The peoples
| spirits were broken by it, and it was uncon-
stitutional as unnecessary The people were
| willing to fight for liberty, but were not will
| ling to be compelled to do so. If compusion
had been necessary, the war ought to have
been abandoned for no people are worthy of
liberty, or capable of preserving it, who have to
be driven into battle. Even in the early part
| of 1865 Mr. Stephens had hopes, in case the
! policy of the administration changed. 1t did
not change, and SO conscription, impressment,
the suspension of hdbeds corpus, and prodigal
waste of lives and property were the causes of
Southern despair and defeat. Much light is
thrown upon the Hampton Roads Conference.
There seems to be little doubt that scheme
! was conducted to terminate the war by a di-
version of the question to another channel and
joint movement of both armies against the
! French in Mexico. To have been successful
| the preliminaries to q military convention de-
| manded the utmost secrecy. Mr.. Stephens
| proposed that MIR. Davis should meet Mr..
Lincoln. He refused aud suggested three
commissioners. Mr.. Stephens advised that
| three able men should be appointed whose
! absence would not be detected or observed.
| Mr.. Davis, however, insisted upon appointing
! Just the very trio whose absence from Rich
| mond would have been remarked at once In
consequence, the matter became q common
| public rumor, and the whole business was
thus defeated from the start. Nobody was
more disappointed at this result than Mr.. Da-
Wis, who subsequently, seemed to lose his good