The Evansville journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ind.) 1866-1870, 1870-08-11
From the New York Independent
THE COMING CONTEST.
BY HON. SCHUYLER CoLFAX.

No one can shut his eyes to the fact
that the Democratic leaders enter upon
the contest just opening for the control
Of the next House of Representatives,
with more confidently expressed hopes
of victory than for many years past;
and it is timely at this moment to ex-
amino into the grounds of these SAN
guine expectations. They can be sum-
med up as follows:
They have dwarfed, if not ignored,
the differences existing in their own
ranks Oh funding the debt and how it
shall be paid, its taxation, etc, on
which so many prominent Eastern
Democrats disagree so radically with
their brethren in the West.
They have hopes that reconstruct
i've legislation, having been virtually
completed, the new issues as to the
finances, the tariff, internal tax alton,
and foreign policy may tend to disin-
tegrate, and thus render powerless,
the hitherto compact and invincible
Republican phalanx.
They draw encouragement, too,
from disaffections as to patronage;
and the fact that victory for ten con-
secutive years, embracing three Presi-
Dental contests, tends to weaken a
party so long in power, giving its OPP
ponents more opportunities for attack.
But their highest hope is in the Sc
we're and sweeping criticisms Of Con-
gress during the recent session, by
prominent and influential Republican
papers, editors and correspondents,
permanently alternating tens of thou
sands, as they trust, and thus, If their
theory is correct, converting the Re-
publican majority of the past into a
minority, ready to be overthrow by
the united forces of the Democracy,
energized now by their long exile from
power, and animated by the zeal and
confidence with which they are pre-
pairing for the contest.
1t needs, however, only thorough
unity, an energy worthy of their prin-
/ ciples, and a zeal akin to that which
has given them so many brilliant vic
tories to enable tho Republicans to
battle all these hopes as they have baf-
fed them before, and to place their
| flag again in triumph on the Capitol.
Contests in which our opponents open
ed more hopefully than now have re-
suited in their defeat. Even the Con-
| gressional contest of 1862, when the
| Democracy carried every Northern
| State from the Atlantic to the Missis-
sippi, was saved for the right by I'M
expected victories in the Border States
of the South. And the greater con-
test of 1864, when, after a renomina-
ton of President Lincoln, disaffee-
tions incur ranks led to rival nation
al convention and nominations, and
up to August defeat seemed possible,
was by the energy and unity of the
succeeding months converted at last
into the most magnificent political and
national victory ever won IN this
country.
1t is easy to criticise Congress-nay,
it is popular to do so. The dangers
to the land and its institutions when
Mr.. johnson was President caused
these criticisms to be suspended, after
the issue was clearly manifest to the
people; for they realized then, as new
er before, the value and the power of
| that Congress. But, with that danger
removed it became easy again, with
| the tendency to criticism so marked
amongst our independent thinkers,
and never to be deprecated except
when carried to excess, to review
sharply and complainingly the action
or non-action of those in power. Let
US look calmly at some of these COM
plants.
| fault finding at the differences in Con-
gress as to financial plans, and their
failure to agree till near the period OF
adjournment. But In these differences
be it remembered, the Republican
majority exactly represented the peo-
pie behind them. Take one hundred
of the leading Republican papers OF
the nation from Maine to California,
last Winter and Spring, and you would
find precisely the same conflict OF
opinions. Nay, more, assemble at
that time one hundred of the leading
Republicans of any State, and insist
that they should agree on any specific
financial plan, and you would have
found the same divergence In their
views. What was finally agreed on,
after months ofdebate and comparison
of plans, ] will briefly allude to here
after.
While the appropriation bills were
passing through the two branches OF
Congress, the people were almost led
to believe that the Senate especially
were loading them down with almost
innumerable and indefensible, If not
profigate, amendments. The 256
amendments of that body to the Leg
lslatlve, Executive, and Judicial APP
preparation bill were specially and Sc
verely criticised, as all will remember.
What toere they? A half dozen, on
which there were no party divisions in
the Senate, and which were finally
abandoned at the demand of the
House, embraced such items as the
extension of the Capitol Grounds; a
new State Department, which is now
occupying a former orphan asylum,
| not fire-proof; and the increase of the
salaries Of United States Judges-the
Supreme Judges receiving now $4,000
per year less than the police justices
of New York City. Nearly all the re-
mainder of these multitudlnous
amendments, about "the piling on OF
which by the Senate" so much was
said. related to the clerical force of
the departments, the sub treasures,
custom houses, etc. The House had
retrenched in all of them severely.
The Senate preferred to follow the es-
Inmates of the Administration. Aud,
as nearly every paragraph in the bill
| contained one or more items of this
kind, the number of Senate amend
ments needed to bring up the curtain
ed House bill to the official estimates
seemed extraordinary. may add
that in the conference committee an
average of the views of the two Houses
was settled on-perhaps more wisely
than the extreme views of either.
Many similar charges could be easily
explained.
From these criticisms, also, vast
numbers of the people doubtless in
ferred that lobbyists for subsidies, etc.
were triumphant as never before.
When Congress Adjourned. hoHeuer