The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-01-07

mate last summer to the Spanish Govern
ment, through our Minister at Madrid, that
the United States would have to recognize
the Cubans before long, With the death of
his friend, the noble Rawlins, the President
appears to have fallen completely under the
influence of the pro-Spanish members of the
Cabinet and Mr. Sumner. Hence was perpe-
trated that outrage upon the feelings and SEN
timent of the American people in letting loose
the thirty gunboats from our shores to crush,
II possible, the rising republic of Cuba; hence
the overstrained and extraordinary efforts
that have been made to prevent the Cuban
patriots from getting any supplies from this
country, and hence the deaf ear the admins
tration has turned to the appeals of the Anne
rican press and public and the Cubans.
Now, the question is, will the President
hereafter follow the promptings of his own
heart, or those blind, narrow minded, and
prejudiced men that surround him? The
Cubans are entitled to recognition, for they
have an organized government and have
fought for upwards Of fifteen months, heroi-
cally and with remarkable success, the war
for republican freedom. On reasonable in
ternational grounds they are entitled to this;
but the Government ought to take bolder and
higher ground than that. 1t ought to follow
the sympathies and wish of the American
| people, and aid, directly or indirectly, the
cause OF liberty in Cuba. A million and a
half of people, American born, almost within
| sight OF our coast, who have never been al
lowed the smallest right of self-government,
| and who have been under the heel of the
| worst despotism in the world, cry to us for
help, or at least for recognition. We can give
| this without danger or inconvenience. Ought
we not to do it? But if we lay aside all
| sentiment-if we choose to say we care moth
ing for brave and suffering people strug-
| Cling for freedom, or for the progress of
American repubHcanism-and look at this
| matter In a selfish point of view only, there
| are the strongest reasons for securing the
independence and annexation of Cuba. 1t
would be the most valuable possession the
United States could acquire It's internal and
natural wealth is incalculable, its developed
| resources vast, its commerce very large and
| in naval and military point of view it is the
key of the Gulf of Mexico, the Caribbean
Sea, and the whole of the Antilles. Our in
terest in every way and on large scale would
be promoted by the independence and recog-
milton of Cuba. Any other nation in the
world similarly situated would not hesitate
q moment to seize such an opportunity as
! Cuba presents to promote its interests and
to increase its power and grandeur. If the
President cannot comprehend what is our
national policy with regard to Cuba, it is to
be hoped Congress will.
THE STRIKE OF THE TELEGRAPHERS,
From the NJ Y. Times.
| When the Western Union Telegraph opera
tors attempt by a strike to obstruct even
temporarily the business of the whole coun-
| try, they should, at least, take care to be pro
vided with real grievaNce. Otherwise the
public, which generally forms pretty accu-
rate judgment upon such matters, will not
extend to them its sympathy, nor deem their
action justified, The case as between the
telegraphers and the company stands at pre-
sent thus:-The Protective League of the
former say that the company reduced the
salaries of certain operators at San Francisco,
and that those who refused to submit to the
reduction were discharged And they require
that the discharged men be reinstated at their
old salaries, and that no reduction take
place in any cases. This statement is clear
and simple enough, but unfortunately for the
credit of the strikers it rests on no basis of
truth.
General Palmer, the Secretary of the CON-
pany distinctly disavows any knowledge of
an intention to lower salaries, on his part OF
that of Mr.. Mumford, the agent at San Fran
CISCO This latter gentleman, on being ques-
toned by General Palmer, is as explicit He
says, in words susceptible of no misinterpre-
tation, 81 have reduced no salaries, and he
adds that he has had "no intention of doing
So" Two men were discharged for two rea-
sons-they ''were trying to make disturb
ance, and the force was unnecessarily large.
And ''the plea of general reduction is with
out the slightest foundation as matter of
fact"
The League, in reply to these denials, sim
ply express their disbelief of them, and reite-
rate the demand for restoration of the San
Francisco discharged operators. But, in ad-
dition to this, they announce that various of
their members at different points shave
already suspended work, and it is demanded
that these latter be reinstated in their former
positions, the time lost by the strike being
deducted from their months pay. And on
being refused these conditions, and assured
that they had been imposed upon by some of
the brethren in San Francisco, they declare
the strike general.
This, without word of exaggeration, is
the whole story There is but one inference
possible to be drawn from it, The strike was
evidently resolved upon by few leaders,
pretext or no pretext. complaint that two
men, who are not named, but who, we pre-
sumo, will be, were dispensed with for what,
as any person in his senses will agree, their
employer had a right to consider good cause,
is all the capital of fact the leaders had to
work upon. 1t sufficed for their purpose.
But are not the great body of the telegraphers
thereby placed in false position? They
are lending themselves to transaction which
their better judgment can never approve.
The only result must inevitably be injury to
themselves, if they persist in a course which
is no less than folly. Had the cause for a
strike really existed, they might have claimed
the public sympathy; no cause exists, how
ever, and they are simply made to appear as
body of intelligent and respectable persons
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