The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1870-06-16
The Second Volume Of the s'War Between
the States,. by Alexander II. Stephens.

The advance sheets of the second volume of
Mr.. Stephens's important work have been read
by the editor of the Augusta C0nstitutionaAst.
The following extracts from that paper show
the scope of this remarkable contribution to
the history of the war:
The initial colloquy is taken up with dis
tinction as to our form of government. The
federative principle is held to be discovery IN
political science We are a confederated ma
tion-a nation of nations, in which the power
of sovereignty is divisible, but not the sover-
eighty itself The narrative then proceeds to
the causes of conflict arising from misinterpre-
tation of the governmental principle enunciated.
The passage of personal liberty bills by several
of the Northern States, preventative OF the
rendition of fugitives from service, is shown to
have been violative of the Federal compact;
SINCE without ample pledges on the part of the
North, there never would have been any Union.
The agitation arising from this breach of con-
tract, bad as it was became intensified by the
declaration of Salmon P. Chase that the North
ern States would never repeal their acts
Hence the secession of the South was princi-
pally brought about by the perfdy of the North,
and her declared determination to continue in
perfdy. Mr. Stephens completely exonerates
the South from Inauguration of the war. The
first gun at Sumter was not the overt act /; since
force but the first who renders force necessary.
1t is clearly shown, too, that the South exhaus-
ted every known means of preventing strife,
but was met at every turn by the matchless du-
plicity and dishonesty of William H. Seward.
The history of the formation of the Confede-
rate government is elaborately drawn. Jeffer-
son Davis was looked upon by all as an emi-
nently conservative man. Toombs was to have
been chosen President, but failed through a
singular misapprehension on the part of repre-
sentatives of other States, who had understood
that he refused to have his name put forward.
There was some misunderstanding likewise con-
cerning Howell Cobb being the choice of
Georgia By accidental complications Missis-
sippi had the first choice, and chose Jefferson
Davis, leaving Georgia the second, which re-
suited in the Vice Presidency of Mr. Stephens.
The Montgomery constitution is monument
of the wisdom, forecast and craftsmanship of
its trainers and an everlasting refutation OF the
loyalty to the federative principle. Coercion
was unconstitutional and only defended on the
plea of necessity-the plea of the tyrant in all
ages of the world. A convention of the States
called by Congress would have prevented war
and restored the Union; or, in case the South
refused to 60 into such convention, the North
would have had better cause for battle 1t is
misnomer to call the war rebellion" or q
"civil war;" 1t was "war between the States"
One of the most remarkable and vigorous por
tions of Mr.. Stephens's book is his statement
of the treatment of prisoners of war by both
belligerents. The cruelty and torture charged
upon the South is fixed upon Stanton and the
Washington authorities, and upon them and
their policy will forever rest the blood and the
suffering of the brave on either side.
The responsibility for the failure to advance
after the battle of Manassas is referred to Pres
ident Davis. Mr.. Stephens affirms that there
never was any personal feud between him and
Mr.. Davis, though they differed widely on
many questions of public policy. Mr.. Davis is
alluded to throughout in the kindest manner,
and warmly defended against the aspersions of
his enemies at home and abroad Mr.. Stephens
believed that diplomacy could honorably stop
the war in 1863. He proposed a mission to
Washington for that purpose, when the militia
ry status was most favorable to both parties
Mr. Davis did not concur until too late, until,
in fact the military status had rendered such q
course impossible Lees invasion of the North
was great blunder politically and in militia
ry sense, but chargeable, in the main, to the
Richmond Cabinet Gettysburg and Vicksburg
turned the tide in favor of the North But the
vital blow struck at Southern success was in the
mistaken pollcy Vi uilauce anu couscIiPIioh,
the latter especially. The peoples spirits were
broken by it, and it was as Unconstitutional as
unnecessary. The people were willing to fight
for liberty but were not willing to be compelled
to do so. If compulsion had been necessary,
the war ought to have been abandoned; for no
people are worthy of liberty or capable of pre-
serving it, who have to be driven into battle.
Even in the early part of 1865 Mr.. Stephens
had hopes in case the policy of the admins
tration changed. 1t did not change, and so
conscription, impressment, the suspension of
habeas corpus, and prodgal waste of lives and
property were the causes Of Southern despair
and defeat. Much light is thrown upon the
Hampton Roads Conference. There seems to
be little doubt that a scheme was concocted to
terminate the war by diversion of the question
to another channel and joint movement of
both armies against the French in Mexico. To
have been successful the preliminaries to a
military convention demanded the utmost Sc
crecy. Mr.. Stephens proposed that Mr.. Davis
should meet MIR. Lincoln. He refused and
suggested three commissioners. Mr.. Stephens
advised that three able men should be appoint
ed whose absence would not be detected or OBJ
served Mr.. Davis, however, insisted upon ap-
pointing just the very trio whose absence from
Richmond would have been remarked at once.
In consequence, the matter became common
public rumor, and the whole business was thus
defeated from the start. Nobody was more dis
appointed at this result than Mr.. Davis, who
subsequently seemed to lose his good judgment,
but never his ardent devotion to liberty. Mr..
Stephens descants upon the future destiny of
the United States. He holds that the South is
powerless at this time to shape or control
events The judiciary department, though sad
ly brow-beaten, may still be bulwark of liber-
IT, So far, however, the cause lost at Appomat-
tox was not the Federal principle, but the
maintenance of that principle by arms. The
point reached by the Centralists is an attempt
by duress to induce certain States, as sovereign
States, to conform to their action under the
semblancc of voluntary consent The battle is
| tbo validity or iI..,'. of their octs To the