The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-03-07
Prince EnuoIeOn.

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Gasotto writes as follows concerning Prince
Napoleon:-
Side by side with the chance OF the Orleans
family hangs another, less brilliant, less
worthy, but one which still occasionally crops
mp in a certain political circle, circumscrbed
enough, no doubt, but full Of ambition and
Festlessness; ID is the real though not avowed
competition of Prince Napoleon, first prince Of
the blood and cousin german of the Emperor.
There are few people who imagine that if
the Empire were to come, in some way or
other, to be overthrown, Prince Napoleon
would have a chance of continuing dynasty
Of which he Mt least believes himself to be
the most legitimate representative 1t is q
hypothesis which must have been often sug-
gested to the English public, as it has been to
our own, under circumstances which seemed
10 favor it, but which died away without
serious consequence. 1t is always very din
cult to step surely into the darkness OF futu-
rity; still, it is possible, leaning on the data
furnished by the present, to advance little
way into that which is to come. Accordingly,
given the situation of the Duke of Orleans
under the Restoration, it was pretty safe to
become prophetie; and Louis Philippe was
insomuch the appointed successor of the
elder branch, in case of revolution, as that
his fortune had been often foretold for him,
though he for his own part troubled himself
trary, troubles himself much and per-
severingly. For more than twenty
years he has not ceased to pursue
his purpose; and, to all appearance, he will
not abandon it so long as he lives. What
success can such a project have? Heaven
alone knows; but within the limits imposed
by uncertainty and human fallibillty we may
consider the question, Or to put it in another
way dissipate the dream. The moral and
political position of Prince Napoleon is far
from good; and, though in these latter days
it has somewhat improved, it is still far from
being what one could desire-for him. That
he does not enjoy public esteem is the least
one can say; to be perfectly just, it would be
necessary to use severer and more accurate
language, which shall not be employed here
in Difference to the susceptibilities of the
English public. The sentiments excited by
the Princes conduct are all but unanimous.
But are they deserved? OF this any one may
Judge from a review of the Princes career.
The Prince Napoleon returned to France
with his father, King Jerome, in 1S47, through
the clemency of Louis Philippe and thanks
to the intervention of all the Ministers, from
N. Theirs to M. Guizot. Furthermore, father
and son were set down for pensions from the
privy purse, one for 100000 and the other
for so, 600 francs. The arrangements were
not completed when the revolution of Febru-
ary came about The Princes gratitude is
notorious; and when he found an opportunity
of attacking the Orleans family from the
tribune of the Senate, where they could not
defend themselves, he did not fail to fall upon
them as hotly as if he had never received
from them personal kindness. Scarcely had
he been nominated to the Assembly of 1913,
when Prince Napoleon went and ranged him
self with the extreme Left, placed himself, in
the language of the times, on the crest of the
Mountain, where he soon became distin-
guished for the violence of his opinions.
Coldly regarded by his new friends,
with their habitual distrustfulness, he
nevertheless remained in their ranks, and
expressed fierce hostility to the designs
then beginning to show themselves pretty
plainly-of his cousin, the President of the
Republic. He did not brag that he would
kill him if he made himself Emperor, as
other members of the family averred he did;
but in conversation he treated him with the
most supreme disdain, and the speeches he
from time to time delivered from the tribune
by no means contradicted what he said in
private confidence. At the coup detGt of De-
eember 2 the Prince endeavored to attach
himself to those of the more determined re-
representatives. who summoned the people to
resist. He met with sorry welcome; and
earring little to run into useless danger, the
Prince did not carry very far those first ten
tative movements towards bloody issue. He
quietly withdrew into retirement, still pre-
serving the more than democratic sentiments
he affected, and not concealing them when
ever he found an occasion for them.
Some months after the coup d'etdt, in April
and in May, 1852, his indignation still burned
as hotly as ever; and what doubly kindled his
ire was to see in the hands of another the
sceptre he regarded as his natural right He
had never acknowledged the legitimacy OF
Prince Louis-''who hadn't drop of Bona
parte blood in his veins"-and on this doubt
full foundation he continued to build up his
own pretensions and to rest his repugnance
towards his cousin. However, when the
Dictatorship was confirmed, and, above all,
when the empire had made for itself solid
basis, the ill-humor of the Prince subsidized,
and he accepted from that detested cousin
the title of first prince of the blood, pen.
sion which amounted to more than million,
the rank of general of division, and all other
favors that were offered him. 1t is doubtless
well remembered how he behaved at the siege
of Sebastopol. An improvised general by
virtue of his birth, and bearer of the grand
military name of Bonaparte, he was bound to
show at least as much bravery as any soldier
in the field; he had to justify his exceptional
promotion and to maintain the lustre of his
family. Far from that, the Prince, who had
never done deed of note, quilted the siege
ut the critical moment on the ground of il
health, and returned to France, leaving be-
hind him very undesirable character among
an army which piques itself on being the
bravest of the brave. To this first mistake
which is known to all the world, the Primo,
added another, which, although it is less no
torious, did him no less injury with his com
panions in arms, Scarcelv had he returnef