The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-09-08
s1xRrx or THE RRzss.
Editorial Opinions Of the Leading Journals
upon Current Topics Compiled Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph.
THE NEWBORN REPUBLIC

volution takes the place oil battle. Germany
has proved itself the master of France, and
is now in a condition to dictate the terms of
peace. Its will must be the law. Further
resistance on the part of France may widen
the area of its own desolation and intensity
the sufferings of its people, but cannot essen
TALLY alter the result. That is fixed. France,
wounded and defeated, must submit to the
oonqueror. The spirit of its people will
ohafe under the trial, but their sagacity will
be shown by reserving for the regeneration
of their country the strength that would be
wasted in bloody opposition to German arms.
The republic opens to them a new destiny
which will yield to peace glories denied the
empire and its war.
We assume that the republic, as the choice
of the French people, will be allowed to pur-
sue pacific course unmolested. The one
whose fierce struggle clouded the close of
the last century was made warlike by the ne
cessities of its existence. Kings conspired
to effect it's destruction. Its excesses alien
ated sympathy, which the gallantry of its
struggle did not restore. The condition of
Europe to-day is different. power has
arisen to which even monarchs pay homage.
The public opinion which condemned as
crime the readiness of Napoleon to make
the nomination of a Hohenzollern to the
throne of Spain cause of war, would revolt
against the craft of kings intent upon sitting
the birth of an organized democracy. The
republic of 1848 was destroyed by the treach-
erous usurpation of its Presdent-not by the
action of other powers 1t can scarcely be
said to have been success at any period of
its existence. The scholastic theories which
crippled it from the outset gave vitality to an
element which formed the foundation of
Louis Napoleon's earliest power. From this
source of trouble the republic which succeeds
the Napoleonic dynasty is happily free. The
last eighteen years have developed vast and
powerful middle class, whose interests array
them against disorder, and whose influence
is apparent in the prevailing mode
ration. There is no trace of the sud
denly y-unchained savagery which impaired
horror to the days of '92-no ranking
sense of aristocratic injustice to engender
hostility to a class and render their destruc-
ton inevitable. On the other hand, we hear
nothing now of Louis Blanc's national work
shops, and no proposal is made to elevate
man to distinction because he adds OuUrier
to his name. Forbearance and good sense
have so far predominated The wreck of a
dynasty is good-humoredly swept away. The
people of Paris resume the exercise of
power of which nineteen years ago they were
robbed. They resolve that they will be their
own rulers, and the quiet, orderly inaugural
tion of republic is evidence of their fitness
for self lf-government.
If King William we're honest in his declara-
ton that the purpose of his invasion was to
rid France and Europe of Bonaparte, and
that against the people of France he waged
no war, the substitution of republic for an
empire will furnish no cause of quarrel
The is nothing incompatible with this idea
in his continued march toward Paris. That
is the proper place for the adjustment of the
terms of peace. Stern as these will probably
be, we cannot suppose that the acceptance of
monarch will be one of them. There are fea.
lures in Bismarck's nature which indicate him
as a check upon the anti-republican proclivi-
ties of the brave old King. The Minister will
comprehend, though his sovereign may not,
that war directed against Bonaparte can.
not be converted into war against repub
lie without throwing away the moral strength
of the German cause, and repelling the sym.
pathy with which free peoples everywhere
have watched its progress. And the Provi
sional Government, in its turn, will commit 9
fatal blunder if it find in the advance of the
German armies, or in the terms demanded by
the King, a reason for plunging into an une
quail contest. If the cession of French terri
tory be exacted, it can but submit If in
demnity is called for, it can but pay. These
misfortunes are the legacy of a dynasty
which is already odious. Its quarrels the
republic is under no obligation to espouse
The inherent strength and capacity of the
latter will be tested by its ability to resis
ignorant clamor upon these subjects. 1T
temper and success in regard to them viii
indicate the probabilities of its own exist
ence. f... ...
For the chances of the Republic are con
tingent upon its power to guide the passions
of the people, and to utilize the resources the,
still possess AS war is always demoraliz
ing agency, an attempt to drive back tn
German forces, besides being in the natur
of things hopeless, will bring France g.
much nearer anarchy. From that catastroph
the friends of the Republic will pray that i
may be preserved. 1t must maintain orde
as part OF the price of liberty.
How far q peaceful revolution in Franc
may affect the revolutionary elements whlcl
slumber throughout Europe, it would be idl
at present TO consider. That it will exercis
large influence we cannot doubt. To max
this influence wholesome and universal, tn
new leaders of the French people must appl
tn the material interests of the country tn
energy and the means which the NOR
thoughtless would expend to no purpose i
hostilities. The Republic has its origin j
the distress and the exigencies of the cour
try, and it may best demonstrate the fore
and fitness of its mission by laying tn
foundation of early peace. If there is augt
dishonorable in the terms of peace, the di
honor will not attach to country which, fC
the time, is powerless.
ITALY, ROME AND THE POPE.
From the n. Y. Herald.
We have the news from Florence that @
the Doth uitimo the (IazktLe n Italia If IN