The New York herald., 1870-04-24
France-The Plebiscite and tho Imperial
Proclamation.

and from other sources, relative to the re-
form movement in France and particu-
larly to the ple5iscite. The day fixed for the
voting is the Sth of May. The pIebiscste runs
as follows 1.-The people approve the liberal
| reforms which have been effected in the con-
stitution since 1860 by the Emperor, with the
! concurrence of the great legislative bodies of
the State, and ratfy the Senatus COnsultum
Of April 20, 1870" To this the people are to
answer "Yes" or mo" ON paper. The legal
electors of the army and navy are to vote at
their respective headquarters. Tho ballot
oxes are to be opened at six o'clock In
the morning and are to remain open
until six o'clock In the evening. The
voting papers will be examined in
the first instance in each department
and by trio of counsellors appointed by the
project. The vote will be verified on the
10th and officially proclaimed on The 10Th of
May. The returns from the departments
will be finally canvassed by the Corps Legis-
latif The decree, which contains numerous
other items of minor Importance, is signed by
all the Minister'S. The Sendtus C0nsNttatm
forms part Of the document, as our readers
will see by referring to our telegraphic columns.
1t appears that the legitimists have made up
their minds to vote in the negative. The re-
pubicans, who will either vote ''No" or return
their papers blank or refrain from voting alto
gether, have resolved to hoist their own ban
ners on the occasion. The International Work.
ingmen's Association have decided not to
vote; and, to add to the gravity of the situa-
| ton, general strike had been agreed upon.
| Between now and the 9Th of May there
will not certainly be any, lack of excite
ment in France. The Emperors policy Is
no longer mystery. 1t is clearly and
fully stated All the world now knows
what he means; how much he intends
to part with and how much he intends
to retain The French people cannot pretend
! to be in doubt as to what is meant in this par
ticular instance by eyes" and emo" II is for
Frenchmen themselves to decide how they will
act in the premises. All the world looks
anxiously on; but Frenchme1 are directly in
| terested. The responsibilities and the issues
are undoubtedly theirs. How they will act is
question which the future alone can satisfac-
torily answer. How they ought to act is o
question which politicians and pubicsts of
different stripe are differently answering.
Most men who have faith in parliamentary
government condemn the pse6sscite as wrong in
principle and as theoretically unnecessary.
The object of a Parliament, they say, is to
give just expression to the popular will through
chosen aud trusted representatives. Where
universaleuffrage prevails as in France, every
general snction is practically pte6tscitum,
and the Popular branch of the Legislature is
the result. A select body of men, chosen by
the nation, having learning, leisure, wisdom,
are surely better qualified to deal with grave
| constitutional questions than the nation itself,
especially when popular passions are let
loose, and unreasOn rather than reason pre-
! walls. Parliamentarians, therefore, very natu-
rally come to the conclusion that the Emperor,
in refusing to deal with the peoples repre-
sentativt-sSAd in dealing with the people
themsels1 is, as one has well put it, appeal
ing from Philip sober to Philip drunk. Un-
questionably there is much sound sense in
this reasoning. The manner in which this
great constitutional question is put before the
people partakes, in the estimation of such per-
sons, very much Of the character of farce
eyes, or ''No" is all the voter can say.
There is no room for suggestion, no posi-
bility for compromise, no opportunity for reso-
luton. Let us imagine any of our recent
amendments to the constitution submitted to
us in this form and we shall co mprehend
somewhat the position and feelings of millions
Of the people Of France. Looking at the
p'ebiscttum from parliamentary stand
point, or rather from the standpoint
of free and selEgoverning people, the
crowning objection to the Emperor's policy
really is, that while he seems to grant further
liberties he is really making himself more and
! more the centre Of all power and the source
of all reform. AS he defies the peoples
House to-day so may he defy it at any future
time when his interests seem to render it
necessary. He asks France to sanction re-
form, and France, in doing so, repeats the
vote Of 1852 and proclaims him master.
1t is possible, however, that this mode of
testing the Emperor's policy is too severe
The standard is, perhaps, too high. The situa-
tion of France is peculiar. The absolutely
correct is not always the politically expedient.
In politics the straight course is not always
| the wisest. If we take into consideration all
the necessities Of the Emperor's position-his
| own love of power and fame, his desire to
secure his sons succession and to establish
| his dynasty, the peculiar and dangerous ele-
| ments with which he has 70 work, his inn
| mense successive SHALL perhaps find
good reason to judge him merci-
! fully and to praise rather than
to blame What man who had won
power as the Emperor has won it. who has
been encouraged to keep it as he has been en-