The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1870-03-12

C0mpGnsla Lora, blue and white very (
fso~ the cashcac world. for March lszO.
4 Views Of the Labor Movement.
II =. wHAxroH coLLsxs
u lt aEt -.v
1t We consider the existing industrial ma
tons with the eye of political economy
or Of political philosophy, We can
mot help giving attention to the deep
and widespread disagresments which have
broken open between the laboring man and
bis employers In France Switzerland.
Germany, England and the United States,
the question: of the relative rights Of labor
and capital are presented 10 many ways, so
a. to compel Investigation and action.
Trades unions. cooperative societies, indus
trial congresses, and lastly, that herculeau
infant, the Labor Reform Party, are extend
ing themselves all over the countries we
have just named, and particularly over
the, United States. They are daily gaining
strength and influence. Politicians are
thinking how TO obtain the favor Of this par
ty, at tbe least cost to their popularity
among other partisans. The larger parties
already offer to compromise with it, and to
give it plank in their great platforms 1t
is evident that, if the workingmen were 70
move with unanimity to form q labor party,
it would be a most formidable rival to
others.
The mere fact Of the advent Of lew
party is mot st all startling to an American;
for since the independence Of this country,
several parties have some into existence, and
have been Swept away BY the advent or sue
cess Of others but the workingmen's party
proposes to carry into our Legislation and in
70 the administration Of the government ten
denotes and principles 50 diametrically oppo-
site to and destructive Of any precedent
course or system Of politics, that the pros
pect OF these tendencies being powerfully
re-enfbrced excites vehement emotions Of
anxiety % Satisfaction, according to the pre-
viOus bias Of the observer just think Of
il; the question is no longer to be only what
ought 10 be the policy Of the nation, regarded
as a unit, toward other nations or toward it.
self, nor what are the interests and rights of
territorial integers but what ought to be
the action Of one great component element
upon the other essential elements Of the body
polite. The people are called upon to con-
sider not only the questions relative to tar
lbs, taxation, banks, currency, national
debt, bonds, State rights, or the like; but
to answer the complaint Of the bone and 81
new Of the country against its veins and
blood. The brain claims the right to decide;
and it appears there is possibility of there
being preponderance Of brain on the side
Of the complainants. The spread of educa-
ton produces astonishing consequences, and
among the rest this science is becoming so
common that the great cannot monopolize it
all, and much of it is going to take service
among the poor. Hence, able and eloquent
speakers and writer's are now contending
that labor does not receive its full and mer
tied reward, and that the labOrer is oppressed
BY his employers and the laws. Hence, too,
. great number and variety Of novel mea-
sures and institutions are ingeniously con-
trived and plausibly advocated for the avow-
ed purpose Of overthrowing some of the ven
Grated doctrines of orthodox political econo-
my,
As in other cases, this movement develops
every grade of opinion and feeling. A rich
philanthropist thinks more education and
better lodging-houses, at less cost will be a
good and sufficient remedy while among
the poor the most violent measures are some
times preferred. Even agrarianism is pro-
posed, and incendiarism attempted, in order
to redress whatever wrongs the toiler really
sufferers, or imagine he suffe.s, unjustly.
Between the two, We have mild and harm
less contrivances, such rs mutual aid socie-
ties, and cooperative shops and stores, In
tended to diminish the causes OF pauperism
or alleviate its bad effects.
All the plans, of course, differ, according
70 the idea the proposers have formed Of the
nature Of the causes Of the social malady.
Some regard the miseries of the laboring
classes as the accumulated effects Of many
mere accidents, principally personal impru-
dence and vice; and, since they think there
is n, radical cause, refuse to hear Of radl-
cal remedy. Others admit radical causes,
such as ~ a bad form Of government, or
w euo noAASuS tuc uucuaIlbaDl0, bHG uu-
christian spirit Of the word, or 90 the too
rapid increase and local crowding Of popula-
ton, or (4) the progressive individualiza-
ton Of capital, or o. popular ignorance, or
(6) the onerous obligations Of marriage and
Parentage, or Cd what they call the slavery
Of woman, or ~ the present landowner
ship system, or some other prevalent mode
Of acquiring property, such as (9) usury,
(1O) monopoly, On rents, (12) heirships,
rs tariffs. Cl4) banking, (l5) speculation,
and the like. Above all these looms the
fact, whatever may the cause, that capital is
becoming less and less in the hands Of those
who produce it, and is growing larger
and larger in the hands Of cunning and
lucky exploiters.
The variety Of opinions with regard to
what the remedy should be has produced
correspondingly various institutions, parties
and laws. So We have (D poor laws, vag-
rant laws, work-houses and reformatoEy
prisons. for Juvenile delinqueDts and others !;
W charity hospitals. asylums for the wild
ows, the orphans, the deaf and dumb, the
blind. the crippled, the aged, the infirm, or
the insane; warming houses, lying-in hospi-
; tals, poor-mothers' cradle-houses, gratuitous
sleePmg.halb, soup houses. asylums for un-
n uw