The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1870-07-12

the rule and the abuses Of majority. Hence,
he holds that there must be conjolned with suf-
trage provision against party abuse-ther
against party control-ther tor taking the
sense OF each interest-ther retore for what IS de-
nominated the concurrent principle. Thus, the
author of the disquisilion on government ar
rives, by logical process, at this conclusion,
| to wit: That the concurrent principle, COM
bined with the right of suffrage, constitutes
the element of constitutional government.
Such are the suggestivepoints made by Mr..
Calhoun in relation to the concurrent princi-
Die in government In ell frankness we must
here state that we have always regarded our
great statesman by no means clear as to the
specific mode of putting his theory into actual,
practical operation. This theory is based upon
the Idea that the several interests of the COM
munity are distinct, and stand each crystallized.
Therein lies the gist OF the difficulty. We are
In doubt as to how these .santerests" are to be
distinguished and defined, nor are we furnish.
ed by the theorist with the practical agencies
for taking the sense or each interest," y or 'sor-
der.n or nclass,n Or s'portion,n into which the
community Is supposed 10 be divided. We for
bear, however, from further remarks In this
direction, as 1t is not our purpose now to dis
cuss Mr.. C.'s celebrated principle Of the con-
current majority. Our object Is specifically to
refer only TO so much of his Views IN this con-
nection as relates TO- the abuses of majority
representation, since out Of these abuses
springs the necessity for proportional repre-
sentaIiop. Upon this subject Mr.. Calhonn's
points are well taken and iorcibly put Eab-
orately and convincingly he sets forth the In
Justice and evils ofmere majority representa-
tIon In establishing bis propositions, lie ex-
hibits his great logical powers as he strikes
home with his keen Damascus blade.
Let us follow him as step by step he carries
us to the conclusion that we want for our pur-
pose He begins by assuming what Is certain
iy an obvious truth, viz: That the object ofsuf-
trage is, ITO collect the sense OF the communl-
ty," and he adds that "the more fully and per-
fectly it accomplishes this, the more fully and
suffrage, as at present regulated, he remarks
that ':the most it can do, Of itself, is TO collect
the sense of the greater number aud todSsunae
this TO be tlte sense of the community" Thatls
the sense of the mojority- although 1t might
be majority of one-is taken for the sense Of
the whole community, when, In truth, 1t is
possibly just the opposite OF the sense OF at
least the n,inoritu.
Mr.. Calhoun then proceeds to show the radl-
cal difference between the numerical and the
concurrent majority, as he understands and
defines them, and next goes on to state the
errors that arise from confoundlng the numer
ical majority with the people. In our present
undertaking, this Is what chiefly concerns us.
This bears directly upon our subject. To show
the ''errors' just referred to Is to prove and to
bring out In bold relief the necessity OF repre-
ntative or electoral reform-the necessity Of
30 modifying or supplementing majority rep
resentatfOn as TO inaugurate mode OF secur.
ing an equitable share OF representation for
mfnorities 1t is, In fine, to illustrate our lead
ing proposition, to wit-that proportio repre-
se1tatfon is the problem of the day, as regards
the proper workings of free government,
founded upon suffrage.
popular government, or Democracy, Is che
government OF the people, for the terms imply
this. ! A perfect government Of the Kind would
embrace the consent of every citizen or MEN,
ber Of the community; but as this Is impractl-
cable, In the opinion Of those who regard the
numerical as the only majority, and who can
perceive no other way oy whicn tne sense OF OF
adopt this as the only true basis OF popular
government, in coutra-distlnction to the gov
ernments Of the aristocratical and m0narchical
kind. Being thus constrained, they are In the
next place forced to regard the numerical
majority as, in effect, the entire people that IS,
the greater part as the ,ohole, and the g0uerri-
nent of the greater part as the government Of
thus clearly does he demonstrate, that gov
ernment based simply upon the numerical
majority principle, instead of being true and
perfect model OF the peoples government
that Is, a people self-governed, Is but the gov
ernment OF part over a part-the major
over the minor portion.
In these clear propositions these logical de-
ductions-it will be seen how fully Mr.. CAL
houn exposed the fallacy, the widespread and
Injurious fallacy, of assuming that a majority
rule fulils the conditions Of free governments
the Just requirements OF O proper represeu-
tatiye system. The point Is simply this:
Granted that 1t is the Office OF suffrage to en-
body the sense OF the community, the ques-
ton is, Ho,o shall this 6enoSt etectudHy done?
Admitted that under no system 1t can be fully
done, the, question is, Ho'o can zoe best Gp-
prorimdte TO a complete organism a.
1t Is to this great question: question con-
nected with Interest so yast and Important as
TO include continents Within Its scope-that
we are seeking to find the answer, or that
which may approximate thereto.
It has been shown that majority representa-
ton Is utterly at fault-utterly inadequate to
give the contamination desired. This, there
fore, is not the answer. In what direction,
then, must the searcher look for the political
instrumentality that Is wanted The reply Ii,
in the direction OF that electoral reform which
aims to secure, BY fundamental law, mi
noritu Representation. Majority representa-
ton is not only unjust, but 1t must con-
duct popular governments into disorder,
disrepute and disntegration. A true system
TeprGSeQltLlUu CinoieSC auOiC tluu d
mere majority of the community. Such q
representative system is too partial. Hence,
to come at once to the point, the necessity,
tie inlperious necessity OF deDiStng and mi
tiating q system OF proportional representation.
We repeat the warning-this must be done,
or we may expect the experience of commu-
miles to Gull in question the wisdom OF that
selfgoveramen which, for ages, has been the
aspiration Of peoples, and the dream OF states
meE, from: Plato, the Athenian, even to
modern times
Thus much for theory. We proceed next to
show, in practical way, the points made
against majority representation and for re-
formed representation which Is apply styled
proportional. To do this, let us illustrate the
Workings of the present electoral system in
this coiIntrv. This we find we'll done in the
columns of an eble American Journal. The
New York World says:
''Under the present electoral system OF the
States, A being the Democratlc candidate for
an office and his Republican antagonist, and
the vote being 5000 Democratic and 500l Re-
publican, B is elected, and the 500l Republl-
cans have representative, but the 5000 DEM
ocrats have none There is, to be sure, o man
who, under our system, claims to be the repre-
sentative of the entire l0,00l voters; but we
know that his views, votes and action are
for 50Gl only OF his constituents, and in
known opposition to and disregard of the re-
naming 5000. He represents, then, but the
5OOl, and, to examine it closely, Is in reality
made representative not by b00l votes, but
by one vote only. Thus: the poll begins and
3 receives 20 votes which are forthwith nell