Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1870-01-26

mummy AGJOAto3 OA4C p4OHOoC'
to submit a simple amendment will
others to the people for ratification o
rejection. The other proposition pro
} posed to submit negro suffrage to a sepa
rate vote of the people If the amend
ment giving the right of franchise to TIT
negro were submitted with others to the
people and were voted down, the whole
Constitution would be voted down and the
old Constitution would be again set up;
and this Constitution gave the negro the
right to vote and DISTINGUISHED the white
man. He was in favor of the minority
report, which submitted the proposition
in an isolated way to be voted upon by
the people. He believed there would be
no opposition on the part of the General
Government if this action were taken.
Mr.. Campbell believed that this was q
white mans government. He meant
this in distinction to mixed government.
The white race had always struggled
against contamination with other races.
For centuries the nations of Europe had
struggled against the irruptions of the
Asiatic nations. Spain had warred for
seven centuries against the MOors, and
had finally driven them out. What were
the feelings of the white people toward
the negro at the close of the war; Were
they not kindly9 Did they not feel
that the inferior race was depend
ent upon them for support and protec-
ton? But what change had five years
brought about Every delegate in the
Convention could feel that he cherished
other feelings now in his bosom. 1t twas
the natural feeling of the race. Gentle
men say there was no danger of negro
| equality. Let them look at the events of
the last few years and see if there was
not. Did they not see daily in the marts
of trade and on the hastings things which
! five years ago would have astonished
them. In the bred Scott case, it had
been decided that the negro was not a citi-
zen of the United States. The Fourteenth
Amendment was designed simply
to overcome this decision. Only
| one Senator held contrary
opinion. This amendment was de-
signed simply to confer citizenship
upon the negro. Would any one say that
the negro now had the legal right to vote?
Was not negro suffrage forced upon the
people of the State at the point of the
bayonet2 The speaker referred to the
Convention of 1865 and its illegal action.
He believed that were the Fifteenth
Amendment adopted it was so diametri-
cally opposed to other provisions of the
Constitution that no court could reconcile
them. The Fifteenth Amendment had
never been submitted to the President, as
it should have been by the provisions of
the Constitution. Would not the Supreme
Court decide it null and void on this &C
count?
Mr.. Key said he had great deal of
sympathy with those who were struggling
for the adoption of the minority report.
He had entered the war in the firm belief
that negro slavery was right; that the
Bible and the history of the world taught
this The result had shown that the world
was against him. He was one of the last
to surrender, but he felt that he must &C
knowledge the freedom of the negro,
though whipped into the acknowledge
ment. He had always thought that the
war had settled something, and from dele
gates on this floor, he had to learn for the
first time that the war had decided
nothing He believed that the Four
tenth Amendment precluded them from
taking the privilege Of suffrage
from the negro. If this was the case
what were they going to dol Would
they fight against it Would they appeal
to the courts The courts had already
decided against them. How would they
90 about the work of proving that the
action of the previous State Government
was illegal For himself, he believed
that the war had decided something, and
he was one who intended to do the will
of the master when that will could be
ascertained. He believed that the death
knell of liberty was sounded in this cOun-
try when the stars and bars were sorrow
fully folded. What he desired, was
peace for himself and his children, and
he should vote now and always to secure
that. He was not one of those who
were afraid of the negro. he. stood firm
in the superiority of the white race.
Dir. Gibbs could not assent to tbepropo-
sition of the minority. He believed that
the sentiment of the people was in favor
of the minority report. Gentlemen spoke
of the short time which had been given
the people to consider this question, but
the people of the State had been sorrow-
fully considering it for years. They must
accept their present condition as q living
fact Suppose they took negro suffrage,
many evils wonld result Suppose they
refused TO accept negro suffrage, many
other evils would result. The negro had
been decided to be citizen. Would they
tax him and not let him vote2 He did
I,oN 4Io So, ,nIf
government, but he did not see upon what
principle he could deprive him of suffrage.
He was not in favor of the minority re-
port to submit this to separate vote of
the people.
At this point the Convention adjourned
till three and half P. NJ.
Afternoon Session.
Mr.. Warner made speech in which
he favored the minority report. He was
not here to talk about the inferiority of
the negro or the superiority of the white
race He was here to consider what was
the voice of the people-to reflect their
will and not his own will. He did not
believe in denying the colOred people the
privileges which they had enjoyed. He
NdIlltu " UO NudJ vas btSl 4b4 lLlC DCu-
pie, and he believed that the submission
of the proposition of negro suffrage to
the people separately would be for the
best.
Mr.. Gibson was glad that discussion had
been INDUCED in. He hoped that the Con-
vention would go on and continue to dis
cuss the question till the mind of every
member was satisfied. What were the
promises which had been made to the
colored people9 Were they not that
they should never be disturbed in the right
to vote? What had this Convention been
called for? To enfranchise the negro
No, to strike off the shackles from the
limbs of the white people. He favored
universal suffrage, because opposition
to it was to break the plighted faith of
the State. He favored universal suffrage
again, because it was one of the things
that must be-that was inevitable Per
haps, before the Convention adjourned
the fiat would go forth. If the Fifteenth
Amendment was passed it would become
jus: as much q part of the Constitution
as any of its provisions He favored the
majority report on the score of justice to
the negro. He could not believe
that the white people would take
shackles from their own limbs and
bind them upon those of the people.
who had helped them from their own
dreadful dilemma. The speaker dwelt
upon the tyranny of taxation without
representation. He opposed the submits
sion of the question to the people sepa-
rately, on the ground that the people did
not want it. Also, because it would take
up nearly the whole of the attention of