The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-09-15

ment with occupation at home. One of those
ingenious writers who, after the manner of
the Hebrew prophets habitually embody
theory in parable, has symbolized the ina
ginary succession of events in a statement
that Baron Arnim, on the discovery of q
secret alliance between Italy aud France, had
paid visit to Caprera. Diplomacy
would assume a new form if ambassadors
were in the habit of appealing to insur-
gent leaders against the policy of the Govern
ments to which they are accredited. 1t is
probably true that the agitators who are
always contriving revolution in Italy would |
have welcomed any encouragement on the
part of Prussia; and in default of foreign aid
they have, it seems, been preparing for inde-
pendent action. The Government has at
last thought it necessary to arrest Mazzini,
who has in ordinary times been permitted
with impunity to weave his transparent
plots under the eyes of the police. So
vigorous q measure would scarcely have been
adopted unless an insurrection were immi-
nent; and probably the scheme will be dis
concerted by the removal of the chief con-
spirator. AS soon as the danger is past Mazzini
will probably be liberated, and perhaps by
that time the Roman question may have been
Professionally settled 1t is said that Cardinal
Antonelli is inclined to make some arrange
ment with Italy, and possibly the Pope
hin self may at last understand the peril of
his position Since the departure of the
French garrison the Papal army is apparently
On the brink of dissolution, for both the
French and the Bavarisn soldiers profess,
and perhaps feel, desire to join their re-
spective national standards in preference to
the inglorious service in which they are at
present engaged. Lord Denbigh indeed ex-
holts Catholic volunteers to throng to the
defense of the Pope, bringing with them the
means of subsistence; but recruits who give
a bounty instead of receiving it are not
readily obtained. The considerable Italian
tier of the Papal States may not
improbably be invited to aid in
the suppression of disorder; and an Italian
garrison once occupying Rome would be
likely to remain. Although the nominal
sovereignty of the Pope might for the pre-
sent be respected, the substitution of Italian
troops for the French army of occupation
would entirely alter the relation of Rome to
the rational Government. By degrees the
civil authority would also be transferred, and
a successor of the present Pope might not
improbably be induced to accept the position
of purely spiritual Lama If the Italian
Government should be slack in taking advan-
tage of opportunities Rome may perhaps
become the centre OF a democratic revolu-
ton.
The suspicion that North Germany may
now that it has been abandoned by France,
has no foundation of probability. The Prus-
sian Government has with varying success
cultivated friendly relations with the Pope for
the laudable purpose of satisfying its Catholic
subjects; but the bishops and theologians
who took the lead in the opposition to the
Pope and the Jesuits in the Council would
be the last to desire that their Government
should support the temporal power by force.
An yha
address demands that Germany shall declare
the Council of the Vatican to be void of
all ncumenical authority. The German
Governments will not undertake a duty
with which they have no concern; but the
German Church has through its most emil
nent prelates protested against the new
dogma, although they have been outvoted by
herd of Italian bishops, who would, but for
an error of Ricasolis, have been either less
numerous or less subservient to the Pope.
If Italian statesmen require any security
against the presence of German garrison in
Rome, they have only to look at the map.
| Ten or twenty thousand Germans encamped
in Rome would always be at the mercy of
France which could in three days despatch
an overwhelming force from Toulon to Civita
Vecchia. The former garrison of Rome was
accurately described as the vanguard of the
French army, because it was in communica-
| ton by sea with an unlimited reserve. A
German contingent in the heart of Italy would
be cut off by sea andby land from all possibility
of reinforcement. Prudent politicians of
every country may we'll object to the estab-
lishment of any preponderating power in Eu-
rope; but if an equilibrium is unattainable,
! the best guarantee against ambitious en-
croachment is distance. While Austria re-
tains its present limits, there is no point of
contact between Italy and the territory of the
| North German Confederation or of its allies
1t may be true that German theorists or anti
quaries have somewhere spoken of the
Mincio as the southern boundary of Ger
many; but the Italian districts to the north of
| the river are bounded by the Austrian pro-
vince of Tyrol, and an attempt on the part of
Prussia to realize the dreams of ambitious
geographers is even more improbable than
the introduction of North German garrison
into Rome.
If nations thought themselves bound to be
consistent, Italy ought to admire, in the ex-
ploits achieved by the Germans, the repro
duction on larger scale of its own extraor-
dinary progress. French Liberalism op-
posed, in Italy as in Germany, the desire OF
divided nation to escape from consequent
weakness, and especially from foreign inhu-
ence. Piedmont anticipated in Italy the
mission of Prussia in Germany, and none OF
Plutarch's parallels is as close as the likeness
between Cavour and Bismarck. The analogy
undoubtedly helped to mislead Napoleon III
into his disastrous attempt to levy terrific
rial fine on Germany as the price of her ap-
proximation to unity. If Italy had been
match for France in the field, Cavour would
never have ceded an acre of Victor Emanuel's
dominions; but it was only in popular say.
ing that Italy was able to do her work for her
self. Comparative weakness has exposed
tha ItaIianR To snoliation but IL has savad