New-York tribune., 1870-09-05
THE PERIL FOR FRANCE.

nouncine the surrender of the French En-
peror, says that "he (Napoleon) left every
" thing to the Regency at Paris" the meaning
of which we understand to be, that he did
not attempt to enter upon any negotiations on
his own account, or in behalf of Govern
ment which he was powerless to control, and
of which he was merely nominal representa-
tive. but that he assigned all authority which
he might be supposed to possess to the En-
press Regent and Council of Ministers, whom
he had left in power. This attempted as
sipnment by the Emperor of an author
ity which he himself had utterly lost may ap-
near as foolish and ludicrOus as were his at
tempts to become master of France during
the earlier part of his adventurous career 30
far as the Regency feature of the existing
Government at Paris is concerned, 1t had
hardly even q nominal existence for a single
day after its proclamation. The Directory
of Defense, which embOdies all the govern
ing authority now to be found in France,
is a most incongruous organization, composed
of Ministers of State, members of the
Chambers, and the Military Governor of
Paris. One of its members CTrochu) desired
absolute power, civil and military, and for a
few days he seemed to obtain and exercise 1t.
But the Minister of War Palikao) quickly de-
termined to put an end to this; and, with the
support of the other members of the Directory,
as well as Of the majority of the Chambers,
he issued a number of orders which practi
cally established his supremacy, and ever since
he has been recognized as the controlling head
of the Directory, to whom even Gen. Irochu
is subordinate. The NapOleOnic party-that Is,
the party whose interests are bound up with
those of the BOnapartist Empire-are largely
In the ascendant in the Directory. The Minis
terial members all extreme lmperialists,
so are the four members originally
appointed from the Chambers, and only
Theirs and Trochu are considered
doubtful in their devotion to the Emperor.
This is the body which, upon the approach of
the German army to Paris, will either order
the defense of the city or enter upon negotia-
tions with the enemy. 1t is not improbable
that this organization will fall to pieces any
day and it is not improbable that it will be
broken up at a favorable moment by Trochu.
But in case neither of these events happen,
we may in short time see the Directory in
communication with King William, who is
doubtless as willing to make it the offer of a
truce as he was ready to suggest the idea of
a truce to Napoleon soon after the opening of
the war We infer from a few words in King
Williams short dispatch that Napoleon is
desirous that the Prussian King shall open
negotiations with the Paris Government and
we shall presently see whether it be the Kings
design to do so.
If he do, it is unnatural to suppose that
the strongly Napoleonic Directory which is in
power at Paris will fail to attempt to secure
the recognition and continued existence of the
Imperalist dynasty and authority. They have
no political hopes outside of it; and they are
not the men to surrender their places without
a struggle Ii has been said all along, and we
believe trutbfully, that the German conquerors
would not interfere with any government
which the French people may have set up, or
may yet set up, during the crisis. All that
King William can demand is that the authori-
ties with which he may enter into negOtia-
tons shall he competent to carry out the
terms which may be enforced upon them. In
this point of view, he might prefer to treat
with the Regency rather than with a Revolu-
tionary or Provisional Government.
We look to the Republican leaders in Paris
to frustrate the schemes of the Bonapartist
Directory and of the Imperialist intrguers.
There are bEve men as well as able men
among these leaders. Now is their OppOr-
tunity 1t is in their power to save France.
1t will be disgraceful thing if they permit it
to he ruined.