The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-07-22

keep out of this fight without stretching |
what she calls her honor. Let it stret 81 /
then. "What is honor but a word y
1t is only thin air. But there
is some substance in neutrality well
manipulated. England is pledged to guaran-
tee the independence and integrity of Bel
gium, and it is not within human possibility
that the case should fail to occur in this war
in which she has promised to take up arms.
But when she gave that promise she did not
suppose that all the commerce of Europe
might be in the scale and now that it is she
will do her utmost to fail in her pledge-to
withhold the fulflment of her promise.
She is allied to Prussia, too, by
direct relations in the families of the
sovereigns, and by general sympathy
with the North German hostility to France.
But then she had similar sentiment of SYM
pathy once before with the Northern people
who fought for free government, and against
that vile institution of slavery for which Eng
land has such magnificent official abhor-
renee: but this sympathy did not blind her
eyes to the whereabouts of her customers.
Neither will her sympathy with Prussia blind
her to the trade of Europe, to be had at such
q cheap rate as merely standing still; for she
has the eyes of the iackal for any perfectly
safe and easy advantage.
Neutrality is her great game in the world
her specially among the nations. 1t pays
all greatness to the domination of Hebrew
thought this is, perhaps, what he means.
Greatness is something that pays. just now,
moreover, there are additional reasons over
the reasons that apply in every other case
why England should be neutral. If she
ventures into the war she will have trouble
at home, and instead of profting by
the ruin of others in her commerce
she will not have a timber left on
the sea outside her navy One of the reasons
is seen in the position taken by the Irish; the
other in the history of the Alabama. If Eng
land puts soldier in Bel yium or inside the
Prussian lines she takes the field against
France: and one hundred thousand Irishmen
paraded in Dublin on Tuesday to declare their
wish that France mi ght triumph over all her
foes In the House of Commons it was de-
clared the other night that England with all
Eer show Of force on paper, could not put fifty
thousand men in the field: and her military
impotence was seen even in the Crimea. She
woulo, Invite, therefore disaster that she hardly
has power to resist. And once at war shall
we not retort on her the example of the Ala
bama? Yea, and we will better the example.
She has not paid for her depredatlons on our
trade, and still holds all that she did as law
full and right. Very we'll; we will accept in
stead of indemnity that view of the law, and
apply it to her case as she applied it to ours;
and as she judges things by a mercantile
standard, let her decide in the end whether it
is not cheaper for nations to be just.
THE GOVERNMENT AND FEMALE
SUFFRAGE.
From the Pail Mall Gazette.
1t may be right or wrong that women
should have votes. Possibly it will make
little practical difference whether the votes
are given or denied to the comparatively
small number of women who would be en-
franchised by Mr.. Jacob Bright's proposal
| But one thing may be said with some conf
| dence, namely, that it cannot be matter of
indifference whether the principles upon
which Mr.. Brights supporters proceed should
| or should not receive the sanction of
Parliament. For good or for evil,
it is difficult to imagine a change more vitally
affecting the welfare of society than that
which they propose. Such changes as the
more fanatical reformers advocate would be
of far greater Importance than the alteration
in land laws or educational systems which
occupy so large a part of our legislative
energy. If women are to have votes, to be
members of Parliament, clergymen, lawyers,
physicians, and merchants and marriage is
to be nothing but voluntary and temporary
contract, the result may possibly be that
society will be regenerated, but at least the
morals and the legislation of the country will
| be profoundly affected. Upon this truth all
parties will be probably agreed; the advocates
as we'll as the opponents of the change are
| equally emphatic in asserting it; and
therefore we cannot regard without won
der the way in which the question is being
! practically dealt with. OF MIR. Mill and Mr..
Jacob Bright, indeed we have nothing to say.
They have made up their minds for right or
for wrong, and they are fighting the battle
with single and Ineligible purpose. But
it is strange that their opponents should treat
the matter with such serene indifference. II
! is significant that, as we are told, this is not
a party question, and that many staunch
Conservatives should advocate the change
side by side with the most thoroughgoing
Democrats. Nothing could illustrate more
forcibly the confusion into which old party
lines are falling. 1t appears that the two
great parties in whose struggles all political
activity is supposed to be concentrated are
not at issue upon one of the most important
topics of the day. If half the Conservatives
were in favor Of an extension of the suffrage
to q lower class, and half the Radicals were
opposed to it, we should find it hard to dis
cover satisfactory definitions for Conserva
tism and Radicalism. Yet, when it is pro
posed to extend the suffrage to persons diff
fering not in fortune but in sex from
the present holders, it seems tina
politicians in general have no distinct view
upon the subject. If the ideas which animat
the two parties have no application to so vita
question, it becomes difficult to understan,
how they can have any ideas worth mention
ing. And if this is surprising it is equall
strange that Government should openly de
clare that it has not made up its mind on tn
matter. There are, of course, many topic
on which Government cannot be supposed t.
have made up its mind. 1t may not quit