Daily national Republican. (Washington City [D.C.]) 1870-1872, 1870-01-18
5lattGiIaI @rbabIitau.
IRrom the Liberal ohritiiAn.l
William ~. Seward.



ness Of observation, careful detail Of knowl.
edge, brilllancy Of generalization or apLness
and originality Of illustration. Broad In
Gheir grasp, too completely national to be
wholly acceptable TO any local taste or sec.
tieuAl preference, they show Mr.. Seward
still engaged In his lifelong work Of con.
solldating while enlarging our American re-
n, Nblle; OF keeping the old aud adding the
nav while defending tho whole from the In
toryeu, loo, .eupidlty or enoroaohmont Of
oibcr ere 1t Powers.
n ceytaiu " was very original and bold
ihing az ~ a, Eat and so old statesman as
M. AewaT5. an. eight years At tho helm OF
tho state In liz storl rlesl weather, and thirty
years Of strenuous, auk 'ous pontlcai NE In
the Empire State aud tho haeon, % re,lrc
from Office, not into the rep so oI ms DS,
loved horne at Auburn, nor Into VIC son and
open arms Of an idle foreign llfo, ~ most
weary statesmen do, In all countriesi but TO
undertake, Of the natural term Of human
Ife, a tfans-eontlnental journey Of somo
thousands or miles, aud 20 reuUtfNtothe
least known portlona Of our yaft pmplra. II
shows potsistency Of purpose, an Intensity
Of interest, q thirst for inforu1etioD, and
desire for usefulness most creditable 70 this
great servant Of the State. II indicates, too,
that lovo Of country which no ingratitude or
forgetfulness Of his contemporaries seems TO
impair. ".. -,E1-E.....-
No man alive In America has done as much
for Il as Mr.. Seward, either a home or
abroad. He fought the dragon OF slavery IN
the Senate, almost singlo-handed, and SLOW
II with his sword while othars ran on With
the reputation Of Il. He led the Republican
party, aud was It's real front ami braiua,
when Mr.. Lincoln was cruelty put over his
head In tho nomination at Chlcago-au event
oyerruled by q gracious Providence 70 our
good, but noue the less treacherous and un-
grateful to Mr.. Seward at the time. He bore
the DISAPPOINTMENT with gay and unmur-
muring fortitude, and became Mr.. Ilncoln's
ehicfest friend and supporter. He stayed In
Office (hls objectionable ofTence) under An
drew johnson, for what common souse and
charity require us TO believe were dlAlnter-
Cstcd motlves-to guide the ship Of State,
and keep the new President, untried but sus-
pectod, from wrecklng the national vessel,
10 perfect his own great policy, and reap the
fruits Of his miraculous SKIN and tolls, In
preventing England and France from COM
ing to tho aid Of the rebellion Of period
whom, for q short time, II had strength
enough TO impcril our very existence, even
when unrecognized and unasslsted.
: And because his calm, far-seoing, passion
less mind could not unite In all tho hnsty,
tentative processes Of Congress aud public
opinion, his great, unequalled services wero
forgotten, and only his independent yet
cautious course remembered against him
No lngratltude like this has ever before i'm
pugued the Justice and discrimination Of the
American people. 49,.
II Mr.. Seward had weakly desired to
bring into contrast tho neglect and misap-
probation of his own countrymen With the
honor or applause Of other nations, be
would have gone straight from his place IN
the American cabinet to London, Paris, Bor-
lin, where unexamplod attentions, profound
al HAS Iona
awaited him, and where the lofty approcia'
ton of his diplomatic peers would have at
tested his exalted rank as statesman and
his claims on the love and honor OF Nh own
country. But Mr.. Seward Is too wise and
too patient man TO take any such hasly 10
venge upon the insenslbllity Of his cotemPo-
raries. He quietly and securely waits foT
the smoke and dust Of tho late awful com
motion to subaide. His record Is made, his
services have boon rendered, and his work IL
too largely and inextricably wrought In with
the history Of the last thlity years Of our
American life to make y possible for pos
terity to overlook II, or for more than one
generation to-misjudge or undcrrate IT, II
vas wise In Mr.. Seward In choosing his route
TOR no statesman can afford to be more
popular In foreign countries than in his
own,) TO shun the oyations Of England and
the courts Of the continent. just as John
Bright Is too prudent and too jealous OF hii
important influence In England, 10 come u
tho United Estates and be borne on thu
shoulders Of our democracy from State Il
State, aS q tribute Of the peoples triumph
which would cost him dear at home-so MI
Seward seeks Alaska and California and
Oregon, distant parts OF his own country, a.
the se0ue of his laborlous relaxation, In
stead Of offering himself 10 the homage Of
the foreign statesmen he has enlightened OF
baiiled, and the great nations whose fury ht
has restrained or turned into mild hesitation
We have mot 50 many great men aud
great statesmen len In America that we car
we'll afford TO cheaper or neglect the great
est OF them all. Let the solid services o
Mr.. Seward in the Senate Of the Unltet
States be weighed against those Of auy. mar
who ever SGT in II, and thoy would moi
mount in the balance. He was the mouth
piece of the Constitutional enemies Of sla
YeTy-their tongue and sword Within tn
strict boundaries Of Constitutional obliga
ton he eontended against the extensloE
of slavery, and practically defeated Ill AM
his great, brave, calm, prudent, consisten
speeches on this subject In the Senate, 70
twelve years, form the chief body Of Oh,
permanent argument and eloqnence Of th
nation against that gigantic evil. He wa
never, as no logically scrupulous American
citizen was or could be, an abolitlonlat, Ii
the sense Of Mr.. Garrison and Mr.. PHILIPPE
They openly disclaimed allegiance 10 thu
Compact with hell, tue Constitution, an
were ready 10 abandon and destroy tn
Government and thr nation sooner thai
countenance the existence Of slavery Wlthi
its constitutional limits. As revolutionistl
they had a right 10 their ground; but p
man could take II who respected tho com
pace our fathers had made, and believe
that BtateamAnship consists In doing n
best which could be done under the clrcuni
stances, aud II Is essentially a matter ne
Of abstract principles, but Of practical cuu
PROMISES, OF which moral IDEAS are 70
continually sought, but at tho least cost
existing compacts and intsrests, and wit
the prudent effort 10 preserve historic rool
and antecedonts, while perpetually prunin
away evils and wrongs and grAiflpg In bel
ter growtha. This was Mr.. seward'e poliel
aud he owes his reputation abroad 10 h
truly admirable persistence 10 II. II job
Bright should denounce hereditary SOW
relgnty in England a a crime against %
people, and primogenltaro aa . gross 3
fence against the equal rights Of children
and tho entail OF land as the wicked AourC
Of the poverty Of millions Of EngIishmeI
aud refuse 10 own allegiance to the laws
the crown so long as theSe wrongs we
protected by the English statutes ho voul
DO revoluIlonlst, and not Statesman, en-
AN~ee-
mend him 10 the enemies and critics Of N
Seward.
But John Bright is not iltly supposed
be tho friend Of English abuses and misfc
tunes, because he docs not dlsown his cou
try aud his Government on their accouI
lie chooses, as all large and patient me
scrupulous and cautious, slow and vii
must choose, 10 work within tho lines Of I
established laws and customs, and 70 90
reform without revolution, That Ia En-
lands glory, aud II would have been Anne
cas-. Tho war was necessary only beeau
impatieAce, hot blood, mlsunderstandln
ultra notions, on both sides, had becoE
too strong for tho check rein Of wise a
prudent craftsmanship and the brakes
constitutional obligations. If we had a
checked slavery extension, and then debat
and legislRted for the gradual emancipati
of tho slaYes, with full payment OF any
cuniary loss to the planters, and full pi
al 81. q a