The Evansville journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ind.) 1866-1870, 1870-09-02
OPINIONS OF THE PEOPLE.
Is the Emperor OfFFance Entitled TO
the sympathy OF Americans?

LnaG nave appeared In your columns
recently. / am all the more prepared
to appreciate your articles by reading,
as l do. the silly, one sided articles
that appear in the EveRiRg Traveller,
who seems as blind to the cause of the
present war in Europe as the copper
heads seemed TO be during our late
struggle, when they insisted on it that
the rebellion was brought on by the
abolitionists, which was not q whit
more absurd than the assertion that the
war now In Europe was brought on by
Prussian ambition. There is only one
way IN which 1t can be truthfully said
that Prussia brought on the war, viz :
she did not allow Austria to whip her
in 1866, hence it is not only necessary.
but it is morally right for France to
whip her in 1870; and because of her
refusal to let Austria whip her in 1866
she is responsible for Louis Nspole on's
attempt to whip her in 1870; what
right has Prussia to aspire to equality
with France? The absurdity OF such
reasoning, or the want of reason, is
too apparent to need comment.
| think can understand the Demo-
cratic journals perfectly. Louis Ma
poleon is the irreconcilable enemy of
union in Italy, Germany, and the Uni
ted States, and of course all sympa.
thizers with the lost cause here will
eravitate TO the side of France In her
efforts to prevent German union, as
they did 10 the side of the South in
1861 but how the Traveller. who was
in favor of union here, can be opposed
to union there, is more than / can un-
derstand. He may say he is not so
opposed; but strip his articles of all
sophistry, and that is all that is left of
them. The Travellers appeal for
American sympathy for France is
made principally on the ground ofWhat
she did In the sixteenth century for
the reformation, and what she did in
the eighteenth for as. Rather stale
arguments these. What nation that
has history has not done some one
thing that was right? But does he sup
pose that he can get single intelli-
gent, uDprejudiced reader of his paper
to believe that In the American Rev
olution she was aetuated by love of
liberty or love for America? No, sir!
and if he believes any such nonsense,
he is much mora credulous than the
majority of his readers. The fact is,
France had chronic hatred of Eng
land, and not any love for liberty or
America. Eng and was her natural,
implacable eneIay, and she was glad
of any opportunity to ipjure her, even
on American sail. fully appreciate
the services of France In our Revolu
tionary struggle, and fully admit that
it is doubtful whether we could have
succeeded at all-certainly we would
not have succeeded when we did
had it not been for her aid. Give her
all that is her due hsre; but to sup
pose that she was actuated by love
of American ideas. that she was
by anything but sel6shness
and a love Of revenge, is the sheerest
tWaddle. But suppose, for the sake
of the argument, that Louis the 18th
aud France in 1871 were actuated by
a real love of liberty In their interior
ence In our behalf, what has that to do
with the policy of Louis Napoleon or
the France of to-day? Let US judge
Louis the 10th by his acts and the
motives that prompted him, and Louis
by the same rule. and then
see what reasons there are, if any. why
should sympathize with
him and wish him success in his at
tack on Prussia.
In 1913 France formed republican
aud chose Louis Napo-
leon for their President, and he swore
to maintain the government Of which
the French people by their votes made
him Chief Magistrate. How well he
kept that oath need not say. The
7rreller may say that an empire is best
for France. That is begging the ques
ton. It may be best, and it may not
be best for her; but suppose it is, does
that justify Louis Napoleon In com
hitting perjury? IL the French peo-
pie were competent to elect him Pres
ldent. they were also competent to
elect him Emperor if they saw fit,
his becoming a Usurper at the |
sacrifice of a nations liberty.
About the same time Rome, under |
the leadership of Garibaldi, formed |
republic, and Louis Napoleon showed |
his love of republicanism by crushing
The infant republic, and by his army
Of occupation has prevented italian |
union to this hour. Ever since ne by |
fraud seized the reins Of power there
has not been vestige of personal lib |
erty on French soil, either in press or
speech.
In our late struggle for a united |
country, no one knows better than you |
10 how anxious he was could be have |
prevailed on England to join) to throw |
the weight of his sword in the scale |
against us and make the Confederacy |
an established fact: also the undls-
yuised insult to US in his attempt to
establish a monarchieal government |
in Mexico, with European Prince as
Emperor. under the protection OF |
France; an insult he would not dare to |
give, and had not courage to continue |
after We silenced our domestic foes. |
1t was not only insulting to have MIN
show his satisfaction at our supposed |
in the manner In which |
be did, but it was all the more trying |
to our feelings from the fact that 1t |
was given when we could not with |
safety to ourselves show proper re-
sentiment. If man insults you when |
the circumstances of time and place |
give you equal chance with him, you
san but respect his courage, but if he |
takes you at a disadvantage, and when |
he knows he can do it with impunity, |
and then offers him a gross insult, you |
can but hold his meanness IN utter |
contempt. and so feel towards Louis !
Nanoleon. He did not, however, es-
tabiish the supremacy of the Latin |
race on this continent, and In view OF
recent events on the banks of the |
Rhine he may fail to establish it on
the continent of Europe. Yet this is
the man that We are asked 70 sTmpa /
thize with by the 1Fare{ler. Let , eff. /
Davis ard ell those that mouva over