The morning star and Catholic messenger. [volume] (New Orleans [La.]) 1868-1881, 1870-07-31
The War and Its sympathies.


The War and Its Sympathies.
| It affords one of the most curious prob
lens of the age to note and try to account
| for the various sympathies that are evoked
by the present war.-Ne find the German
population of this country almost a unit in
their enthusiasm for Prussia, while the
Irish, without being as profoundly moved
are almost as unanimous for France
Among the native population of this coun-
try we may judge from the newspapers
as an earnest of public sentiment, there is
pretty equal division of sympathy, and
In Europe the matter seems to be about as
much mixed as with us.
By careful scrutiny, however, of the
elements which range themselves on either
hand, one may form some idea of the reign.
ing motives that actnate in this choice of
sides.
In Europe, France is the virtual repre-
sentative of democracy and Prussia of
despotism. We do not by this mean for a
moment to place Napoleon as standard
bearer of Democratic ideas. He may be at
heart, what many believe him, q thorough
despot, but with him or in spite of him,
France is democratic, and WHISTLER from
CHOICE or from necessity, Napoleon finds
himself allied with democratic principles.
He is parvenu. The old royal blood is
not in his veins, the holy ointment of
kings never anointed his brow. The
other crowned heads of the old world
tolerate him, somewhat as gentlemen toler-
ate Revels in the United States Senate,
perforce of circumstances, while secretly
the interest of their order requires that
of the old royal races should
gil his place, and that he and his danger
Gus innovation should perish together.
Napoleon is well aware of this feeling,
md knows that consequently the whole hope
If himself and his plebeian dynasty rests
lpon the good will of the French masses,
he cannot, therefore, be tyrant of he |
would. He must represent the people.
Hence every now and then he appeals
o them and fortifes himself by their
support. This is demo-
ratio proceeding, and is as distasteful to
he old families as is his origin. 1t may be
Ill contrary to his own secret feelings and |
wishes, but it leaves France, though in
orm an empire, in reality the European
representative of democracy.
In the meantime King William of Prussia
8 the representative of the divine right
# kings" He scorns to accept the crown
rom any one, and places it on his head
With his own hands. The people have no
hing to say about it. He is a despot, not
erhaps in action, but certainly in principle.
Now we find the despotism of Russia al
nost irresistibly inclined to espouse his
ause. England, which as form of gov
is an aristocracy, is equally KSstile
D France and favorable to Prussia, and if
here is different sympathy on the part
Denmark and Austria, it is because of
pecial reasons Of bitterness outweighine
ne general tendency of royal instinct.
How is it among the peopleq The revo-
ltionists are for Prussia. The Red Repub-
canssthe Radicals of Italy, of Spain and
ven of France are with Prussia. Infideli-
?, treason and revolution, all the evil ele-
tents of every society instinctively turn
her with their good wishes, feeling that
lere is com munity of interest between
lem and unity in their causes. Radical
M is another name for despotisrn. Ex-
emes meet; the despotism of majority y
hich laughs at the organic compact, and
e despotism of single man, are the same ,
ing in principle, the former being more
rannical and unmerciful in it's practical !.
orking than the latter.
In, this country, the leading Republican
gans, from New Orleans to New York, .
9 enth usiastically for Prussia. Gen. a
rant is an open and ardent advocate of
at power, and the telegraph informs US =
at United States army officers are with n