The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-09-22

Editorial Opinions ofthe Leading Journals
upon Current Topios-compiIed Every
Dsy for the Evening Telegraph.
ENGLAND's NEUTRALITY.

From the n. Y. Times.
The position of the English Government,
spiritless and selfish as it is, undoubtedly re-
fleets the feelings which predominant among
the English people. Trade considerations
are uppermost in the national mind For
eign politics resolve themselves into a prob
lem which only the ledger solves. The first
consideration when the war broke out was as
to it's effect upon English industry and CON-
merce. At every stage of the bloody struggle
the same question has recurred:-Will the
loss of Prussia and the disasters of France
help or hurt British business interests? There
was panic so long as there was an apparent
probability that England might be drawn into
the contest That averted-or supposed to
be averted-the shop-keeper begins anew to
count his chances of gain and with q result
which to him is satisfactory. "One reason
why the collapse of France will be less in u
rious to England than might have been ex-
pected"-is the suggestive heading of an
article in late number of the London Ec0-
n0mtSt-and the ''reasons" multiply as the
war proceeds. Perhaps if the collapse of
Prussia were added to the collapse of France,
the grovelling soul of Mr. Bull would be
supremely happy.
This feeling, be it remembered, is not ex-
ceptional-it is all but universal. Not soil
tary public man or journal of note has uttered
q word in favor of any other policy The
peace at-any- price idea inculcated by Mr..
Golden has taken deep root in the British
heart, and all parties pay tribute to its infu-
ence. Mr.. Gladstone and MIR. Bright cham
pion it zealously. The distinguished Com
moner who furnishes genius to the Tories
echoes it with ill-disguised irony in his talk
with the Buckinghamshire farmers The
middle-class meetings held in the large pro-
vincial towns have all protested against doing
aught that might end in hostilities. Even
the radical working men, gathering in thou
sands to demand the recognition of the
French republic, couple the demand with
proposal of arbitration as means of render
ing war unnecessary. The "grand Demo-
cratic outburst, as the London meeting of
avowed Republicans is termed, was careful
to guard against the supposition that in
urging recognition to the republic they de-
sired to see any risk incurred in its behalf
Their indignation at the failure to support
French democracy knew no bounds, save
those suggested by regard for the British
pocket They wanted to display sympathy,
and yet to avoid the possibility of being
called upon to give that sympathy tangible
and practical effect.
1t is very well to say that 'the war must
cease, and that the Republic must be sus-
tained;" but what conceivable connection
exists between these results and the peace
at-any-price demonstration in Trafalgar
Square? France does not crave the sympa-
thetic resolutions of a London meeting-it
needs the moral support which recognition by
the English government would afford, and
the practical support which active interven-
tion implies. On the other hand, Prussia
does not heed wordy attacks upon its King
and Princes, or wordy compliments paid to
its enemy; it is Indifferent to everything but
the mediation which means fighting on the
occurrence of given contingency. On both
sides, therefore, England's policy is worse
than usa1asa If does NOT diracflv aid EraDca
it does not directly or indirectly restrain
Prussia. Both are irritated to no purpose.
They are tantalzed by continual evidence of
desire to meddle and disgusted with the
cold, calculating timidity which is afraid to
strike.
Plausible reasons are at hand against any
step on the part of England which leads even
remotely to participation in the conflict
''War is O game at which monarchs play" !"
and the people who endure its penalties are
justified in insisting that it shall be engaged
in only when inevitable. This position,
however, bears relation to the old-fashioned
readiness to subsidize and fight for causes
in no manner affecting the national welfare.
OF wars to put down kings and to set up
kings-to put down republics and erect
thrones-England has had more than
enough. The blunder its statesmen and
people make is in failing to distinguish be-
tween quarrels from which they may
properly stand aloof, and quarrels which
indirectly concern themselves. When
the millennium arrives, the world will no
doubt get on without great armies. Arbi-
tratiop, or some other contrivance for settling
disputes peacefully, will do their work. But
the millennium is matter Of no moment to
King William, Bismarck, or Won Moltke; and
the power that would sway their counsels,
and accord support to the republic, must
not be afraid of the consequences of its
action. Responsibilities attach to a nation
as to an individual. citizen has obliga-
tions which he cannot evade he may be
called upon at any time to aid in main.
tanning order. So with England. 1t is q
member of the European family of nations,
and very ponpous member into the bar.
gain. 1t wears an air of authority and is
fond of lecturing the rest of the family. TIC
do this decently, however, it should be
willing uphold ats authority in any way that
may be required to render it effective. This
it must do, or cease to be a first-class power
Its present policy will speedily put it ON 6
level with Spain or Italy; and then even the
shop-keepers will discover that the peac.
which looked like treachery and cowardice il
in the end worse for industry and commerc,
than war itself The prestige of nation hal
an indefnable connection with its prosperity
and prestige is not regulated by the bank
rate of discount
THE FOREIGN PRESS ON THE COL,
LAPSE OF THE FRENCH EMPIRE.
From the N. r. Herald
By our latest mails from Europe we receiv
the first opinions of the British and Cont
nantal nraaa with rafaranaa tn tha anrraDda,