Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1870-01-28

profit, and plunder. the political distinc-
| ton and pride of power which brighten it
now, were not included i'll this prospective
survey.
On the Goth of November L ed the
! Presidents questions concerning his legal
powers and duties, holding that the ordi-
nances of secession were mere utilities !;
that the seeding States were and would
| be as much in the Union as ever that the
Federal Executive was bound there as well
as elsewhere to execute the laws, to hold
the public property, and to collect the re-
venue that if the means and machinery
furnished by law for these purposes we're
inadequate he could not adopt others and
usurp powers which hadnctbeen delegated;
that neither the executive nor legislative
departments had authority under tho Con-
stitution TO make war upon State; that
the military power might be used, if neces-
sary, in aiding the judicial authorities to
execute the laws in collecting the revenues.
in defending or retaking the public prop
erty but not in acts of indiscriminate hos
tility against all the people of State
This is the 'opinion" which has since
been so often, so much, and SO we'll aDus-
ed. denounced, and vilifed. Mr.. Stanton
did not stultify himself by denying the
plain, obvious and simple truths which it
expressed The paper was shown him
before he went 10 the President, and after
O slight alteration, suggested by himself,
he not only approved but app!auded it en-
Enthusiastically.
1t disappointed the President. He had
hastily taken it for granted that Congress
might make secession O. cause for war; and
in the draft OF his message, already pre-
pared. he had submitted the question Of
war or peace to their decision. But the
advice Of the law department, supported
by ID powerful argument from General
Cass, convinced him of his error, and
that part of the messargo was rewritten.
The substance of the message SO modified
received FIR. Stantons hearty endorse
ment in everything that regarded seceS-
sion and the treatment it ought to receive.
Soon after this General Cass retired.
was requested to take The State Depart
ment, and Mr.. Stanton was appointed At
torney General upon my declaring that I
was unwilling to leave the care of certain
causes pending ia the Supreme Court to
any hands but his. This appointment
alone, without any other proof, ought to
satisfy any reasoning mind that all I have
snid of Mr.. Stanton's sentiments must be
true No man in his sober senses can be-
lieve that would have urged, or that Mr..
Buchanan would have made the appoint
mcnt if we had not both known with per-
feet certainty that he agreed with us on
tirely on those fundamental doctrines of
constitutional law to which we were COM
mitted. The faintest suspicion of the con-
trary would have put the Attorney Gen
erals office as far beyond his reach as the
throne of France. We took him for what
he protested TO be-a true friend of tho !
Union, devOut believer in the Constitu-
ton, faithful man, who would not violate
his Oalh Of Office by wilful disobedience to
the laws l am still convinced that he did |
not deceive uE. If he abandoned those |
principles il 1862 the change, however
sudden and unOccountable, is not satisfac-
tory evidence that he was an imposter and |
D hypOcriie in.lSG0
He did not find Mr.. Holt and General |
Dix contending alone Tor contending at
alD against the President and the rest OF
the Administration. Mr.. Holt on the 3D. !
Of March, 1861, appended to his letter of
strong expression of graft |
tude for the 'firm and generous support" |
which Mr.. Buchanan had constantly ex- |
tended to him, and pays warm tribute to
the ''enlightened craftsmanship and unsul- |
lied patriotism Of the outgoing President. |
General Dix was not there at all when Mr. |
Stanton Gaze in. He was appointed
month afterwards, when there was no disa-
greement in the Cabinet 10 took up his |
at the Presidents house as O |
member OF his family, and remained there |
during the whole time of his service as |
head OF the Treasury Department. He per-
formed his duties faithfully, firmly and in |
q way which met with universal approba-
ton. I do not recollect that he had one |
word Of serious controversy either with
the President or anybody else. If, there
fore, MIR. Stanton was at any time engaged |
in dragooning the President and hectoring
his colleagues he could not have had Mr..
Holt and Gen. Dix as his hackers
There were disputes ana serious differ
9nces Of opinion in the Cabinet during the !
period of MIR. Stanton's service, but his
share in them has not been truly stated. [
I'M not writing the history of these times,
aud therefore say nothing of what others
lid or torbOre to do, except SO far as may
90 necessary to show Mr. Stanton's acts
md omissions in their true light.
Before the election it was determined |
hat the forts IN Charleston harbor should |
be strengthened SO as to make them i'm
Dregnable. The order was given, but the !
5Xecutlon Of it was unaccountably put off.
When General Cass ascertained that the |
lelay vas acquiesced in by the President |
ne resigned. Two weeks afterwards Major |
Anderson, commanding Fort MouItrie and |
experimenting an attack, threw his garrison |
into Hort Sumter. simultaneously came |
certain commissioners from South Carolina |
demanding the surrender of the latter fort |
to the State. The character of the an
Swer that should be given to the commits
5ioners,and the question whether Fort Sum-
ter should be furnished with men and pro-
visions were discussed for three days, each |
day running far into the night.
On the one side it was insisted that the
of the fortress was SO incompat-
lble with our plainest duty that the de-
mand itself was a gross insult. To leave
it in o condition which would enable rebel
liOuS citizens to take it If thew pleased Was
still worse, for that would be merely an
other mode of making the surrender, and
4 worse one, because it would be fraudu-
lent and deceptive. Major Anderson
should therefore be Immediately SO rein
forced that CHS castles strength would
laugh siege to scorn," and then no attack
would be made. This last, instead of be-
ing dangerous, was the only measure that
gave US chance for safety; it would not