Daily Kennebec journal. [microfilm reel] (Augusta, Me.) 1870-1975, 1870-12-19


denounced the election frauds in New York
city, but that Senator would agree that the
abmination was as great in stealing legal
votes out of the ballot-box under cover OF the
law in Missouri as in stuffing illegal votes
into the ballot box, as in New York and
Philadelphia In this connection he charac-
terized as unqualifedly false the newspaper
reports that the Missouri "bolt' had any
| thing to do with the revenue reform consplr-
ing or originating in Washington. Person
| ,lly. his convictions led him to oppose the
protective system. Had the tariff question
been issued in Missouri, he thought that the
majority against the question would nave
been nearer 100, 900 than $4,000. The ques-
| ton was discussed, but overshadowing the
issue. He denied the allegation that the
question might have been settled by referring
It to the legislature of 1877 besides, such
course would have Involved a defeat of the
| constitutional amendment then before the
people, and, while failing to preserve the par
ty unity. would have transferred the struggle
| to the legislative districts. He then read,
from speech delivered by his colleague at
| serenade, comments upon remarks attributed
to himself, that Re ''looked forward to the
time when new party ties would be formed.
The conclusion of his colleague was that he
| 1Schurz1 designed taking the whole German
element over to the democratic party to con-
troll the next presidential election, and he,
then, to be the great power behind the demo-
cratic throne. This Schurz indicated as
morbid hallucination, as also his colleagues
onslaught upon the Germans. But he re-
GREETED that while his colleagues insinuations
had no effect upon the people of Missouri,
they seemed to have had strong influence
upon the mind of the President.
| His was convinced that the letter of the Presi-
| 49, III .o{ into al nafS
Louis, condemnatory of the new movement
and the suspension of number of federal
officers, mostly Germans, were instigated by
| his colleague, while the interference of the
! President in the State elections, by means OF
patronage, had long been considered mat
ter of most questionable property and bad
| policy under any circumstances. In the pres
ent case, he who persuaded the President to
interfere proved the most dangerous adviser.
He then criticised the alleged misrepresenta-
tions of his colleague to the President that
the movement as designed was upon the adj
ministration. Were he the enemy of the ad-
ministration he would not deplore the fact
that the President lent an ear to such insnua-
tons. To refute the charge against himself
of factious opposition he referred to his
| speeches of former years to show that he had
uniformly held that General Grant in the
Presidential chair would have the most invit-
ing opportunity to restore the long lost cordi-
atty of sentiment among the American peo-
pie and bring on new era of good feeling.
He would have more facilities than any pre-
cedng administration, and effect thorough
reform of the civil service and the purifca
ton of our whole political machinery. To
the administration he still gave his cordial
support in the direction thus indicated His
| friends in their movement, had expected the
Presidents sympathy, and the appearance of
| the st. Louis letter was to them a painful
surprise. In these great words, 'Let us have
peace" Grant had stood before the country
not as creature of politicians, but as the
very exponent of moderate and conciliatory
policy. If, finally, the Missouri elections
became defeat of the administration, the
Presider: must look to himself and his ad-
visers for the responsibility. The Presidents
own principles achieved victory over his
patronage. Had he only maintained friend
| ly neutrality the success of the B. Gratz
Brown movement would have passed for
triumph of the Presidents principles, gain
ing him thousands of friends where now he
has lost thousands. 1t may not be a fault but
| an advantage to the President. He had no
time for acquiring an extensive political ex-
perience. But the advisers who pretended to
be his friends ought to have foretold the re-
suit of his interference, and of his following
| the example OF ETeslueHiS L ieTCe, DuclidIldH
and johnson. Passing from the perusal of
various letters, showing that the federal pat
ronage in Missouri had been prosttuted in
giving color to attempts by federal officers to
levy black mail for party purposes. Mr.. Schurz
referred to the Presidents avowal in favor of
the civil service reform. The attempt at civil
service reform in Missouri was in the true
Andrew johnson style, to organize bread
and butter brigade, and if this was fair in
dication of the Presidents meaning of reform
not much value was to be placed in the Pres
idential promise. He had the result of the
Presidents following the advice of political
managers. Lord save the administration and
the party, and the same spirit kenceforward
to govern their course. After asserting his
allegiance to be due to republican principles
rather than party discipline, he concluded
with some speculations upon the probable for
nation of new party, the popular belief
that the mission OF the republican party had
ended, and remarked that the recent demo-
cratic changes of position demonstrated that
new phase of development was upon us.
The exhaustion of old issues, and the grow
ing dissatisfaction and INSTRUMENTATION within
the great parties, were confirmatory eviden-
ces; while, on the other hand, the question
of revenue reform, civil service reform, &C.,
were yet ephemeral issues. Upon the whole,
while the prospect OF new party might at
present appear obscure, it would come with
the necessity of a national crisis. He closed
with an expression of his confidence in the
ability of the republican party to become that
new party, claiming for it the possession of
elements of a healthy regeneration.