The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-10-25

ab0lishing as the states ana pIOvInces ulo
laws oppressive TO the debtor. While Americans
use meat freely the stasticans tell & as Una tnot 6ne In
of meat a day. while half the families OF Italy nave
Of less than so per year % oms ee sye o
nurtured. The wages OF europeans VIII rise with
their progress and SO will their ability TO consume cons
tinent happy and united, will ind growing markets
abroad its already 1i opening g to cattle the great
new extending through thirty degrees of
latitude. heid in part by Canada, long tenanted
by the buffalo, sufficient to supply Europe with
pie and to pay for their productions. snail we
have been reciaiming yearly a territory as large
Ireland, and providing for yearly growth
corn OF ds m0n Of ana no a w a f9
entered the great pastoral region. In 1860 we
had 1OoOOo,OOO Of live stock, The war reduced
soon overspread the plains and minister to
commerce. America might send yearly to Europe
the meat and the dairy products of 100000 of live
Stock if she develops the continent. For the past
twenty years the rise of wages in England has not
pauperism, under legislation which gives the land
to the rich, has moved onward with rapid strides.
her FARMS They not thus subdivided in the most
populous OF our States and II her sons are educated
higher wages will reduce intemperance. II wages
rise the manufacturers OF America will dread no
more the pauper labor OF England. Let her convert
er anG o m o er saOle aOod 'e 20
Tica may then follow the example of South Austria
lia which, by lowering her tariff, carried her ex-
the mother and her progeny will move onward toge-
ther. 'Whom God hath joined together let not man
put asunder'
s'NlInority Representation In Europe,' by
Thomas Hnres ESQ, of London.
The concluding paper OF the day session was one
by Thomas Hare, ESQ.,, of London England, his
subject being "Minority Representation in Europe"
The author Of this paper had been detained at home
by important business, and It was read for him by
William r. Ware, ESQ. l., Of Boston.
Mr. Hare started out with the remark that the
|
shall most effectively bring to the work all the
thought, intelligence, and judgment of the nation s
subject of paramount Importance to self-gOvern-
ing people. The object of the reforms he advocated
is to accomplish for those who live under represen
| the establishment of these governments effected
against the various forms of personal rule that pre-
ceded them 1t is a revolt against tyranny. The
| proposed representative reforms aim at giving to
every voter the political power and opportunity for
real political influence which the present system of
eecting necessarily places in the hands of the few
who manage political Affairs 1t Is the first object
OF representative reform to establish what has well
| been called the Free Vote.
| The various schemes proposed all have for their
direct object the prevention OF tne practcalI l as
do not agree with the majority of their felow-cti-
zens and to give them chance to be heard In the
legislative councils These are, first the method OF
Lists, Of Genevan origin, which proposes that each
| party shall prepare authorized ballots, containing
list of its candidates, and that the number Of men,
bers chosen from each list shall be IN proportion to
the number of ballots thrown.
The second scheme is that OF the Limited Vote, in
corporated in the English Reform bill of 1866, by
which voters in towns that return three members to
Parliament are allowed to vote for two candidates
| only. This is perhaps, the most crude and imper-
feet Of all the schemes that have been proposed aud
its mperfectons have given great deal Of dissatis-
| faction. The House OF Commons, however, on a
motion to repeal 1t voted in June last to adhere to
| the scheme as better than none.
The third method is that of the Cumulative Vote,
and is that selected last year by committee OF the
Senate and recently incorporated in the Constitution
The fourth method is that of the Preferential
| Vote, called also the Election by Quotas, because
]
| votes is declared elected To be elected he must
obtain one,togrth Of the whole number Of Of votes II
| are five to be elected. 1t is called Preferential
fm upon n MS neC oat 10
| order OF his preference among them, and the vote
is counted for the first on the list unless he has
| already sufficient quota without 1t, in which case
it is counted for the second named, and so on This
scheme aims to secure to the electors the greatest
possible individual freedom and efficiency, and very
much dispenses with the necessity for their pre-
yious cooperation But it was set aside by the
party organization and party because it seemed so
intricate in plan radical in its character and so
revolutionary IN its possible effects that it ought to
be subjected to experimental trial before being pro-
posed for general adoption.
Mr. Hare here proceeded to argue that the eXpe-
rence OF Denmark, where this system had been In
operation for fifteen years had already shown the dan
ginary and that the real objection Of practical poll
cians lay in the charge that 1t assaed party orga
nizaton. It ma makes the voter TOO free Both the
| just than the present system, still afford great
scope Tor party management BY strict and tho
rough discipline, a party far less than two-thirds
| in number can, under the limited vote, eject the
three members. Thus, in a constituency of 81, 81,
by dividing themselves into three sets of II each
can cast "a votes apiece for A, b, and G, while the
remaining 33 electors, though more than a third OF
the constituency, can only count 3S votes apiece FOL
| ID and k.
The cumulative vote on the other hand, enables a
party comprising but little than one fourth of
the constituency to elect one candidate in three. As
for example, among 100 voters 81 could give 80 votes
for their candidate whereas the remaining 50 could
| not give their candidates more than 50 votes
apiece and could therefore only elect two
| Under both these schemes considerable numbers
OF voters likely still to be dsfranchsed, and 1t is
clear that if too many candidates put forward by
| any one party owing to the voters exercising toe
much freedom of ac1on it may be wholly shut out
| from representation by its better disciplined ad
veTsares But under the system of preferential
voting man may use his own Judgment without feal
OF losing his vote 1t is this that makes the public
men OF England as well as of America, shrink
from adopting 1t. II 1t were in force every voter O
Independent mind would feel himself free from party
dictation The arguments brought against it in th(
House OF Commons We're entirely TO this effect The
Leading wings and Liberals were fearful OF losing
| the control OF their followers.
This point was illustrated by an account OF thu
reception given by the English Government to
committee appointed last year TO inquire into th'
modes OF conducting elections the Marquis OF Hunt
iDgdon taking the ground that only the conduct o.
elections under the present law could be discussed
and refusing to listen TO any arguments for the ina
| pr0yement OF the laws themselves.
| The recent election of oVerseers OF Harvard Col
lege, In which the Alumni adopted the principle o
preferential voting in the nomination OF their candi
dates, promised to be Of great value meeting thu
expressed wish OF the Senate that this schema
should nrst he tried on a small scale. At the mo
ment OF writing his paper Mr. Hare had not learned
the result OF the ballot.
In conclusion, he quoted passage from his worl
had, in framing and developing this system looked
to the American people with The anxious hope tina
IN the pursuit OF their ideal OF national greatness
they would, having surpassed all people in the at
tainment OF personal well-beng and having reached