The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-10-20

come liberty and industrial progress, and
under these France and Germany would ap-
proach each other in friendship. The danger
to both is in the deep-seated German suspi-
cion that the empire designed conquest
in support of dynastic ambitions. With
Germany united, no single dynasty could
force the people to war for its own selfish
purposes; and the Germans, he admits, are,
in their natural temperament, peaceful, and
given to industry rather than war. France,
he confesses, through the indiscreet claims
of its rulers, justified the constant apprehen-
sion of war existing in Germany. So far
from Prussia threatening France by leading
a confederated Germany, Renan maintains
that Prussia will soon be lost in Germany as
Piedmont was in Italy. And could the
French Government have only quietly per-
mitted the solidifcation of the States north
and south of the Main without arousing the
jealousy of the people, the certain and vital
dissensions which would soon arise between
the Crown and the people, as we'll as be-
tween different interests in the new confede-
racy, would have allowed France, probably,
any reasonable Notifications of the frontier"
she desired.
The punging so recklessly into the war,
and the little opposition made to it on the
part of the Senate, the peoples chambers, or
the statesmen of the country, are observed
with the deepest regret, yet, in the first view
of this philosopher, were the legitimate
results of personal government. NJ. Renan
has no defense to offer for the French decla-
ration of war. He admits, in fact, the whole
German position, so far as question of
morals is involved. Even Prussian aggres-
sions seem to him the natural effects
of the passion of nationality. He can only
charge the great Prussian statesman with
a want of consideration for French sus-
capabilities, when, having 'called the
Emperor into his condolences, he so coolly
gave him the cold shoulder on his making
the modest request for the possession of
Iuxemburg. But in this Renan forgets that
Won Bismarck, cunning as he is, has been
boldly consistent AS long ago as during
the days of his ambassadorshp at st. Peters
burg, when he was known to be very favorable
to France, he publicly denied the reports
that he favored any concessions Of provinces
west of the Rhine to the French Emperor,
as a compensation for his non-interference
in Germany. Then, as ever since, he has
taken openly the position that Germany must
reach her unity without favor or help of any
external power. 1t is, of course, very proba-
BILE that be hoodwinked and played the
French Emperor; but that surely was no
ground for war.
To this French philosopher, the future of
his country is shrouded in clouds and dark
ness. The conquest and separation of Alsace
and Lorraine he regards as absolute ruin to
France-though why the loss of a million
and half of inhabitants and few fortresses
should ruin great nation, he does not ex-
plain. Apart from all the national disaster
in which the country is plunged, he sees, no
doubt, the impending political anarchy; the
rise and fall of different political factions no
one strong enough to hold its position; the
sure and fatal succession of democracy, mo-
narchy, and military imperial rule-liberty
and morality equally degraded in the end.
1t is dark picture, but one thoroughly justi-
fed by all present appearances.
THE EUROPEAN wAR-HOPES OF AN
ARMISTICE.
| From tse N. r Herald.
We printed yesterday one most import
ant item of news. Russia, it is said ten
| ders her offices of mediation, and Austria and
| Great Britain are most anxious for peace. In
this connection it is to be noted that stocks
advanced on Tuesday in London and gold fell
| in New York. At the same time we learn
that the demand for a European Congress is
general and somewhat imperious Russia and
Austria seem determined to prevent, if
possible, Prussia making too much out Of
! this war.
The spirit of the latest news encourages
the belief that among all the powers the feel
ing prevails that the war has lasted sufficiently
long, that Fran ce has been sufficiently humi-
lated, and that Prussia is already become
dangerously powerful. The moral sense of
mankind is loud against the continuance of
the war. 1t is notorious that all over Great
Britain the workingmen have begun to be-
lieve that the war, in its present shape, is a
war against their order. The feeling has
become SO strong in London that the power
CT the police and the army alone prevents
violent popular demonstrations. We know
how it is here.
Not unwilling to see French vanity effect
ually snubbed, we have no desire to see
France reduced to the rank of q second or
third-rate power. The German democrats
reveal similar feelings; so powerful, in fact
that King William is threatened with an up
rising in his rear. This, however, is not all
Austria sees, and sees clearly, that if the
war is not soon ended her twelve millions of
Germans will kick at Austrian rule aud
exchange the caution of Beust for the dash
and vigor of Bismarck. The Fatherland, an
ancient watchword, powerful in the days of
Goethe and Schiller, dangerously powerful in
the days of the Tugendbund, is now the
mightiest name in Europe. The Fatherland
through Prussia, has found its strength, aud
nil, has been entered upon. The North,
through Prussia mainly, has been cultivated,
taught to feel and know its strength; and
the German legions, strong in brain, and
strong also in limb, are no longer to be held
in check by any neighboring power, or by
any combination of powers The German
people to-day care little about kings or
kaisers, but they care much for Fatherland,
and they are resolved that Fatherland shall
never again be divided. The Austrian
Government feels this and trem-
bles. Russia feels it, and scarcely knows
what to do. Russia only knows that united