The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1870-08-20
Speech of Hon. Matthew ii. CARPENTER.
OF WISCONSIN,,

OF WISCONSIN,
In tie United States Senate, Nay 81, 1870.
The amendment to the appropriation
bill proposed by the Committee on the
Judiciary being under consideration, and
the debate being limited to five minutes
MIR. CARPENTER addressed the Senate
as follows:
desire to add Il few words to what has
been said by the Senator from Oregon.
regret the limit fixed upon this discussion,
because can only refer to subjects which
| should like to consider at some length.
The time is coming, and now is, when
the salaries for civil service in this country
must be increased, or this Government
must pass practically into the hands of and
be administered and controlled by an arts
tocracy of wealth. II is therefore in the
interest of the poor that plead for an in
crease of salaries; it is that the poor may
not be driven from practical participation
in the administration of this Government
"of the people, by the people, for the peo-
pie, that desire to see salaries increased.
Who is interested in this question of in
creasing the salaries? We hear the cry,
| g GU must not increase the burdens of
the people" Who is interested in the
matter? Nobody but the poor men of the
country. Look at the Senators who could
be named in this body worth their millions.
What do they care whether the salary of
Co, n@SN,,, ~. I
The difference would not make ripple on
their bank account. But to the poor man
it makes the difference of whether he can
hold the place or not hold it. An act of
Congress which should provide that no
judge should sit on the Supreme bench un-
less he had a certain income would raise
an instruction in this country; and yet
what is the practical difference between |
such an act and one which fixes the salary |
so low that man cannot take the place |
unless he has certain income from other |
sources.
We have had a practical illustration of
this matter in the history of the court; and
| call attention to the incident from which
all our party troubles in that court COM
menced. Judge Curtis, one of the ablest
jurists that this country ever produced, but
not a man of wealth, was on the bench
at $4,000 a year. He could make at the
bar i'll Boston $4,000 year.
MIR. NYE. More than that.
Mr.. CARPENTER. Fifteen thousand
dollars, even at that time, to start with;
and has made all the time since up to forty
or fifty thousand dollars. We lost the ser
vices of Judge Curtis and he was succeeded
on the bench by a man of opposite politi-
cal faith because this Government was too
mean to compete with the merchants of
Boston for the services of the best lawyer
in that city.
Look at England. They are consistent
with themselves. Their theory of civil
government is that it should be in the
hands of an aristocracy of wealth and
nobility Of blood. How do they manage to
secure that end? They will not pay a
of Parliament a shilling. What is
the result? The House OF Commons to-
day is composed of the richest men in Eng
land. We have heard a great deal of dis
cussion in that country that has come to
us over the water about reform, extending
the ballot. What does it amount to .
Has the poor man in England any rights
with the ballot? What odds '
does it make whether the nabob sitting in s
Parliament is voted for by twenty-five
hundred OF twenty-five thousand poor men? '
The poor men have no interest in Parlia- !
ment; they cannot take seats there, be-
cause they cannot support themselves after l
they get there. l
Mark the effect of this upon the purity t
Of elections in England. l have here, and {
regret that l have not time to read from it, |
s.ssaf the Blue Books laid before Paria-
anpointad