The weekly standard., 1870-08-17

brave men who hailed from Fatherland.
To both peoples we are, therefore in
debtcd. But We are not more indebted to
the one than to the other. 1t is not upnatu-
raj that Frenchmen resident with us should
sympathize with France. 1t is not unnatural
that Germans resident with us should sympa-
thize with Prussia. But it is unnatural,
and not q little absurd, that We should al
low ourselves, in spite of our better reason,
to be dragged into two hostile camps. and
repeat here strife in which as a nation we
have really no interest Every citizen of
these United States, no matter from what
land he or his fathers may have hailed, is or
ought to be first an American. We cannot
help looking on us anxious spectators but
our interest as Americans demand that VIC
should not allow this foreign quarrel to be-
get strife and division in the midst of us.
Much as We have reason to deplore this un-
happy and uni ustifiablc war, We ought all
to see that we have no reason to lose by
it, and that if we are wise We ought to gain.
Much of that which we have just written
is as applicable to Great Britain as it is to
ourselves. To every lover of his species, to
every one who is warmly interested in the
welfare and prosperity of the human family,
it is matter of sorrow that the possibility
begins to grow into probability that Great
Britain will be dragged into the conflict.
The war spirit of the brave British people
is aroused. The sentiment is strongly in
favor of Prussia. If the neutrality of the
soil of Belgium is violated it is as certain as
that the sun will rise and set to morrow
that British ships will spread death over
the great waters, and that the rcd coats will
mingle in and give intensity TO the
fight. We are not without grudgc
towards the British government and
pcspae; they. did not I.aslin=es; ilry.
ought to have done during our late trou-
blcs; but we can afford to be magnanmous,
and IN the spirit in which one great nation
ought ever to be willing 10 regard another
we recognize the greatness and the glorious
mission of the British empire She is no
longer a European, but an Asiatic, or, rather,
a cosmopolitan Power. We look 10 her,
this whole North American people looks to
her, as the mother of our language our lit
erature, our laws. All over the world--in
Australia, where she is laying the founda-
tion of another great English-speaking en-
piIe; in India, where she is re-shaping and
rcmoulding a people who are destined to
carry over the whole of Asia the blessings
of Christian civilization; in South Africa,
where she has established agencies which
may yet utilize the unknown wealth of the
African contincnt-w wherever she plants her
standard her mighty influence is in favor of
progress II she enters into this strife the
immediate result will bc sweeping destruc-
ton; progress will be checked, and it is not
impossible that her influence for good will
be seriously diminished Should Great
Britain join in this war it will be world
wide calamity.
As to France and Prussia, we must repeat
what we have said again and again: 1t is a
disgrace to our modern civilization that two
such Powers should so unjustifably go to wa-.
How much nober it would have been had
those two great nations joined hands and put
forth their combined strength to hasten on
the reign of universal peace II is lamen-
table to reflect on the misery which this war
must create. But the die is cast, and no
amount of sorrow on our part can now pre-.
vent the dreadful conflict. If any consola.
tion can be found where there is So much
cause for sorrow VIC find it in this, that it
may result to the advantage of the peoples
as against the dynasties. If Prussia should
come forth from the struggle triumphant,
Germany will hcnceforth be unit; Europe
will have so many governments the less, and
this will be popular gain. Wescannot'
allow ourselves to think that Gersnao IN
| lest satisfied with mere unity. Germany q
impatient of monarchy and will gravitate
forcciully towards a republican form of gov
ernment. Sp,culations are as wild as they
arc numerous rs To what Napoleon will do
in the event of final tccat. Final leicat, it is
manifest, he does not consider close at hand
for he has told the French people and the
world that the war now begun may be long
and bloody. If, however, Prussia should
prove too strong for France, and Napoleon be
compelled to return to Paris not conquerer
what will he do? No one who knows the man
will deny that he is fertile in cxpcdicnts 1t
will he vain for him to attempt to retain his
throne 1t will he as vain for him to at
tempt to secure his sons succession by
voluntary ahdication. France defeated will
be in no mood to submit to any Bonaparte.
If royal fgurehead should still be deemed
a necessity by the French people the chances
will be in favor of the House of Orleans. If,
however, Napoleon should proclaim a re-
public and freely leave it to France TO decide
her own destinies. might not defeat, after all,
be an actual gain to France? Is it incon-
ceivable that another plebiscite should pro-
claim the quondam Emperor President of
the republic? If it he true that the En-
peror is about to issue decree making the
"Marsellaisc the national anthem it would
seem TO encourage the idea that he is already
booking ahead. and that he is not unpre-
pared for some great popular coup detat.
These, of course. are but spcculations but
wilder speculations than these have become
realities.
End this war when and how it may, VIC
feel satisfied that it will be found, in spite
of its promoters, to advance the popular