The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1870-02-22
Sound Doctrine.

| tracts from the late message of Gov
Chamberlain, Of Maine, and commend
them to the careful and thoughtful pc
rusal Of our readers:
| "Gentlemen. yield to no man in re-
spect for the rights of minorities. This
is the glory and nobility of liberty
Men may vote as they please and ne
protected. They may do and say what
they please, perhaps; but not without
being held responsible for the abuse of
the privilege. And If may be allowed
the opportunity to advert to matters
which, although Of q personal nature,
yet in their effects rise to the dignity OF
| a public consideration. let me here de-
precate the practice so recklessly re-
sorted to in the last campaign, of asper.
sing the motives of official conduct, and
of misrepresenting private character
| for political and sinister ends. So far
as those efforts were successful. 1 fear
| they did no good to the cause of tenn
perance, or to the young men of Maine.
It is regard for their welfare and So
| licitude that those who have followed
me on other fields may not be seduced
| to wrong ways, by the false fancy that
they are following me still, that l ask
yOu W lCG "0 1AIS otouo1io tOi u AO~
ment that they may see where am. Let
| them not think that the record of life
long loyalty is so easily reversed. /
shall not seek safety in the lines Of the
enemy to escape the mutinies of the
discontented, more anxious for their
own way than for victory; nor turn
back to camp because some raw recruit
on picket, with the impetuosity of terror,
~
friend from foe, shrieks at me for the
countersign.
Let us not, however. in our scorn of
hypocrisy, or resistance to i'll judged or
encroaching measures, be forced into
| a seeming antagonism to virtue, and to
| those who love and labor for its cause.
But rather with cool brain and steady
nerve, summoning all the agencies Of
good, whether of heart or hand, 90 on
] to practice and promote the things that
are honest and pure and of good re-
port. Those who join wisdom with
zeal to promote virtue among the peo
pie, will labor to nourish right public
| sentiment as we'll as to secure punitive
enactment. Some margin must always
be left for differences of moral senti-
ment. Otherwise we might break down
the public conscience For one, how~
ever, do not object to laws being
somewhat in advance of public opinion
| that is, more stringent liz its provi>
| sions than the people really like to obey.
| The acquisitions of even an impossible
| virtue may avail for good. Its broad,
| high aspect may strengthen and hold
up some that would otherwise fall be
| fore the influence Of bad surroundings,
| and the terrors of its penalty might
cool the recklessness of some who would
not be restrained by milder persuasives.
But when law is widely different from
the peoples judgment, and provokingly
contrary to their wishes; then, instead
Of expecting it to 60 on crushing its
way like IN unrelenting law of the uni-
| verse, it would be better tc look for one
that takes some cngnizance of human
will meet half way the trembling in
stincts of good. Indeed it may be
said that wisdom consists in seeing the
practical points of contact between the
abstract and the human right. For the
human law is not as the divine. That
declares the ways of absolute Justice
ject of the human law is to protect in>
be free according to his own conscience
to work out his obedience to the higher.
Any law, therefore, which proposes to
tured upon with the utmost caution and
administered with the widest charity.
There are other things to be thought of
besides restraining men from the use
of Intoxicating drinks, though this be
a nf
from which all the good avert their fa-
ces and seek to save their fellaws. yet
we must not expect that it can be wholly
subdued and driven from among men.
The laws against irtoxica ting liquors
are as well executed and obeyed as the
laws against profanity, theft, unchastity
or murder. Even if they are executed,
they will not avail to extinguish crime,
nor Danish evil from the hearts of
wicked men. These are questions which
go to the found alton of society. We
must consider what can be done. Re
strain and intimidate as much as you
can by law; it is only by the gospel still
that men can be converted fro m evil
l see no reason why measures for the
promotion of temperance should not be
approached as calmly, and, need be, as
boldly as any other question of so much
moment. Nay, it is such questions as
those, most of all, which demand the
full measure of your wisdom, your can
dor and your courage.
Gentlemen, we have reached the fif-
tieth year of our existence as State.
We are not ashamed of her history.
One of the earliest in discovery and
colonization, she is one of the latest in
the development Of her resources, and
the fruits Of civilization. Yet all the
obscure trial and toll that have inter-
vened wrought for the times that were
come. The State sees her place and
owns her duty; and does not spurn the
task that enfolds the triumph. The
gates of destiny are opened, and she
enters on her proud career. We shall
watch with admiring interest and help
with untiring toll her onward way. Nor
can it be that we hone and Dronhecv in