The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-01-11

Editorial CuInIOns of the Leading Journals
Upon Gu rent Toplcs-COmpiled Every
DaS for the Evening Telegraph.
SHALL VIRGINIA COME IN?


attention of Congress forthwith; yet we deem
none of them more important or more urgent
than the restoration of Virginia to her proper
place in the councils of the Republic 1t
was, in our view, blunder not to admit her
at once, and without division or demur, on
the meeting of Congress last month. We
entreat the Republicans of boih houses to
deal with this matter promptly and de-
cisively.
We know what can be said-much of it
with truth, all with Observation-Disclosures un-
conditional admission. It is quite true that
many Virginians firmly believe that they were
right in resisting the authority and arms of
the Union-that their State had a right to
aecede from the Union for any reasons, good
or bad, that she deemed sufficient--that the
United States made aoGr on Virginia, tnUGded
her. etc., etc. These opinions are, in our
view, at war with history and with common
sense. We hold that the authority of the
United States and that of the State over the
region known to geographers as Virginia was
alike perfect-that the State had no more
right to extrude the authority, the officers,
the processes, and the mails, Of the United
States, from that region than the Union had
to extrude those of the State. We hold there
fore, that the State in thus extruding the
Federal authority, committed fragrant usur-
patton and declared an unjust war, and that
the attitude and efforts of the Union were
defensive from first to last-that is to say
she fought to vindicate her rightful authority,
and the State to subvert it, On every point,
we hold the Union clearly right, and the State,
in so far as she resisted the Federal authority
and arms, utterly wrong.
What then?
When the Parliament and people of Eng
land expelled James ii and called William III
over from Holland to fill the throne which
Parliament had declared vacant, there we're
many whose Judgment and consciences re-
volted at the national decision. These were
a minority in England, but they were a ma
jority in Ireland, in Scotland proper (the
Highlands), and in some of the colonies.
Many of those who regarded their oath of
allegiance to James as still valid and binding
were among the best men in the three king
doms, embodying full share of its learning,
piety, and genuine loyalty. Suppose William
had insisted that each of these should reDent
of his adhesion to James or be forever dis
franchised and prescribed, would that have.
been wise or just ? Would not the realm
have been distracted and weakened by such
an exaction?
Certainly, no such was made. Present and
future loyalty any established government has
a right to exact of all subject to its sway; it
cannot justly require them to renounce and
undo the past. .rHslI i.
But the Rebels, it is urged, ''are still
malignant, still bitter, still implacably mimi
cal to Unionists, but especially to the blacks
They will use the power you propose to give
them to crush out their loyal neighbors and
fellow-citizens."
Doubtless, there are those in Virginia, and
in every Southern State who thus feel and
act. We cannot reasonably expect millions to
unlearn at word all they have supposed true
and renounce all they have believed.s You
cannot reasonably expect men reared in the
belief that slavery was the true condition of
the negro to be converted at once to hearty
faith in the equal rights of men. There are
doubtless still many thousands in Virginia
who wish that our civil war had resulted diff
ferently-that Grant had surrendered to Lee
rather than Lee to Grant
Suppose England had kept the Highlands
nnder martial law SO long as any one re-
mained who deplored the result of the battle
of Culloden and sighed for the return of
"Charlie over the water" what would have
been the probable effect2 ra
We have perfect right to take all reason
able precautions and erect all needed barriers
against the re-establishment of slavery, in
spirit and substance, in any Southern State;
we hare a right to take all possible care that
Unionists shall not be prosecuted in Virginia
merely because they are Unionists. But a
great people has no right to evince cowardice
nor that excessive apprehension of blows
from a PROSTATE foe which is near akin to
cowardice.
OF course, there is some risk in admitting
those who lately did their utmost to over
throw our Government so full participation
in political power. Many have virtually said
with Caliban, 5.H
"Yoq taught me language; and my profit ont
Isr know how to curse"
We admit the whole case made out against
our position, so far as any reasonable person
would insist on it, and say in reply The
risk you deprecate is one required of us by
the very essence of republican liberty. Re-
publioanism does not imply that all mem are
good, but only that, being allowed fair play
the good element of the community will over
bear the bad, or, at least, that the chance that
it will not is no greater than must be en-
countered under any other form of govern
ment To say that the evil-lninded must be
excluded from power is to concede that the
republic is blunder or fraud.
Some time or other the whole people must
be enfranchised If this be not conceded by
the Republican party,it will assuredly be car
ried over that party. If there be risk in con-.
cession there is certain ruin in denial.
Admit that those you would exclude will
soon be enfranchised, it is tie simplest die
tate of good sense and good policy that you
--"go not like the gaey-slave at night
Scourged to his dungeon"
but act promptly, cheerfully, courageously,
magnanimously To say that ex-Rebels may
vote, but must not vote for such as them
selyes--that they may vote, but must first
profess to repent of what you well know they
do not repent of-that they may vote, but not
till you have heaped degradation upon humilia-
tion-who does not realize that this is Ito say