The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-08-30

veto which it had reserved In the future
customs congress. That customs union is
only temporary arrangement preparatory TO
the intimate union Of North and South.
Berlin has had the exceptional privilege of
seeing itself possessing at the same time
three parliaments, representing for the Prus-
sian citizen three countries: Its own par
ticular country, Prussia; its political country,
the Confederation of the North; and its great
country, Germany, disguised under the name
Of the Zollverein, A platform like this can
not stand even in Germany, and the Parlia-
ment of the Confederation will soon see itself
seated on the benches of the representatives
of all Germany. 1t is Prussia which to-day
wishes to defer that moment It is in haste to
have the vote taken on the constitution of the
new confederation, so that it may have only
to discuss the question with that portion
Of Germany which has been already admitted,
and have the power afterwards of imposing
it as a whole on the States which will Join it.
The security, however, is not sufficient. The
Government of Berlin cannot venture openly
to oppose the movement which draws the
South towards it, but it wishes to retard it
until it has Prussianized its present confede-
rates. 1t wishes to eat the artichoke leaf by
leaf 1t knows well that the admission of the
Southern States would bring into the coun-
sells of the confederation such support to the
resistance it has already to contend against,
as, instead of being able TO make the law,
would compel it to submit Looking at the
matter from French standpoint, we should
| wish, for the same reasons to see the union
completed as soon as possible In fact, so
far as European affairs are concerned, it is
already effected by the treaties entered into,
but still more by the force of circumstances.
The Southern States now feel themselves
obliged to be auxiliaries of Prussia in what
ever war it chooses to inaugurate. By q
political union with the South, Prussia would
not gain an additional soldier, whilst it would
find in such union q restraint upon and a
counterpoise to, its influence in directing the
affairs of Germany.
| is GERMANY ANXIOUS FOR WAR?
But to the end that these elements of re-
sistance may be able to organize and oppose
the efforts which Prussia will make to absorb
| Germany, a foreign war does not seem neces-
sary. Can we, however, hope for the main-
tenance of peace? The Luxembourg question
put the matter clearly before us a few months
ago, and caused all those who believed us
then on the eve of great war to give the
matter serious consideration. A false step
on the edge of the abyss makes all the differ
ence between prudence and temerity. This
has been exemplifed in the case of England
and the United States, who, having failed to
quarrel over the Trent affair, have become
more circumspect towards each other. At
times, however, people, i'll at ease with
themselves, feel anxious for a quarrel
with their neighbors, as diversion from
their misery. Such is not, however, the dis
position to-day of the people of Germany.
| The last war, it is true, soon terminated, but
| the offerings it caused cannot be effaced by
dash of the pen. The victims of bullets
and cholera have been numerous among all
| classes of society, and every household has
| been in mourning. The draft upon able
sal 81 l,ak
+! industry, and commerce to such an extent
| that the consequences are felt to this day.
| The prospect of a new war has become more
repugnant to the Germans since they have
| experienced in the last what miseries follow in
| its train. The thirst of battle which it is
| supposed ought to animate every soldier
is by no means general in German armies.
| The remembrance of that last campaign is
still too fresh in the minds of those who then
fought against the Prussians to make them
desirous of serving to-day under their orders
| So far as the Prussian army is concerned, it
boasts less of Sadowa in 1867 than of Duppel
in 1865; the reason being that, until the
latter year, its, valor, of which it felt con-
sciousness, was not generally recognized in
Europe. 1t needed chance of proving
| it, and had not found an opportunity of
doing so alone in any great European
war. The more meagre the laurels reaped
| in Denmark were the more it felt the need
! of proving to the world its valor. To-
day, on the other hand, although it has
| gained a battle the most decisive since
Waterloo, and is the point of aim for military
men throughout the world, knowing at the
same time by experience how great are the
hazards of war; its language is changed In
fact, taking the German nation as whole,
those who hope for some advantage by new
struggle are greatly in a minority. Those
/ who gained by late events wish for leisure to
| enjoy the FRUITS while those who suffered are
anxious for the maintenance of peace as
means to repair their losses.
JEALOUSY OF FOREIGN INTERFERENCE.
But if the Germans wish to accomplish in
peace the work of completing their national
''unity," they are, nevertheless, very jealous of
any intermeddling with their internal affairs
The idea of seizing Alsace and Lorraine, or
annexing Holland, hae never been looked
upon by them as other than fancy originat-
ing in the brain of some professor of history;
still they have also their Monroe" doctrine.
! Germany for the Germans and whoever
makes an attempt to appropriate any
portion of this territory, which constitutes
their ''great country" or even interferes
in their internal affairs, will be certain to
make them all against him, This is a
fact which it would be useless and abs1rd to
dissemble. OF this susceptibility the Prus-
sian Government can at any moment avail
itself, should it seek occasion for a quarrel
When M. de Bismarck, after having approved
of the purchase of Luxembourg, freed himself
from his pledge by alleging that German
opinion was opposed to it. he was accused of
bad faith, and some believed that such opin-
ion was fictitious and improvised by himself
to suit the occasion. In this instance he was