Ashtabula weekly telegraph. [volume] (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1853-1873, 1870-08-06

antl-slavery in sentiment, but thought IL
best TO remain in one or the other of the
great political parties, and carry on the
reform by eiectine such Raen as would
oppose and limit slavery by all legal and
constitutional methods.
Though these three classes differed
widely in sentiment, and particularly in
their practical methods, yet the term
"aboltionist" was applied to all of them,
and all suffered to a great extent the
public odium which rested on either
class.
In the beginning of his political career,
Mr.. Giddings belonged TO the third class
| have mentioned. lie was Wing, and,
except on questions relating to slavery,
acted with that party dnring the first ten
years Of his Congressional lite. lie was
elected in 1888, at the last session of the
Twenty-fifth Congress, to fill vacancy
occasioned by the resignation of his old
law preceptor and intimate friend, Elisha
Whittlesey, who had most honorably
served a continuous Congressional term
of sixteen years. Martin Van Buren was
then President of the United States, and
James X. Polk was speaker of the House
of Representatives. The alarm had al
ready been sounded against the anti
slavery movement. In his annual mes
sage two years before, President Jack
son bad referred to anti-slavery publica-
tions in the free States, and declared that
they were Calculated 10 stir up insur
rection and produce all the horrors of a
civil war that they were opp jsed to hui
manity and religion. and in violation of
the constitution and of the compromises
on which the Union was founded.
Mr. Giddings found but two men in
Congress who had made any public de-
monstration against slavery. These
were the venerable John Quincy Adams
of Massachusetts, and William Slade OF
Vermont.
Mr.. Adams was thoroughly anti-slave.
ry in sentiment, and had most ably de
Tended the right of petition in Congress,
bat at that time he had gone on no fur
ther. Indeed, he had on two occasions
expressed the desire "that all debate on
the subject of slavery in the District of
Columbia might be avoided"
Mr.. Slade of Vermont, during the pro
vious winter, had called down upon him.
self storm Of Indignation by offering
and approving a memorial which prayed
for the abolition Of slavery in the Dis
trct of Columbia. While he was 81 eak-
ing the slave holding members left the
hall in body, and threatened the disso-
luton of the Union if such discussions
were not prohibited.
Mr.. Giddings took his seat December
I'd, 1888. On the evening of that day a
caucus OF the dominant party was called
to devise measures to prevent the agita-
tion of the slavery question ; and eight
days later, Mr.. Atherton of New Hamp-
shire introduced, and the House passed,
a series of resolutions, concluding with q
rule which was a1terward known as the
Atherton "gag." The resolutions de-
clared in subs, ance,
First-That Congress had no jurisdic-
ton over slavery in the States;
Second-That petitions for the abolit-
ion OF slavery in the District of Colum-
bia, and of the interstate slave trade, are
intended indirectly to affect slavery in
the States;
Third-That Congress has no right to
do indirectly what it cannot do directly,
and that the agitation of slavery in the
District of Columbia and the territories
of the United States is against the spirit
of the Constitution.
Fourth-That Congress, in the exer-
else of its acknowledged powers, has no
right to discriminate between the iDsti-
tutions of one portion of the States, with
view of abolishing one and promoting
the other;
ReSoiUed, Therefore, That all attempts
on the part of Congress to abolish slave
ry in the District of Columbia or terrific
ries, or to prohibit the removal OF slaves
from State TO State, or to discriminate
between the institutions OF one portion
of the Coniederacy and another, with the
views aforesaid, are in violation of the
Constitution, destructive of the funda-
mental principle on which the Union of
these States rests, and beyond the juris-
dicton of Congress, and that every pc
tition, memorial, resolution, proposition
or paper touching or relating in any way,
or to any extent whatever, to slavery, as
aforesaid, or the abolition thereof, shall,
on the presentation thereof without any
further action thereon, be laid upon the
table, without being debated, printed or
referred.
These libelous and illogical resolutions
were passed by an overwhelming MAORI
ty; and the concluding resolve became
rule of the House by vote of l73 to 26,
1t will be seen that under this rule all pc
titions and propositions rejecting on sla-
very in any way were to be laid on the
table, without debate, and without being
printed. To the surprise of Mr.. Gid
dings, he noticed that Mr.. Adams, almost
alone, voted against the first of these
resolutions. Mr.. GIddings privately
asked Mr.. Adams why he thus voted p
and that venerable statesman answered
that, sin case Of soar, Congress and the
Executive would have full power over
slavery, aud might abolish it, if deemed
necessary to save the government"
Nothing in the career of Mr.. Adams
shows more strongly his far-sighted wis
dom than this declaration, which became
the creed OF the nation during our late
war. Nothing moro strikipgly exhibits
his admirable courage than this vote,
which was generally reprehended even
by anti-slaverY men, and the wisdom of
which would not be likely to be vindica-
ted till many years after he should have
passed from the earth.