The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-04-12
THE POSITION OF GEORGIA.


Senator Carpenter deserves credit for his
suggestion in regard to Georgia. The situa-
ton, our readers remember, was this-The
State has been three times reorganized, and
yet Governor Bullock and his friends main
tain that there is no possibility of preserving
order there unless they are permitted to hold
offices for two years beyond the term for
which they were elected. Thereupon Mr..
Drake proposed to admit the State, but to
county or town in which disorders
should occur. Senator Carpenter and
others replied, in effect, ''either Georgia
is fit for civil government or not. If
she is fit, we have no business to put abso-
lutte power into the hands of any man to
establish there at pleasure military dsspot-
ism. If she is not fit for civil government,
pray let us not admit her as State, but keep
her under military rule" The logic is unan-
swerable. The Senate, it appears, has voted,
32 to %, to postpone action while, and it is
possible that the course indicated by the
Senator from Wisconsin may be adopted. We
do not think it the right course to pursue, but
he deserves credit nevertheless for forcing to
its logical results the position taken by the
majority of Republicans.
Either Georgia can be trusted to govern
herself, or cannot be trusted. There is no
middle ground. All the devices for tying up
the State, and giving it the name without the
reality of elf-government, are shabby make
shifts, unworthy of the Republican party and
of Congress. If Georgia can be trusted at all,
it is both duty and sound policy to trust the
State unreservedly and without delay. But if
Georgia cannot be so trusted, we are in duty
bound not to relax military control In the
former case, the policy advocated by Senator
Schurz should be adopted. In the latter, the
policy advocated by Senator Carpenter. But
in either case. the policy of the Butler bill or
of Senator brakes proposed amendment
seems to us to have neither logic, justice, nor
practical good sense
Whether the State shall be fully trusted or
kept under complete military sub lection de-
pends upon a question of fact: Is it impossi-
BILE to maintain reasonable degree of order
there by the methods of peace and self govern
ment? We do not think Congress ought to
decide that question in the negative without
fair trial. Thus far there has been no trial. the
people have not chosen their own rulers, and
been permitted, under those rulers, to show
| Just what sort of government they mean
to maintain. We say this, not in censure
of the course pursued by Congress, for that
course has seemed necessary to the best
men of the Republican party, but as
a naked statement of the fact. Now we
believe that Congress ought to leave the
| people of Georgia free to how Just what they
are and what they want to do. If they break
out into general misconduct, vent their spite
upon loyal men, and refuse to enforce the
law for the protection of all citizens, then
Congress viii have power at any time to
declare the State in insurrection, and the
people will sustain it in doing SO. But
whether the people will sustain Congress in
maintaining military rule simply because
some men fear that the people will misbehave
| is very doubtful indeed. The impression has
gone abroad that Governor Bullock and his
adherents are much more anxious to retain
political power than to give peace to the
State. If they cannot have power without
military rule, they want military rule whether
there is any necessity for it or not. The poo
pie of the Northern States, to whom the
Republicans of Congress must render an
account before the year closes, are not pre-
pared we honestly believe, to justify Con-
gress in keeping Georgia under military rule
because Governor Bullock SAYS the Rebels
will abuse the power of self-government if
given to them. 1t may be true, but the peo-
J pie who will vote next fall would be much