New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1870-12-28
LETTERS FROM THE PEOPLE.
AMERICA AND EUROPEAN ISSUES.
70 the Editor Of The Tribunc.

broader sympathie with the human race can so oNeno
the narrow boundaries OF patriotism that he may ie
and call himself citizen of the world He may hoho!
feel on interest in the progress and webehg oi UNI
versal humanity The first and most important "sPo0'
OF question TO him viii he Its bearing upon the oo'"
well-being of the whole brotherhood OF h"'lonS' IL
similarly there should be in the family oil n'oi9 V"o
that could and should do the same nothing can pe "oo
evident than the ability and duty OF the O'eu o'"s "
be- in the broadest most generous sense cizeh vi w
world TO all other nations Our distance ana ponu"o
observance from them almost impose TINS c on1
upon us. The waves Of excitement ana inc ~. ood
rents OF passion that dash them against eaoh
moi reach or move us. II we present saie ".u -
mOorage of Independent, unbiased, ana i"P ,.,o,
ion on all the questions that agtate thel' oui oP
must act upon them the clear dlspassioia,o
of the sober half Of the world ~ y" 'l.' H,h
wOrthiy and effectively. America mus' i"oi'' ~ -
1laues OF observation, and take broaner Ne"soi uO
@ o,os,iors than the nations do that are directly IN
,ol,od Z, Them In a word, an opinion that auecls
ruropo should be clear fair, unbiased, broad.
Nov there Is no field Of action upon which such an
American opinion could be brought 10 bear more eiec
lively for the webeing of other nations than upon that
source OF nearly all the OF Europe, the balance-o
poNer theory After all the bloody experiences OF the
past this perous fantasy has not only involved France
AMI Germany in tremendous conflict, but 1t threatens
to sweep al the nations of Europe with the same bosom OF
destruction. Moreover, country in the world mas so
fully committed itself this theory England and no
other hand American opinion has to reach Europe mainly
through England She hears what more completely
than any other country and no other country is so soon
or 50 deeply affected by our views II, therefore, we
move her, We the world At this moment Ehgahd
Is again considering the policy she has maintained FOR
centuries aud only too possible that she is deter
mined 10 maintain il to the bitter end in the face OF all
tho arguments which hundreds Of broad minded men
such IA RIchar5 Golden have urged upon her. Their
arguments have he power but an old prejudice IN Pc
RODS excitement often Oyerpowers reason Ana II Is
such crisis that the fair impartial opinion OF Amer
l may and should come turn the scale in favor OF
reason AID Eht.
The balancc-of-power policy the source Of European
was, is based upon the assumption that If nation
should get more territory and population or other form
of power than its nearest shbOr II might so enda-
ger safety of that neghbor that the latter is entitled
10 prevent tie act attempt of acquisition by force o.
arms on the principle OF selfdefense. II is policy
founded entirely in suspicion that civilized nations are
no better than Sayages pirates ready TO pounce upon
each other for conquest and spOliaton 1t is policy
that would bar each nation from growing, whether by
fair or by orchle means. Take for instance, the pres
cut war between France and Germany II all the other
German States had united with Prussaiby spontaneous
sympathy and formed with her great FEDERAL power
without drop Of blood a single act OF violence, the
old power policy would have had stronger ar
guments still 20 oppose that union. The German
Union would been all the more dangerous 70 France
lust because IL had been formed by just and fair and
peaceable mesns for it would be q more powerful
enemy. from there being root of bitterness between
is constituent States Indeed the French war party
with Louis Napoleon at its head depended mainly upon
such roots OF bitterness grievances among the South
German States for success in preventing the forma-
ton of such a power and empire abuttng upon
France for the whole length of its territory
America condemned as strongly England this bal
ance-OfpOwcr war when sprung upon Germany by
France. On what principle did both England and
America condemn IL On this: That France had no just
reason to suspect good faith of her powerful Deghbor
this opinion should America now express tOEngland
this crisis when the latter TO be
the verge Of rushing into war which may drag the
whole Europe and half OF Asia into its maelstrom,
moved by the sentiment, and following the same
baanceo power policy by which France has been en-
guiied In such ruin.
Let us look at this policy as applied to Belgium. En-
gland says TO the world, and puts in the solemn bond
Of treaty that she will fight France Prussia If either
NEEDLES with the independence Of that little State Let
anayzc such policy IL has reference to the will or
interests OF the people OF Belgium. II the Begians
should vote unanimously and enthusiastically to unite
themselves with France, England would by such policy
he ged 10 oppose the union more strongly than II II
were accomplished by force fraud, or wrong because
France would not only have the addition OF the port OF
Antwerp, but OF the whole people of Belgium as COM
pleely French in sentiment interest, and policy as the
Parans themselves In such a case, would il not be the
duty of American opinion to say to England You have
no suspect fear, oppose France m re-
spcct such union with Belgium than France had TO
suspect fear and oppose Prussia because the prospect
OF union OF the German Staesi Do you say that this
new Germany that France regarded with such fanat
cism Of suspicion only made up Of Germanspeaking
and Guaranteeing States lying side by side, cOherentYi
Was Hanover, Saxony Bavaria Prussian in Ian
guage sentiment, proximity than Belgium is French
in all these particulars, and in one more besde-re-
Bgionw
Let us to Russia and how little Englands
baanceOf power policy toward that nation has reference
20 the general webeing Of mankind TO her own true
interests That policy amounts to this You, Russia,
are such dangerous character, that must fight you
prevent your approaching me in India century
or two hence" II she should say to in reply when
We deprecate such policy, "Put yourself in my place."
we can honestly 1--WE have done steadily for
thirty years" Ever since California formed part Of
our Union Russia has been nearest neighbornearer
far than she can ever be to England When young
Pacific State producing mOre Of precious treasure
than ever the mines of Mexico Peru tempted Europe
with, yet feebly peOpied, and further from us,
by practical road, than st. Petersburg from
Calcutta Russia was our nearest and most pow
erful neighbor. She unlike America than
unlike England in the spirit and structure Of her
Government. A republic in position might well
fear her. couple Of fgates from the mouth Of the
Annoy might have seized California and held for year
or more IN spite OF anything could do the interyen
ing distance was great But never feared the
"HOuhern Bear" England thinks 1t fair and right TO
call her. We never for a moment believed that Russia
was pagan or pirate We have never put addi-
tOnsl slOopofwa the through fear OF her She
would be as good neghbOr to England even if the two
nations should divide the whole Continent OF Asia be-
tween Them and 1--we side by side to the end Of time IL
England would treat her We have done-with the
confidence in her good faith disposition The
public opinion Of America, based upon facts like these
may and should be represented to England Immediately
nd ear "A lint