New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1870-01-26
A CROP OF REVENGES

Journals over the water marvel that Ameri-
cans have shown so much feeling on the Ala
bama Claims but for our part, we are sur
prised at their wonder. Sir Charles Dixie rep
resented our cause correctly when he told his
countrymen that the Americans were conscious
that they could afford to wait. If Britons are
puzzled to know whether there is more OF SEN
timent than of calculation in this policy OF pa
tience, we cannot help them. Great Britain
may continue to plant grievances, or may allow
troubles to spring up by neglect-it is for us
only to wait and see them grow. Observe the way
in which Nova Scotia clamors against Confeder-
alton think of the w-Zealanders; consider
the Columbians; look at the fighting Wlnni-
pegs behold the Fenians Each of these may
be q portion of that general crop of reyenges
which is naturally springng up to remind our
British brethren that once upon time rebel
hacked at the tree of liberty, and an Engllshman
sharpened his AK for him. Our grievances, be
they sentimental or otherwise, have struck
root outside of our own boundaries and time
is likely to bring us a crop OF reyenges.
Though we have not sOwn we shall reap, ana
England will have to thank her own folly for
our harvest.
Lord Clarendon may have convinced English
men that he has gloriously exCulpated his Gov
eminent; but the Alabama damages with their
prelude of precipitate recognition are still an
mistaken case; and beyond them are Canada
and Winnipeg, Columbia and Ireland. me
London Echo, one of the few papers which
are candid in respect to our claims, holds that
their settlement would relieve the Irish ques-
Oh hair moi
settlement make dubious more questions than
the Irish one? The Echo asks whether, in the
event of a revolution in France, the English
Government would be as basty to recognize
French Republicans as 1t was to recognize
American Shareholders. Even if the French
rebels were formidable enough to put In
jeopardy the French capital, and to hold Lyons
would an English Cabinet at once declare state
of belligerency7 The world in general can give
but one answer to this question, and 1T is the
answer of The Echo. Lord Clarendon, who 80
lately went to Paris to tender the good offices
of England to keep France in order in the
event of the Emperors death, would not be, OF
course, as willing to aid French Liberals as he
was to help American save-owners. Now, sup
pose the United States were called upon to
recognize a number of Canadian rebels who
had set up a Government within humid
red miles of OttawaY According to
Lord Clarendon's imaginable French policy
we should be obliged to ignore them
but if we respected his American precedent we
should be bound to recognize them at sight.
Indeed, we should have to give notice of our
intention to declare their belligerency without
waiting for Queens Proclamation, or paying
respect to an English Minister, or considering
ANYTHING but the matter of bare fact exagger-
ated by hard self-interest.
Questions like the one suggested might hap
pen to crop out in phenomenal state OF pol
itics. Mr.. Golden thought that if war should
happen between Great Britain and Brazil, for
instance the great British skipper and shipper
would suffer in proportion to the Alabama
damages. Her adversely might prove to be
commensurate with her prosperity, in marine
sense. 1t is impossible to reckon up the tu-
ture; it would be unwse to idly count upon
the decadence of SO energetic and enterprising
a nation as England. Her ships dispute our
own continent with us, and her trade is
mighty guaranty of her influence. But we.
too, have guarantees, and those Of the most
solid and growing character.