The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1870-07-30

The WAR AND THE DIVISION OF
EUROPE. The New York Herald, in the
course of an interesting editorial article
on the above subject, says:
Here, then, we have again-and in q
shape little moro definite than any in
which it has before sppeared-the pro-
position that France should have all the
Counties West of the Rhine as condi-
tion of her assent to the aggrandizement
of Prussia by the absorption of oil the
States of Germany except Austria pro-
per. Was this treaty the draft of the
compact of Biarritz? Substantially it is
the same. But this proposed division of
Europe is older yet, and has still another
point 1t takes in, also, the question of
the East. There are three main terms
in the division of Europe held by the
great Continental Powers that do most
in that way. That Russia should have
Constantinople was the first term; the
second was that Prussia should have such
BILE opposition of Austria to Russian ad-
vance might be of no avail, through tho
crippled condition Of Austria. But what
price should France have for asserting
not only to the ACKNOWLEDGMENT Of Tur-
key, against which she had once gone to
war, but for asserting. nlso, to the great
aggrandizement of her neighbor and to
the Capitalization of Germany, against
which she had struggled, with all the arts
of diplomacy and war, for centuries?
She should have such az accession Of
territory and population as would enable
her to look with complacency on the
growth of her neighbor, and natural
frontier, that it would be dangerous for
an enemy to pass-that is to say, she
should have the Rhenish provinces OF
Germany, the duchy of Luxembourg, and
the Kingdom Of Belgium.
This speculative division in Europe
dates as far back ut least as 1860, and
originated in Paris, aud the parts of it
that moro directly concerns Prussia and
France were considered in the conference
between Napoleon and Bismarck at
Biarritz. In 1866, Prussia secured much
of her part, but not all. France then
assented to the dismemberment of Aus
tria. Unless France saw special gain
in that inactivity, it was blnnder, for
it was better for her that Austria and
Prussia should divide the force of Ger
many between them. Moreover, with all
Germany under one crown she was less
likely ever to conquer the Rhenish
provinces. 1t is not permissible, there,
fore, to believe that she had not IN
understanding then with regard to the
Rhine frontiers, but the game fell short
somewhere. Did the question of Hol-
land arise then? It is not unlikely, and
the ambition of Prussia to become n
naval power gives probability to this
idea. Holland was the "too much" that
Prussia demanded before she could
assent to give the Rhine to France.
In this view, then. the present war is
simply the smouldering fire of four yenrs
breaking out again, and Europe is not
to take the shape that it may keep for
centuries without the voice of France
being heard to very bloody purpose in
the dispute. If France has to fight for
her part Of the bargain she is of course
not under any obligation to respect the
acquisitions of Prussia, and therefore
Austria is not altogether out of the case,
and may yet SEQ her way clear to q re-
opening of the issue once settled at Sa-
dowa. Neither is France under any OBJ
legation to assent to what Russia may do;
but it is not impossible that Russia, OBJ
serving how each of these Powers takes
up its own case, may adopt an equally
unccremonious style Of giving employ
ment to the large force that Turkey now
has concentrated on the Northern slope
of the Balkan. All the indications are
that it will be 4 hot summer for somo-
body in Europe.
REDIJCTIOS or ruC RD1rrcr Dvpr