The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1870-06-02
The Views and Feelings Of Mr.. Sawyer to-
wards the South.

The Views and Feelings Of Mr.. Sawyer to-
wards the South.
In the United States Senate, on the Goth inst,
in reply to question put to him, by Mr.. How.
ard, of Michigan, during the debate on the bill
to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment Mr.. Saw
yer replied in a speech marked by dignity,
independence and foresight. he repelled the
charge that, in advocating general amnesty,
he had forgotten the war, and was actuated by
an Hardor and zeal of friendship for the late
rebels" From his standpoint, as Republican,
these expressions are manly, liberal and con-
servative, and in this light we present them to
our readers: s.z.e
In our practical relations with the masses of
white men in the States lately in rebellion, we
must look at then. as they now stand, and by
the light of present events, rather than by the
through which we have passed; We must in
brief, "let by-gones be by-gones." would
never for moment forget the misery caused
by the rebellion. I would never for moment
cease to discriminate between the patriotism
which led mighty hosts to offer up their lives
to the cause of the Union and the disloyalty
which led other hosts to wage war against that
Union. Let the honors of the Republic ever
follow those brave and loyal men who saved the
nation let our children and children's children
learn to speak the praises of the patriots who,
in the halls of legislation, on thousand bat
tle-felds, on river, lake and ocean, gave their
minds, their energies and their lives to the holy
cause of national integrity.
But, Mr.. President, the question on which L
was speaking is aquestion of how to deal with
a great practical subject of craftsmanship how
we shall best reincorporate into practical and
harmonious relations with the Federal Govern
ment the masses of the white men of the South;
how soonest we shall make them, enter into
and share our own faith in the benefcence
of this government; how soonest to weaken
the strength of their attachment to "lost
cause ;" how, in the most complete way, to inn
bue them with a conviction that the United
States is their country as well as ours, and that
to it they must look as their chief object OF
loyalty rather than to the section whose cause
was lost.
On this question it is my misfortune to differ
with nv distinguished friend from Michigan as
to what is the true policy. On this question l
do not seek guide for my steps in the bitter
ness, the acrimony, the hatreds begotten by
the rebellion. No Senator on this floor has
less cause to be personally favorable to rebels,
as such, than myself. I come here by no rebel
support. The vote of no man who took part
in the rebellion was cast for me. Though for
more than eleven years citizen of South Car
olina, there have never been open to me the
doors of dozen men who were Implicated in
the rebellion. No bribe or social favor among
men who were rebels has ever tempted me to
show the "ardor and zeal of friendship" for the
enemies of my country. But as Senator
from South Carolina, when I allow personal
considerations of this character to control or
determine my conduct, I shall have forgotten
the principles which have governed my life.
am unfortunate in having made the i'm
preston upon the mind of the Senator from
Michigan that took the position against the
test oath, and against the continuance OF the
disabilities imposed by the Fourteenth amend
ment from "the ardor and zeal OF my friend
ship for the late rebels" I have carefully read
the remarks I made on the subject, and am
at att a loss to see what sentence, what line, what
word contained therein indicates any such mo-
tive. am a friend, trust, to all the people
of the State which has honored me with seat
in this body; but Mr.. President, I am not
friend to them as ''rebels" or 'late rebels" 1
am a friend to them, as I would do the offices
of true friendship and I rejoice that when !
take the position of an advocate of the repeal
of the test oath am acting as friend to the
whole people of my State, because am open
ing up way of strengthening the Republican
party, and acting also as friend to the loyal
people of the country by doing something TO
destroy the wall of partition which has SO long
existed between the hearts of Northern and
Southern men.
And permit me to add that I see no logical
connection between the removal of disabilities
and the return of Jefferson Davis or Robert
Toombs to their old places of honor and trust
in this government. If the public sentiment
of Mississippi or Georgia is SO thoroughly dis
loyal as to render the election of men like
these probable, then our reconstruction is
failure, and time only will relieve us from the
evils legislation has sought in vain to cure.
But if, as believe, the vast majority OF the
people of those States care little for Jefferson
Davis or Robert Toombs, or any other rebel
leader, except as they are compelled to think OF
them as under the ban of ineligibility to public
office, when you remove from them the badge OF
distinction which they wear and parade they
will sink into that insignifcance which is the
common fate of the defeated leaders of lost
cause
But, Mr.. President, however necessary it may
be thought to except from bill of relief from
political disabilities such marked cases as those
of Davis, Lee, Toombs and others, certainly it
is not wise or necessary to shut out from all
opportunity for participation in national affairs
the great number of those who are affected by
the provisions of the Fourteenth amendment
and of the Test oath.