The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-04-29
THE PROHIBITION PARTY IN OHIO.

THE PROHIBITION PARTY IN OHIO.
From tho CIeveLand Leader
The circular of the Ohio Prohibition party
announces that their State Convention will be
held in Columbus on Wednesday, the 1st of
June, at which time there will be put in nomi-
nation O candidate for Secretary of State,
Comptroller of the Treasury, a member of the
Board of Public Works, and Supreme Judge.
1t is hardly necessary to repeat at this time
all that has been so often said concerning the
work of the Prohibition party. Though
founded upon q sentiment which must COM
mand universal respect the real effect of the
prohibition movement in politics has been
directly in the interest of its enemies. By
weakening the Republican vote, the proh'-
bitionists have given hundreds of important
offices to the party whose opposition to ex-
else and Sunday liquor laws is openly and
unblushingly announced. AS a political
issue, prohibition has been thoroughly tested
in Massachusetts, and has failed disastrously.
For time the anti-liquor men had full con-
troll of the State, but under their rule the
evils of intemperance increased rather than
diminished. The reform which turns the
drunkard from his poison is a moral, not
political nor legal process, and the attempt
to define by law the power of man to decide
what he shall eat or drink has been
found q difficult and dangerous expedient
In Maine the prohibitionists have given up
the fight, and consented to join issue again
with the Republicans provided they
will nominate SOBER temperate men.
In New Hampshire the Temperance party
has acted as a sort of political irritsnt but it
has attained its full strength and is now on
| the downward path. The prohlbitory prin-
ciple is not one upon which successful poll
tical party can be founded or sustained, and
it is unfortunate, for the good of Ohio, that
! our prohibitionists cannot see this. If,
instead of insisting upon organizing a party
of their own and going through the motions
of nominating candidates who can never
be elected, they should rejoin their strength
to the party of progress and reform, the
ends they seek to accomplish would be much
more readily and securely reached. Their
numbers and their responsibility as
well as the inherent justice of their
cause would give them power to gradually
lead Republicanism towards the results which
they so earnestly covet Their influence
would be towards the nomination and elec-
ton of temperate and progressive men, in
whose hands the prohibitory laws already
existing could be rigidly and impartially en-
forced. From all that experience would
teach, we believe this to be the true policy
of the prohibitionists. If, however, they re-
gard the empty honor of nominating hope
less candidates and polling an insignificant
vote at each succeeding election as prefer
u
the banner of Republicanism, it will, of
course, be proper for them to proceed in the
future as they have done in the past.
HENRY CLAY AND HORACE GREELEY.
From the Cincinnati Gazette.
Horace Greeley celebrates the Trtbune's
thirtieth anniversary in connection with the
birthday of Henry Clay, which came next
day, by glowing eulogy on 'the Great Com
moper whose genius, eloquence, patriotism,
and craftsmanship form one of the brightest
pages in our national history" and, above
all, who twas for forty years our leading
champion of protection to home industry, y
and whose 'words Of wisdom remain to
guide the counsels and animate the efforts of
his countrymen." By this Mr.. Greeley seeks
to hitch the present destructive system to the
name of Henry Clay. The crowning act of
Henry Clays championship of the cause of
protection to American industry was the Tariff
act of 1888, which provided for graduated
reduction of duties that exceeded twenty per
cent, and for abolishing the free list with
the exception-as Mr.. Davis, of Massachu-
setts, said-of 'an unimportant list of dye
stuffs," and for raising duties that were
below twenty per cent, 80 that in period
of nine or ten years the tariff should be
reduced to one universal horizontal duty of
twenty per cent.
Yet the Tribune tries to hitch to Mr.. Clay IS
name q tariff that runs one hundred per
cent and upwards on articles of the most
common necessity, and of the least skill in
manufacture; that lays duties of from fifty to
seventy-five per cent, meant to be prohibi-
tory, vn articles that are the material of all
other industry And against any that advo-
cate moderate reduction of these duties that
oppress industry, and that create monopolies
by prohibition-a reduction that does not go
half way to Mr.. Clays tariff, the Tribune
raises the cry that they are advocates of Brit
ish interests, and therefore are bought with
British gold. Mr.. Clay was the father of the
tariff of 1888. The policy of it was the con-
clusion of his own mind. He carried it by
the force of his own energy. We have reason
to conclude that inasmuch as Mr.. Clay s doc
trine of protection was always that it was q
temporary need for our infant manufac-
lures, he believed that the time had come
for gradually abandoning the protective sys-
tenn, and for reducing the tariff to straight
revenue duty of twenty per cent. on all in
ported articles
ARSENTEETSM IN CONGRESS-