New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1870-11-23
JOHN BRIGHT IN WASHING TON.

There is no doubt that Great Britain is
growing uneasy at the specter of the unset
tied Alabama claims. If there should be gen
eral war in Europe-and peace now in any
part of the Old World is precarious in the cx-
treme-it would be impossible to affect any
longer a contempt for our "sentimental griev-
"ancer The precedent established by tho
English Government in 1861 would become
menace of terrible import, and the misdeeds
of Mr.. Laird and Earl Russell might bring
their own punishment by sweeping British
commerce from the ocean. The traditional
friendship between Russia and the United
States, and the sympathy which has been
manifested in this country for the Cars posi-
ton on the Black Sea question, are naturally
considered with some anxiety in London; and
though it is of course well understood that we
should take no active part in any European
struggle, there are obvious reasons why Great
Britain should want to get clear Of all her
American entanglements before she becomes
involved nearer home. The warlike demon
STATIONS of certain hot patriots in this cOun-
try are rated at their true significance, and
therefore cause no alarm; but the European
prospect puts the Alabama question in new
light. 1t is not General Butler, but Prince
Gortschakoff, who has reused the British con-
science.
A good indication of the anxiety of En-
glishmen TO have the dispute settled Is the
proposition of q writer in The Pail Mall Ga
.efte to send John Bright to Washington to
conduct the negotiations. The Pal Mall Ga
sette has never sympathized with our feelings
on this question. 1t represents that governing
class which all through the war was most
hostile to us, and ever since the war has
pronounced our demands prepOsterOus. MIR.
Bright, on tho other hand has been more
nearly in accord with Ills than any other man
in England. Whatever ground he might take,
as the representative of his Government, in
respect to the main question in dispute, he
certainly appreciates our view of the case,
and estimates properly not only the RESPONSE
biity of Great Britain tor the ravages of the
Confederate cruisers, but the gravity of that
far more delicate issue, the recognition of bel
ligerency. No American needs to be re-
minded of Mr.. Bright's eloquent de-
nunciations in Parliament and elsewhere
of the Birkenhead ship-builders, and
the inefiicency or completely of the Govern
mcnt which allowed its neutrality laws to be
violated in the interest of the rebelous slave
holders. None of us have forgotten his scath-
ing rebuke of the sympathy bestowed upon
"the great conspiracy against human nature"
the "portentOus and monstrOus shape" which
through the lips of Mason and Slidell "asked
"tO be received into the family of nations"
But Mr.. Bright went further than this. He
admitted that the hasty recognition of the
belligerency of the COnfederates. and the gen.
eral attitude of the British Government towards
them, was q grievance of which we had good
reason to complain. of we have not done
things that are plainly hostile to the North"
said he in q speech at Rochdale in December,
1861, "there has not been that friendly and
cordial neutrality which, if had been cti-
"zen of the United States / should have ex-
"pected." OF the proclamation of belligerency
he declared in the House of Commons, in
March, 1865, that cit was done with unfriendly
"haste and it had this effect, that it gave
comfort and courage to the conspiracy at
Montgomery and at Richmond" and he
went on to imagine what the feelings of the
English people would be if, in case of great
revolt in Ireland, the United States, by SINH
lar hasty recognition, should give comfort and
support to insurgents against the authority of
the British Crown.
If Mr.. Bright is well disposed to listen to
our side of the story, we are equally ready to
hear his. The American people have the
fullest confidence in his just and kindly dispo-
sition, and would pay more regard to reason
ing from him than from any other man in
England. We do not know that there is any
particular ground to, believe that the British
Government will act upon the suggestion of
the London newspaper but we should rejoice
in such an appointment, and we are confident
that good would result from it. Still, how
ever the question may be reopened, we trust
the English. people will understand that we
have no disposition to take advantage of their
foreign embarrassments to force settlement.
Gen. Grants policy has tho cordial approval
Of the country, and that policy looks to set
tlement of the controversy on such terms and
in such manner that the ties of friendship
which ought to unite the two countries will
be permanently strengthened.
We thought that the intrigue for the ". s.