The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1870-04-19
COLUMBIA. A. IS. }.
Tuesday Morning, April 10. 1870 \
The RcviewerS RovIeyed---Tho Press
Confcrencc--No. q. r..

The Reviewer Rovleyed---Tho Press
Confsgence--No. q.
In article No. 2, the author OF the Re-
Wow of the PressC Conference resolutions,
alluding to the recognition therein con-
tanned, OF the legal rights Of the colored
man, contends that the resolutions are
ambiguous, and asks what is meant by
illegal rights and personal qualification
and fitness?" We answer for ourselves.
We can give our Interpretation. The
answer is, that the resolutions mean just
what they express neither more nor less.
They mean that we recognize the legal
and political rights OF the negro, under
the Government under which we live.
But the author Of the review asks. "why
announce this recognition Of the colored
mans claims, since we have already done
in deed what we now do in words?"
Our answer Isl we announce it because
our opponents have denied that we make
the recognition, and because it is due to
the whites 'Qf The State that they should
place themselves clearly and formally in
affair aud ssaAonable political attitude.
We,desire toTeform the government of
the state..ooiis We pif!oppese to make sviigor-
ods political. effort In the approaching
canvass. :. no ao so. We We wish to give the
colored votets Of the State every oppor-
sunity Of breaking their present alliance
and of uniting With those who are aim-
ing at q cheaper, better and .pnrer 60
vetnment than the one We have. Hence
It Is proper Tor. the'white men Of the
State to place themselves on tenable
ground. Tits true THAT the recognition
may have little weight with the colored
voters The fact is, that we believe it
will ct present have little effect. But
still, let the declaration be made, and
then if it shall result that the colored
voters still organize against the native
whites, then the issue will be fully under
stood-the negro will have made the
issue of race, and will have to abide the
result. AS for ourselves, we enter into
no game with, the radical, and we are
seeking to trump no card of his. We do
not deny that we would willingly accept
the vote of the colored man in behalf of
good governm mont, but we shall resort to
NO trickery to win it, and we would have
She Southern white man to feel that the
future of this section is not dependent
upon this vote. Let him rely upon him
self. But, says the author of the review,
can we expectsto wean the colored voters
from the party in power? We answer,
zoe do not believe that we can, at this
time. Still is it important that we place
ourselves fright in court"-right before
the tribunal of the world. We mean TO
say this, that q liberal recognition of the
eolored mans claims. in the spirit of
a broad and enlightened humanity,
strengthens our own position, unites our
own ranks, and commends onr cause to
the sympathies that give it strength.
We are liberal in our recognition of the
colored mans status, because of what is
due to ourselves. regardless of his uses
as a voting element. But in one sug-
gestion we heartily concur with the
writer Of the review, viz: that it is unbe-
coming and unwise in US to hold out to
the colored man promise of double
meaning. AS for ourselves, we have no
policy of the kind. This we leave to
party tricksters, to scheming politicians,
and to unscrnpulous demagogues. The
writer, near the close of article No, 2,
refers, with commendation, to the expla-
nation given in an English review, of the
reason why the South refused to use
negro soldiers in the late war, to wit:
s'In the pride of their own white blood,
the Southern people scorned to owe their
independence to the hands of their
bondsmen." Now, upon this we have to
remark, that If the author of the review
means to intimate that, in the pride of
our white blood, we should scorn to use
negro votes in order to build up the State
and bring us back to o more prosperous
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