The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-08-20
ENGLISH NEUTRALITY.
Pron az N. Y. Tinles.


From the NJ Y. Times.
Naturally enough. both Prussia and France
are dissatisfied with the course which is being
pursued by British merchants under the Neu-
traity laws Each declares that the other is
the most favored, and both indulge in open
denunciation. Prussia asserts that England
practically allows her territory to become the
French base of naval operations against the
coasts of North Germany, by supplying
French ships with coal. She also asserts that
England is magazine from which France
can draw any amount of war material.
France, on the other hand, complains that
English merchants are supplying Prussia
freely with everything she needs, and that
both the English Government and people
sympathize with that country to an extent
which impairs their neutrality. Between the
two, England is in a fair way to get the ILL
will of both belligerents, iust as she did in
the Rebellion in this country, aud yet it is
said by her government that she is strictly
fulfilling the duties of neutral under the
law of nations.
The accepted rule now is that neutral ships
may carry what they choose to either belliger-
ent, excepting "contraband of war;" and to
any port which is not blockaded. All goods
are declared to be contraband which are
specially required for war purposes, such as
aims and ammunition, and even such goods
may be supplied without offense, subj iect
only to the risk of capture. Under these
rules it will be readily seen that in case one
of the belligerent powers has a strong war
marine, and the other weak one, the former
possesses a great advantage. This was the
case with the North and South during our
war, and it is the case now with France as
against Prussia. France has a strong navy
and is able to keep a sharp watch, and almost
entirely prevent the supply of contraband
goods to Prussia, while there is no impedi-
ment to trade with France.
So long as the law remains as it is, COM
mercial people like the English will be pretty
sure to take advantage of 1t, and the result
will be that they will have the ili-will of the
belligerent which suffers most, and very
l3sely of both. Nations, like individuals, are
Atfe to resent hostile interference when they
are engaged in contest, even though that
interference may not be prompted by SYM
pathy. English dealers supply the French
feet with coal, and send large numbers of
horses to France, and Prussia very naturally
complains, although it is clear that she does
so upon insufficient legal grounds Still the
fact exists that serious ill-feeling towards
England prevails in Prussia, while England
is lavishing all its sympathy and ''moral sup
port upon Prussia.
Considerable discussion is taking place in
England on the subject, and much regret is
expressed that the cordial feeling between
Prussia and Great Britain has been disturbed.
The remedy which is proposed-and it seems
to be the only one that can be applied-is
to amend the existing neutrality laws so as
to prohibit the sale of contraband goods to
belligerent powers, and to define more fully
what are contraband. 1t has also been sug-
gested that the Queen be empowered, by
order in Council, to prohibit, temporarily,
the supply of such as are not strictly contra
band, but which may become essential to
belligerent as is the case with coal Just at
present.
1t is argued that perfect neutrality is in the
interests Of humanity, inasmuch as it would
tend to shorten wars, and that this considera-
ton ought to be sufficient to overrule the
objection that it would cripple commerce.
Most wars would doubtless be brought to
speedier determination if the belligerents
were confined strictly to their own resources,
and in many instances we do not doubt that
hostilities would be prevented by the general
adoption of a policy of perfect neutrality
But aside from that consideration, we believe
that, in the long run, even so commercial a
country as England would not lose by reso-
lutely repressing trade with belligerents, and
especially in contraband goods. The good
will of other nations is of greater importance
to that country than to almost any other, sim
ply because it is so extensively engaged in
commerce and manufacturing, and it can far
better afford to forego temporary gains
than to hazard the permanent loss of future
trade.
But Great Britain ought to be controlled
by higher consideration than that of mere
pecuniery interest. 1t should be impartial
and fair, and so define the laws as that both
beligerents may know what to rely upon
There should be no technical evasion, no
quibbling, but an honest, straightforward
neutrality, which would win the respect and
preserve the good will of all nations which
may be so unfortunate as to be involved in
war. From the tone of the English press
upon this subject, we judge that the general
feeling is in favor of such policy, and the
indications are that it will be adopted per
haps not soon enough to prevent a misunder-
standing with Prussia, but in time for any
fresh hostilities which may occur.