The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-05-17

m6TC6 WOulu ucNciOp u6W WAnJS ana give
more employment in time even to our own
shipyards. Then competition stimulates en-
terprise, and, with gradual return to the
normal condition OF things as they we're be-
fore the war, our mechanics, inventors, iron
workers, and shipbuilders would soon learn
to rival those of Great Britain. But, after
all, the shipbuilding interest is not the great
est in the country, and in importance does
not begin to compare with the interests in
volved in large mercantile marine and in
the foreign commerce of the country. The
interests of few shipbuilders, of the iron
workers of Pennsylvania, and of the lumber
men of Maine, are insignificant compared
with those of general commerce and the
carrying trade. 10 increase the tonnage of
the country, to bring us up to our former
maritime greatness and to make the United
States the successful rival of England, throw
all other questions and local interests into
the shade This is the one supremely i'm
portant object to be considered.
Among the crude schemes submitted to
Congress for increasing our tonnage is that
of giving bounties or direct bonus of money
on every ton of ships that may be built. This
is the most absurd, ruinous and corrupting
scheme ever proposed in a Legislature It
would be stupendous fraud upon the people
and Treasury for the benefit of few indi-
viduals and must lead to a great corruption.
oOmebnlnB mlBnJ De uOne, ana, perhaps,
ought to be done, to help shipbuilding by
taking off the duty on iron and other mate
rials actually used in the construction of
vessels. The interests of navigation might
be promoted also by drawback of the duty
on things that are used on board ships. A
liberal compensation for mail service to i'm
portant steamship lines might foster that i'm
portant branch of the mercantile marine.
But, perhaps, the most effective way to both
stimulate shipbuilding and to rapidly increase
our tonnage would be to make difference
in duties upon imported merchandise when
carried in American bottoms. If ten, fifteen,
or more per cent. of duties were taken off
imported foreign goods when carried by
American ships. our merchants would very
soon import their goods under the flag of the
United States. 1t may be said that such
discrimination in favor of American and
against foreign bottoms would give offense
to ther commercial nations and cause them to
retaliate. Well, we are not afraid of that
They are compelled to seek a market here for
their silks, satins, cloths, bijouterie, and
luxuries of all kinds, and it would do no harm
if we did not consume so many of these,
while our staples of cotton, tobacco, and
other things they must have. In fact, they
could not retaliate so as to do us any serious
harm. Our own interests, and particularly
those of our shipping and commerce, are first
to be considered. To discriminate largely
and wisely in favor of American bottoms in
the carrying trade between this country and
foreign countries would rapidly increase our
tonnage. 1t is to be hoped Congress will
drop all the crude and little schemes for re-
viving the shipping interests of the country,
and especially that monstrous one of a bonus
on tonnage, and will adopt some comprehen-
sive plan worthy of statesmen.
GOV HOFFMAN PROTECTS DDO ADNUAY
From the NJ Y. Times.
Governor Hoffman has indicated his con-
sistency and preserved the city from fragrant
| robbery and outrageous wrong by refusing
| to sanction the Arcade Railroad bill. The
reasons for his decision are clearly stated in
the document we printed on Monday morn
ing, and they furnish the amplest vindication
of his course. To the readers of the Times,
the objections relied upon by the Governor
| are not new. We urged them again and again,
during the progress of the measure through
the Legislature, whose action is now officially
srraigned with cogency which seems to us
| irresistible.
To state fairly the provisions of the bill is
! to secure its condemnation. The extraordi-
nary powers conferred upon the corporators,
/ the unexampled manner in which the rights
of property are invaded and the business in
terests of our great thoroughfare placed in
jeopardy, the extent to which public pro-
perty is surrendered in utter violation of
faith with the citys creditors, the fact that
for the purpose of conducting speculative
experiment the machinery of the local Gov
ernment is operated adversely to the public
veal, are points upon which the Governor
enlarges with admirable effect. He shows
that while property-owners are menaced
with a method of estimating damages or
compensation for which there is neither pre-
cedent nor justification, and while public
property is assigned away to an extent
which has no parallel, the corporators are
virtually absolved from the responsibility
which should attach to all public works.
They acquire enormous and most dangerous
privileges, and, in turn, furnish no adequate
guarantees. They may take public property
without compensation, and, after all, leave a
large part of their project untouched. They
may obstruct business for period that Is
practically unlimited, and so defeat the only
purpose of the bill which possesses the least
plausibility. They are made the masters of
Broadway, its property and trade, all IN con-
nection with an enterprise which many prac-
tical men pronounce visionary, and for the
failure of which there can be no remedy.
To the eorporators the bill is mine OF
wealth; to our propertied and trading classes
it is a scheme of spoliation and wrong; to the
general public it is delusion and snare.
From evils SO manifold and great the in
tervention of Governor Hoffman happily de-
livers us. He has moral courage enough TO
disregard appeals based upon his alleged ap-
proval of another charter and vision clear
enough to detect the falsity of the pretenses
by which some have sought to conceal the
real scope of the plan. Nor does he Ignore
the necessity of providing increased facilities
for city transit The direction to which the
growth of the city is limited renders lmpera-