The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1870-08-30

believing them elevated 80 far above him by |
the greatness of their nation. To-day, while |
cherishing vague, poetic affection for his
own limited territory, he is proud to bear the
burden of federal government, which makes
its influence felt in the councils of Europe,
believing himself rendered thereby much
more worthy, personally, of inspiring con-
sideration, respect, or fear. Those even who
have lost most by the formation of the new
confederacy share this feeling, and find it
compensation for the sacrifices they have
been forced to make.
SHALL GERMANY BE PRUssIANIzED
The unity of Germany must, then, be re-
garded as consummated; but will Germany
absorb Prussia, or will Prussia absorb Ger
many? Such is the important question which
now turns up. BY Prussia we mean the
Prussian government with its bureaucratic
traditions and its old absolutist principles,
together with its army which, although re-
cruited in a manner somewhat democratic, is
commanded by body of officers essentially
aristocratic-a government active and intelli-
gent, but formal and despotic in desire, and
greatly disposed to range itself under the
standards of the school of 'Cesarism." By
the Prussian people we are to understand the
best educated in Europe active and indus
trious, possessing in the highest degree the
spirit of association, and appearing little
likely to become consolidated under govern
ment so far from being comfortable to their
manners and feelings.
GERMAN Federal, FEELINGS.
Federation in Germany has been failure.
The spirit of federalism exists there under
the pedantic name 'particularismus. 1t re-
presents not only ideas and traditions, but
above all powerful and varied interests 1t
constitutes the local life and preservation of
those numerous small centres of intelligence
IL
the progress of Germany It exists even in
Prussia, for Westphalian or a citizen of the
Rhenish provinces has nothing of the Prus-
sian about him except the name and uniform
which he adopts in the service of King Will
liam. They are very sectional and at the
same time very German, and although the
Prussian administration has as yet permitted
them to retain, contrary to the advice of
centralizers, the laws they inherited from
France, they see nothing in the rule under
which they are placed except disagreeable
change, and look forward with anxiety to the
time when the name of Prussian shall give
way to that of German.
Our future relations with the most power
ful OF those nations which border France will
depend upon the way in which this question
will be solved between Prussia and Germany.
Should Germany absorb Prussia, then the
centre of Europe would belong to a nation
whose interests, habits, and ideas tend
towards the support of liberal institutions,
who will probably set us an example in this
respect, or certainly follow us with enthu-
siasm, should we fortunately precede them.
1t would form a social body possessing all
the requisites for making a free people, but
having interests too diverse to be ever
aggressive-a nation probably more
military and less bellicose than ours
Its internal prosperity developed, and
its legitimate influence recognized abroad,
would in time become the pledges of peace
in the future. I think we should accept such
a result with good grace, although we might
feel some regret for the extinction of its
ancient landmarks. We certainly should pre-
fer such an arrangement to a division, pure
and simple, of Germany between Prussia and
Austria, as this would have the effect of
placing on our frontiers two powers always
ready to compromise us in their quarrels, or
unite against us, lest the one might appear to
be less German than its rival.
THE DANGER TO GERMANY OF PRUssIAN AscEN-
DANCY.
On the other hand, the absorption of Ger
many by Prussia would be the establishment
of ''C@sarism" in Central Europe The oner-
BUSINESS of the rule, SO contrary as it would
be to German feelings, the numerous interests
it would trample upon, the necessity it
would feel placed under of quieting liberal
aspirations by hattering the people with ex-
aggerated ideas of national importance, would
all combine in obliging it to adopt towards
other nations restless, threatening and ag-
gressive policy. 1t would at all times be
standing danger to the peace of Europe and
a serious obstacle to the caEse of liberty.
POLICY OF BISMARCK TOWARDS THE MINOR STATES
In what sense, then, will this question be
solved? Without pretending to foretell its
future solution, one can indicate the different
elements which exist. The Prussian system
has in its favor the prestige of success, the
right of victory, confidence in the future, and
the dissension which exists among all those
parties who are opposed to it. The success
OF M. de Bismarck has not only disorganized
parties in Prussia but in all Germany. That
minister sapped the foundation of the party
even which he represented. One can easily
imagine the aversion of the Prussian
legitimists for the tortuous policy of such
statesman as he; but, then, obedience
to the King being their leading principle,
when they found NJ. de Bismarck sustained
by him, they felt it their duty to follow his
guidance. Hostile to all that they designate
as revolutionary; hostile to the Italian king
dom; hostile to the aggrandizement of Prus-
STA, which must weaken their particular infiu-
ence, they have seen themselves ignored by
him whom they themselves had carried into
power M. de Bismarck then turned upon
the liberal party, taking out of their hands
the arms with which up to that time they
had combated. During three years he had
braved with impunity the Chamber of Depu-
ties, in which the liberals had a majority.
1t made no response except by ineffec-
tual words to Minister who trampled
upon its constitutional privileges. Regard
ing liberal ideas as mania of which the
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