The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-01-27
General Grant and Congress.

and the dawn OF the millennium.
General Grant and Congress.
From the N. Y. World.
In the published correspondence OF Henry
Clay there is letter, written in 1850, in
which he expressed his opinion of the admin
istration of President Taylor. He called it the
strangest administration he had ever seen,
saying that none of the Wing members Of
Congress had any intercourse at the White
House. Mr.. Seward, he said, had until
his higher law speech earned him the con-
tempt of all honest men. The passage is OF
some interest, as implying MIR. Clay's esti-
mate OF the kind of relations that ought to
exist between President and the leading
Congressman OF the party that elected him.
If Mr. Clay had ever been President himself
he would have exercised the functions of the
head OF his party as well as the head of the
Government. In this character he would
have continued those consultations with pro-
mlnent congressman which are the chief
means by which party leadership is exerted.
1t is hardly possible that President should
have powerful and successful administra-
tion who does not combine the party leader
with the statesman. The influence of the
Presidential office is small except as il affords
standing place and advantages for controlling
the party whose moral aud political sup
port is needed for invigorating his admin
istration and carrying measures. Since
the rise of parties in this republic, no Presi-
dent has had popular administration who
did not possess and exert the talents of a party
leader. The two party Presidents whose
popularity was the most unbounded, and who
went out Of Office with as much <clat as they
came in WITH were Jefferson and Jackson, the
most consummate party leaders we have ever
had. The first of our unpopular administra-
tions was that of John Adams-a statesman of
powerful abilities, but too isolated and i'm
10 o1ryic ol,s ,fI l.;
party. The consequence was that Hamilton
was the head OF the Federal party while
Adams was the Federal President. AS the
latter gave no confidence, he received none;
and he broke down both himself and his party
before he had served out one term. John Quincy
Adams also attempted to be President with
out being party leader; and with similar
result. Had General Taylor lived, his admin
istration would have been equally unsuccess-
full. The two greatest failures of all have
been the two Presidents who were without
any political party at all, namely, Mr.. Tyler
and Mr.. Johnson.
The fact that General Grant does not pos
sess, or dees not choose to exert, the talents
of party leader, prognosticates feeble ad-
ministration. Though he is in the very
focus of political activity, he wraps himself in
impenetrsble reserve. He practises none Of
those frank consultations by which mems
hearts may be won even while their wishes
are thwarted. General Grant, instead of being
the impelling and harmonizing soul of the
party that elected him, leaves 1t to move in
its way, while he moves in his, each in an in
dependent orbit. The leading Republican
Congressman naturally regard such treatment
as slight. They feel that they are entitled
to be treated with more confidence. Even if
General Grant thinks that he has no need
of their advice and cooperation, 1t would be
cheap courtesy to consult them and
listen with some Difference to the express
sion OF their views. II he is gifted with
that natural ascendancy over men which
is one OF the first qualifications of o statesman,
he would be in no dangerpf being swayed out
of his purposes by freely oounselling with the
Congressional leaders. The secrecy in which
he iptrenches himself has look as if he re-
gsTded them with contempt or hostility. He
acts as if he were preparing campaign against
watchful enemy, and feared that disclosure
/ Of his plans might foil them. Leading party
men are not accustomed to be thus condemned,
and 1T is hardly in human nature that they
should patiently bear it. Successful party
leaders never treat their followers in this
| sighting way, in any free country. We can
! not imagine Mr. Gladstone or Mr. Disraeli
thus standing aloof in contemptuous isolation,
trusting nobody with their purposes, and not
deigning to give the men of their party any
more conndt nee than II they were SO many
|
| A President-elect who gives no confidence
cannot reasonably expect any. AS he keeps
the members of Congress bewildered in futile
speculatons as to what he intends to do, and
repels their curiosity as impertinence he can
not be making any progress in gaining their good
will. 1t is not surprising, therefore, that the
Senate is unwilling to repeal the Tenure-of-
Office act, and restore to him the powers OF
which Congress deprived President Johnson.
| The Senate Committee to whom that subieet
was referred, grudgingly consent to give him
the control OF his Cabinet but refuse to trust
him with the authority possessed by all for
mer Presidents until Congress quarreiled with
one whom they, denounced as renegade.
The Tenure. Of Office bill, as il first
passed the Senate, did not include the
Cabinet; and General Grant will see
that that body proposes to keep on
him the same letters which it originally in
tended to impose on a President whom Il dis
trusted and hated. The Senate classes Gene
raj Grant with President Johnson; not with
the long line of preceding Presidents, who. for
nearly eighty years, removed officers at their
! pleasure. General Grant will come into noa.