The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-03-31

government, aud all other parts are bnt safe-
guards to prevent tyranny. This ia the re-
verse OF what the oligarchs say--they holding
that Congress is the government and the
Bxecutiye the funoHonary OF Congress. Pur-
suing this idea, the ambitious minority always
works upon the fears OF the people by repre-
septiDg the Executive as aiming at tyranny,
and thus executive power Is given into the
hands of the legislature. Then follow in the
conflict of schemes and oouusels disorder,
license, corruption, anarchy, the destruction
of property, the loss of all public morality,
till the nation becomes a bauditu and Is
botted ont, or till some fellow hats his
guard in front of the Legislative hall, strides
in, and declares himself FIRST consul, king, or
emperor, and has the applause of the nation
because at least he represents order and
safety. One might write formal history Of
republics on this outline of events, changing
the names to suit occasion, and it would be
always true.
We are led TO these reflections by the ap.
pearance in the New York Sun of a proposi-
tion that the American people shall now take
one H.ore step than they have hitherto taken
in this career. The Sun is the organ. and in
great part, we believe, the property of a Sena-
tor who takes an active part in the support of
the Tenure of-Office law, and therefore, in
shadOwiDg forth the programme of the men
who mean to rule this country by Grant or
without Grant, it May be supposed to have
authority and to speak by the card. We
ought at least to be glad that the men who
propose those steps that must inevitably lead
to ruin will let us know what they are at.
Thus says the Sun:-"The fact that Congress
has been administering this Government these
past three or four years, in substantial inde-
pendence of the Executive, marks our
course towards new methods of poliu-
cal development. This tendency to the
limitation of executive authority is especially
1t .l,sl to n1a
| it as been worthy of philosophical obser-
vation long while, and there is some good
philosophy on the subject in the debates of
the body that formed our Federal Constitu-
tion. Therefore we scarcely assent that it
| points to any new methods in government.
With this sort of stuff for preface, we have
! laid before us the future programme of the
a. archists in the Senate, which is that il Grant
will not relinquish his present attitude, if he
will not give way to the pressure OF the plum
| derers in their eagerness for office, If he will
not send to the right about "the interior and
unknown men" now in his Cabinet, and put
in their places distinguished representatives
of influential political and national interests"
! the ''recognized leaders OF opinion and
aotion'-and will not give up to the poll
ticiaDs the whole run of Government
patronage and plundsr, then they will
regard him as having forced the
"irst step towards the con natitutional change
which shall finally extinguish his office, and
| will SO order their measures that he shall be,
if not the last President, at least the last with
even a semblance of power, aud the men of the
future, with the Presidency botted out shall
look only to the halls Of legislation for the
theatre of their anticipated renown." Here
is plan. Here is finally this open announce
ment OF the intention to destroy the Govern
ment, if possible, in the interest of the politi-
clans If they cannot otherwise be satisfied in
their eemands. The politicians are more than
the people This is their declaration, Grant
is elected by the people; the direct representa-
tives of the people are with him, and this
Senate, body Of men holding places bought
from venal Legislatures, Eliminates its decree
for his doom. The impudence is sublime and
ridiculous too.
In this programme is skstched the natural
culmiDation of the radical policy. Whittier
could it lead but to this ? Under our system
the test of the power OF parties before the
people has been on the one grand point, the
choice of an Executive. Radcalism could but
hate this; for its purposes were not the pur-
poses of the people, and it could never secure
, the Executive of its choice. Hence, sure that
, it can never secure the Office, 1t desires to
abolish it. Under eur system the Executive
is directly responsible to the people, and the
radicals, knowing we'll how little their acts
up the Supreme Court rather than submit
, their laws to revision. From the day when
we saw by their reconstruction niger legisla-
, tion that they did not respect humanity itsel
or the laws of God, when these were inimical
, to their schemes, we could not suppose that
they would respect in the same contingency
, our forms of government. From the first dis
, covery of their power in Congress these mer
, have proposed such change in our government
as would give them power, though the deluge
came after; and in the enactment of the
Tenure OF. Office law they made use of the mis-
, takes of foolish Executive, using him as 9
cover in laying the foundation of their plan
But how far can this gof What is the poin,
I at which the President is no longer bound to
. stand still At what exact point does the
) tentative towards anarchy unite the hands o
I the officer whose primary duty Is to uphold
order 1t has been accepted as theory o.
our law that the Constitution supposes III
own protection, and James Buchanan is held
} as having been altogether in the wrong IL
that regard for cert tain parts that would have
4 sacrificed the whole. The same Is true of tht
! Executive. Regard to it's own existence and
D integrity is presumed as the first OF its duties
f ard it is in hands that will render up it
: powers as good as they were found, from al
= instinct OF natural honesty. Although the
politicians have forced Grant into some tigh
places and bothered him with intrigue ant
3 bullying, it may not be untimey to remin'
: them that when the element OF force is intro
{ duced they will put him to power with who's
: use lie is more familiar.
:; President Grant and RepresentatlY