The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1869-07-29
ENGLAND.
An English View of the French Situation.
fIarorn the Inndon Gtnr Iulv

An English View of the French Situation.
From the London STAR July III
The message Of the Emperor of the French stu
d,ously vague and ambiguous as 1t IL, can pc
garded only the commencement OF a vast political
change in the government of France or as the first
step towards long and uncertain conflict between
authority and opinion. 1t cannot be disputed that
the theory OF personal government has many and
powerful supporters. 1t is strong with the adhe-
rents Of the imperial dynasty 1t has on Its side
much Of the property and some considerable portion
Of the intelligence OF France, and, above ALL 1t is
the creed OF the great official and military
hierarchies which constitute SO large and all-per-
vading a power In French society. In
the first place, personal government or the die
tatorsh1p, has lasted Tor twenty years. Now,
in countries where political freedom Is most highly
developed, II is perfectly possible for dictator to
power for short time in order to deal with great
public danger. in such cases, when the crisis Is
past extraordinary powers can at once be laid aside
ana the return to constitutional forms may be ef
fected without Inconvenience and without changing
the habits or effacing the traditions OF law abiding
government that has extended over nearly one gene
ration Of mankind. Twenty years Of dlsuse have
done much to destroy the influence and authority 4
parliamentary government in France. The same
power which silenced the legislature fettered the
press and abolished the right OF public meeting.
generation, therefore, has grown up with no po-
ltical experience or education. Universal suffrage
Is the basis OF the political system. and In the alb
scence OF public discussion the voters, untutored
ana unorgauized, either the slaves OF public
funcrionares the dupes OF wild and irresponsible
agitators. The domestic policy OF the Emperor has
rendered to foster the belief among the peasants
and artisans that IN their wants they may look to
their government, ana that it is the duty OF the
government to assist them and provide them with
have exercised their rights In the election
OF deputies, but the whole administration OF
public business has been In the hands OF
functonaries responsible to no one but the
heads Of their respective departments. 1t is difficult
to conceive a more hopeless task than TO communi-
cate to this unframed multitude the sense OF poti-
cal independence and the habits Of political life.
Nor s 1t only with the constituent body that to
be found great obstacles to parliamentary govern
ment. IL the voters unframed, their leaders are
no less Their apprenticeship has yet TO be under
gone Even in the time OF Louis Philippe the Cham
ber rich as IL was In men OF very high ability was
ever sngularly wanting In the tact and moderation
which are essential TO the conduct OF business in
Of the chiefs Of different sections made
It almost impossible to construct harmo
NOUS Cabinet, or to keep together parliamentary
majority. There was none OF that feeling which IL
the tradition OF our House OF Commons, and which
IL valuable in practice that Whatever may be the
state OF parties the government OF the country must
be carried 1t necessarily followed that the
Chamber became discredited In the country. Indi-
vIdual deputies preserved but slender connection
with their constituents, and, when once at Paris,
cared but little for the opinion OF the departments
The Chamber, in its collective capacity TOOK no heed
Of what we call the opinion out of doors. The re-
suit was that when it fell 1t was scarcely more re-
GREETED than Louis Philippe. Such are some Of the
dangers that await the Introduction OF constitu-
tona government in France, but 1t Is hardly t0-be
believed that the French alone OF the nations OF
western Europe Will prove themselves unequal TO
the task OF self government