North Iowa times. [volume] (McGregor, Iowa) 1867-current, 1869-03-24
VOLUME XIII---N0, 27,

| VOLUME XIII---NO :
as shall ever believe, of burying all hos
tile feelings in the grave of the past. The
bitter war was waged on the part of the
government to vindicate the constitution
and save the Union, and, if l have erred in
trying to bring about more speedy and
lasting peace, to extinguish heart -burninss
and enmities, and to prevent trouble in the
south, which, retarding material prosperity
in that region. injuriously affects the whole
country, l am quite content to rest my
case with the more deliberate judgment OF
the people, and, as have already init
mated, with the distant future.
| The war, all must remember, was stu
pendous and deplorablc mistake. Neither
side understood the other; and, had this
simple fact, and its conclusions, been kept
in view. all that was needed was accom-
plished by the acknowledgment of the ter
| rb.e wrong, and the expressed better feel
| ing and earnest endeavour at atonement,
shown and felt in the prompt ratification
| of the constitutional amendments by the
southern states at the close of the war.
Not accepting the war as confessed false
| step on the part Of those who inaugurated
| it, was an error which now only time can
cure, and which, even at this late date, we
should endeavor to palliate. Experiencing,
moreover, as we have done, the frightlul
cost of the arbitrament of the sword, let
us, in the future, cling closer than ever to
the constitution as our only safeguard. 1t
is to be hoped that not until the burdens
now pressing upon us with such fearful
weight are removed, will our people forget
the lesson of the war +; and that, remem>
bering them, from whatever cause, peace
between sections and states may be per-
petuated.
The history of late events in our coun-
try, as well as of the greatest governments
OF ancient and modern times, teaches that
we have everything to fear from depar-
ture from the letter and spirit of the con-
stitution, and the undue ascendancy of men
allowed to assume power in what are con-
sidered desperate emergencies. Sylla, on
becoming master of Rome, at once adopted
measures to crush his enemies and to con-
solidate the power of his party. He es.
tablished military colonies through
Italy, deprived of the full Roman franchise
the inhabitants of the Italian towns who
had opposed his usurpation, confscated
their lands and gave them to his soldiers,
and conferred citizenship upon number
OF slaves belonging to those who had pro-
seribed him,-thus creating at Rome a
kind ef body guard for his protection.
After having given Rome over to slaugh>
ter, and tyrannized, beyond all example,
over those opposed to him and the legions,
his terrible instrument of wrong, Sylla
could yet feel safe in laying down the en-
signs of power, so dreadfully abused, and
in mingling freely with the families and
friends of his myriad victims. The fear
which he had inspired continued after his
voluntary abdication, and on retirement,
was law to people who had permitted
themselves to be enslaved. What but a
subtle knowledge and conviction that the
Roman people had become changed, dis
couragcd, and utterly broken in spirit,
could have induced this daring assumption?
What but public Indifference to conse-
quences SO terrible as to leave Rome open
to every calamity which subsequently, be-
fel her, could have justified the conclusion
of the dictator and tyrant in his startling
experiment?
We find that, in the time which has
since elapsed, human nature and cxiscncics
in governments have not greatly changed.
Who, few years ago, in contemplating
our future, could have supposed that, in
brief period of bitter experience, every
thing demanded in the name of military
emergency, or dictated by caprice, would
have come to be considered as mere a mat
ter of course; that emancipation, confisca-
ton, loss of personal liberty, the subjecton
of states to military rule, and disfranchise-
mcnt, with the extension of the right of
suffrage merely to accomplish party ends,
would receive the passive submission, if
public. 1t has been early demonstrated
by recent occurrences that cacroachments
upon the constitution cannot be prevented
by the president, however devoted and de-
termined he may be; that, unless the peo.
pie interpose, there is no power under the
constitution to check a dominant majority
of two thirds of the congress Of the United
States. An appeal to the nation is attend
ed with too much delay to meet the emer-
gency while, if left free to act, the people
would correct in time such evils as might
follow legislative usurpation. There is
danger that the same power which disre-
CARDS the constitution will deprive them of
the right to change their rulers, except by
revolution. We have already seen the ju-
risdiction of the judiciary circumscribed,
when it was apprehended that the courts
would decide against laws having for their
| sole object the supremacy of party :;
while the veto power, lodged in the cxecu-
| tive by the constitution, for the interest
ana protection of the people, and exercised
| by Washington and his successors, has
| been rendered nugatory by partisan ma
jority of two-thirds in each branch Of the
national legislature. The constitution evil
IDENTIFY contemplatcs that, when bill is
returned with the presidents objections, it
will he calmly reconsidered by congress.
Such, however, has not been the practice
under the present party rule. 1t has be-
come evident that men who pass bills un-
der partisan influences, are not likely,
through patriotic motives, to admit their
error, and thereby weaken their own or
sanization by solemnly confessinS it under
official oath. Pride Of opinion, if nothing
else, has prevented calm and disrassionate
reconsideration of bill disapproved by
the executive. Much as | veneratc the
constitution, it must be admitted that this
condition of affairs has developed defect
which, under the aggressive tendency of
tn legislative department of the governs
ment, may readily work its overthrow. 1t
may, however, he remedied without dis
turbing the harmony Of the instrument.
The veto is generally exercised upon con>
stitutional grounds, and whenever it is so
applied, and the bill is returned with the
executives reasons for Withholding his sig