The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1869-04-18
Our Claims Engiand-speech OF Charlie,
-tt.tff sr Summer.


The speech of Charles Sumner, of Massa-
chusetts, in executive session of the Senate,
on April 13, 1869, on the Johnson Clarendon
treaty for the settlement of claims, is given
to the public, the injunction of secrecy hav-
ing been removed by order of the Senate.
The speech is of great length, and opens
as follows:
Mr.. Sumner. President, a report
recommending that the Senate do not ad-
wise and consent to treaty with foreign
power, duly signed by the plenipotentiary
. of the nation, is of rare occurrence. Trea-
ties are often reported with amendments,
and sometimes without any recommends
tion, but do not recall an instance since
came into the Senate, where such q treaty
has been reported with the recommendation
which is now under consideration. The
character of the treaty seemed to justify the
exceptional report.
1 do not disguise the Importance of this
act; but I believe that in the interest of
peace, which every one should have at heart,
the treaty must be rejected. a. treaty which,
instead of removing an existing grievance,
leaves it for heart-burning and rancor can
not be considered settlement of pending
questions between two nations. 1t may
seem to settle them, but does not 1t is
aoter Of the treaty now before us. The
massive grievance under which our country
suffered for years is left untouched; the
painful sense of wrong planted in the na-
tional hear is allowed to remain. For all
this, there is not one word of regret or even
of recognition; nor is there any semblance
of compensation. It cannot be for the in
terest of either party that such treaty
should be ratified.
It cannot promote the interest of the
United States, for we naturally seek justice
as the foundation of good understanding
with Great Britain; nor can it promote the
interest of Great Britain, which must also
seek real settlement of all pending ques
tions. Surely do not err when say that
q wise craftsmanship, whether on our side
or on the other side. must apply itself to
find the real root of evil, and, then, with
courage tempered by candor and modera-
tion, see that it is extirpated. This is for
the interest Of both parties, and anything
short of it is q failure.
Mr.. Sumner then analyses the provisions
OF the treaty, and says:
While doing so little for us, the treaty
makes ample provision for all known claims
on the British side. AS these are exclusively
individual" they are completely covered
by the text, which has ho limitations or ex-
ceptions. Already it is announced in Eng
land that even those of "Confederate bond
holders" are included. have before me an
English Journal which describes the latter
= claims as founded on ''immense quantities
Of cotton, worth at the time of their seizure
nearly two shillings pound, which were in
the legal possession of these bond -holders;"
and the same authority adds: "These claims
will be brought, indifferently with others,
before the designed joint commission, when
ever it shall Sit"
Z From another quarter I learn that these
bond-holders are very sanguine of success
under The treaty as IL IS aoorded, and certain it
is that the loan went up from 8 to 10, rs
soon as it was ascertained that the treaty
was signed. !" doubt if the American peo-
pie ase ready just now to provide for any
such claims That they have risen in the
market is an argument against the treaty.
Close upon the outbreak of our troubles,
just one month after the bombardment of
Fort Sumter, when the rebellion was still
undeveloped, when the National Govern
ment was beginning those gigantic efforts
which ended 80 triumphantly, the country
was startled by the news that the British
Government had intervened by proclama-
ton which accorded belligereLt rights to the
rebels. At the carly date when this was
done, the rebels were, as they remained TO
the close, without ships on the ocean, with
out prize courts or other tribunals for the
administration of justice on the ocean
aUithoM any Of those conditions aohich are the
essential prerequisites to such concession; and
yet the concession was general, being appli-
cable to the ocean and the land, 80 that by
British fiat they became ocean belligerents
as we'll as land belligerents. In the swift
ness of this bestowal, there was very little
consideration for q friendly power; nor does
ut appear that there was any inquiry into
those conditions precedent on which it must
depend. Ocean belligerency being q '.fact, Z"
and not principle" can be recognized