Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1869-10-21
UNIVERSAL sUFFRAGE.

Letter from lhe Hon. Horace Greeley.
From the DardaneIIe Times, of Arkansas.
j 1t is with great pleasure that we call
/ the attention of the public to the fol-
! lowing letter from the Hon. Horace
Greeley, ON the question of suffrage,
/ addressed to the editor OF this paper.
and published with the consent of the
distinguished author. The great talents
Of Mr. Greeley-reudered more resplen-
dent by their devotion to the national
f. 55Oi-wiIl procure for the letter which
~ suIjoin that thoughtful consideration
.t once the due OF 50 eminent publ
est and so important theme
NEW YORK TRIBUNE, !
NEW YORK August 30, 1863
My DEAR SIR am at variance with
some Unionists, yourself, L judge, among
them, as to the wise and safe course TO
/ be pursued with regard TO those disfran-
enlisted for active prominence III the re
rbeiiiou. Differences are inevitable and
moi wholly undesirable, but it is well
! that we should understand each other
/ Here are the heads OF my position.
l. believe in government by the
1 people-the whole people. Some of them
/ / knOw, are grossly Ignorant, others
! sadly deprayed; some secretly banker
after monarchy and other foi hidden
fruit What then? Shall none have
voice in the government but those who
think rs | do, or are not as right as l
think lam? What is aristocracy-the
government of the best, perhaps a good
form of government, but not Ours-nOt
that inaugurated by the musSetry Of
Concord, or the cannon of Bunker Hill; f.;
ours is a government of the whole, and
1 abide by it.
:. I 90 not doubt that many of the
late rebels are bitter, revengeful, hate
fal malignant. Those who keep out OF
the ranks, and so escaped being whipped
are of course the worst. | assume 1t
was weIl-if you please, essential-tO
deny the right of suffrage to some OF
these persons. But even you admit that
they can not be kept disfranchised for
ever-th t a time must come when they
should be allowed to vote. | insist that
time has come. Our difference is one Of
time and circumstances, not of princi-
pie. Let US reason together.
3. [ think you will not deny that if
the rebels are to be enfranchised, it We're
better that this should be done by the
Repu blicans than over them. Virginia
and Tennessee show us what it Will be.
If disfranchisement could endure any
where, why not in Tennessee? She re-
constructed herself during the war, in
utter independence of, Congress. She
has been fought overinch by yinch-nearly
all her men mad been IN the one army
or the Oiher. a majority of them in the
rebel; and it was clear from the outset
that enfranchisement imperiled the
Union ascendency; and the very leSis-
lative acts designed TO render rebel
restoration impossible, have served to
render it complete, overwhelming.-
"Can We not discern the signs of the
times"
4. You may believe, as [ scarcely
think you do, and as do not, that con-
tinued rebel disfranchisement is desira
BILE only the more strenuously insist
that it is impossible. History and the
genius of the age forbid it.
) ] do not doubt that the rebels would
have denied the right of suffrage to
Unionists, had they triumphed-den
for years-perhaps for q generation.-I
Bat | insist that ours is higher, amOre
humane civilization than theirs; that
they could do many things that we can
not I know there are blood-thirsty
men among us. [ don't believe our
safety IS to be secured by hanging them.
6. Shakespear says:
1--we teach bloody instructions.
Which return TO plague the inventor
If We, being uppermcst, prescribe,
they vino will yet be uppermost are
morally certain to do likewise. We can
not expect them to do better than we 10.
If we prescribe rebels so long as we
may, they will in turn prescribe Radicals.
We shall have the factions Of Marius
and SyIla over again.
There is a more excellent way, and we
must pioneer it. There is nothing safer
than magnanimity. We can hold over
by showing that ours is the higher and
more humane civilization.
'.Let us have peace" Ia
sr Yours, truly,
HORACE GREELEY.