Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1869-10-24
THE NATIONAL CAPITAL
Prominent Authorities in Favor of its Re.
movSl.
Opinions Of Statesmen ia 1899, 1914 sht
I946.
Madison, Lee, Stockton, Webster, Pickering
and Benton.
From the Chlcago TrIbune.

From the Chicago Tribune.
The argument OF the tradesmen and
property-holders of the village o.
Washington, for the retention of the
capital amongst them, is that this spot
was "eonsecrated" by the preference
of all the patriots. 1t is SO common
for statements of this kind to be made,
without authority, and circulated
through ignorance, that / recently
took opportunity to overhaul the ven-
erable "Debates and Proceedings in
the Congress of the United States,
published by Gales & SeatOn, as well
as the debates of later Congresses,
published by John Q. Rives, to see
upon what foundation stood the war
rfor's pride.
And, as Participated, the fOrefathers
approached this subject with the same
practical sagracity which we are called
upon to assume in recOnsidering it.
They looked for no omens nor sacred
birds to fix their choice. They took
Washington City as a compromise,
against the wish Of a majority Of them,
and particularly against the wish Of
AllE L1dSLGEA NDe2AlE anu -tAA1NAAO AgN4ANN
people and statesmen. They spoke OF
the importance of getting as far west
Ward as possible, as far back as l4e9;
and they did 90 as lar west as practi-
cable, considering the narrow strand
of population and the condition Of
American highways at that time.
From the moment Washington was
fixed upon the common sense of the
East reVoited, and smOthered dislike
of the site was manifest till 1914, when
by three several votes it was resolved
to 20 TO a city further north, and this
resolution obtained the vote of the
Speaker of the House of Representa-
tiNes, LangdOn Cheeves, of South
Carolina, and the removal was only
prevented by the extraordinary efforts
of the psOple Of Washington village,
who built, at their own expense, a
new edifice for COugress-since called
the Old Capitol Prison.
After this the discomfort continued,
till, in 1916, Alexandria, with more
pride than Washington, demanded to
be retroCeded TO Virginia, so that She
could have a self-eXistent anatomy,
and then the call for movement into
the Valley OF the Mississippi became
distinct and decided.
That there may be no mistake in
this matter, l append all the material
debate extant at the three periods
referred to. There is not the remOtest
indication anywhere that Washington
City would have had q ghost of
chance fOr being the capital site ten
wears after It's foundation. Virginia
solely kept the seat of Cover mint on
the Potomac.
WASHINGTON SELECTED IN DEFER
ENCE TO THE WEST.
On the 18th of August, 1889, Con-
greSs sitting in New York city, Mr..
Scott, OF Pennsylvania, introduced
the resolution Ia Congress which pro-
Vided fora permanent capital, in these
words:
4" ResOlred, That permanent resi-
dence ought to be fixed for the Gene
raj Government of the United States
at some convenient place, as near the
center OF wealth, population and eX-
tent of territory as may be consistent
with convenience TO the navigation of
the Atlantic Ocean, and having due
regard for the particular situation OF
the Western country"
The terms Of this resolution are |
almost exactly applicable to the pres |
ent movement Tor readjusting "the |
center Of wealth, population and ter
TitGry."
Among the few debaters recorded /
on this proposition were Scott, Jack /
son, OF Georgia, GoOdhue, of Massa-
chusetts, Lee, of Virginia, and the IL /
lUstTiOus James Madison.
GOOdhue " favored the Susquehan- /
nR, either at Harrisburg or opposite /
Havre de Grace"
Jackson said that "upOn this subject |
depended the existence of the Union. |
The place Of the seat of government |
was important in every point of view. |
1t might be compared to the heart of /
the human body; it was a center from |
which the principles OF life were car
ried TO tie eYtremities, and from |
these might return again with precis-
ion"
In 1869, Jackson would have found |
this heart in the eXtrenlities, like the |
bulb in a thermometer.
Scott thought the principles of the |
Union were the principles of equal |
iusticeand reciprocity. He conceived
AAlt lNa1AAB4A liDN bEAoHC AAAE AAOAA1N - i
grand a link as any In the Federal |
chain. The future tranquility OF the /
United States depended a. much on |
this as on any other question that ever |
had or could come before Congress. 1t |
was justice due to the eItremities of |
the continent to adopt such q meas |
ure."
Had Scott so spoken in these days, |
he would have been accused in the |
garbage prints Of Washington Of spec
uIeting in st. Louis corner lots.
Dir. Lee, OF Virginia, Light Horse |
Harry, said; A place as nearly CEN
tral as a convenient communication |
with the Atlantic ocean and an easy !
access to the Western territory will |
permit, ought 10 be selected and es-
tablished as the permanent seat of |
the Government Of the United States. |
VIII gentlemen say the center of gov
eminent should not be the center Of |
the UniOn? Will they say our West /
ern brethren are to be disregarded? |
These are momentOus considerations |
which should lead the House to a con-
clusiOn. If they sra disregarded, it |
will be an alarming circumstance TO |
the people Of the Southern States,
who Eqye felt their alarms already"
This was ths same man who deliv-
cred over Washington the funeral eu
lOgy Of First in war, first in peace, |
and first In the hearts Of his country /
men," He was WashingtOn's neigh
Dor, and his argument Is directly in |
the line of the Mississippi Valley.
The entire argument Of those urging |
the Potomac for the site Of the capital |
was thst il was the highway to the |
West. and that the West should be |
consulted, while the Northern men |
pressed the SHsguehanpa as being the |
true route westward.
Perhaps the greatest authority, |
however, was the jllustrious
JAMES 4ADIsoN on \ NEW CAPITAL |
SITE,
Who said as follows on September 3, |
1859: "Au equal attention to the rights |
of the community is the basis OF repub-
lies. If we consider, sir, the effects Of |
legislative power on the aggregate |
we must feel equal in /
ducements to look for the center in or
der TO find the present seat Of Govern |
ment. Those who are most adjacent |
to the seat Of legislation will always |
possess advantages over others. An /
earlier knowledge Of the laws, a great |
er Influence in enacting them, better |
for anticipating them, |
and a thousand other circumstances,
will Give a superiority TO those who /
are thus situated. II we consider the /
Influence OF the Government in its |
Executive department, there is no |
less reason 10 conclude that il ought |
to be placed IN the center Of the Union. |
to be in situation to cOm- |
mand information from every part Of |
the Union. 10 watch every cOnjecture, |
10 oseize every circumstance that can DO |
improved. The Executive eye ought |
tO Be placed where il can best see the |
dangers which threaten, and the E&-
ecutive arm whence 1t may be extend
ed most efIectually TO the protection
Of every part. In the judiciary De
If Il is not equally necessa-
nv. Il fs highly important that the
should be equally acces-
sibIe TO all. With respect to the |
Western territory we are not now to |
ernecf il. for IL would be an afiront 70 |
the understanding of our fellow-citi- |
zens on the Western waters that they |
will be united with their Atlantic |
brethren on any principle than that Of
and justice, we had every
both Of interest and pru-
dence, TO fix on the Potomac as most |
to our Western brethren.
he defed any gentleman to cast his |
eve, in the most eursory manner, over |
a map and say that the Potom9c is |
- ,,,s,oE, r,oov1y THE oautar fbor any 4