New-York tribune., 1869-06-18
THE LAND QUESTION IN GREAT BRITAIN
Avn IRELAND

powerfully to the interests and feelings Of the
great mass of the British and Irish people.
Although the Irish Church Disestabllshment
bill is the precursor of O movement that VIII
shortly abolish the whole connection between
Church and State in Great Britain, it may
readily be credited that multitudes in England
and Scotland will far more zealOusly cooperate
in reforming the Land System, under which
the "three Kingdoms are groaning--a topic
free from local and sectarian prejudices and
which directly affects themselves in common
with their Hibernian neighbors.
The landed pOwer-long and steadily con-
centrating in the few, to the increasing detri-
ment of the many-has become the greatest
incubus on the British and Irish people. The
concentration has been carried to such an ex-
tent that the number Of landowners in England,
stated at about 2J0000 near the close of the
last century, is now said to be reduced to about
one tenth of that number, say 25,OOO-notwith-
standing the large increase of population and
the reclamation of vast tracts that were uncul-
tivated or comparatively useless at the former
period. Among this diminished number, the
wealth and power are so centered in few that,
even since the Reform bill of 1882, great as
hundred persons have still so largely controlled
the elections to the House of Commons as to
render that body too generally a mere appanage
and reflex of the aristOcratic influence in the
House of Lords. 1t is needless to dwell on
the evils of such a pernicious system. They
are measurably obvious to superficial observers,
while their features appear more and more
obnoxious themore they are examined. The
character of the disease requires speedy cor
rection, if our British friends would pre-
serve the body polite from cOnvulsion or dis
solution. Pauperism, crime, and expatriation,
are furnishing eloquent and rapidly increasing
commentaries on tho horrors necessarily result
ing from such a condition of things.
What shall be the remedy2 This is the
problem that puzzles the best minds devoted to
the consideration of the subject. COnfscaton
of the large landed estates, which engrOss the
greater portion of the three Kingdoms, could be
effected only through blood and revolution, and
is not openly advocated, whatever the suffering
millions may think of it rs q dernier resort.
The abolition of the law of entail or primo
geniture, though an essential feature in a Re-
form project, would qot beet the necessities of
the case for the immense po yer of the wealthy
classes would enable them s2g to prevent
division of their estates-as, Pr instance, by
willing them to, and placing them in trustee
ship for, their youngest living grandchildren,
as some few nabObs have done in the United
States-the same game to be played In
future generations by those grandchildren,
in favor of their Observation-Disclosures virtually
cOunteracting for ages the effects intended to
be produced by the abolition of the law under
which the mOnstrous landed estates have been
accumulated. Something more speedy and
effective is therefore imperatively necessary.
John Bright and some who harmonic with him
are said to favor governmental purchase from
the owners of overgTown estates, so that the
land may be retailed in small farms among the
toiling masses-giving all chance for acqnir
ing a reasonable share of ownership in the
soil. But this mode would be attended by
great difficulties that will readily occur to in
telligent mnds-it would saddle an additional
vast debt on the nation. and complicate a
change that should be effected in a reader and
cheaper way.
How would it answer TO tax the landed in
terests, so as to render it expedient for the
owners to sell portions Of their vast estates
at the same time abolishing the law of entail
or primogenture 7 The tax might be graduated
like our Internal Revenue-falling compara-
lively lightly on men of moderate possessions,
but laying it on thicker and heavier in an as
cending scale, till the land monopolists would
be glad to sell large portions of their over
grown estates, in sizes and at prices to suit
purchasers The legislation of Great Britain,
hitherto almost exclusively favoring the land
monopolists cannot too soon be changed, so rs
to encourage the toiling millions in acquiring
reasonable ownership in the soil.
Suppose that Land-Reform law should
leave ten acres free of taxes-as much as q
laborer could we'll cultivate, and sufficient to
render his family comfortable; and that it
should charge larger tracts in something like the
following proportions; On 20 to 90 acres, per
cent; 80 to 100 acres, II per cent; 100 to 500
acres, 2 per cent 800 to 1000 acres, per cent;
1000 to 5000 acres, per cent 5000 to 10000
acres, per cent; 10000 to $4,000, 10 per cent
10000 acres or more, 10 or 90 per cent?
In view of the wrongs and evils of the past
and present, and of the necessities now and
for all time, is there anything unreasonable in
such scale of taxation 2 And, if some such
plan were adopted, how long would it be till
the largest portions of the present mammoth
estates would find their way in suitable tracts
among multitudes who are now mere serfs upon
the soil-too frequently suffering under pauper-
ism driven to crime, or exiled to other countries
for the comforts denied them in their native
land7 Were land tenures in Great Britain and
Ireland like those in the United States, the mu-
tations of society would have prevented such
vast agglomerations of acres in the hands of
a. "a =. 10 20.
ate landed power to any great extent in this
Al r Ill