Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1869-02-10
THE NEW CABINET.
1rAnfs Probable Theories and Pur-
poses as TO the Formation of a Cabi-
net-sOme Talk from the New York
Tribune On the Subject.

Grants Probable Theories and Pur
poses as TO the Formation of a CabI
net-sOme Talk from the New YOrh
TribuneoR the Subject.
| We are gradually discovering who
are not going into the new Cabinet.
The Springfield Republican announ-
ces, by authority apparently, that
Mr.. Eyarts "does not wish to con-
tnue Attorney General under
Grant" "Were he offered the post
of his old friend MIR. Seward. his
feelings might be different, but he
will not serve as Attorney General
under the new Administration. -
Mr.. j. W. Forney reminds us that
under Polk, Buchanan was regard
ed as the future Secretary of State
three months before the Inaugural
uon; SO with Webster under Tay-
Tor, Marcy under Pierce, and Seward
under Lincoln" Now, however,
the whole situation impresses every
body with the belief that the man
who can manage such condition of
affairs so wisely, shows by this sin
gle trait a rare aptitude for the great
work conlided to him by a grateful
people" Even Mr.. Gideon Welles
it is rumored, contemplates retire,
ment, and feels no interest in the
naval appropriations. We can
hardly credit this. Mr.. Doolittle
certainly does not intend entering
the Cabinet, as he proposes coming
to New York to reside. Nor do we
suppose that Mr.. Henderson has
any ambition of this kind, or he
would not run away to Cuba. Thus
we might continue our process of
elimination, if the discussion were
really of value. sE
The truth is, this g Cabinet Cues.
ton is of little interest to anybody
but the small company of politicians
who live in the city of W ashington.
We should like to know the names
early enough on March A to have
decent biographical sketches written
for The Tribune of March 5, but |
there our curiosity ends. The Cab |
met is not an essential part of the !
government. In a pinch, we have |
no doubt, Republican institutions |
could survive the omission to ap |
point any Cabinet at all The of
fees are created to give the Execu-
tive efficiency A Cabinet serves
the President as staff serves the
General of an army, and it remains
for the President to say just what
service it shall perform. He may
select statesmen and experienced
politicians, whose province it would
be to counsel him-leaving the rou-
tine work to subordinates. Hema
take representative party men, and
give his Cabinet a political signii-
canoe. He may call around him
councillors, or creatures, or workers
the country holds him and not
hem responsible. When Gen.
W ashington became President, he
gave the State Department to a
man eminent among the states
men of the period. His War
Office was given to a second-class
Major General. His Attorney Gen
eral was a superficial lawyer. His
Secretary of the Treasury was an
lide on his military staff, a young
nan of thirty three. "You are to
marshal US as may be best for the
public good" This was Jefferson's
heOry ofthe Presidents relations to
lis Cabinet officers. Washington
reated them as ministers, with
,ower at times to override his own
decisions. A merry time they gave
i'm when the ambition of Hamilton
md Jefferson began to tester! Jack
on's Cabinet was composed finally
# creatures blind mediums of his
a Cabinet as we now see
nder Mfr. johnson. Mr. Seward
ssures US that Secretary is merely
he - deacon of the church. We
therefore, presume Mr.. Johnson's
heory to be that his Cabinet
dvisers serve at his feasts and dis
ribute the bread and the wine. He !
as certainly been well served. MIR.
lincoln probably had no theory.
lie seemed to have dropped the
ames of his rivals at the Chicago
into a hat and taken out }
be first seven. His Cabinet was
either one thing nor another His t
olicy, for instance, had no more '
critic than the Secretary t
f the Treasury, Mr.. Chase. Omit
ing Seward, Chase and Stanton,
.incoln's Cabinet was weak,-and
f these three Mr. Stanton was prob I
bly, the only one upon whom he
ould lean, or who was personally
evoted to him. If the war had not ;
ED the Lincoln government to-
ether, by the force Of outside pres
ure, it would have been shattered
4 two years.
Gen. Grant will find precedents
Or every course he may take but
ne. No President has ever made
is Cabinet merely so many staff
Ulcers, and selected them without a
egard to their politics, influence, or c
ame 1t is possible he may con- L
der that to do this will be to best C
erve the public, and that he means b
} put men in power who will do &
le civil work, just as Gems. Raw &
rs, and Badeau, and Parker, and c
he remainder of his staff do the b
rmy work now. He may say, for {
lstance, to Gen. Rawlins or Gen.
adeau, 81 give you the Treasury, :
nd / want the revenue collected,
nd you must have no thought of
ohtics you obey my orders, and
Ike counsel from no other authOri-
T." This would be quite as consti
Itional Cabinet as Mr. LincOln's, t
ut it would practically remove out l
f the range of political ambition l
ny Cabinet station, and its success
8 an experiment would depend c
pom the temper of Congress. A
'abinet Office has grown to be al :
lost the prerogative of ambitious c
and they will not easily A,
it. There is large num-
er of "ripe and experienced
who look upon a
ortfolio as theirs by right. !
When we come to cOldly I