Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1869-06-11

mean that in the settlement of the question
for which mainly the new Minister Is sent
he represents the authority that will finally
decide. 1t is perfectly we'll known what
tho now Minister is to undertake ; can be
supposed that the Senate would unani-
mously confirm him unless it Acknowledged
him as its representative
The Minister reaches London, and nego-
tlations begin. The proposal for arbitra-
ton came originally from the United States,
and England accepts it. The Minister
unanimously appointed by the treaty-rati-
flying authority, proposes the terms of
treaty; and England accepts them. The
Minister signs the treaty; and what is the
necessary presumption? Certainly ii can
be nothing else than that az Lord Stanley,
representing the final authority in Eng
land, speaks the will of that authority, so
Mr.. Reverdy johnson, representing the
same authority in his country, and by ex-
press election, also represents the will of
that authority. But the fact is az in the
case of Denmark. Lord SANKEY'S sigma
ture binds England; Mr.. Johnson's binds
nobody. The treaty which the unanimous
posed, and which has been, without serious
modification, accepted, is thrown by the
Senate contomptuously out of the win dow
with a loud cry of something very like bad
faith against the power to which its agent
proposed the treaty.
Can any situation be more absurd? Can
any self-respecting nation consent to treat
with the agent of the United States
Suutu it knows whether the principal is in
the least bound by him, and whether the
principal will consider himself at liberty
to scout with ignominy the acts of his full
Unauthorized representative? Would not
Lord Clarendon, for instance, be justified
in saying to Mr.. Motley, If he should pro-
pose any action whatever, my dear En-
bassador, no man can respect and admire
You more than |, and II is none ofmy bust
doss to interfere with the machinery OF
your Government. But must respect the
/ honor of my own, and that docs not per-
nit me to treat upon unequal terms. II
! you have any proposition to make, how
can you show me that you speak for the
authority in the United States that will fl
nallv decide upon it?" No sensible man
could quarrel with such a question lie
could only reply that his credentials were
the nomination of the President and the
confirmation of the Senate and the instruc-
tons of the State Department. To which
Lord Clarendon in turn would very peril
nently reioin; "And such were Mr.. Rever-
dy Johnsons, but his work was scornfully
repudiated."
The point of the difficulty and the meth.
cd of reform seem to be equally plain. The
Senate knew nothing Of the merits of tn,
ST. Thomas negotiation. 1t originated will
the Secretary of State, who had the Presi
dents assent. But the Senate, if it knew
OF the transaction at all, knew nothing o
its conditions and progress. In other words
the agent Of the Senate acted under instruc
tons from another authority. 1t was th'
same in tho English case. Certainly The
Senate was not bound to approve the act
of its agent acting under such instructions
but certainly, hereafter, other Government
taught by this experience, will properly re
quire to know whether they are dcalin,
with wholly irresponsible individual, VIII
happens at the moment to be Secretary .
State, or with the Senate of the Unite'
States, which ratitcs treaties.
Now, to oqualize the representative char
actcr of the United States Minister wit
that of other Ministers, that which is pre-
sumed must be made fact. The Mniste
must really speak for them, and therefor
no negotiations should be undertaken cX
: cept by the authority of the Senate. Th
( Secretary of State must be prohibited irol
instructing and proposing to other Power
at his own will, and whatever suggestion
, made to foreign government by the Uni
ed States Minister must be known to be tn
, word of the body that controls our iorcig
relations. Then, when the Minister {
another country deals with our represents
tive, he will understand that he deals wit
an authorized agent. lie will know that b
is treating with the treaty-making powel
and when everything is done he will no
as now, have the uncomfortable and ride
ulous conviction that he has not only nc
seen principal, but that he has had n
- ! means whatever of knowing the policy q
] even the wishes of the principal.
If we content ourselves with saying thg
{ every foreign government knows that tn
e Senate alone ratifies treaties, we must re
e member that the action of the Senate hith
D erto has justified the assumption that tn
Minister represented it. But the st. Thorn
. as and the English treaties have taugl
q those Governments that he may not repre-
sent it, and they will act accordingly
! Hdpcr's Weekly.