The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-01-26
Deterioration of the American Senate.


tleman.
Deterioration of the American Senate.
From the ~. p. World
The new law regulating the election of Sena-
tors brings so many of these elections together,
that we form a reader estimate of the average
fitness of the new members than when they
were chosen one by one, according to the
caprice of the State Legislatures. The general
impression produced by the elections last week
is humiliatingly unfavorable to the future
character of the Senate. Most of the new
Senators are men of mediocre talents and
standing and some of them notoriously cor
rupt in their political morals. The oarpet-bag
Senators recently admitted from the recoa-
structed States are Of a still lower grade This
great influx of mean abilities and low morals
into body which has for many years lost its
former reputation and prestige, fOrbodes alter
ration5 in the structure OF our government.
The Senate as new constituted, is a great alb
surdity, except in connection with State sove-
regnty and State Importance. 1t is gross
injustice to New York, with its four millions
of people, that it should have only the same
weight in the Senate as petty States whose
population is barely sufficient to entitle them
to single representative in the other House.
Its inherent absurdity is attested by the uni
versal sense of the American people, who, in
constituting their State Legislatures, have in
no instance, from first to last organized a
Senate on the same principle. In the State
governments, the Senate districts, like the
Assembly districts, are made equal to one
another in point of population, each Senator
having a constituency of the same size as
every other. The deviation from this equita-
BILE rule in the Federal Senate was conces-
sion to the sovereignty Of the individual States.
But the sovereignty OF the States, although it
remains true as a constitutional doctrine, has
been practically abolished since the advent of
the Republican party; aud, if the large States
are to lose the advantages OF sovereignty, there
is no reason why they should bear its disa-
bilities and burdens.
In practical view, there is no section of
the country, nor any great interest, which is
any longer benefited by the present constitu-
tion of the Senate. While slavery existed,
and was jealous of its security, the equal re-
presentation Of the States in the Senate was
OF great practical consequence. Up to 1850,
new States were admitted into the Union in
pairs, new slave State always coming in
at about the same time as a new free State.
The consequence was, that the South re-
manned equal to the North in the Senate long
after the growth of Northern population made
1t inferior in the House of Representatives.
While this equality in the Senate lasted Con-
gress could pass no law to which the slavehold-
ing States made a unanimous opposition. The
equality was broken by the admission of Cali
| fornia as free State, which gave the North a
preponderance in both branches of Congress.
Many sagacious men saw that, from that hour,
slavery or the Union was doomed. The door
was then finally shut against the admission
Of any more slave States; and the certain
| future multi plication OF free States would in
time make the latter numerous enough to
amend the Constitution and throw down all
the barriers by which slavery was protected.
| 1t was the fear of this which precipitated the
| South into secession, in the vain hope of saw
ing by arms what it seemed destined to lose
! by Northern prepondersnce in the Union.
But the war swept slavery clean away, and
| there remains in this country no interest
which derives any protection from the equal
representation of the States in the Federal
| Senate. This rule at present, works nothing
| but I'M ustioe. 1t gives to the New England
| States twelve Senators to represent smaller
population than that of New York, which has
only two; and the disproportion is still more
| glaring when the large States are compared
with some of the least populous. The original
reasons for the rule have ceased, and nothing
but its injustice remains.
This injustice would be long borne without
complaint, if the system continued to operate,
as 1t did formerly, in giving us Senate of
can Senate was perhaps the ablest legislative
body, in proportion to its size, that the world
has ever seen. 1t was only two-thirds as
large as it is at present, and among its mem
bers were Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, John
C. Calhoun, Silas Wright, James Buchanan,
Thomas H. Benton, William c. Rives, Richard
Fl. Bayard, William c. Preston, John Davis,
John J. Crttendep, Hugh L. White, and a
number of others scarcely less able and dis
tiDguished. Oflate years the character of this
body has been steadily degenerating. The herecent
admission of the carpet-bsggers and the low
standing of most of the Senators just elected
degrade the body to such level that it can
no longer command the respect of the coun-
try. The new aocessions of mediocrity and
venality must soon bring it into contempt
and the people of the large States will indig-
nantly inquire, why every just principle of
representation should be violated to bring to-
gether body of Legislators who are dis
credit to the country and whose long terms
make them practically irresponsible. Any
system which should give us a Senate of great
ability, dignity, moral elevation, and legisla-
tive experience would be strongly intrenched
in the respect and affections OF the people,
although they might be sensible of the in
equality and injustice of the mode of choice;
but they will be keenly alive to the defects OF
the system, when they see it producing such
fruits as it is now about to exhibit.
} Manhood Rights.
from the Raleigh Nv. o. Standard.
"The common school house, the centre q nd
: power OF our educational system, the peopl -