New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1869-06-14


arising out of misdirected sympathes. So practical
minded apeople as the English have discovered q
curious absurdlty in making what they call mere
sentiment the basis of money claim. 1t is needless
to say again-except for English readers-that Mr.
Sumner has made no claim, but assuming that he
has, let us sec what NJ. Blanc says of the effect of
sympathy upon the neutrality actually observed and
enforced by England After reciting the different
evasOns of the Foreign Enlistment act and the fail
uTe to convict under it, he says:
But the proofs 1t will be replied, insufficient
Ihe could scarcely appear otherwise when the case was
one OF oenses which grathed general prejudice where
the guilty had been not merely acquitted In advance by
a opSn Dot e. ecu DOgs any d So have
been more efficient If it had not wanted instruments =
that the officers of customs would not have seen more
clearly if they had wished to lthat justice would not
have discovered everything II the witnesses had been
il merely question OF good faith. 1t is certain that
during the war between the North and the South in
ndd Classes N neap d in 9 favor of the South was so
keen that 1t parayzed naturally the efforts by which u
by which it was served. The English Government re.
manned neutral, yes; but the English nation, no. And
therefore the question, said long ago. reduced to
this whether from the higher point Of view which equity
takes the English nation is not responsible for the ina
fact to the neutrality which England had proclaimed as
principle"
And be meets not less conclusively the argument
often urged IN England that nation is responsible
iOT the dCIS OF Jus lOI dCto
of mere individuals acting as such.
"That is true when a question arises concerning iso
lated acts which really individual and not done IN
concert. But when 1t is almost whole nation which
openly actively Systematically espOuses the cause and
tolls for the Of the enemies OF foreign people, IL
%Sa not De Sg SBged e a laws of Te 9
any way, the preext that 1t had not violated them in
purely official way. 1t is not by subtletes borrowed
from the logic of dipomasts that II becomes great
ton escape responsibility for its faults The nefcacy
nature Of its provisions than to the multiplicity
stsces offered TO its enforcement by the sympathy with
the England Of the middle classes the England Of the
the governing classes. That is the real truth"
Hence it is, says NJ Blanc the Americans consider
the only question to be of the amount of the in
demnity due; and he presses the point often urged
in these letters:
"The 10th December last year wrote you that this
opinion was the which the 9th March Lord STAN
ley had himself expressed in the House OF Commons in
declaration which Mr.. John Stuart Mill made on this
matter: Few persons would be found to-day IN England
Tepsaton to the United states It is clear that such is
the opinion OF the noble Lord This then IS not mater
we have TO settle is not We shall pay but how much we
After that how can it be cause for amazement that
the Senate Of the United States has rejected by the I'M
up by Mr. Reverdy Johnsona treaty which opened every
question, the principle well as the amount OF the IN
demnity and which exposed the United states TO cross
goators likely result in an even balance Of accounts
From all which his inference is
II follows that the English people would be wrong in
not yielding gracefully concessions which the law OF
equity would impose on them, even though they were
not advised by their own interest and just regard 10
their own honor For when does the honor Of nation,
any than Of individual consist In refusing TO be
just"
NJ Blanc goes on to warn us on our part that by
exaggerating our pretensions we shall have justice
and the opinion of the civilized world against
that we ought to remember what true friends we
had in the working classes, in Bright, and Mill and
others that we Graded Fenianism also Ana he
concludes
at whoever loves liberty nteligently that
collision between the United States and England should
be ayerted. II will be, on both sides they abstain
from seeking satisfaction for national honor elsewhere
than in justice"
This analysis of NJ. Blancs views would be con-
siderably more useful in England than in America,
where there can scarcely be many people requiring
to be convinced of the justice of their claims against
the British Government But it may have some
little influence upon Mr.. Goodwin Smith, for instance
whose speech is to-day eagerly quoted into the jour
nails which have for years denounced him aud
attacked him with malignant hostility. G.ws.