The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-05-13

The sterncst Condemnation Of the American people
IN. J.. sun
WO must illuminate the Sun
Tn re is no sympathy in the United States
for the Spanish government Of Cuba, and ne
likelihood of any. An admirer of General
Duloe would be a difficult person to find
among the citizens of this country. It is
therefore easy and safe, so far as popular
approval goes, to denounce Spanish rule in
Cuba.
The Cuban insurgents need arms and men.
There Is no legal obstacle against their pur-
chasing as much of the former in this market
as they can pay for, and even more, provided
they can get credit. Our manufactures and
warehouses are wide open to them. And no
Federal officer has right to prevent the
shipment of these arms, or stop their de
parture, unless, by combination with parsons
or things, they rise to the consequence of ga
military expedition or enterprise" Collector
Grinnell cannot refuse the clearance of a
vessel for Cuba merely because she has arms
on board He can only detan vessel mani
festly built for war purposes, laden principally
with arms or munitions of war, when he is
satisfied she is to be employed against friendly
power.
There is no law either to prevent as many
men as see fit from leaving this country
voluntarily, unhiTed, unengaged, and unen-
listed on our soil, to fight against Spain or
any other foreign country. During our own
war, the Government tried to stop citizens
from going away to avoid the draft. But now,
anybody can expatriate himself who chooses
so to do, and carry gun, sword, a dagger,
or a 300pounder with him. There is no pos
sibe municipal or international difficulty in
Mr.. Dana mounting his velooipede tomorrow,
and, with frst.class Parrot gun in his coat
tail pocket, skimming across the waters to the
aid of General Cespedes or General Dulce. 1t
is not crime for Mr.. Dana to leave this coun-
yvrrIlh 20
service, nor to transport persons out of the
port of New York on his velocipede, with their
consent, who have an intention of so enlist
ing. II as crime, however, to hire or enlist
persons, or to be hired or enlisted, in the United
States to go abroad with a purpose to serve
foreigners in war.
The fact ofinsurrectiOn or no insurrection
does not change the law or the obligations of
neutral powers. Nor is an illegal enterprise
or expedition, starting in fraud or violation
of neutral laws, made legal by sailing for an
intermediate port like St. Thomas. Mr..
Train is perfectly correct in saying that what
1t was criminal for the Fenisns to do in re-
spect to Canada, it is equally criminal for the
Cuban insurgents in New York to do in re-
speot to Spain.
But while it is quite legal for citizens to de-
part from the United States under the restric-
tions We have laid down, either singly or IN
numbers, organized or unorganizsd, for mill
member that they thereupon cease to be en-
titled to the pro ection of the Government
they leave behind if caught by General Duce
as cOmbatants. And it is of just this that
General Grant ought to admonish all persons.
If hundred young men from this city leave
to. morrow, in legal manner, for Cuba, and
are captured on the island while assisting
the rebellion, by the Spanish forces, does
Grant intend to intervene and save them from
the cIuelties of war? If he does not, then he
should say so by proclamation.
OUR BILL AGAINST ENGLAND-THE WAY
TO SETTLE 1T.
From the N Y. Sun.
There are indications in various quarters
that Great Britain is sounding public opinion
on the subject of settling the Alabama claims
by ceding to the United States some portion
of her North American territory. The visit
of Mr.. Thornton, her Ambassador at Wash
ington, to the Csnadas; the significant utter
ances of some of the provincial journals con-
cerning the growing desire of portions of their
inhabitants for annexation to the American
Union; and the undisguised anxiety of the
Gladstone Ministry not only to avoid q rupture
with US, but even to stand well with the great
| republic, all indicate the steady, though doubt
less slow, drift of the tide toward this peaceful
solution OF our international difficulties.
Time was when England carried herself
country. All that has disappeared. Her dis
NAL failure as military power in the Cri-
mean war, and the gigantic force we exhibited
| in our late conflict, have brought her states
men to very serious and salutary frame of
mind respecting the inevitable result of an
attempt on our part to conquer the Canadian
Dominion. The prompt and almost defiant
rejection of the Johnson-Stauley treaty has
| taught England that we are in no mood to be
trited with. She knows that there is no ma
ton on earth with whom the masses of our
people, both at the North and at the South,
would so heartily go to war as with that
double dealing Government which, during the
Rebellion, deeply offended the North by pro-
missing to do nothing while it did 30 much,
and keenly disappointed the South by the
promise TO do much while in fact it did so
little. In a war, therefore, for a redress of
grievances, the North would delight to pun
ish England for her hypocrisy, while the
South would be eager to scathe her for her
treachery.
English statesmen are we'll aware that We
should not fight our main battle on the sea,
where her equality with us, possibly her
superiority over u.s. would be Of avail to her,
but on the land, and right at our own doors,
where our superiority both of resources and
OF position would tell against her with tremen-
dous odds. OF course We should not wholly
neglect the element where Farragut, Porter,
and their compeers won laurels; though our
iron. clads would be chiefly employed in aiding
land batteries in defending our harbors and
coasts, while swift privateers would be chasing
British merchantmen in whatever sea they
dared to unfurl the Union Jack. The great
contest, however would be waged in the pro-
vinces lying north of the st. Lawrence and
east OF the st. Croix. In three months after
the oomme ncemant of hostilitisa thraa armias