Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1869-12-06

| involving, as it does indeed, the yer.
| life and destiny Of the State. The ques
ton 10 now soon to be decided whethe
we are to continue and perpetnate
vhiks mans government, or surrende
forever our sacred and long.cherishe'
birth-right Of selfgoyerument, and iiv'
under institutions of political equality
with the black people. This is the grca
| issue now before the country.
The general views taken of the ques
ton of negro suffrage since the war
have, from various causes, been vague
aud undetermined. while it has met with
in the breast of every true white man
decided and determined opposition unor
principle and as q sentiment. The
strange and startling results of the late
war asteunded the Southern people, and
doubtless surprised the great masses at
the North. Because, it was never SUP
posed even, BY the people Of either sec
tor, that 10 the event Of failure on the
part of the South to achieve indepen-
dencs, heartless and terrible despotism
and tyranny would be erected over the
fallen OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES them OF
their property and reducing them
to aliens, and sitting over them
as political masters--ss the only
loyal citizens - the freed negroes
Of the South. The wrongs and oppres-
sions, the insults and degradstions In
Aicted upon rs by those in power, has
passed into history, and need not here be
repeated. Nor have our heartless rulers
exhausted the means OF punishment, but
yet have the heavy hand of oppression
upon the Southern people, in other States
less fortunate than Tennessee in this re-
spect 1t was then, under all these ter
rible circu instances, that our impressions
were made as to negro suffrage, and gen.
eral views adopted. We were pushed
insensibly by the force of irresistible and
memorable events from the true to q false
standpoint, from which the question
was viewed and considered. We looked
at negro suffrage from the point at which
be was viewed and feared as voter
invested with the power over us. Re-
gardiug him as freedman, his franchise
was not considered as inseparable from
his freedom, and attaching in virtue
thereof We are ready and anxious to
make terms with him as an enemy, and
thereby recover our own lost political
liberty. Degraded and disfranchised,
indeed, under a terrible negro despotism,
and in the midst eff danger, what if
appeals mere made to the negro for
if oountenance for that pur-
pose pas girsn 10 his right to vote
and what if now, that we have achieved
our delNersnce aud regained our own
lost power-what now, If the whole doc
triHe of negro suffrage be fatty repa-
dated, and secuted as damnedly base
and inimical to our best interest-upon no
ground of obligation or covenant are we
estopped from asserting and maintain
ing our own rights of safely and preser.
walton. The failurs and refusal of the
negro to vote for and With us, which
cannot be denied, puts him out of count,
and leaves Us without prejudice TO go
hence.
And now, Mr.. E litor, is not our course
plain and way clesr2 Have we not the |
whole question of negro suffrage intelli-
gibly and comprehensively before us2
If experiences be the best teacher, have
we not been soundly tsughtY and if hiss
tory be "the light Of truth, and phileso-
ply teaching by example," have we not |
the light" and example" Of the past
four years to guide us in the great work
Of providing security against the evils
which We know to be destructive of our
safety and peace. and subyersiye Of our
civil and political libertyf Shall we
have convention of good and true men
who know what constitutes State"
aud will they themselves come up to the |
standard of the men !" that constitutes
q Slater II that can be secured all viii |
be we'll. EIGHrH DISTRICT.