Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1869-01-10

aseemblage Of such convention as tha
now proposed, will subioin few re
marks on this point. 1t appears to my
mind that no one can glance ever 50 su
perhcially upon our State constitution
without psrceiving that | am recommend.
ing nothing that is in the least degree re.
pugnant to that instrument. Il il evident
ly true that there ia no provision in the
constitution specially prohibiting the
Legislature from calling a convention.
either with or without the consent Of the
people previously had and obtained. Nor
Is there any clause in that instrument spe-
cially authorizing such a proceeding. Ii
is in the highest degree unreasonable to
suppose that there was any necessity what
ever for such a clause being provided,
when the Parliament Of England, in the
exercise of sovereign power confessed by
all TO belong to that body, resolved itself
into a convention, for the purpose Of
doing away with the government of
Cromwell, and restoring the authority of
its ancient line of monarchs, it acted not
in accordance with any UritteH constitution,
but alone, and avowedly on grounds of
| public convenience. This, it is believed,
was the first conventional precedent, either in
| England or in this country. Afterwards
the English Parliament at the instance of
the celebrated William, Prince of Orange.
| "a few days after he had landed with his
invading forces upon English coil, and
not only before he had been recog-
nized as King, but when il was
yet little uncertain whether the
crown would be rendered to him at
ally again resolved Itself into convention
| for the purpose Of communicating the revo-
luton of 1858. Less than one hundred
years subsequent to this second conven-
tional example, our colonial forefathers
being compelled by British oppression to
assert their independence and to organize
new and independent governments, found
it convenient to follow the example Of the
parent country, 30 far as to bring conven-
tions into existence for the purpose of
framing written constitutions, through
legislative fundamentally. 1t ia almost
needless to mention that in none Of the
instances specified did resort to the con-
ventional exptdient occur under the duthOri
ty Of a writtsn constitution, and in the very
nature of things, as all will perceive, such
a resort was impossible, as no such thing
as a formal written constitution did then
exist anywhere on the face of the globe.
feel confident that the statement may
be safely hazlrded, that no convention
which has ever yet sat, has bottomed its
action, il the emendation Of the existing
organic law, upon the authority OF writ
ten constitution, but upon principles alto
gether independent thereof, and in con-
formity with usage founded upon reasons
of public convenience.
In the case Of our own State, the ques-
ton is really too plain for controversy.
The accustomed mode of calling a CONVEX
ton of the kind at present under considera-
ton, is neither specially prohibited nor
ton. The right of the people to alter,
amend or abolish their form of government,
at pleasure, whenever they choose to do so,
(Which exists under the authority OF
Heaven, independent of all human au-
thority or compact), is very emphatically
set forth in what isknown as the Declare
ton Of Rights; every part of whic his ex-
cepted out of the body Of the Constitution,
and made perpetual. The right then to
pursue the customary course in calling
convention, is beyond all doubt.
The clause in the body Of the constit :
ton providing for the occasional amend
menl of the constitution in another mode,
and by a very tardy process, was judiciOus
ly enough provided, and is quite well
adapted to ordinary cases of amendment,
not at all Of an urgent character, and ad
hitting of considerable delay. But this
cause does not relate TO the point now un-
der consideration, as all discerning minds
will at once perceive, even in the remOtesI
degree.
But | should not omit to suggest that
the present is only proposition TO be SUBJ
mitted to the people; if sanctioned by
them, the Legislature, after being resolved
into convention, is simply TO do what it
will be expressly directed to do by the
people, acting 10 their highest sovereign
capacity; by which means all merely cap
tious objections will be completely obvi-
ated.
Mr.. Speaker, before | sit down deem
it proper to mention, that have the graft
ication of knowing that whether the pres
ent effort be successful or not, nearly every
leading statesman in the Republican party
has already committed himself to the prin-
ciples which l have on this occasion IN
dertsken to maintain. 1t will be perhaps
not without influence with some, for me 10
state, that in all that have said, find
myself fully sustained by many influential
journals Of the Republican party, including
thelNew York Tribune, the Chicago Tri-
bune, the Springfield Republican, Of Mass
achusetts, and the st. Louis Democrat.
The veteran editor, Horoce Greeley, a
gentleman whose counsels are pre-emi-
nently entitled to respect at such a juno
ture as the present, thus enphatically ex-
pressed himself in recent number Of his
invaluable paper.
IAN effort We hear, is meditated to perfect Al
adopt constitutional amendment. defining and
fixing the conditions of the right Of suffrage
throughout the Union. We hope il may be
made and may prevail but we warn those who
engineer it that they will fail if they make il
one-slded or partisan. We srdently desire the
complete enfranehisement Of the blacks; but a
measure looking to this end alone will encOun-
ter q resistance too formidable to be overcome.
1t may. and probably will, command in Con
gress the requisite two-thirds Of each house, but
it will not be ratified by the Legislatures of
three-fourths of the States. The following. at
least, will be found adverse
New Jersey, Ohis,
Delaware, Missouri,
Maryland, California,
Georgia, OregOn-8.
We include Missouri. because that st Ite has
Just voted. by large majority, that her own
Kansas votedlast year.
The Legislatures which must act on this ques-
ton are yet to be chosen in New Hampshire,
Connecticut and many, il not most of the South
ern states and it is not probable that all of
them can be carried for enfranchisement Ne
must not weigh our fri gnds too heavily in the
elections at hand, under the exhaustion and
languOr which naturally follow a mOmentous,
| desperate struggle. They can not stand it.
But make your proposition broad and com
prehensive-enfranch ALL who are now dis
franrhiaal hpaausa M rpballicn as wall
and we may confidently hope that Virginia,
Mississippi, Texas, with possibly Maryland and
Kentucky also, will vote to ratify. Not merely
| to remove the ban from the rebels Of West Vir-
ginia. Tennessee, etc.. but to enable then to
| send to Congress the men of their choice rather
| than those whom Congress will accept. they
may be induced to give such ameasure q hearty
support.
I'VE piopose no truck and dieker-no esmpro-
mise, We urge the enfranchisement of the
blacks because it is just benehcent and wise
we urge the enfranehise nent of the Rebels for
| the same reason. There are men among them
who deserve no taT or. as there are blacks, land
whites, too incaD able of exercising intelligent
| ly the right Of suffrage but we can not adpat
general provisions to individual cases l. it
be deemed essential to swear every person
thus enfrAnchiscd hot TO use his resto red right
| to deprive others of the same just set your
sWearers at work but we do not think it neces-
| saTy. There are free States that long held out
against black acknowledgements, indeed. sew
eral still do; but We can not collect a single
| instance of State cnfranehising her cOlOred
men after al earnest struggle, and afterwards
DISTINGUISHING them, Enfranehisement, once
fairly carried OyeI organized resistance is car
| ried forever"
| There is not word which Mr.. Greeley has
| used in this article which am not prepared on
| this occasion to repeat. There is not an opin-
/ ion or q sentiment expressed by him which has
| not my hearty approval. And, finally, Mr..
/ Speaker. let us then re enfranchise the whole
| white race among us. Let us retain the whole
| cOlOred race in the possession Of all their pres
/ ent rights and immunities. Let US make Of all
/ the msmbers of both races one people. Let US