The Plymouth weekly Democrat. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1860-1869, 1869-03-25
they are the persons to whom it legitl-

nate tendencies In tue party III posses
sion Of the Government: |. A tendency
to centralization-tO absorb the power of
the States, and to make the Federal Gov
erument supreme in local as in national
affairs g. A tendency to strip the execu-
tive and judicial branches of the central
government of their proper functions with
view to the enhancement of the author
ity of the legislative. These are revOlu-
tionary tendencies, and either of them al
lowed to operate without restraint would
work radical change in the character of
government in the United States, and in
the normal relation between the Govern
ment and the governed, as they were fixed
by the Constitution
1t is not tn be believed that majority
or even a large minority, of the people of
the United States are in favor of such a
revolution as would take place under the
operation of these ideas but it does not
require majority of the whole to work
a revolution. Revolutions are wrought,
| not so much by the agreement OF the
| many, as by the activity of the few. The
American revolution was fomented by
| comparatively small number of persons,
and 1t was not till things were brought to
SUCH an issue that men were compelled to
choose their sides, that the masses acceded.
| so the leaders of the secession movement
found it necessary TO precipitate and break
the peace in order to secure that unani-
| nifty without which active operations
would have been impossible. Men allow
themselves to be impelled by their party
| leaders into the support of measures
| which, left TO themselves, they would lot
| approve; and, with the best intentions,
become the implements by which great
wrongs are committed. A small number,
| sure of their idea, and ready to use every
| available means TO carry it into practical
effect, will, if they persist, scarcely fail, in
| the end, to be successful.
The revolutionary party in the United
States has in its possession all the institu-
tional means essential 10 the accomplish
| ment of its purposes. 1t is in possession
Of the legislative branch Of the Govern
ment so absolutely as to be independent
| of the assent of TIE executive and of the
| dissent of the judicial branches. 1t has
encroached upon both the executive prov
ince and the judicial to the extent, in re-
spect to the former, of stripping it of a
large section of its Constitutional authori-
ty, and, in respect to the latter, to the pas
sage OF laws to divest it, in particular
| cases, of its legitimate jurisdiction. 1t
regularly exercises the discretion of adj
hitting or rejecting members of Congress
upon the basis of it's own interest, and
without regard either to their COunstitu-
tional qualifications, or to the standards
which itself has established.
1t is remarkable fact that while the
Republican party stands charged, by its
own organs, with every form of practical
misgovernment revolutionary tendencies,
Entertainments upon the liberties of the
people, inattention TO affairs of importance
to the general well-being, extravaganza in
its expenditures, and personal corruption
of the most fragrant character, it exhibits
little symptoms of disintegration. Those
of its organs which are most free to ex-
pose its errors and condemn its mlsdeeds,
are none the less assiduOus to represent it
as the only party in whose hands the pub
lie interest can be safely repOsed, or to
visit with the severest censures all who
| manifest any disposition to desert its ranks,
to Obstruct its operations, or to defeat the
| ends 1t is labOring to secure In fact, the
party is placed before the people liz the at
titude Of monarch who has acceded to
| his place by inheritance, or has by virtue
| of a long and indisputed occupancy &C
Qulred legitimate possession, whose title
| is none the less valid because he happens
| to be personally tyrant or profligate ;
| and in whose case the only remedy is to
wait patiently until he is removed by the
course of nature or by voluntary resig-
nation. We are virtually told that there
| is no remedy; that we must endure the
| misgovernment and abide the risks of the
| revolution, not because they are desirable
but because they who misgovern and revo-
| lutioniZe represent the ultimate political
authority-the supreme right to the pos
| session of the State
In the doings of Congress- or in the say
ings of its majority as officially reported,
there is no appearance of doubt that the
| power of the majority is unlimited, and
its wisdom infallible. Men, who are law
yers by calling, who profess not only to
have studied the Constitution, but to be
| bound to regard its provisions, and who
have had legislative experience in other
times than the present, and when other
| ideas prevailed, seem to have become in
| capable of the notion that there are either
natural or institutional limits to the
powers of the Federal Government, and
actually legislate upon the assumption
that the people have no rights except
such as they have received from Congress,
and which Congress may, at any time, sus-
| pend or abolish. Therefore it is that
among the ablest, most active, most
learned and experienced leaders of the
majority, it is practically held that the
powers of Congress extend to everything
from the regulation of the manner in
which individual citizens shall enter into
| private contracts with each other to the
making and unmaking of State consti-
| tuition. Nothing is too high to be above,
nothing too low TO be beneath its iurisdic-
ton. No institution can be so sacred, no
personal act SO private, as to be free from
Congressional Intervention.
1t is usual to set down these statements
as dishonest; as willfully acting upon
predicates which they know to be false,
and protesting opinions in whose sound
ness they have no confidence but is this
strictly correct? From the alternative
that they are either lamentably ignorant
| or reprehensibly iusincere, there is no es-
Gaping; but which are they-ignorant or
insincere? For the sake of that respect
which every man ought to do his utmost
to preserve for the race to which he be-
longs, il is better to believe, if we can, that
we are ruled by fools, than that we are
ruled by knaves. 1t is no uncommon
thing for men so to tamper with their
sense OF right as to have lost the power to
discriminate. There is no force like that
of fanaticism, and especially when coupled
with feelings of personal interests, to ex-
tinguish in man the attribute of reason,
and the capacity to distinguish justice from
injustice. The same has befallen the
members of the long Congress of the
United States which beicl those
of the long Parliament in the time
of the English revolution. They