Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1869-12-17
CoNGREssIONAL.
sENATE-After our report closed

the Supreme Court restricting the powers of the
supreme Court In issuing writs Of habeas cor
their respective districts.
Mr.. Thayer moved to take up the Georgia bill
previously under consideration.
Mr.. Trumbull said that il was essential to have
prompt action upon the pending bill, inasmuch
as efforts were being made to bring before the
supreme Court questions which might further
compl1cate the status Of the Georgia question
and similar political action.
Mr.. Drake said the statement Of the Senator
from Illinois was another evidence that there
sat a,I IN another room Of the Capitol tribunal
Congress of the United States. He wanted the
American people to know that fact.
The motion to take up the Georgia bill was
Senate.
Mr.. Carpenter said he would never vote to
admit the State until she adopted the proposed
amendments. But he could not see the benefit
to accrue from an announcement at this time of
the kind proposed. The question with him was
simply one Of expediency.
the constitutional amendment was to be- forced
upon the people Of Georgia and other Southern
States against the will of their people, for it
It. Of
rejected the fifteenth amendment, and in the
name Of the people Of the nation he protested
against this attempt to coerce State into doing
that which was repugnant to q majority of her
peSple;,..
had learned anything of the temper OF the
American people, they would not refuse to adopt
the fifteenth amendment, for by its adoption
they could produce some proof that their condi-
ton was such as to warrant a restoration to their
In the case of Ohio, 1t was not in the power of
Congress, nor did it become its duty to impose
conditions In connection with the action of the
State upon the proposed amendment, but
Georgia occupied a vastly different position.
Mr.. Bayard said that the imposition of this
new condition In the case of Georgia was an
oAd fnok xr~a 80 49,. 80
ILLUSTRATED the fact that no definite limit could
be assigned within which this probationary
period applied to the late rebellious States
would terminate , and that It must depend
dominant party in Congress. By this bill Con-
gress had assumed to sit in Judgment upon the
qualifications of Legislatures Of States and to
Mr.. Williams maintained that to Congress
exclusively belonged the power to determine
whether or not an amendment to the Constitu-
of States, and to decide whether a State had
compiled with the regulations requisite to make
its action valid on the subject.
Mr.. Casserly inquired whether In the event of
the passage Of a bill by Congress declaring the
adoption of a constitutional amendment, which,
in point Of fact, never had been acted upon, it
would be contended that there was no power
under the Government to declare what was the
Constitution.
Mr.. Williams replied that a declaration by
Congress that constitutional amendment had
not be disaffirmed by the judiciary. That was
the exclusive power Of the political department
of the Government.
Mr.. Howard said the amendment of the Sem
ator from Indiana was not cOercive, but left to
the people of Georgia the alternative of remain
ing in their present condition or adopting the
proposed amendment to the Constitution. Ii
any excuse were wanting for the imposition of
this condition, ii was to be found in the action
Of the white men in the Georgia Legislature
who, in defiance OF Congress, had ostracsed and
AVN He'd f1.aI nrxs IaN.. 80
large number of persons on account of their
color. They would, If they had the power ig-
more entirely the rights of the cOlored people,
therefore, the necessity for this condition.
Mr.. Edmunds reviewed the reconstruction
measures of Congress in their applicability to
the State Of Georgia, and cOntended that the
conditions proposed by this bill were necessary
to the performance in good faith OF the require
ments originally laid down by Congress.
The Senate, without further action, adj
journed.
HOCSE.-After our report closed, Mr.. Mum
gen concluded his argument, which was deliv-
cred from manuscript, and advocated repudia-
ton OF the national debt.
He was replied to and his position repudiated
by Mr.. Brooks, of n. V; Messrs. Randall Slo-
ON, Cox, Kerr, and Woodward, all the mem
t Ser, IRON the RspnSl,can side gathering around
the discussion.
Mt Brooks IN. " said: The gentleman from
Ohio said, and well said, he spoke only for him
self. III what he said had not been said on the
floor of the House, IN presence OF all of us, 1
should not feel it necessary to dsclaim all re-
slOnsibility for his advocacy OF repudiatiOn; and
L think may speak for the Democratic mem
bers from New York State, as well as for nv
self. The national debt never has been, never
can be, never will be repudiated. While much
OF what the gentleman said is true, all that re-
lates to reputation we utterly disclaim. We
expect to pay every cent OF the debt, according
TO the contract; and under a better and re-
duced system of taxation we think it will be a.
easily paid a. the debt Of the war of 1872.
hr. Kerr said: While 4 remember very well
that my friend from Ohio (Mr. Mungen) did us
on this side the justice To remark that, in what
ever he was about to say, he would attempt to
bind nobody but himself; yet deem it an act of
duty to myself and to those i represent, and
belieye-l say IT with becoming mOdesty-to the
whole Democratic party OF this country, to saw
that do not indorse reputation in any form,
and that do not believe that that great and
honorable party, OF which 4 have the honor to
be humble member, intlorses any such theory.
Mr.. Slocum said: L am glad the gentleman
from Ohio makes no pretcnces of representing
any political party in the remarks he has made.
The Congressional district 1 have the honor to
represent on this floor pays into the Treasury
more taxes than two or three of the Western
States combined, and can assure the gentle
man that he represents the sentiments of no
party, and, may say, OF no people Of that dis
tIict- For one, here declare that no party tie
no hope of political advancement, will ever in
duce me TO favor any measure tending toward
Reputation, either directly or Indirectly, or any
measure tending to prevent this Government
from discharging every Obligation incurred in
the suppression of the rebellion, i'm strict accord
with the letter and spirit Of the law creating the
obligation. In behalf of the Democracy repre-
sent, here repudiate all regulators.
Dir. Randall said: Mr.. Chairman, in the time
allowed me, it is hardly possible that should fol-
low the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Mungen) IN
all his sayings, or what / might mildly term his
political heresies, but for myself, and 1 think
can speak for my constituents, am utterly op-
posed TO reputation. But the moment allowed
me gives the opportunity TO demonstrate against
the enunciation of any scheme of legislation
which believe would place my country in
dishonest attitude before the world. Not only
do believe that We should pay the debt, but
believe, what is Of vastly more importance, that
the country has the ability, the disposition and
the resources 20 pay il.
MIR. Potter said: desire simply to say that for
myself and constituents disclaim the doctrine
OF reputation advocated by the gentlemanfrom
Ohio.
Mr.. Cox said: While no one is more ready
than / TO honor the soldier and gentleman from
Ohio who has just spoken, / will not do him the
injustice TO believe that lie undertakes to speak
either for the Democracy Of his State OF Of the
nation. Hisopinions OH reputation are his own;
he alone irresponsible for them. They are not
toierable, nor excusable, because Of the wrongs
suffered by the masses, because Congress fails to
tax, as they should, the bondhOlders; because
Congress fails to pay the claims Of loyal claim
ants, or because of the outrages and persistent
taxation Of the people. There are questions
which will press Observation-Disclosures taxation Is
inordnate; whether We ought not to reduce it;
whether, with a full treasury, it Is not an out
Al.