Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1869-06-01
Letter from Hon. Al H. Stuart.

Stuart addressed to distinguished gentleman
in Albemarle, which we copy from the Enquirer
and Enaniner of Saturday last, will be read
with interest: J
STAUNToN, May oath, 1862
My Dear Sir-When | casually met you
few days ago, you requested that [ would ex-
press to you in writing my views of the course
the people Of Virginia should pursue in regard
to the questions about to be submitted for their
decision under the President proclamation. |
now proceed to do so.
There certainly was much disappointment felt
when it was ascertained that the President had
failed to include the county organization"
clauses Of the constitution among those which
were to be submitted to the people to be voted
on separately. 1t was known that the President
had expressed strong opposition to these clauses,
as tending to segregate the white and colored
population by geographical line, and to i'm
pair the productive power Of the State, by sep
arating the labor of the country from the capt.
tai of the Commonwealth. Hence confident
expectation was entertained that he would at
ford to the people an opportunity OF striking
these Objectionable features from the proposed
constitution.
In the first excitement occasioned by this dis
appointment, some persons expressed their pur-
pose to try and defeat the whole instrument by
voting, first, to strike out the DISTINGUISHING
clauses and the oath, and then, against the
instrument thus expurgated.
This disposition was not unnatural under the
circumstances. Within the four years which
have elapsed since the close of the war, the
people Of Virginia have been subjected to so
much disappointment, annoyance and obloquy,
that they have become sensitive, and in some
degree soured. But, unfortunately, we are in
no condition now to take counsel Of our wishes.
We are notin that happy state, In which We
ill-temper We are bound by memorable neces
sity to confront the stern realities Of our situa
ton, and to make the best we can Of them.
After giving to the subject the best considera-
ton, [ have satisfied myself that it is the true
policy OF the people of Virginia to vote to strike
out the test oath and disfranchising clauses,
and then to vote for the adoption of the residue
of the constitution. | admit that it is painful
necessity, yet it is not the less necessity. It
is true that we will not get all that we had ex-
pected to get, yet think it is obvious that by
so doing we gain great deal. The constitution,
even when eXpurgated, will be very objeciona-
bic instrument, but it is certainly much better
than in its original form, and in my judgment,
it is infinitely preferable to constitution at ALL
We can at least live under it for time, with
the certain assurance, that after while, we can
greatly improve it.
1t would tax my time and your patience too
largely to give all the reasons which have
brought my mind to this conclusion. But /
will state one or two of the most prominent
1t seems to me that in casting their votes
under the Presidents proclamation, the people
arc called on to decide where the political pow
er OF the State is to rest hereafter, and who are
to control her destinies in the future They
Hox,0 oIo IL,
positions, neither Of which is entirely accepta-
BILE, bus there is no other open to US. These
propositions are:
lst 70 take the Underwood constitution pure
and simple. Pr ''A
ID To vote the whole constitution down.
Sd. To adopt it with the disfranchisement
and test-oaths stricken out.
Let US now consider what is the practical
bearing and effect of each one of these PROPOSE
tons. Let us see how it will affect the future
status Of the political power of the Common
wealth.
If we allow the Underwood constitution to
be adopted with all Its disqualIfcations it is
obvious that we voluntarily disfianchise our
selves for generation to come, and place the
political power-the power to control our lives
liberty and property-in the hands of the car
pet-baggers and the worst classes Of cur own
people. L presume there are few intelligent
and upright men in the State who will favor
this proposition and [ therefore pass it by with
out further commentary.
Let us now consider the second Suppose we
vote the whole constitution down-what fol-
lows? Some contend that matters would stand
as they are Assuming such to be the fact,
ask is not that bad enough? We would have
Wells for our nominal Governor, and all our
Offices filed by aliens and strangers We
I
supervision and by appolntees OF military
commandment But what assurance have we that
matters would remain as they are? How do we
know whether our situation will not be render
ed more intolerabe than it now is? By voting
down the constitution altogether we in effect re-
commit the whole political power Of the State
to radical Congress. Has the past action Of
that body been such as to render it desirable
that they should again assume unlimited con-
troll over our destiny? | must acknowledge |
think not. If we virtually decide that we will
have nothing to do with shaping our own for
tunes, we compel Congress to take upon itself
that Office
The third proposition is, then, the only one
that offers any hope of escape from the terrible
evils by which we are threatened. If we strike
out the restrictive features and then adopt the res
idue Of the instrument, while we do not gain all
we want, we at least place the political power
of the State in the hands Of the better classes Of
the people Of Virginia. We snatch it from the
grasp Of the arpet-baggers and their allies, and
we withdraw it from the control Of Radical
Congress
We will entitle ourselves to restoration to
our rights in the Union, and to the withdrawal
of military supervision aud control over US
We can elect officers and enact laws of Four own,
and within year Or two, after the excitement
incident to these political struggles shall have
passed away, We can call new convention and
form new constitution adapted to our existing
condition. By striking out the disfranchise-
ments and test oaths almost the whole body Of
our population will be clothed with the power
to vote and be rendered eligible to Office. The
principle Of popular sovereignty will be estab-
llshed On firm basis, and the voice Of our own
citizens will be potential in framing our future
organic law, and shaping our future policy
L have thus stated, think fairly, the three
propositions, between which the people of Viz
ginia are compelled to choose. IF thero be any
other open to them, | am not aware of it.
Ought the people of Virginia OF hesitate be-
tween them. | think not think they ought
to expurgate the constitution, and then adopt
1t.
But it is all important that we should spare
no pans to secure a good Legislature and q
good Governor. The reasons are too obvious
to require enumeration They will readily sug-
gest themselves to every intelligent mind. If
we expect good laws we must elect good Leg
islature. If we desire and wish an honest exc
cutlon OF the laws we must choose a wise and
honest Governor. And while this is, at all
times necessary, it Is especially so now. The
new Legislature will have to enact all laws nee
essary to put the new government into opera
ton. The constitution is not sclf-enforcng it