Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1869-06-16

| which the learned ana philosophical "
Tocoueville refers when, speaking of oul
Constitution, he says:
"Tbis Constitution, which may at frs
| he COMPOUNDED with the Federal Consti
Unions which have preceded it, rests, il
truth, upon wholly novel theory, which
may be considered az q great discovery
in modern science. And
this difference produced the most mo-
meutous conse quences."
OF the same feature Lord Brougham
has recorded his opinion in the following
words of high import:
ut is not at all refinement that Fed
eral Union should be formed; this is the
natural result of mems joint operations
| in very rude state Of society. But the
regulation of such Union upon pre-
| established principles, the formation OF a
system of government and legislation in
which the different subjects shall be BOT
| individuals but States, the application OF
legislative principles to such body OF
States, and the devising means for keep
| ing its integrity as a federacy while the
rights and powers of the individual States
are maintained entire, is the very great
est refinement in social policy to which
any state of circumstances has ever given
rise or to which any age has ever given
birth. "-Broughams Political Philoso-
ply.
and constituting our Union of States,
which 80 impressed De Tocqueville, and
which Lord Breugham considered 1.-THE
very greatest refinement in social policy
ito which any age has ever given birth,
originated with Mr.. Jefferson. 1t came
from the same master mind whose mas
| ter hand drew the Declaration of hide
pendence in l776, and in 1898 set forth
with so much cesrness and power the
true, IL not at present orthodox, prlnci-
Piles of the whole structure OF our Fed
eral organic alton in the entire series OF
Kentucky's famous resolutions, before
referred to, and which were 80 thoroughly
endorsed and established by the country
in 1901. To the administration of the
Government in conformity with these
principles, or with but slight departures
| from them, 1.-The momentous conse-
ouences" spoken of by De Tooqueville,
distinguishing our unparalleled career
for sixty years, in growth, prosperity,
happiness and real greatness, is mainly
attributable.
And now, Messrs. Editors, do you ask
Cuf bono Why so much written upon
the dead issues Of the past, when ques-
tons of 80 much magnitude of q practi-
eel character press upon the public
mind If SO, the reply is twofold. First,
to vindoate the truth of history, which is
itself high duty on the part of any one
who has power to do it; and, in the
second place, to show the people of these
States, in this vindication, not only the
true cause, the real "causa causans," of
the late war, but the real cause of their
p,esent troubles. The Federal machinery
fer the last ten yaars has been abnormal
in its action. 1t must be brought back
to the Jstfersonian doctrine, and made
TO conform 10 it's workings with the
organic principles of its structure, before
there can possibly be return of the
DAYS of peace, harmony, prosperity and
happiness which formerly marked our
course. There is no other hope for con-
stitutional liberty on this continent.
Judge Nicholas may dream dreams
about another constitutional amendment,
providing q new mode for electing the
President, but the remedy lies in no
such device as that. 1t liss simply in
bringing back the Government in its ed
ministrRtion TO original FIRST principles.
This is to be done not By secession, how
ever rightful and Efficient q remedy that
might be. That is abandoned. Morris it
to be done by force or violence of any
kind, except the force OF reason and the
power Of truth. 1t is to be done, If at ell,
at the ballot-box. Free Institutions are
more generally lost than established or
strengthened By . resort to physical
force. They are eminently the achieve
ment of virtue, patriotism and reason.
That our institutions, and even nominal
form of government, are now in great
danger, the prudent, ssgacious and wise
everywhere virtually admit. An able
editorial in your own paper not long
since put the pertineE. and grave ques-
ton, Whittier are we drifingf" 70
this question take the occasion, fer one,
to give yop direct and positive answer.
We are drifting to consolidation and EN-
pire, and will land there at no distant pc
Rod as certainly as the sun will set this
day, unless the people of the several
States awake 10 proper appreciation of
the danger, and saye thenselyes from
the impending catastrophe BY arresting
the present tendency Of public at
fairs. This they can properly do
Only at the baiiotrboy. All friends of
constitutional liberty, 10 every ssoiion
and State, must unite 10 this grand effort
They must seriously consider and even
reconsider many questions to which they
have given but slight attention heretofore.
They must acqusint themselves gith the
principles of their Government, aud pro-
vide security for the future by studying
and correcting the errors Of the past.
This is the only hope, as ! have stated,
fer the continuance of even our present
nominal form of government. Depend
upon it, there is no difference between
consolidation and empirel No difference
between centraliss and imperialism
The end of either, as well az all Of these,
is the overthrow of liberty and the estsb-
lishmsnt Of despotism. | give you the
words Of trHth 10 great esrnestness-
words which, however RECEIVED or needed
now, will be rendered eternally true by
the developments Of the future.
Yours respectfully,
ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS.
Tho Rahamfao.