The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-02-04
General Grant and the Democracy.

From The ". y. Times.
The WOrld's endeavors to excite dissension
between General Grant and the Republican
majority in Congress are certainly persistent
and from purely party point of view may be
deemed praiseworthy. 1t is 10 be regretted,
however, that the World cannot take some
what broader view of the political future, and
that the party it represents cannot find better
grounds of hope for itself than in embarrass-
ing and defeating the efforts of those who
have control of the Government to restore
peace, harmony, and general prosperity to
the country at large.
The World starts with the assumption that
General Grant will find himself at the very
outset of his administration, opposed by Con-
gress nay, it goes still further, and asserts
that the relations of the two are already hos
tile, and that a restoration of lost harmony
seems unlikely 1t is scarcely necessary to
say that all this is imaginary; 1t is pure in
vention. Nothing whatever has occurred to
give it a semblance of truth. That there is
impatience, discomfort on the part of extreme
party men--those who are accustomed to con-
slider themselves the rightful leaders of the
dominant party, and therefore entitled to die
tate its policy-with the neglect of General
Grant to consult their wishes or inform them
of his purposes, is doubtless true. We have
evidence of this feeling on every side. But it
is not the general feeling of the Republican
party, in Congress or out of it, nor is it likely
to become so.
It is quite true that General Grant was not
the first choice of the self-styled leaders of the
Republican party, as their candidate for
President. Ii they could have followed their
personal preferences, they would have put in
nomination another man. Their objections to
him lay in the fact that politically he was not
one of them; that he had never been so iden-
titled with their purposes and plans, nor SO
thx-xr rif Ybair
and opinions, that they could either predict
precisely what he would do, or count with
| confide nee on his doing exactly what they
| might advise and direct. The feeling that he
| was politically unknown, and therefore politl-
| cally unreliable, was very wid=ly entertained
and very potent in the Republican party before
his nomination. IL found open expression
through very many of It's accredited organs,
and from the lips OF very many of its prom-
| neht men. BUTT could not prevent his nomi-
nation. |. did not so far survive a calm
survey OF the exigencies OF the case, as to
permit any difference OF opinion among the
repres enlatives of the party az Chicago as to
| the proprety OF his nomination. In spite Of
all these misgivings from party leaders, he
was unanimously and most heartily made the
party candidate, aud thus accepted and in
stalled as the party leader.
The same result will follow, now that he
has been elected. The disrust aud hostility
on winch me W Oft@ fei!eS Will ulSappear IN
presence OF his administration, and there will
be neither room nor reason for the conflict OF
claims which that journal so eagerly predicts.
The day has gone by wnen the Executive or
Congress can fancy that either has anything
to gain by contest for power in an admins
tration which requires the best services Of
both.
The World INDUCES its fancy in muster O
the forces by which General Grant is to carry
on its imaginary war with the party which
elected him, and the Congress which is tC
make the laws he will be sworn to execute
The army, it says, will be on his side. HI
will take care to have at its head men Oh
whose personal fidelity he can rely. And ht
is much more likely, if driven to extremities
TO ''prove Cromwell than Lincoln" " in the
Judgment of our Democratic contemporary
An this is the wild muttering of politicians
troubled with bad dreams. There is probably
not a man in the United States, in the army