The New York herald., 1869-05-12


were so neg ,gent In executing our own municipa
law la the Alabama case, great part OF his accusa
Ions resi- on tae assumption that we should nay.
| proceeueh, IN violation OF that municipal law,
stop vessels accused OF being intended Tor Southern
privateers, on wholly inadequate and lnadmissibl
evidence %nea no Judge or Jury would have listene,
ment is very poor er parte statement OF the CnteC
states case without even pretence OF Judicia
discussion. But De that as Is may. 1t IS too obvlou
that er parte legal arguments, ii they were the oes
N the woria are not reasons why judgment shouie
ies case the on the othsr without ever heTn
| ner has nothing to say which has not
been heard hundred times before. though ne sup
presses a great dea which has also been heard q
hundred times before ana whch seems 10 us OF much
greater weight. but what he does say. instead o!
being put forward as proof that mere Is something
| to discussion which only II wou.d serye-s unor
tunaely put forward as proof that there nothing
10 dscuss-which It not only does not prove, bu!
dispr0ves.
On the whole Mr.. Summers speech impresses US
very deeply with the necessity there Is Tor greater
candor on both sides OF the Atlantic. Those VINO lee!
keenly as we do the mora. strength OF Mr.. Sumner
case against England ought to favor every opportu-
nifty for informally expressing that sense OF re-
gret ana modification which we heartily believe that
the great majority OF the people Of Great Britain and
Ireland entertain with regard to the conduct oi the
ruling class and the government during the rst four
years OF the civil war; Those, on the other hand in
America who feel with corresponding keenness the
utter unreasona0leness OF such assumptions as Mr..
| Sumner's-that England committed IN this case q
! conspicuous breach OF international law like the
boarding OF the Chesapeake the raid OF 1887 into
teIIilOTy vi UulItu StdJc5-SnOulu 40 tnelT
best to restrain such unreasonable and sellcontra-
| dictOry demands as Mr.. Summers, which seem con-
o tTary to al can,se the most obvious principles
have been guilty Of a breach OF International
law, let US by all means, apologize; but to
assume the very point IN discussion, the ground
that have certainly been guilty OF ifeeng Is as
monstrous as 1t would be for us to ground our own
wi On the plea tina. America has
tional sins must be expiated. If at ALL by informal
national expressions OF regret. We do not ask the
the sins OF ITS people In relation to the Fenian
matter. America cannot ask the government OF
England to apologl1e Tor the sins OF its people in
relation to The civil war. If, as we heartily be-
lieve the only even dlsputable point regards legal
liability Is the negligence OF the government In
permitting the escape of the Alabama how Is IL DOS
sbe to ask us to express formal cOntrtlOn till 1t Is
decided whether even then we were not acting
strictly within our legal c0mpetenceS Mr. Summers
real grievance and the real grievance of the North.
ern people, is that the English Parliament displayed
hearty sympathy with cause naturally hateful to
", the slavery cause out OF some poor jealousy OF
the growing power OF the North. Well, that Is not
breacn OF International law. BY all means let US do
character, which many OF US always marvelled at
and sOrrowed over. But on the other hand, let the
more moderate and sensible statesmen OF the United
States restrain their sensitive politicians from the
undignined weakness or cOnfoundlng an act OF mar.
vellously bad taste and bad feeiing-though one
which unfortunately is too often initiated by America
itself without any formal reprOach from us-with an
International crime.
The Pau Mall Gazette has also had its say in the
matter. In that Independent and sOphomorlsh style
which 1t almost invariable affects, 1t brings In the
Irish question with the Alabama claims and Senator
Summers speech. Here Is what the model paper has
to say
The insults and threats levelled at US from the
other side or the Atlantic by OF the most prOm-
nent public men In America are ecn0ed at home by
man holding an important public position while
the old standing wounds OF Ireland break out in riot
and murder, collective and individual and uader
circumstances which make 1t impossible to doubt
ths S crme, ss which c1se
which we hear ana the impression which
Is created in Ireland by the course OF
pose of Cancellation. These are facts which ought
10 make us think little. What has been and Is the
cause OF these nsults9 We need not 20 very FAR TO
look Tor it, 1t is to be found in the opinion which
prevails widely, both in the United States and in
Ireland that the English nation Is afraid OF them
both.
With regard to the Irish. again. many people in
this country, some OF them men in nigh authority,
pointed out the other day at the prospect OF being
defeated by an Irish rebellion but at the prospect OF
having to suppress 1t by force such force being
pOyed to defend some things which are distinctly in.
the imputaton Of having been afraid. Unweicome
future however is still in our power ana the cues.
ton whether the English nation ought to permit
itself to be insuted Is one which, when stated in
plain terms, answers ITSELF Of course no one would
say yes to It, but there Is considerable reason fear
that many people Will give answer which, Though
not an affirmative In terms Will have ali the effect OF
avoid the necessity of vlndicating their charac-
been attacked They will Try to extenuate
the Importance OF such language as Mr.. sum
acts as continually taking place IN Ireland
They will treat as an absurdy the notion that any
ened, or act upon the suppositlOn of the existence
OF such feeling. In word. they will do their best
TO induce US all to pocket the atrronts put upon u.s.
and to manage matters In such way as to show as
little as possible the nature Of the load which we
carry in our pockets. This Is the well established
coward who finds himself overmafched and
those who do not wish their country to play
that part among the nations Of the world
would do well 70 consider how brave men
usually act under difficulties. Whatever else
they do, they invariably do three things-they
their measure and march straight up to them, with
clear determination In their own minds AZ to the
kind and degree OF resistance which they mean to
in the present instance. We ought clearly to
acknowledge that there Is danger which, under
favorable circumstances would become pressing. OF
foreign war with the United States and of civil war In
ireland. 1t is also true tnat, except In so
FAR far as p puts ,S US morally in better position
Will for the moment rather aggravate tnan
diminish these dangers. 1t will be attr
thus encourage our enemies. Unfortunate as this is
it Is not, a. we have already pointed out an argu
ment against the measure, though 1t certainly Is
consideration which detracts from It's value. With
regard TO the course TO be taken reassertng our
position, we can speak only In very general terms
AS to Ireland we clearly ought TO punish and sup
press In the most determined and unqualified way
every act or word which falls within the province
the criminal law; and we shall have abundant op.
portunltes AZ no very distant date OF showing
clearly what 1t IL which we do not mean 10
concede to priests on the hand or 10 reoels on
the other. With regard TO America, mere violent
language and outrageous demands made unofilcially
by individuals, however distinguished call for no
notice on the part Of the nation at large But the
line OF policy TO be followed has the advantage OF
being perfectly clear, and Mr. Summers speech will
at least enable our government draw it with the
most unmistakable plainness. We ought to be Will
Ing and ready to discuss the question OF individual
losses Immediately caused by any act which can be
regarded as negligence on our part; but as to en-.
tertaining the question OF paying general damages
Tor recognizing the Confederaes ought to be pre-.
pared TO light nrst, at all hazards aud yantages
The London Daay Neps, q paper OF liberal views,
Of the ist nst reviews the speech OF Mr. sumner az
follows:-
Mr.. Charles Sumner s one OF the great orators
II not one OF the great statesmen OF the United
States Senate He Is great In speeches n not in
measures. IL power IN counsel II not In action. ON
hta la