The States and Union. [volume] (Ashland, Ohio) 1868-1872, 1869-03-10

existed, and that the productions Ol
the army were, for the time being, in
the direction indicated. Taking ad
vantage of that feeling, it would have
been easy, as the Commander-in-Ch Chic
of the army and navy, with all the
power and patronage of the Presiden'
tial Office at my disposal, to turn the
concentrated strength of the nation
against French interference in Mexi.
co, and to inaugurate a movement
which would have been received with
favor by the military and a large por
ton of the people.
1t is proper, in this connection, thai
1 should refer to the almost unlimited
additional powers rendered to the Elk
e~cutive by the measures relating to
civil rights and the Freedmen's Blu
reau. Contrary to most precedent:
in the experience of public men, the
powers thus placed within my grasp
were declined as being in violation O
the Constitution, dangerous to the
liberties of the people, and tending tt
aggrayate rather than lessen the dis
cords naturally resulting from our
civil war. With a large army and
augmented authority, it would have
been no difficult task to direct, a
pleasure, the destinies ofthe Republic,
and to make secure my continuance in
the highest Office known to our laws.
Let the people whom I am address
ing from the Presidential chair, dur
ing the closing hours of a lahorious
term, consider how different would
have been the present condition had ]
yielded to the dazzling temptation OF
foreign conquests, of personal aggran-
dizement, and the desire to WELD ad.
ditional power. Let them, with jus.
tice, consider that if I have not undu-
ly magniied mine office, the public
burdens have not been increased by
my acts, and thousands or tens ofthou-
sands of lives. sacrificed to visions OF
false CORY. 1t can not, therefore, be
charged that my ambition has been or
that inor6inate or criminal kind which,
to the detriment of the peoples rights
and liberties, ever seeks to grasp more
and unwarranted powers, and to az
complish its purposes, panders too of:
ten to popular prejudices and party
aims.
What, then, have been the aspira-
tious which have guided me in my of
fetal acts? Those acts need not, at
this time, an elaborate explanation.
They have elsewhere been comprehen-
siyely and fully discussed, and become
a part of the nations history. By
them I am ready to be judged, know
ing that, however imperfect, they at
least show to the impartial mind that
my sole ambition has been to restore
the Union of the States, faithfully to
execute the Office of President, and to
the best of my ability, to preserve,
protect and defend the Constitution.
L a not be censured if my efforts
have been impeded in the interest o"
party faction, and ifa policy which
was intended to reassure and conciliate
the people of both sections of the coun-
try was made the occasion of infam-
ing and dividing still further those
who were only recently in arms against
each other, yet as individuals and
citizens Were sincerely DESTROYS, as l
shall eve believe, of burying all hos
tile feelings in the grave of the past.
The bitter war vas waged on the part
of the Government to viIdicate the
Constitution and save the Union ;
and if [ have erred in trying to bring
about a more speedy and lasting peace,
to extinguish heart-burnings and N
mites and to prevent trouble in the
South in which retarding material
prosperity injuriously affected the
whole country, / am quite content to
rest my a 8 with the more deliberate
judgment of the people, and as 1 have
already intimated, with the distant
future. The war all must remember
was a stupendous and deplorable mis-
take. Neither side understood the
other, and had this simple fact and its
conclusions been kept in view, all that
need was accomplished by the ac-
acknowledgement of the terrible wrong
and the expressed better feeling and
earnest endeavor at atonement shown
and felt In the prompt ratification of
the constitutional amendments by the
Southern States, at the close of the
a Not accepting the war as a con-
fessed false step on the part of those
who inagurated it, was an error which
now only time can cure, and which,
even at this late date, we should en-
deayor to palliate.
Experiencing, moreover, as all have
done, the frightful cost ofthe arbitra-
ment of the sword, let us in the future
cling closer than ever to the Constitu-
ton, as u only safeguard. 1t is to
be hoped that not until the burdens
now pressing upon us with such fear
full weight are removed will our peo-
pie forget the lessons of the war and
that, remembering them from whatever
cause, peace between the two sections
and States may be perpetual. The
history of the late events In our coun-
try, as well as of the greatest govern
ments of ancient or modern times,
teach us that we have every thing to
fear from a departure from the letter
and spirit of the Constitution, and the
undue ascendency of men allowed to
assume powers in what are considered
desperate emergencies. Sylla, on be-
coming master Of Rome, at one adopt
ed measures to crush his enemies and
to consolidate the power of his party.
established initiatory colonies
throughout Italy, deprived of the full
Roman franchise the inhabitants of the
Italian towns who had opposed his u.s.
urpation, consiscated their lands and
them to the soldiers, and confer
red citizenship upon a great number of