New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1869-04-22

pies and professions, it never touches comhiou-
tiles till they come into the field OF dlstrlou-
ton-a mere policy of exchange, 1t concerns
itself with nothing else or earlier IN the Dusi-
ness of men; and it is q curious concession Oh
this fact that the theme of their itinerant Pro-
fessOr is invariably Erchanges-why do we
make them-Or, the natural laws ruling them'
Trade traffic, merchandising, hucksterlng-the
apparatus of intermediates between the pro-
Queer and consumer-is the whole concern OF
the leaguers. That it is free trade in foreign
products exclusively, which they strive for, is
first obvious, because q free trade in home pro-
auctions is not opposed by protection; and
second, because they never use the word
foreign in anything which they advocate; that
would open their TANKS to the fire of the most
ordinary criticism, and if openly confessed or
avowed would alter their whole array from as
sault to defense of the indefcnsible AS well
as We can classify the special propositions In
their proclamation, they seem to take throughout
the character of decamatory, while specifically
they naturally divide into two classes-three
of them logically nugatory, seven Of them sim
ply defamatOry, and two Of them mixed, mud
died. and meaningless Of the seven-foId
assault upon the Protective system, it is enough
for our purpose to give their substance Ill brief.
One would not choose to discuss these unless
he had their author or indorser in some posi-
ton where he could be made to feel their ex-
posure, and take the consequences They arc
| such as these: Protection is q short-sghtedness
that defeats its own ends it is contrary to the
laws of Providence it is Odious class legsla-
| ton it is fertile source of social sectional,
and international discord; it encourages COM
mercal dishonesty and official corruption; it is
robbery, and tyranny, and taxation for the
benefit of special classes; it enslaves industry
and commerce. That is a good deal to crowd
into an indictment of the size of thumb
paper, but that is the best shape and size TO
give it, because it is the safest and because
every word said in support of such charges as
| these would only weaken their effect.
Now for the logical and declaratiye Of these
principles which the Free Trade League
| Holds" There are three Of them, and there
is nothing else in tho catalogue but these and
the items which we have given under the class
defamatory.
First. we give the words. Every man has
natural right to exchange the product of his
| labor wherever he can obtain the most for it.
| Second, he should be free to seek his own well
fare in his own way, so long as he does not
infringe the rights of others Third, every
country has its peculiar natural advantages,
and that to produce what can be most easily
| produced i'm it, and to exchange such products
for what is more easily produced elsewhere, is
| the most profitable exertion of its industry.
If such things as these call for any answer,
so far rs they can be intended to bear on the
question at issue, We submit that nobody dis
putes the right mentioned in tho first propo-
sition; it is the opportunity that Is the mat
ter. TO make this natural right realized,
available proposition, is the object of the sys-
TEN which would protect him from having no
labor, or any product Of his labor, to exchange,
| while paupcr or savage industry remains
on earth to underworld him and undersell him
in the exchange market. To let labor run It's
| chances the chances of the weak against the
strong, of the young against the old, Of the
| poor against the rich, is the interference,
let-alone free trade system.
| The proposition which insists upon freedom
for every man to seek his own welfare in his
! own way, may be answered, that Protection
would help him TO find that way, and would
| guard, protect, and defend him in it. Free
| Trade sends him packing and if lie finds his
own way. and his own proper way, too and it
happens to be previously occupied by tres
passer who blocks the track then every man"
| is coldly told to back out, and find some other
way, or do without one.
The last of these substantive principles which
alleges diversity of capability in different
countries might we'll be taken for the basis
principle of all true and rightful interna-
| tiona exchanges; and if it were limited TO q
l.. Il. 10
what protection means; but this innocent look
ing stalking horse of the Frce-Traders carries
| death in it's belly, and We must not break
| down our walls for its admittance without n
search. If it means that the shops of one
country shall shut up as soon as those of an
| other can undersell them-that as soon and as
often as the dubbed capital of a rival producer
can run long enough at rates below the cost
| of production to throw them out of the market,
with the intention of recovering all losses out
monopoly prices and profts-that when one
country has had the start of another, that
other shall never learn tho trade-or, if
1t means that the right to work lies in the
cheapncss of wages or of capital, and so cheap
cning the product in money price-or, worse
still, if it means that the people of the United
| States, who are nearly all European in blood,
are naturally so far inferior to native Europeans
| that they ought not to be encouraged to at
tempt competition, until capital is made as
cheap, and wages are starved down to the
| same rates-0r if it means that every man in
fertile country, except its cobbers, shall be
farmer, and nothing else, without market
| anywhere nearer than beyond seas, and that
market gorged by the surplus products of n
whole continent of agricultursts,--if it means