The national Republican. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1866-1870, 1869-08-06

Uses ana Abuses OF Jsurnalism.
The newspaper Is = essential an incident
Of popular Sovereignty as the ballot-box.
Indeed, Il gives mach more distinct voice
10 public oplniA than y possible at the
polls. WITH the aid Of the telegraph h com.
pcls the whole world 70 think aloud, to cit
daily N oPsa cosndi o. public aasirsi i
taneously In possession OF the same informa-
tion, 90 that all may act with about the
same lights, and reach conclusions, not
seriously conflicting, at about the same mo-
ment.
The press Is therefore everywhere, and
nowhere more than In the United States, a
part Of the Government and very potential
part OF Il. There Is no political organixa-
ton or authority that can resist II when II
presents united front. God, however, has
wisely combined the powers with which He
| endows His creatures with such infrmities
that II is only when they exert those powers
In harmony with His laws that their full
energy can be fen. This truth Ts sin gularly
illustrated In the history Of the press which
always loses power In proportion As II
abuses II. a.
| At this season, when an unusual reposo
broods over the great deep of public affairs;
when our rulers are dispersed In quest Of
health and recreation regardless OF
1
wo may be excused for stepping aside a
moment from the beaten paths of politics 10
consider for moment, In what ways, II
any, the power Of the press may be increased
and its part In the government Of the coun-
try more Justly proportioned to the talent
engaged In II, aud to the public needs.
l. News as an element OF interest In the
press has so far transcribed all others since
the construction Of the telegraph that the
force Of newspaper Is now largely coucen-
trated In that department. Every article OF
commerce for which there Is a great de,
mand, Or which commands high price, Is
sure sooner or later 10 be counterfcitod,
adultorated, or In some othcr way falsined.
The commodity Of news Is no exception to
this law, aud Of course great deal OF the
so-called news which Is mlnlstered daily to
the curious public Is made up Of conjecture,
hearsay and ignorance. The supervision
and authorization Of intelligence coming AS
II does now, from every quarter Of the world
and through agencies over which In many
cases we can exert no direct control, Is OF
course very difficult, II not impossible.
Tho press can however discourage that
species OF reporting, by denouncing Il when
Its character Ia discovered, and by always
refusing to treat editorlally, statements com.
ing through unknown and unreliable chan.
nels, till properly confirmed or authcntl-
! Gated. Tho power and value Of journal
lies In the reliability Of Its news, more even
than in the soundness Of Its opinions; and
any indifference upon this point Is public
as we'll as professional calamity.
II. Incidental to want Of truthfulncss In
the press Is the practice Of giving promi.
nence and notorlety 10 obscure people In
whose movements the public In general can
have no possible interest. It encourages a
depraved taste for publicity; 1t disturbs tho
proper standards Of public Judgment; II
gives undeseryed prominence TO people whose
vanity must be presumed to have provoked
Il and is to DO gratined by II, and Of course
| throws more deserving class Into corre-
spending obscurity.
| III. There is a method OF advocating a
cause by denouncins lie enemies, which may
be, and ofteu is, carried to excess, especially
by youthful partisans. 1t Is not by harsh
names nor by persistent detraction that men
are persuaded to abandon their opinions,
and those who ply that sort Of warfare are
usually less Intent on gaining prosclytcs than
In making public or partisan merit Of their
zeal. No one Is At: to be guide to public
opinion who has not learned that the bad
men are not generally quite so bad, nor the
good men quite so good as the Incorporate
partisan Ia disposed to believe him, aud son
words often dissolve pref udices and errors In
our adversaries which violence and detrac.
tion render solid and imperishabls.
". The facilities which journalist pos.
! sesses for giving his opinion Of public men
Of what they have done or have not done,
furnishes temptation to great abuse. II
may be doubted whether all the reserve ID
exercised on this point, which Is wise and
becoming. No person can be excused for
gratuitously weakening the public respect
for legitimate authority, aud the press must
be relied upon to cultivate and sustain
those sentiments Of loyalty to the representa-
tiyes Of the national will on which rest In
last analysis the peace and prosperity Of a
people.
V. Happily, the personal controversies
which used to dlsgrace American journalism
that they may disappear altogether.
Editors can never have a better excuse
than the qualification Of personal vanity for
washing their dirty linen In public. They
arc simply organs Of public opinion, and
they are false to their position when they
are betrayed into an abandonment OF their
impersonallty.
The American press is responsible, to n
very considerable degree, for the admins
tration Of this Government. The laws Of
our Congress and the policy OF our Execu-
tive are, and necessarily must be, largely
shaped by the fourth estate. This was
never more true perhaps than now. If the
press Is true to Itself, our Government will
| always and under whatever party dispensa-
tion be success, and our legislation always
| wise and humane.-N Y. Times.