The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1869-05-20


, ment, which must respond in damages, not
/, only to the individual 8 who have suffered but
also to the National Government, acting az
pater famllias for the common good of all the
people. Thus, by an analogy of the common
S law, in the case of public nuisance, also by
r the strict rule of the Romanlaw whichenters
r so largely into International Law, and even
by the rule of the common law relating to
damages, all losses, whether individual or na-
tional, are the just subject OF claim. 1t is not
I who say this; it is the law. The colossal
! sum total maybe seen, not only in the losses
/ of individuals but in those national losses
caused by the destruction of ourgcommerce
and the prolongation ofthe war, all of which
! may be traced directly to England;
! illud alb uno ~y
Corpore, ct ex una pendebat origine bellnm.
Three times is this liability fixed; first, by
the concession of ocean belligerency, opening
to the Rebels ship yards, boundaries and man.
ufact cries, and giving to them flag on the
ocean; secondly, By the organization of hostile
expeditions, which, by admissions In Parlia
ment. were nothing less than piratical war on
the United States with England as. the naval
base and thirdly, by welcome. Hospitality,
and supplies extended to these pirate ships in
ports of the British Empire. Show eitherroi
these and the liability of England is complete
Show the three and this Power IS bound by a
triple cord. ~r--~1~eFF
Mr.. President, in concluding these remarks,
| desire to say that l am no volunteer For
several years have carefully avoided saying
lanything on this most irritating question,
being anxious that negotiations should be left
undisturbed to secure settlement which
could be accepted by deeplyinjured nation,
| The submission of the pending treaty to the
judgment of the Senate left me no alternative.
1t became my duty to consider it carefully in
committee, and to review the whole subject
| II failed to find what we had a right to ex.
| pect, and, if the just claims Of our country
because would bear hard on England, but
because wish most sincerely to remove all
possibility ofstriie between our tw o countries
and it is evident that this can be done only
by first ascertaining the nature and extent Of
difference. In this spirit have spoken to day.
If the case against England is strong, and if
our claims are unprecedented in magnitude,
it is only because the conduct of. this Power
at trying period was most iunfriend y, md
the Injurious consequences of this conduct
were on scale corresponding to the theatre
of action. Life and property We're both
swallowed up, leaving behind a deep seated
sense of enormous wrong, as yet nnatoned
and even unacknowledged, which is one of
the chief factors in the problem now presented
| to the statesmen of both countries. The at
tempt to close this great international debate
without complete settlement is little short
| of puerile. With the lapse of time and with
minuter consideration the case against Eng
| land becomes more grave not only from the
questions of international responsibility
which it involves, but better from better com
prehension of the damages which are seen now
! in their true proportions. During the war and
/, for some time thereafter it was impossible to
4 state them. The mass ofa mountain cannot
be measured at its base. The observer must
i occupy certain distance. and this rule of
perspective is justly applicable to damages
4 which are vast beyond precedent. A few
dates will show the progress of the contro.
ttversy and how the case enlarged. Going as
far back as Goth November 1862, we find our
Minister in London, Mr. Adams, calling for
redress from the British Government, on &C.
tcount OF the Alabama, this was the mild be.
ginning. On the 23d OF October. 1868, in an
sother communication the same Minister sug-
gested to the British Government ''any fair OF
4 equitable form of arbitranent~ or reference
: This proposition slumbered in the British
Foreign Office for nearly two years, during
q which the Alabama was pursuing her piratica
q career, when on August 80, 1865, it wa
q awakened by Lord Russell. only to be knocked
down inAtheee words:
j Ef I'm your letter of Oct. %, 1868, you wer
!, easedto say that the Government of tn
United States is ready to agree 10 any form o
Majesty's Government must, therefore, decln
, either to make ieparation and compensation
for the captures made by the Alabama, or t.
J. refer the question to any foreign State"
: Such was our repulse from England, havin,
~ tsahk Vic inerie oi iEduknesS,H mourning elSe
II On the Eth OF October. 1865, our Minister In
: formed Lord Russell that the United State
I had finally resolved to make no effort to
,, Earbitratioh. Again the whole qiestio
, slumbered until the 9th Of August, 1856, whe
!. Mr.. Seward presented list ~of individus
, claims on account OF the pirate, Alabama
From that time negotiation was continue
!, with ups and downs, until at last the pendin
treaty was signed. Had the early overture
!. OF our Government been promptly accepted
{ or had there been IT any time just recogni
ton OF the wrong done. Ildoubt not that tLi
( the rejection OF our very moderate PROPOSE
: tions and the protracted delay, which afforde
an opportunity to review the case in it's differ
ent bearings, have awakened the people to til
! J magnitude of the interests involved. If on
demands are larger now than at our first cal
!. . it is not the only time in history wnere sue
! a. rise has occurred. The story of the Syby
! is repeated, and England is the Roman king
! Shalf these claims be liquidat ed and canceilc
. promptly, or be allowed to slumber unit
: called into activity by some future exigency
There are many among us, who, taking cOunse
= of sense of National wrong. wollln leay
. them to rest without settlement, SO as to fnr
: nish precedent for retaliationin kind .shoul
: England ind herself at war. There are man
I in England who, taking counsel of a pervers
: political blgotry, have sspurned them abso
! lutely and there are others who. invokin,
: the point OF honor assert that England canno
e entertain them without compromising he
: honor. Thus there is peril from both sides. L
: rs not difficult to imagine one OF our own coun
Y trymen saying with Shakespeares Jew, 9Th
THE villany you teach me will execute. an,
Twill better the instruction - nor is it diff
I cult to imagine an Englishman firm in his con
ceit, that no apology can be made and nothinl
said. i cannot sympathize with either side
:. Be the claims more or less, they are bonestl
9 presented, with the CONVICTION that, they Az
. just. and they should be considered candidfv
7 so that they shall no longer lower like clon,
;, ready to burst upon two nations, which, &C
7 cordings to their inclinations, can do eacl
other such infinite injury or such infinite good
Il know 1t is sometimes said that war betwee,
: us must come sooner or later. do not belle y,
1T. Bnt If it must come, let it be later. tina,
! / am sure 1t will never come. Meanwhile goo,
I men must unite to make it impossible. Arai,
y say this debate is not of nv seakinn Z !: