The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1869-11-27
THE INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS.


support of the resolution declaring it
Areessary that private property in land
shall be abolished, we now propose to
refer briefly to the motives which
guided US in declining to take any part
in the discussion.
While we fully recognized the force
of the arguments as presented from
their stand-points, we, also realized that
the same arguments could not and did
not apply to the state Of affairs exist
ing in our own country; in fact, that
indiUidIaI enterprise and reward had
been the great lever-the incentive,
which had produced the results which
had astonishrd and almost revolution
ICED the world; that the recognition of
this principle was the corner stone-the
foundation of our Republican institu-
tons. To illustrate In Europe, the
masses are denied the fruits of their
labors. No matter how frugal or in
dustrious they may be, life Of unre-
Quilted toll is their only reward. The
"divine right" with its attendant evils,
are recognized in their theory of gov
eminent, while their pernicious infu-
ences have impregnated all classes of
society. In our own country no such
state of society need exist. Our gov
eminent is based upon a principle
which recognizes the right of the indi-
vidual, the rights Of the sOhrle peopLe-as
opposed to the claims of pampered or
privileged few. To the emigrant who
seeks our shores, we say: "Welcome
to land, where, by thrift and honest
toll, you can reap the rewards of your
labor, and secure an independence for
Yourself and little ones" 1t is, we re
peat, this inducement to individual ex-
ertion which has developed our re
sources and made our land an asylum
for the oppressed throughout the world
To change it to the plan advocated
would be to revolutionize the funda-
merrn pfr~vrRs 49,. WyrwrwW S0--
eminent was organized, and extinguish
the last entertained by the op
pressed in the old world-that some
day they may find welcome home In
the land beyond the sea-
1t is true that as a nstion, we have
departed from the land marks Of the
Constitution that we have wandered
after strange gods; that the inconsis-
encies between our practice and pro.
fessions have been frequent and glaring;
but it must not be forgotten that it is just
in proportion as we have assimilated to
the system condemned by our European
brethren, that we have diverged from
the principles enunciated and recog-
nized by the founders Of the American
Republic.
This, in short, is the difference be-
tween a republic and a monarchical
government. The one recognizes the
sovereignty Of the people-the other
necessitates the creation Of a privileged
class-as its satellites.
Again, the political privileges pos
sessed by the American citizen places
a correction Of any threatened or ex-
isting evil within his reach. In France,
the guillotine and barricade-with
their attendant homDrs-turnlsh TOO
frequently the only means 10y which
the pent-up fury OF an outraged people
can find expression. Here they are su
perceded by the ballot and the intelli-
gence Of the people; vor popuh is es-
sentially the voice of God-and so long
as this principle is recognized, so long
will our privileges remain, compare
lively intact-and the existence Of such
evils as Cypress the laborers Of the Old
World, remain a moral impossibility.
But while we so write-amd while we
believe that our constituents endorse
both our conduct and our sentiments,
we do not desire to take exception to the
actional Of the INTERNATIONAL" On
the contrary, we believe, were the work
ing classes of America cursed by the
same system and situation as their
European brethren are, their sentl-
ments would be the same. AS it is,
we bid them "God speed" in their
noble resolve, while we declare, with
a determination that knows no denial.
that not another acre of our public do
main, shall be given to or stolen by any
public or private corporation.