Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1869-10-16


This message to the Legislature,
sSENTER may be presumed TO as
he best reasons he has to give
Legro suffrage. They are these:
II honor and justice make solemn
fot" against depriving the dis
fed race Of the suffrage; that
iuality before the law" would be
lated by it; that it would produce
"shOck, threatening TO the public
terest, even if it do not endanger
JnyulsiOn;" that degradation from
Re suffrage would render them, as
liens, dangerous to the public in
rests" that it strikes at the whole
"a Of reciprocal obligations and
ghts fundamental to this representa-
re republie;" that impartial jus
se viii demand the proof Of charges
hich may be brought to degrade
e race, and will not be satisfied
th less than the demonstration of
perience;' that, while the majority
the Northern States may beagainst
it is " the voice Of the country, spO-
zen through its lawfully constituted
authorities "-the Congress having
+" formally proposed tic Fifteenth
Amendment that It is impOrtant1o
Secure The colored pOpulstion against
apprehended dangers" that adoption
Of the amendment would at once
tend 10 inspire confidence with the
Northern people, create a friendly in
terest in Congress, and perhaps win
the strong, helping hand Of the Cen
-efal Government in our many wants. -
and that il is commanded by the
emphatic declaration of the people
Of Tennessee, at their last election.
These, stripped Of their verbiage, are
the reasons, aud all the reasons, us
signed by the Governor. We viii
answer them in their above order.
First, that "hOnor and justice make
solemn protest." etc. Now, as TO
{" honor" we say that is not con-
cened, unless We are under pledges
not conditional. II we have made
pledges those pledges were condi-
toned that the negro population
should vote for northumberland Of.
the whites. But nine-tenths Of them
went of with STOKES, and voted
against it! They did not perform the
condition. We deny the promise.
T. any was made, We deny the per
Torrance OF the condition, which
alone could make it obligatory. As
to "justiee in the matter, we deny
the right Of any TO claim a new and
unheard-of privilege, without qualii-
cation for its exercise, on the ground
Of being residents Of the country.
Foreign whites resident among Us
have as much right, combined with
Publications necessary to its health
exercise. And so Of many other
nts. Suffrage Is not the right OF
b.; bat has always in our his
~1nfialted and restricted TO the
best informed poftionof the white
population, or TO adults I'VE twenty
one years Of age. There was no fnjps |
tice in these restrictions, and their rel
moval is a dangerous innovation. 10
the proposition that equality before
the law" would be infringed by refu-
sal Of the suffrage to negroes, we an
swer that if so, refusal Of it 10 any
other citizen or resident ofthe United
States would be the same infringe
meDt. By shat rule, French, Irish,
Italian, German and other foreigners
have no equality before the law"
aud are entitled TO instant enfranehise-
ment by the same rule, and without
ali restrictions. To the proposition
thatit wOuldproduce ga shock threat
eRng to the public interests" we an
swer that is as much as to say that
refusal 10 inRoVate on our accustomed
ussges and laws viii be detrimental.
Wedeny that it win produce any
worse q ''convulsion" in the country
70 refuse negro suffrage than TO refuse
German suffrage or Irish suffrage, as
we have p~ersistently done for years
without material injury. The "con-
vulsion" wiz be All confined to the
Radical party, and 70 that Congress
assumes officially 10 represent.
ut really misrspresents the wishes
,fthis country. RTo the affirmation
hat refusal Of negro suffrage win en-
the public interest we answer
hal If Il does 50 Il VIII be only 50 be-
arse the CongTt determined to
oExsin sauntsy. We decay !
50 tie least ben /