The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1869-06-10
An Ensfsh View ofthe cha noes ofa War
with tho United StateA


tator, an able and influential Raglish jour
nal, discusses the chances and cost Of war
with the United States. The Spectator
aeizes ct once upon the root of the Difficult
ty, viz: that the Union has 8 South which,
it cannot despise and dare not trust; and in
touching upon the questions Of finance, the
defence of the Canadas, and the power Of
Great Britain to support huge army and
powerful navy, the English editor writes
with Straightforward frankneas altogether
different from the rant and bluster which
All the Northern Radical journals when
they hound on the masses to demand
Canada or War:
"Why do Americans think us weakp Be-
cause We could not defend the Canadian from
tier9 Possibly not; but We should infalibly
try to do it, and Americans, who on this point
at least are not unfair, will acknowledge that
to destroy British army Of a hundred thou
sand men, backed by the Canadian population,
and by feet sufficient to blockade every port
north Of the Potomac, would be task reluir-
ing all their resources. That effort would over
tax us We made it in 1857, sending an army
five times the distance, and, after three years
of war which covered continent, that army
remained in India, with its strength unbro-
ken or increased, while at home another still
create: hnd gathered in reserve. But we have
Ireiaudt Has not the Union South, or do
Northern Americans believe that the senti-
meut OF Irishmen toward US is worse than that
Of the Southerners toward them ? England,
if forced into this horrible war, would and
could stop at nothing, ,oo,ld and could r.aiy in
Virginia the men of the lost cause behind a
,oeu-arpointed European army, supported by
population north and south, in Canada as in
Virginia, which would know that in her victory
alone could their security be found. The backsP
Are We an enslaving power, or is the Indian
constitution intolerable to colored men? Even
then, when this had been attempted and the
Union was assaied on two sides, from north
and south in each direction by four millions OF
men rallying round that hardest Of kernels, a
British army, We should have e1erted but one
fifth Of the strength we displayed in the PEN
insular war, when, with Ireland included, We
we're but fifteen millions. We are twenty now
without Ireland. We had then million OF
men on foot, and drove through Spain SOL
dier who welded, when the war besLn, re-
sources in men even greater than those at the
disposal OF General Grant. Our finances? A
debt double that OF America-that is, an addi-
ton Of three hundred millions to our debt
would but leave US where the Union is now, for
she pays double interest on her loans. In
1916 for every pound an Englishman received
he paid Is. Cd. to the State. He now pays Is.
The difference alone would yield one hundred
and twenty millions year-that is, support
the war without mourning debt. But then our
commerce. There is no saying what resources
thirty millions OF Anglo.Sa1ons may find in
their energy and patriotism; but We are Anglo
sazons also, and at frs! all naval advantages
would be on our side. The Americans are de-
ceived by Parliamentary talk. There is no
feet in existence which could stand three
months before our own; our merchant navy
outnumbers that Of the world in combination,
and earth itself is but coaling station for
Great Britain. From Heliogoland to Hong
Kong, everywhere we have harbors, docks,
Goals, cannon. Our sailors ars the same in
race, in training, in courage, as the men who
followed Farragut; our officers the same as the
men who blockaded the South; our vessels the
result OF competition to which America has
been but a par y. Why should We be defeated
any more than our cousins Is it not at all
events, possible, that after slaughter and ruin
such as might make devils vince, we should
emerge for the moment masters Of the sea, with
our commerce as secure as at present, and our
maritime prestige higher than ever2 Look at
it how we will, war between America and Eng
land is mere destruction, mere loss, civil
war in which the only possible gamers are the
enemies OF both; but why in that contest OF
suicides should we not be at least the last to
perish? Because the Union is 80 large? Com
pared with the territories OF Queen Victoria. 1t
is speck on the earth's surface. That SEN
tence is nonsensical, we acknowledge, but it is
true, and is as sensible as the argument it re-
flutes. In war, concentration is everything,
not dispersion, and we have the population Of
the entire North concentrated in 3 territory
less extensive than Pennsylvania and New
York. The policy which crushed the South
cannot be applid to Us; for when We had lost
the lives the South has lost, oil We should feel
would be that our existing emigration had
been diverted to an unforeseen purpose. There
is something shocking to ourselves in the
mere use OF such an argument; but the war
against which we use il would be more shock
ing stiIl-a war between equals, between broth
ers, q civil war spread over earth, o war in
which every incident Of slaughter would have
the moral effect of massacre, war in which
every victory on either side would be sheer
loss, war without limit or conceivable
end. We could gain nothing by the war, even
if we triumphed, and America nothing, for
Canada is not worth doubled debt; while If
We lose we lose only Canada. and America, if
she loses, loses the unity she has spent so
much Of blood and treasure to preserve. There
never was such an act OF lunacy as such war
would be, yet it is such war that speeches
like that OF Mr.. Sumner would force on"
asw Qualifications.
n USSEII,S ROOK STORE