The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1869-10-16
TO BE CONTINUED. I
Written for the ADvoCAfB
A "New DispensatIOn for LabOr.''
NUMBER ONE.

kUMbkk ONE.
When worklngmen look abroad upon
the world, and contrast their great tolls and
slender rewards with the little tolls and vast
rewards of other classes how can they help
thinking that the world exhibits an unnatur-
al spectacle, with all the good things Of this
life in the hands Of those who did little or
nothing to produce them? ls there not
gross Injustice somewhereg What can De-
mocracy or Republcanism, so called, do to
help them out Of the mist Nothing.
Neither party has power, nor does it desire,
to help the workman create things for him
self He may go on in ceaseless tolls for
thousands OF years, and his candition will
grow steadily steadily worse. He will con-
stitute distinct and degraded class. Per-
petual labor and poverty will be the portion
OF his class, and the things he creates will
be the portion Of other classes. And this
will take place Just the same in q republic
as under a monarchy, hecause mere politi-
cal changes or parties cannot reach it. The
evil is social, and requires social remedies,
which may be reached through an inde-
pendent political organization of the masses.
How contemplate are existing parties
and their unmeaning platforms, in CON-
parson with those great social changes
which will in the future enable you to own
and control railroads, ships, manufactures,
and all those vast products Of toll which
you bring into the world How many po-
litical economists or politicians" ever at
tempt TO analyze the causes which keep one
class rich, generation alter generation, and
another class poor, century after century
Ii is not intended to create animosity be-
tween capital and labor, or to accuse the
first of stealing from the last. The whole
proceeding is ''legal," in the ordinary sense
Of the term, and Is the result af causes
which the present race of capitalists did
not originate. Ii is not intended to take
from them the wealth which they have ac-
quired BY usages which society tolerated
because deemed Interchangeable. The work
ing classes do not need any injustice of the
kird. From the moment they obtain control
Of the Government, commence 10 legislate
for themselves, and make use Of the appli-
ances heretofore monopalized by the few,
from that moment will wealth pour in upon
the working man, because it will not be
taken from him by interest and profit. The
New Dispensation will unite labor and capi-
tai into one body, social and political. The
profits of labor will remain with labor, and,
labor being lis own capitalist, the profits Of
capital will also remain with labor.
Not only do all profits and interest come
from the working class, but all taxes also,
and on those alone rests the interest and
payment of the national debt So long as
capital controls the Government, through q
Democratic or Republican party, the pro-
ducing classes can hope for nothIrg but
ceaseless toll and taxation. Nothing but a
social change which places them in the DO
stion Of capitalists and employers can save
them. In such q movement there is not a
step, from first to last, that is Unjust, illegal
or unconstitutional. Existing laws and
modes of action meet their case at every
step. Their savings will be counted by
thousands Of millions Of dollars, which
they now lose in taxation, and interest and
profits to other classes. The banker will
have his "brown stone front" and his safe
full Of bank bils-but who will borrow from
himP The capitalist will retain his factor
les and mines, but they are silent as the
tomb, because the producing classes will
then toll for themselves. Necessity will
compel the capitalists to part with all these
things to the incorporated producers, and
take their currency in payment. In short
time every factory, mill, foundry AID work.
shop Of every description will change own
ers, and become the property of the produ-
eng classes, easily paid for by their labor
when redeemed from the crushing burdens
of interest and profits. No man will work
for another, on the principle of master and
man, for each operative will be q member Of
an organized association, and exchange his
labor for an equal money value Of the labor
of some other person. For money repre-
sents alike labor and all the commodities
which it creates.
IL is needless at present to follow up step
by step the means TO effect this great social
chang ge, the most important that any people
ever undertook or accomplished. 1t Is
sufficient to present the broad idea, and
SOW the seeds of thought among men, that
the existing system Of social and political
servitude may fall to pieces from its own
rottennes. 1t requires nothing bat political
organization and votes to commence the
movement, and the germs Of this organiZa-
ton already exist in labor unions and trade
societies. 1t acts upon well-known princl-
pies OF trade and finance. 1t does not seek
to first change the nature Of men, and fl
them for untried conditions Of existence. II
takes mankind just as they are, setting them
70 work as at present, at anything they
may choose, furnishing ample wages fol
short hours Of labor; and this it is enabled
to do because it cuts of the interest and
profit Of those who now control labor.
Under such q social charge as this gold
and silver are useless as a circulating medl-
um. At present they are only required tc
pay Tor foreign commodities, our whole in
ternal trade and commerce being carried OIL
by paper. If, under the new system, as il
the present, we create things which Other
nations want, they will exchange their COLE
modlties for ours. Heretofore we have rails
ed enough cotton, tobacco, and other pro
ducts to pay for what we received from for