The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-05-11

VI ANAAN ~ IL
authorized representatives Of tn two nations,
has just been contemptu0usly rejected by us.
II we are to demand payment Of damages
now, after this action, in what do these
damages oonsisti We shall not, we imagine,
be foolish enough to demand payment OF the
cost of the war for the whole time during
which EDgland's action prolonged, it-nor for
the hostile esentiment" which Bugland
evinoed towards US throughout the struggle.
Nor would an 'apology' from England for
the course she pursued, even If there were
the ghost of a chance that we could obtain it,
followed by the payment Of actual losses from
the depredations of English built Confederate
privateers, make the matter any better, or
restore kindly feelings between the people of
the two nations.
We see nothing that can be more wisely
done at present than to let the whole matter
drop-take its place among the things of the
past, which cannot be reversed or remedied,
and which no amount of discussion can make
any better. When we actually get ready for
war with England, this may serve to swell
the tide of national hostility out of which such
q war may grow. But for that result we can
afford to wait, as we must wait, good while
longer. Meantime, the wisest thing the Gov
ernment can do is probably to instruct Mr..
Motley to do nothing, and to say just as little
as possible. We presume the wisdom of the
administration will dictate this disposition of
the case. . ..... |
is THE PRESIDENT AIDING THE CUBAN
INSURGENTSY
From the NJ y World
H. during the years 1862 and 1863, there
had been in London a newspaper press, indie
pendent, fearless, and powerful enough to un-
cover the inner purposes of Earl Rsssell in
respect to the Florida, the Alabama, the Vir-
ginia, the Rappahannook, and The Shenandoah,
English henOr and American commerce would
have had different fate.
II is now declared that the administration
in Washington admits 80 much as that
steamer chartered by Cuban, and contain
ing war material, and carrying about three
hundred men" escaped from this port last
week. 1t is not probable that SO large a num-
Der left here for Cuba, under such oircum-
stances, without having been by some one
hired or retained to go, with the intention OF
giving military aid to the insurrection. They
must have been enlisted in New York by some
agent or officer Of the Cuban rebellion. The
enterprise, therefore, is not only in violation
Of our municipal law, but of international
law; and if the accredited agents in Wash
ington of the Cuban insurrectionary party
have been concerned in setting on foot this
expedition, they should be expelled from the
country as summarily as was Champion, the
British Minister, and his confederating con-
suls for similar outrage upon the sove-
reignty and dignity of the United States
during the Crimean war. Whoever thus
hired, retained, or enlisted these persons,
and they who were thus hired, retained, or
enlisted to take part against Spain, are liable
by our laws to be arrested, indicted, and i'm
prisoned. And yet how many Of them are
probably aware of the pains and penalties of
their actsY
1t is said that the Spanish authorities in
Washington and New York knew nothing of
the starting of the expedition, and gave no
notice to US. But does that clear our skirts
1t is no part of the duty of the Spanish Min
lister to set on foot the execution of our neu-
trality any more than our criminal laws. 1t
was a standing complaint of Mr.. Adams in
London that English officials would do nothing
to repress unneutral expeditions, unless he
inaugurated the business and furnished proof
sufficient to convict. Not step would they
take ON primd facie evidence. Our neutrality
laws are the means provided by Congress to
enable, not foreign ministers, but the Presi-
dent, to protect our rights as neutral power
from secret or open violation, and fulfil all our
obligations to other governments at war. Aud
these municipal laws are not the full measure
of our accountability in this regard.
1t appears, from the Tribune, that the
Minister of Spain has asked the President to
issue proclamation, warning thoughtless or
evil-disposed persons to abstain from acts in
violation of ouI neutral obligations, and direct
ing the proper Federal officers to be vigilant
to prevent all such illegal enterprises. There
certainly were and are reasons to make such
proclamation proper. The fact Of q rebellion
In Cuba is we'll known; persons claiming to be
representatives of the revolutionary party are
in Washington asking audience with the Pre-
sident; the situation is considered sufficiently
grave to demand an increase of our naval
fleet in that vicinity our new Consul General
in Cuba has been instructed in respect to the
disturbances; the sympathies OF many of our
best citizens for the insurgent cause are well
known; large public meetings have been held;
and the public ear has been filled with rumors
of recruiting and drilling in New York and
elsewhere, in behalf of the rebellion. Such
preclamations are usual under these circum-
stances, the test being not whether revolu-
tion is going on, but whether illegal expedi-
tions from our shores against a friendly nation
are to be dpprehended. The warning is due not
only to our national honor, but to the thought
less, needless youths OF the land.
The first proclamation to enforce our neu-
trality, issued by the United States, was by
Washington, April %, 1898, enjoining neutral
conduct in the war between Austria, Prussia,
Sardinia, Great Britain, and the United
Netherlands, combined against France
The second was by Washington, March "a,
1894, respecting enlisting men in Kentucky to
invade a neighboring nation.
The third was by Madison, September l,
; 1915, respecting an apprehended invasion
of Spanish territory from the State OF
| Louisiana.
The fourth, January 5, 1888, and fifth,
! November 81 1888, were by Van Buren,, en-
joining neutrality as to Canada.
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