The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1869-05-01
OPINIONS RECEIVED BY MAIL.

OPINIONS RECEIVED BY MAIL.
>o~~~~oo~~~~~~~~~~~o~ ~
Tone of the English Press on the Rejection Of
the Alabama Treaty by the United States
Before the Reception OF Senator Summers
Speech.
The London Datly Ne,os of the 18th ult speaks in
the following manner
The Alabama treaty, so laboriousy negotiated by
Lord Stanley and MIR. Reverdy Johnson, may now he
considered done with. Its rejection by the Senate
OF the United States has been almost contemptuous;
but fear that the single Senator who voted in its
favor type Of all It's friends IN American society.
The Americans who are for an immediate and
friendly settlement with na are only to De Go9ntsd
who are for clustering demands may be counted by
tens. those who are for doing nothing at present
may be counted by hundreds. 1t is more and
can people this Alabama matter is in no
%as H1ey kna Of to
and the hardest to remove. Our cousins are offended;
and money settlement wl not appease them o me
irrtated than sOOthed them. Our cousins may be
assured that their rejection Of the treaty will
neither diminish our desire to act honoraby Dy them
nor readiness to treat on the bases of conces-
sions already made when they shall be in the mood
to negotiate final settlement.
The London telegraph Of the same date renews
The subject as fOllows:-
The rejection OF the Alabama convention when 1t
should come formally before the United States
Senate was an event for which we had been pre-
temper and Of Official purpose. But the majority
by which the Senate on Tuesday last refused to
ratify the treaty was scarcely anticipated, even
by those who took the most serious view Of the
matter. Only single Senator voted IN favor
Of ratification; ftyfour voted against and thus the
Such decided resolution as the senate has just
taken does seem at first sight to augment the dill-
Guilty Of regaining the position in which MI. john
sons labOrs had placed US. The Americans lnexo-
rably repudiate the very possibility OF doubt that
the claims they make on us are valid, whether in
based All that we fancied TO have been accom-
plished In the anxious months preceding November
last, Will require to be done over again, with a
most material difference. The only terms which two
successive governments have regarded as compatible
with the national honor OF England have been per-
empory declared inadmissible by the other party
the controversy. And the declaration assumes all
the more significance when we consider the lmpor-
tant political change which has occurred within the
United States between the signature and the rejection
Of the treaty. The new Minister will reach our
shores armed With sufficient warning 10 avoid two
thingsv-gowing and reckless erdinner speeches,
and concessions that waive the main point for which
pected that the representations OF Mr.. Motley viii
bring about any such result. Nevertheless, the es-
sential friendness and the intimately associated
interests OF the two countries combine to counsel
some honorable middle term OF settlement; and We
may at tae very least be sure That MT Motley WIN DO
his well known personal productions TO influence
his ISJs.s Gcton. He stands pledged through his
own nigh reputation to pursue the path assigned
him ny his government with moderation, camness,
and an honest desire for an honorable arrangement;
wanting to himself.
The London Standard OF the 18th ult also contains
an article on the same subject, which 1t sums up
thus
We have spoken OF Mr.. Reverdy Johnson an
envoy from the American people to the people OF
England This Is In fact the true light in which to
regard him, and both he and we can view with I'M
alleged satisfaction the result OF mis- la0ors In this
capacity. In saying this do not wish TO derogate
from his abilities as diplomatist. The proposed
convention between the United states ana England,
Atat,a
the articles OF which were agreed to between Mr.
Johnson and Lord Stanley, seemed to us
S Saap.ed of the psnaee Scaes
between the two countries II 1t had any fault 1t
was the comparative venial one OF conceding rather
more to America than she was asked to concede TO
U.S. The United States Senate IN rejecting II have
acted with singular disregard Tor the interests OF
their government, and would appear, indeed, 10
have sacrificed them TO blind feeling OF political
anim0sity towards the representative OF President
VINO was deeea oy e ahey baya one
harm, 1t is not likely that more favorable terms
Will be conceded by any government OF England In
repudiatlng his official acts they are p0weress to
mar the moral effect Of Mr.. Johnson's mission or
detract from the regard which we all feel here
wishes with him and deserves our kindest remem-
brances
The Liverpool Post Of the 18th ult. has long
loaded editorial the subject, which 1t treats in
frank, Independent manner 1t says:-
Property has been destroyed and somebody should
Americans say the English must bear the loss, for
they permitted the Alabama To leave an English
port and commence the destruction OF property.
Such destruction OF property had not and could not
have, the remotest influence on the war. II exer-
cised no such influence. But we must not disguise
from ourselves the fact that Jonathan has got the
right end OF the stick In his hand, and that there
fore the sooner we adjust the matter the better
Experience has shown that In every quarrel with
| he always wins. In this case the common sense OF
| mankind Is on his side, and perhaps 1t would be
wise to pay the money and have done with 1t; for
nnxin u IN
seem more honorable, than obJecting to details and
automatically obecting here and there, winch OBJ.
| jections will ultimately come to nothing.
We cannot afford big quarrel with America; we
can, perhaps still less afford little quarrel. We
| want trade; we want cotton; we want market for
our manufactures; and quarrel little or bug. will
interpose, little or much 10 our disadvantage IN this
AFFAIR. The apprehension OF q war WIN affect the
the apprehension Of q war Will encourage extrava
| giant expenditure In American manufactures, in
order to rival our own; and the apprehension OF a
war Will interfere a matter perhaps not less
ous-the growth OF cereals, the imports OF which we
| stand so much In need Of. The Americans Will pro-
baby say, 1--WE don't want Lancashire to purchase or
use up our cotton; the Continent VIII take all. We
could do without exporting our 6readstuiis TO the
| Mersey, because France and Germany would take all
have TO send and send the produce Of their fields
to feed the English people, The principles Of
| protection would be acceptable to the American
people owing TO their absurd misconception OF free
trade; and thus Jonathan may think that he Ia in
condition TO press hard In the argument with John
| Bull. and wait assured OF the ultimate success Of
| his argument. We cannot afford experiments like
this Some member In Parliament ought to get up
and ask the Foreign secretary what Is the amount
claimed for the damage done to American trade ana
shipping by the Alabama. II Is a considerable sum.
| hui, comparatively, II Is q trinng SUN; and
| whether large or tri1ing, the debt should be ad-
justed nonorably and honestly as speedily rs pos
| sble. There Is danger, too in delay-very great
danger IN delay; for the anticipation OF delay may
encourage the Opposition TO defeat the Irish Church
| blli aud Ill Ireland with active treason. Active
treason IN Ireland cannot be otherwise than adverse
TO the peace and prosperity OF Great BRITAIN and The
prosperity Britain though essential to her
sell, may be regarded with tolera3e Indifference,
| with toerable dislike and with positive hostility W