New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1869-12-01
IRELAND CYDER GLADSTONE.

The British Government profess to have
received information, that a new rising Is
threatened in Ireland, and accordingly the sus-
pension of the habeas corpus has been deilOer-
ated upon in Cabinet. Thus again, If the APP
prehensons of Mr.. Gladstone's Ministry are to
be credited, English craftsmanship has been
abruptly brought TO shame The Lnglishneh
who contend that Ireland is not responsible
for the vretchedness of her affairs can have
but one opinion of the policy WHICH so early
in the day contemplates an appeal to the blud-
geon. 1t is plain that the changed disposition
of the English Government, assuming that the
cable has correctly informed us, has been more
or less excited by the new native Irish policy
of electing patriotic conyicts to Parliament to
represent a nation which has been treated like
felon Mr.. John Mitchell, albeit a champion
once of Slavery, well says that these men
more truly represent their ow-citizcns or
fellow prisoners in dungeon, "for all Ireland
"is dungeon These are strong words, but
ossuredly slavish land-tenurc, imposed pow
erty, enforced hatred and hope deferred, have
not made a people "of noble capacity" as Mr..
Gladstone describes them, other than miserable.
Under the present circumstances 1t Is es-
pecially fitting that Napoleon should c0ngratu-
late the world upon the justice, We fear French
Justice, which is being meted out to Ireland.
Mr.. Gladstone's good intentions have been
time and again announced as clearly rs elo-
auently; but the halls of English legislation
are paved, as we know, with good intentions
respecting the treatment which is due to Ire
land IL they have ever stimulated sangulne
hope that the Cabinet Of Gladstone and Bright
might be moved step in advance of national
pride and precedent, and made cheerful and
generous givers instead of grudging bargainers,
it was when they were appealed ao in behalf
of the Fenians. 1t seemed not much to n vast
empire to set free number of prisoners already
nut to considerable torture and pryation. The
crowning value of the act would manifcstly
have been the concession rendered to unan-
imous and well meaning people, and not to
faction or its victims.
The consequence Of the refusal of Mr..
Gladstone to yield to Irish feeling has
been the election of Mr.. 0'DonOyan Rosa to
Parliament from the famous rebel county of
Tipperary. Chas. ID. Hickman, Of literary mem
DRY, and Capt. Mackay, two other imprisoned
Fenians, will in all probability receive
similar honors. The Irish people have thus
fallen back upon their nationality and self
respect, and adopted perhaps tho only pro-
cedure that can make the Philistines of En-
glsh legislation respect them. They say in
effect: 1--WE have no need of n Parliament
which is not ours, and we repudiate Gov
"ernment which has not the courage to
"be magnanimous, though it could always
a dare to be cruel. We have one hundred
"conyicts or ex-cOnvets to choose from, and can
"fll up our representation from English prisons.
"You palter over our rights-well, we are better
represented by our shackles. Let us see If our
"convicts do not make us better representatives
ethan those whom your Lord Clarendon calls
"felonious landlords, and those whom we call
felonious legislators"
This, we take 1t, is the spirit of the Irish
ppsitiOn. Mr. Gladstoncs friends may refer to
the slow, and sinvolved, and awfully loaded
and endowed process of Disestablishment, but
the world knows that this preface is no answer
to the real and grievous demands of Ireland
We dare believe IN an English sense of justice
too strong at last, let us hope, for
cowardice but meanwhile we accept Mr.
John Martins view of the subject. He advo-
Gates the pressure of steady sef-rcspect, the
resistance of English usurpation by all peace
able MEANS the sending to Parliament of no
toriOusly national men. The election OF Rosa
will hnvo great weight, We hope, in determin-
ia q iasi and measare' When that e2meS.