New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1869-07-24
FPANCE MOVING.

|
not paused, and, since the effect of the EmperOr's
late concessions, has but little abated That the
opposition to the Imperial administration can,
upon question of demand for ministerial
responsibility, count strength original and
acquired of 155 votes, argues that 1T has
secured ground 80 firm that Conservative
majority and the personal influence OF the
throne cannot wash it away. Thus is reform
ordained beyond peradventurc the only
question being as to the ultimate measure OF
liberal demands, and the sincerity of the prof
fered Imperial concessions. Only one general
programme, however will satisfy the French
future, namely: that the Emperor shall keep
on giving, and the Opposition continue demand
ing The last gift and the last demand, in that
case, would be the surrender Of the Empire
itself.
The Legislature of France is curiously con-
stituted. 1t contains a class of democrats like
Montpayroux and st. Hilaire, together with
group of democratic -radicals, so called, to
which belong the most earnest men of France
| -Favre, Simon, Pages Bancel, Pelletan, and
the rest. In addition to these are a score or
more of Liberals who follow the lead of Theirs
and Fould, and party of Lberal-lmperial-
lists with NJ. Emile Olivier as their recognized
head. NJ. Schneider leads the band of Minis
| terial Conservatives, out of which NJ. Alfred
Leroux has just been translated into the Cabi-
net The Ultra-C Conservatives, represented in
| the Ministry by NJ. Bourbeau, have for spokes-
men Baron David, Granier de Cassagnac, and
| NJ. du Miral, lately the author of a motion
! for Interpolation apparently inspired by
the Empire. a half-dQzen Catholic LIB
erals, whose appellation alone is, according
| to the official paper of Rome, an insult to rea-
son, bring up the rear of these parliamentary
forces. We need to say that the opposition to
the Empire on the question of ministerial re-
sponsibilty was mustered not only out of the
four classes to which the Democrats and Lib
erals belong, but from the conservative ranks
also. The Baron de Mackau, to whom Napo-
| leon lately addressed letter. and the Duke
de MOuchy, both conservatives, were among
| the signers of the Liberal demand.
| IL was in respect to this very considerable,
| IL not permanent, opposition, that the Emperor,
in late message to the Legislative Body, set
! forth the half dozen concessions which he is
| disposed to submit TO that close corporation,
| the Imperial Senate The first point of con-
cession named by him refers to the right of
| the Legislature to make rules for itself and to
elect its officers. The second is directed TO the
simplificatlon of the methods of amend
ment, at present deliberately complicated
and INSTRUCTED for Imperial purposes.
Tho third would make it binding on
| the Government TO submit to the Legislature
| all tariff amendments in treaties, but not to
submit the body of the treaties themselves,
as at first reported. Fourthly, the Emperor
seems willing that the budget shall be voted
on in chapter, thus giving to the Legislature
an unusual. but, in view of the Mexican expe-
| dition, q very necessary control over the de-
tails of the imperial system of finance. His
| fifth proposal looks to the reconciliation of the
position of deputy with the assumption of min
isteral functions, in accordance with which
| view he has just taken two Legislators into his
| Cabinet. Finally, he comedies an extension of
the right of Interpolation. BY the present rule
every motion to address questions to the Gov
| eminent must be signed by five persons, and
| then be referred to the Minister of State and
by him directed to committees, when, if two
| committees of the Senate or four of the Leg
islative Body see fit the question in demand
may be put before the Chamber. The tyranny
of regulation under which the parliament of
France was thus kept dumb has been so keeny
felt that its emancipation now must be es-
pecially refreshing. Upon the series of prof
fered reforms the Emperor remarks that they
accord with the natural development of those
which have been made time after time in the
institutions of the Empire.
The Imperial concessions are scarcely the
measure of the Liberal demands; but their
number and candor certainly indicate a crisis
in the history of France. They cover the main
part of the programme Of the Opposition, at
least of its liberal front as distinguished from
its democratic background. They demonstrate
not the complaisance of the Emperor although
he is a studous servant of whatever is inevitable
and incOntrovertible in politics, but rather the
strength and determination of the progressive
sentiment of France. The late resolution of
the Tiers-Parti demanding ministerial re-
sponsiblity received not less than 12h
signatures, and laid claim to thirty more.
thus leaving the Government for the first time
in its existence in minority, and that, too,
by as many rs twenty-five votes. We repeat.
then, that the EmperOr's programme of con.
cessons contains the terms of an extraordinary
surrender Neither the candid admission of the
Emperor himself that the question at hand is
between liberal empire and revolution, nor
the equally plausible confession of some of his
advisers, can blind us to the force Of this
event The Emperor has not only been suf- |
fered to surrender but to some extent he has
been deserted by his supposed friends, such,
LOT instance, as Mackau and De MOuchy. The |
French are growing stronger as their Emperor |
grows Older and the recent events go TO show |
that one fact may yet prove stronger than
Empire That fact Is France itself