The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1869-09-21

WQ6u dll HIOuuU US III luuuolly duQ eClcuCc ic
advancing, would you have political institu-
tions to remain stationary? Progress is as
necessary in the latter as in the former, and
that onward march belongs to the Imperial
traditi,ns. The constitution of 1915 did not
resemble that Of An. VIII. Napoleon had not
abdicated his post, but had accepted parlia-
mentary government in principle. do not say
that in the application there were not some
hesitations, the consequence OF his previous
career and the nature Of his genius; but l
affirm that his reason had converted him to
constitutional government, and the writer's OF
the time. such as Benjamin Constant and Sis
mordi. and at later period M. Theirs himself,
admitted that the fundamental law of 1916 was
wise progress, although opposed to that OF
An. VIII. One objection made to the present
reforms is, that parliamentary government ls
an importation from England; that France is
| not placed in the same conditions as that coun-
| try, and that new organization OF our
institutions will be only possible when there
shall be no more hostile parties or pretenders to
| the throne. believe that whoever would ad-
journ liberty until those advel saries should
| have all disappeared would have to wait for
| long time. To attribute an English origin to
constitutional rule is complete error. When
ever such regime has been adopted IN Prus-
| sia or in Austria the same formula has been
adopted, because il is the right one, and can
| not differ between one country and another.
Besides, did not Napoleon / copy EDgland-he
who MAS in a state of irreconcllable hostility
| to her? What was the constitution OF 1915
| but an imitation of that of our neighbors?
But do not object to liberty because it exists
| in England. It is OF all times and Of all coun-
tries. AS to the question OF opportuneness, we
are told that the changes may be good, but
that they should have been accomplished grad
ually. The advice is no doubt good, but that
is a question OF degree, and not OF primo pie.
Our constitution has been often modified.
but on the initiative Of the sovereign, and
because it was not perfect. In the same
sense the Senatus Consultum pleases me, but
should have liked to see it go further, as in
two or three years you will be forced to
resume the work to complete it. / would
wish that everything reasonable should be
done. as by that means all fresh desires
would be forestalled-at least all that are prac'
ticable at present-for there will ever be new
demands; and let us not complain il there are.
An opposition is stimulant to government;
it the salt OF politics. Allow me to quote
remark of a statesman whose talents l recog-
nize without sharing his ideas. He said: "You
can do anything with bayonets except slt on
them" [Laughter.] And [ believe that any
thing may be done with despotism except to
make it last. [Movement.] The principle OF
the changes being accepted, what method
should have been followed? On that point
approve the mode adopted by the government
Two courses were open ple6tScue or a S-ra-
tus Consultum. Certain men, deceived by aE-
pearances, were in favor of the former; as tor
myself, am entirely opposed to it. do not
approve OF p!ebiScites; they are only SEM
bance OF Democracy If the Emperor has
right to appeal directly to the people he
should exercise it rarely. perhaps never;
it is sheet-anchor. the last stage
before revolution. 1 admit that the ma
tion may be consulted IN exceptional Cir
cumstances on a cl' arly defined subject
fnr hnf
must be clear and simple, and ask you, gentle
men, in all your political life, how many such
have you met WITH The government as,
therefore. acted wisely in choosing the Senatus
Consultum. I arrive at the consideration OF
the measure itself, and which l may describe
in few words. All that is in It is good, but all
that is good is not in it. In the report OF the
committee remark some omissions at which
l vas panied. ] refer to the conclusions IN
which NJ. Devienne draws up o balance-sheet
of the empire in the form of an invocation to
the present generation. "You have accom-
plished great things" he says; you have done
teIegraphs," &c. But he forgets the four capi-
tai events Of the empire-the Crimean and
Italian wars, commercial reform, and the am
nesties. When great situation is sketched,
the eliminating points should be brought out.
Those could not possibly have escaped your
learned reporter If he did not speak Of them,
And why? If he did not refer to Ma
genta and Solferino, it was not because he had
forgotten those victories, and still less because
he does not share fully the glory OF our
arms. But how mention the Italian war with
out speaking Of lis consequences-the emanci-
patton OF a great nation, the unity Of coun-
try He would not bring forward the name OF
Italy before the Senate. Thence his reticence.
This passing over Of that war involved simi-
lar silence on the Crimean expedition. The
commercial reforms have raised objections in
the country from interested parties, but II.
Devienne does not name them. Yet they are
the cause OF our wealth, and to them we are in
debted for increased communications and rela-
lively cheap bread. Neither we're the amnes-
ties forgotten; but the writer, although he does
not blame that unconditional generosity, did
not think it necessary to attach any great i'm
portalce to it. He does not consider them as
the preface Of new liberal regime. For me,
they are pledge for policy which, commenc
ing by such acts, must develop itself: Nodlesse
oblige! regret those omissions. The histo-
ran who shall write OF the Second Empire will
speak of those four points as its chief titles OF
glory. That silence is most unfortunate;
it reminds me OF an inscription l once
saw at Venice: God preserve me from
my friends. will look after my enemies my
SELF" now touch on what will call the five
things wanting in the Senatus Consultum.
The first refers to the question Of ministerial
responsibility, on which discussion is exhaust
ed. The cause is pleaded, and judgment has
now to be given. We are in presence Of peo-
pie sometimes logical to excess, but the fact OF
the Emperor being alone accountable for all
the acts OF the government does not exclude a
palpable, practical, and daily secondary re-
sponsbility of the Ministers. The ministers,
hitherto responsible adminstratively, become
so politically; they we're go individually and
are 30 collectively; but to whom? What find
in the various articles on this subject is vague,
while everybody might have been so easily sat
isfied by the insertion OF the simple phrase
the Ministers are responsible to the Chambers.
The President. And to the country.
Prince Napoleon. To tho country repre-
sented by the Chambers.
The President. They are so.
NJ. Boinvilliers. II is 80 provided.
Prince Napoleon. No. it is not; and it ought
to be, Tor NO doubt should exist on the subject
have another defect to point out, and 1t con-
Germs the origin and composition OF the Senate. |
desire for this Chamber thorough partici |
patton with the other i'll the legislative power. |
Apprehensious entertained by some persons
as to the future have been spoken Of. Well |! |
in my eyes. if black spot exists on the hori.
zon, il is the danger which would be created by |
the omnipotent isolation of single Chamber
o convention inpreseUce ola Caesar. should |
prefer for the Senate complete Legislative |
power rather than an i!lusory constituent one. |
Thelatter ought to be shared by the Emperor |
and the two Chambers. / do not like those |
subtle distinctions sndlmaglnary demarkations |
or functions. In my view, constitution ought |
n Of anti al