Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1869-05-24


his assertion that the concession of
ocean belligerency let loose the
Alabama. F" II assured her q
successful career on the ocean and safe
refuge, which she found again and again
in English ports. Equally unfortunate
is the Times to convict Senator Sumner
of what it calls yet more conspicuous
peryersion of dates" in his charge that
England consciously aided "the wicked
cause" of slavery against civilization 10
her virtual championship Of the Southern
Confederacy. The war, says the Times,
was not originally undertaken for the
abolition of slavery. Neither Mr.. Lincoln
nor the nation generally had any such
object in view, for Congress passed a
resolution expressly declaring that the
war was waged for the preservation ofthe
Union and the Constitution; and Mr..
Lincoln, as late as August, 1862, wrote,
"If | could save the Union without free
ing any slave would doit" Hence, by
espousing the cause of the South against
the North, England did not take the side
of slavery, for the war was not at first an
abolition war, and nothing can "be more
unreasonable than to deHounce Great
Britain for not having fastened upon it
that character which the United States
Government SO earnestly disavowed."
This is ell very well, so far as it
goes; but even the London Times,
with its Indifferent information upon
American affairs, must know that the
cause of the South was the cause of the
extension and perpetuation of slavery
and the reopening of the slave trade
under the auspices of q strong slave
confederacy. If the war on the part of
the American Government was not waged
for the abolition of slavery, it was at
least waged to keep slavery within its
constitutional limits, to sicken and die
natural death, while the war on the part
of the Confederacy was waged for the
spread and unlimited license Of slavery.
Hence, again, Mr.. Summers assertion
was strictly correct and he might have
truthfully added that the prospect of
great cotton-growing slave confederacy,
with free trade policy and friendly
alliance with manufacturing England,
would have been no offense in the nos
trils of Great Britain. The Pail Mall
Gazette follows in the track of the Times,
and reterates the arguments of the lat
ter, only in diluted form. Both papers
repeat the claim of consideration for
England, because she did not throw
her sword into the scale" against the
republic; but this is only the plea of the
burglar who might claim exemption from
punishment because he only stole the
plate and refrained from cutting the
throats of the inmates of the dwelling.
Probably the most ingenious advice
published to-day on the English side is
that OF the Telegraph, the Gladstone
organ, which has hitherto been silent on
he subject of the Sumner speech. That
ournal deprecates the elaborate refu-
iations" which have been given to that
speech, and borrows courage and conso-
alton from the thought that although
summer has been for many years an
lctive politician he has never been put
onward. 1t is true he has been con-
istent anti-slavery agitator and that he
Won a national notoriety through the
orce of Brooks csne but "he has
lever held any high official or diplomatic
,ost--has never even been put forward
" his own party as candidate for any
Il the few great offices which form the
rewards of American states
nanship The inference drawn by Glad
tones organ from all this is, that Sena-
or Sumner does not speak for America
II for the American Government, and
hat, in spite of tall talk" there is a
und of sbrewd common sense in the
American people which will show itself
n the moderation and reasonsbleness of
Iinister Motley's instructions Well, it
; pleasant at all times to have hopeful
onsoler but as Mr.. Motley will soon be
ere, we shall not have long to wait be-
ore we learn whether the Gladstone Or
an is as good as prophet as it is COM
orter.