The Evansville journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ind.) 1866-1870, 1869-10-11

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sleep, that the patton night live, and
let Us not, like Mr. i laud the brave
Southerners for aeir Caucasian
blood, and stigmatize the black man,
who sealed his patriotism with his
death, as cannibals and brutes;
Mr.. Il. says the negro is not capable
of self-goyernment, and like all others
who desire to see the negro.ln slavery
and subordinatIOn-con thaC
this is his normal conditlon-he passes
his arguments, if arguments a. all On
the inferiority of the race: w m9sI
admit that the negro is interior, as ne
now is. but is he inferior so Tar as MS
natural. intellectual and moral capa-
bilities of culture are concernedi ana
might not his present state q ln1erl-
oritv be properly attributed to the
despotism and tyranny under which
he has always lived? Let me ask you,
Mr.. L., would the negro have been
the inferior being that he now is, had
he been surrounded by the same ele-
waiting influences that you have? You
should recollect that the negro has
been enervated by degrading and ex-
hausting labor; destitute of all means
of improvement, their minds shut out
from the genial influences of educa-
ton, science and art, and yet you want
to keep him so.
You fear negro suffrage" do you.
Mr.. L., and think that the negroes
will be commandeTs-in -chief of our
armies, President of the United
/ States, marry our daughters, &c.
| Now, we have seven white men for
1 every black one, and when Mr.. IL.
thinks that one black man can rule
seven white men (the black man being
a poor illiterate ignorant brute, as he
says) he pays but poor tribute to his
great Caucasian raee-and all such
arguments are marvellous specimens
of absurdity and fallacy. All this
Mr.. L., is but nightmare to your
Democratic sentatiyeness-and l an
astonished that you ever thought you
could make anybody believe suct
absurd ideas,
Why, sifl government based OF
such an absurd foundation that thi
{ wherein political rights and franchise
are the rightful monopoly of singl
race or caste, carries within its owl
bosom the elements of It's lneVitabl
: destruction.
i Your remarks, Mr.. L., about tn
] geneology of the negro race, L mus
:, also pass without comment, for
would require the patience of a Hin
doc "devotee'' to wade through then
or the brains of Crichton to under
d stand them.
Where are the battles the negr
has fought?" "sOur colored trooI
fought nobly' is shame and a bu
lesque." Oh that | should ever r.
l alize the fact that one Of the "ol
e 18th" has come to this, for it matte
s not how much one of them may
r opposed to negro suffrage, l do n
see how one of them can thus defam
and taunt the defenders of our fla
y though they mag be of black colo
e for Mr.. j.. knows that no white trool
q displayed more heroic bravery tia
= did the negroes at Nashville, Mill
. ken's Bend, Petersburg, Forts Wagnl
a and Pillow. And yet Mr.. u. tall
e | about justice being asleep. When
s looks in his own bosom he can prob
} | bly, arouse her from her slumbers-
: try it and see my good friend.
= f Now, Mr.. L., we are not all negl
u Eworshippers, who claim for him pt
z. litical equality-we only claim IN
: partial suffrage because justice (Whic
you are so anxious to arouse) demand
= it; that any man who yields obed
ence to the laws and pays his taxes
l. support his Government, should Lay
r a voice in that Government. Sufras
- should be privilege for all, fer yC
= well know, my dear sir, that 1t Is Il
strongest bulWark to preserve the di
r nifty of your dormant " Justice. Ii
partial suffrage will tranquilize al
strengthen the Republic, and bring
l. an enduring peace, for you must res
"a ize, Mr.. L., that the Brahminical sly
tenn Of caste is unsuited to the genius
fe our people, and that political equal
y is inevitable Then why not Il
], aside our prejudice and establish
at once and save years Of fruitle
strife. Let us not make color a pc
. petual disqualification from the exc
g else of this, the dearest right of ma
= Let US see that the flag that you ar
! / followed for three..long years bea
= no dishonoTable stars. Let itsmes
= freedom to blacks as we'll as white
:. Let it mean universal liberty and il
, partial suffrage. That he who dl
may govern-that the hands whiC
it hold the hoe are not unworthy Il
il ballot. Let US not forget tho
who did not forsake us in o,
hour of peril, for right well {
you know, friend L., that tho
four millions of your black cam
balls were true to their country, b
unity, her authority, aud her fla
while your Caucasian Southerners
le were fighting to destroy our Republi
D Then do not give those four millio
3 of loyal blacks into the hands
4 those unrepentant traitors.
= My good friend, you are off Il
q track. You have let the prejudice
5, those rebels with whom you ha
s. associated since the war blind 20,
"a better judgment; and 1 would say,
- careful, my boy, that you do not di
% your valiant and bright war record
O. following the leadership of unprinC
pied traitors. q. a. b.
~ y, EOrton vs.. Hendricks.
Id In his speech at Cincinnati,
-va | Wa1 1asJo, n x