The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-04-20
OFFICIAL DISHONESTY NO BAR TO PRO
MOTION IN OFFICE.

good many curious and questionable
things have been done in the matter Of ap-
pointments to Office during the last Eve
weeks but the most curious and the most
questionable of them all is the appointment
by the President, with the advice and consent
of the Senate, Of James M. Ashley to be Gov
ernor of Montana. We do not refer to his
action on impeachment, to his repeated public
assertions that he was in possession of proof
that Andrew Johnson was an aooomplioe in
Lincoln's assassination, assertions which he
sought to sustain by subornation of perjury,
but which proved to be utterly false; or to
any OF his political acts concerning which
there can be doubt or honest difference Of
opinion.
But the records of the House of Representa-
tives contain abundant evidence of his public
corruption-of venality, voluntary and con-
fessed in high ofice and If there be any pre-
tense of official virtue left in the Government,
that we should think should prevent his being
appointed to still higher Office by an admins
tration which came into power under the
most solemn pledges Of reforming abuses and
making integrity the supreme law of the
Government.
power to have man named Case appointed
Surveyor of a Western Territory, and himself
made Chairman of the Committee on Terrific
ries in the House of Representatives. His OBJ
jeot and purpose in this was to give Case
the best possible opportunity to speculate in
town lots, promising to aid him in 80 doing
by keeping him advised of whatever the
House Committee on Territories might do to
make such speculation pecuniarily profitable,
and exacting in return one-half Of all the
money which might be made by these joint
speculations. He demanded to be made
full partner with Case in his speculations,
and for this promised to put in as his share
Of the capital all the knowledge and all
the aid which his official position as Chair
man Of the Committee on Territories might
give him.
These facts were not matters of rumor.
They did not rest on hesrsay testimony. They
were established by Ashley's letters to Case;
the propositions were distinctly made, in his
own handwriting and under his own sigma
ture; and the whole correspondence, which
was as clear and definite as words could make
it, was drawn out and put before Congress
and spread upon its sprinted records, by q
committee of the House of Representatives
appointed to investigate the subject mo-
tion made at the time to punish, or at least
censure, Mr.. Ashley for his part in this mat.
ter. was defeated on the ground that there was
no proof that he had ever received any money
under the corrupt partnership which he sought
to form, and the whole transaction went into
the inside history of the practical workings OF
our political system.
But, setting aside all question of punish
ment, why should this man, thus branded,
thus officially convicted of the highest crime a
public man can commit-an attempt to sell
his official power for money--convcted of COR
ruption and venality in ofice-why should he
be put into still higher Office and given still
better opportunities for repeating his offense?
We can understand how General Grant,
knowing nothing of his past history, and
49, h. of L., III
Congress and other politicians who, acting as
usual without the slightest sense of responsi.
bility or the slightest regard for the public
honor, urged his appointment, should have
sent in his nomination. Bat we cannot under
stand why, when all the facts were made
public, he did not instantly withdraw it; mol
why, with the record of these facts before
them, the Senate, even by majority of one,
should have given its "advice and consent
was strongly urged by Senator Sumner and
others, on the ground of Ashley's party ser
vices, and on such base and miserable pre-
texts the thing was carried through
The Senate has thus deliberately sanctioned
the doctrine that integrity of character,
honesty in office and in the discharge of oficia
duty, is not essential to official position; thai
it is not necessary in order to receive an ap
| peintment by the President "by and with tn,
would have averted this disgrace from tn,
Senate, from the administration, and from tn
Republican party; but that one vote was no
to be had. The old motto that call is fair i
| politics" was bad enough, but the new rul
established by the Senate, that official Grim
may be olOaked or atened for by political ser
vice, is trifle worse.
SHALL THE FEDERAL CAPITAL BE RE
l.. MOVED TO NEW YORK
From the ~ Y. World.
We have reprinted striking article fror
one of the most enterprisipg Republican jour
nails in the West-the Cincinnati CONNER
clat-advooatiDg change in the seat of th
Federal Government. We must ooncede ths
the reasons urged fer it's transfer from WASH
ington to New York are not without forct
They could be reinforced by others quite a
important, which escaped the notice of tn
Cincinnati Commercial. But as 1t is our pul
pose, in recalling attention to the subject, I
point out some OF the disadvantages OF such
change, it Is not incumbent on us to suppl
the omitted arguments on that side of th
question. Our local pride and sense OF Iocs
, beneht would prepossess us in favor of tn
removal II IT were proposed with any prospeC
, OF success; but as it is never likely to happer
we can reconcile ourselves to the loss by cor
templatlpg the effect OF such transfer upo
the public liberty. We are constrained
look at the subject not merely as New Yorl
, ers, but as advocates of free institutions; an
, we are OF opinion that the transfer of the pol
4 tical capital of the country to its oommarci,
= metropolis would strengthen the oentralizin
= tendencies OF the period. IF77-
8 In the first place, it would give to the co,
( solidationists (what they have never vet hadl
Q plausible argument for dwarfng and bslittliI
> the States, founded on the language of n
/ Constitution. The Constitution expressly II
lo 80 n.aI Il.