Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1869-05-08

ND TO the commencement OF our iate us
nstroua conflict this right OF revolution
and OF self-government had been recog'
nizea and affirmed in every possible man
ner by every department of our govern
ment-State aud Federal--and was en-
shrined in the popular heart 40 one that
was sacred and ipalienable, unrestricted
by time or place or circumstances And
may we not rightinlly inquire, whet was
there in the circumstances attending our
unfortunate struggle to constitute ours
an exceptional case, so as to afiix upon
all those connected with it the indelible
brand of infsmy? rEL
If thirteen feeble and discordant colo
MES, with an aggregate population OF
scarcely three millions-one-fourth OF
whom, perhaps, we're loyalists aud tories
possessed the inherent right to cut
loose from the emsire of Great Britain.
land to assume, among the powers OF
the earth, the separate and equal station
to which the laws of nature and ofnature' 8
God entitled them" can the same right
be consistently denied to eleven States
containing thrice that number of inhabit-
ants, animated by unanimity OF senti-
ment almost unexampled in the history
| of revolutionary movements
Whilst other States and peoples have
had their period of comparative infancy
and helplessuess, did not these confed-
Grated States-in the language employed
by the supreme judicial tribunal of the
United States--spring at once into ma
turity, like Minerva from the brain of
Jupiter, organizing vigorous AID eff
cient government, complete in all its
parts, aud commanding the respect and
obedience of a population of eight or ten
millions; occupying a territory of nearly
800, 900 square miles, and larger than the
aggregate area of Great Britain, France,
Prussia and Austria manifestinga mar
velIous capacity for military operations,
beth by land and sea startling the world
by the introduction of an iron.clad mon
ster that was the terror of the seas and
created revolution in naval warfare;
commanding naval armament that
kept their adversary in q state of con-
slant apprehension, that destroyed mil
lions of his commerce and well nigh
expelled his merchant vessels from
the ocean raising, equipping and sup
porting armies upon a scale that filled
the world with Amusement; fighting bat
tie after battle, and defeating one great
army after another that were sent to
subdue them; extorting from their enc
my, at least, practical recognition of
their character as belligerents; main
tanning for four years the most gigantic
civil war known to history, and keeping
at bay the most powerful adversary upon
the globe-whose facilities for conduct
ing war were unlimited, and who was
separated from them only by geograph
ical line?
Compared with these manifestations of
power and capacity for sslfgovernment,
the provinces and peoples to whom allu-
sion has been made, and whose indapend-
ence was recognized by the United
States, were but pgmes to giant
| repeat the question, then, what is
there so special in our case sto exclude
us from the benefit of this great primary
American principle of the right Of revo-
luton and self-government2 Is it be-
cause of the peculiar excellence of the
political institutions or form of govern
ment from which we sought to effect
separation That, as have already
shown, is question of which the people
who desire to change their political con-
nections are the exclusive judges, The
Government of the United States has so
a1judged and acted time and again, aud
is estopped from asserting now different
principle.
Is it, then, because of our failure
to achieve success against an enemy that
none of the old established governments
of Europe could, under the same crcum
stances, for half the length of time with
stand
There can be no doubt that had
we been ultimately successful, we would
have been greeted with the acclaim and
plaudits of the world that place in the
front rank of nations would by common
consent have been accorded to us; that
our victorious leaders aud chieftains,
civil and military, would have been feted
and fattered, and placed in the popular
appreciation alongside of heWashingtons
and the Warrens, the H0ncocks and the
Henrys ofthe American r svolution; and
that the tenants of those lowly graves, in
stead of leaving memory tainted, as
is alleged, with the execrable crime of
treason, would be revered as public BEN
efactors and as the martyrs OF liberty.
Aud does success, or the want of it,
change the essential nature of thingsf
Does il depend upon this whether one
shall be regarded as patriot or rebel,
hero or an outlaw2 Whether he shall
be crowned with laures or loaded with
letters Oh, no, no To make success
the infalible test of merit in any human
undertaking, is impiously to usurp the
prerogative of God.
"'Tis not In mortals to command success y
But they may 40 more-tAey may deserve it.
And who so uucharitable as to deny
that the Southern people in their long
aud eventful struggle, manifested an un-
faltering devotion to principle worthy of
the best Of causes that they presented
sublime spectacle Of voluntary priva-
ton and sacrifice aud suffering, of for
titude add heroism that challenged the
respect and admiration Of the world, and
gave assurance Of 0 great and noble
nature
We're we to attempt to disparage the
achievements of our triumphant assail-
ants or to pluck single leaf from the
chaplet that crowns the brow of the
victor, we would to that extent disparsge
ourselves, and tarnish the brightness of
our own escqtchaoa. Great we must
admit them to be, for they conquered
u.s." and great must they also admit us to
be, to require for our conquest the most
colossal exhibition of military power and
prowess that the world has Witnessed
one that astounded and terrified the
nations II their military exploits give
them q title to fame and immortality,
ours must 60 down to the future in
aanarnhlr hlendad with thairs. and ahnn