The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-09-22


of the Spanish throne. This, however, would
not be his main object; il certainly could not
be the object of Lord Clarendon, and with
the disposal of the Spanish throne Baron
Beust is not likely to have anything to say.
We have no choice, but conclude that the
state Of Cuba, taken in connection with the
attitude of the Government of the United
States has brought these diplomats together.
What Spain should do in the circumstances is
question which Spain cannot very well
decide for herself. In the difficulty, the
Spanish Government sends Prim to consult
Napoleon. The presumption is that Lord
Clarendon has been quietly invited over, and
that the matter has been discussed among
them, now in one point of view, and then in
another; intervention one day and non-inter-
ference the next. We do not much wonder thatt
Cubas hould now command the attention of
both England and France. 1t is believed in
Europe that the Cuban trouble would have
been dead long ago but for the openly
expressed sympathy of the American people
with the insurgents. This belief has grown
into an alarm since the presentation ofs the
note of the Government of the United States
by Minister Sickles. Napoleon bears us a
grudge becaose of our treatment of him in the
Mexican question Great Britain is indignant
at our presumption and jealous of our growing
power and our annexation tactics. 1t will not
at all surprise us if, as the result of these
deliberations, France and England should
agree to do what they can to thwart our
policy and thus seek to hold CUBAN bondage.
1t is not SO long since similar alliance was
entered into for the same purpose. If the
telegraphic report which we printed on
Monday to the effect that Napoleon had sent
instructions to his Minister at Washington
commanding him to inform our Government
that it was ''the desire of France that Cuba
should be retained by Spain"--if this report
have any foundation in fact, all doubt as to
the attitude of the three powers is at an end.
France is opposed to our policy; so is England;
SO probably is Austria. Spain has, in all like
lihood, been plainly told that all moral help
was vain unless she could make an end of the
insurrection on the island. Hence the in
creased number of ships and the multiplied
forces which the Spanish government is send
ing out. The policy recommended clearly is
that if Spain can nsuppress the insurrection she
will have the moral assistance of the Western
powers as against any annexation policy on
the part of the United States. This is the
situation. Spain is to stamp out the rebellion
if she can. Cubans are to be murdered
wholesale. The island is to be desolated If
its fair fields should be converted into sham
bles, no matter; the island will still belong to
Spain, and the re-establishment of authority
will deprive the United States Government of
pretext for annexation.
In such circumstances what Will our Gov
eminent do? What should it do It's
course is clear. 1t has no choice if it would
act the part of brave men and prove true to
the cause of humanity. 1t is fundamental
principle of our Constitution that no govern
ment should be forced upon an unwilling
people. Our history from its commencement
has been an expanded illustration of this
principle. Our sympathies have ever been
on the side of suffering and oppressed peoples,
no matter in what part of the world they may
have been. We have ever been foremost in
succoring the distressed, although we have
ever been duly respectful to the principles of
international law. Cuba has claims upon
u.s. She is one of our nearest neighbors.
We respect her people and we love her
land. Our duty, we have said is
plain. The Cubans must not be trampled
| down because they love liberty. Our first sin
was that we loved liberty but our first victory
was that we justified our offense. Cuba is
now in our position. We are bound to help
| her. The Cubans wish one of two things
independence or annexation. Our Govern
ment, by it's own experience and by the
claims of justice, must help the Cubans to the
one or the other. With General Grant as
President, we must not allow any European
power to dictate to us a course of foreign
| policy. Surely we can, if need be, fight oul
way. The best English papers say we can
Let us, then, be true to ourselves. Cuba mus
| not be crushed If she cannot win her indie
pendence, we are willing to say she ought t
have it, If she cannot have her independence
we ought to be willing to say we will do al
things to secure annexation. One or tn
other, General Grant; think of it. We are
great people. Europe says so. Let Il
prove it.