The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-01-04
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EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF THE LEADING JOURNALS
UPON CURRENT ToPIcs-ooMPILRD EVERY
DAY FOR THE EVENING TELEGRAPH.
The Tenure Of Office Act.


can suggests, OF establishing a thoroughly
cordial understanding with General Grant
before the distribution of Offices begins under
the new administration. Those who paid at
tention to the canvass in the Fifth Massachu-
sets district will remember that the only
charge or threat or prediction from his oppo-
nents which seemed to throw him of his
guard, was hint-we forget from what
quarter-that, even If elected, Grant would
pay no attention to his wishes in the appoint
ments to Office
This seemed to exasperate him good deal,
and caused him to forget for moment the
role of admirer of Grant in which he was then
figuring and to exclaim that II Grant at.
tempted anything OF the kind, he (Butler)
would give him plenty to dc, or words to that
effect-meaning that Grant would lind IN him
what is popularly called "a troublesome GUS
TONER" The inference the Republican therefore
draws is, that the new bill is due TO General
Buffers fear that Grant may possibly cherish
sinister designs with regard to the Butler
share of the spoils, and the latter therefore
wishes to avoid an open row 10y establishing,
before the division begins, claim on the new
Presidents gratitude.
AS piece Of speculative inquiry, there is
much in this examination OF General Buffers
motives to command our respect, but we doubt
the utility of examining his motives for acts
in themselves good. he does so many things
in themselves, bad that the analysis of his
mental and moral constitution may safely be
reserved for occasions on which these come
under discussion For ourselves, we are quite
willing to take any active support he gives to
useful legislation and until now he can
hardly be said to have given any whatever
at its full value, and to be only too thankful
that he is not in mischief. If his zeal about
the repeal of the Tenure. Of Office act were only
sufficient to prevent his damaging the public
credit by writing letters about taxing the
bonds-a kind OF work in which he has been
vigorously engaged during the last week or
two-it would delight u.s. even if the measure
were not in itself as useful as We believe it
to be.
1t is not difficult to defend the Tenure Of
Office act, even if its results have not proved
as valuable as was expected, or even if it be
now proved worthless or mischievous as a
permanent arrangement. In the earlier days
of Mr.. Johnsons quarrel with Congress, in
1866, the most prominent of his hallucinatiOns
undoubtedly was his belief that he was going
to be the founder of a new party, which was
to back him up in excluding Congress from
all share in the work OF rec obstruction, and
he and his friends made no secret of his inten-
tion to use, or rather abuse, the appointing
power in aid of this scheme. With the
enormous amount of patronage which has
been at the disposal of the President since
the outbreak of the war, it was easy
to see that even if he could not make
it available for the defeat of Congress
at the elections, he could use 1t so as to create
false impression everywhere, and especially
at the South of his real strength, and the
success or failure of reconstruction depended
largely on the Southern comprehension of the
real state of feeling at the North, and of the
exact extent of the Presidents power. Even,
therefore, if Congress was not shocked by the
spectacle of the conversion of the civil SER
wants of the Government into electioneering
tools-which it certainly was not, for no
spectacle was more tamiliar-and even if it
had been fully aware, as most members, we
feel sure, were, that no such restriction of the
Presidents powers and responsibilities could
be justified as permanent enactment-its
depriving Mr.. Johnson of the authority to
dismiss, with a view simply to the existing
emergency, was as natural aud proper as any
other stepin the reconstruction process
He and his friends would doubtless have
held strong ground if he had been able, in
defending his authority against Congressional
encroachment, to appear as the champion Of
reform, or as the advocate of the withdrawal
of the civil service from the arena of party
politics altogether. But he was not able to do
anything of the kind. He could not pretend
that the appointments or dismissals made by
him without Congressional interference would
be or were any better than those in which Con-
gress meddled, or that the nation would lose
anything as regarded the purity and efficiency
of the administration by having his RESPONSE
bility lessened.
The act undoubtedly had the effect of dis
abusing the President and his supporters OF
the idea that he was either formidable politi-
cal enemy or valuable political friend, and
of putting an end TO all hope iu any quar-
ter of his being able to impede seriously the
work of reconstruction. But here its useful
ness ended. In so far as it helped to precipi-
tate impeachment it was a calamity. 1t has
done nothing to improve the public service.
The President, if he had had full swing, could
not have made it worse than it is at this mo-
ment. The Senate, if it had had none of the
power OF interference the act has given it.,
could not have done less for reform than it has
done since the act was passed.
In fact, whatever change has occurred in
the administrative system since the act was
passed has been for the worse and not for the
better, and the difficulty OF reform has beer
increased because 1t is more difficult than ever
to fix the responsibility OF abuses. To whom
we owe the swarm of rascals who figure in the
dissolvipg views offered to the public by the
various s'rings," nobody can tell. Mr.. Johu
son says it is the Senate, and the Senate says
it is Mr.. Johnson. All the public can tell il
that both are concerned in it. But one thin;
is certain, and that is that the repeal, "purt
and simple" of the .renute-of Office act will
as a measure of reform, prove illusory uni les
accompanied by the passage OF the Civil Ser
vice bill and if General Butler wants to asso
ciate his name with something useful, let hin
rally TO the support of this also. 1t would b.
difficult for us, without seeming extravagant
to express all the conf lencs We feel ia Gene
raj Grants character and ability, but h
would have to be more than mortal If hs coul
make head against the corruption which nov