The Louisiana Democrat. [volume] (Alexandria, La.) 1845-1918, 1869-03-24

sup VI 'iie part OF th0Se who inaupurate
IT, was an error, which now only time ca
cure, and which even at this late date W
should endeavor to palliate. Experer
eng, moreover, as all have done, the frieh
.ul cost Of the arbitrament of the swort
let us in the future cling closer than ever t
the Constitution as our only safeguard.
1t is to be hoped that not until the bu,
Gems now pressing dpon us with such fea,
ful weight are removed will our people 70,
get the lessons of the war, and that, re
membering them from whatever source
peace between sections and States NAV b
perpetuated. The history of late events il
our country, as well as of the geeatost gov
ernn,eais OF ancient and modern times
teach US that we have everything to fea
from departure from the letter and .spiri
OF the Constitution, and the undue ascen
dency of men allowed to assume powers il
what are considered desperate emergencies
Sylla on becoming master of Rome, at ono,
| adopted measures to crush his enemies
and to consolidate the power of his party
| He established military colonies throughout
Italy, deprived Of the full Roman franchise
the inhabitants of the italian towns who
had opposed his usurpation, confscated
their lands and gave them to his soldiers
and conferred citizenship upon great
number Of slaves belonging to those who
bad prescribed him, thus creating at Rome
a kind of body guard for his protection.
After having given Rome over to slaugh-
ter and tyranny. beyond all example over
those opposed to him, and the legions OF
his terrible. instrument of wrong, Sylla
could yet feel safe in laying down the en-
signs of power so dreadfully abused, and in
mingling freely with the families and friends
OF his myriad victims. The fear which he
had inspired continued after his voluntary
nbdication, and even in retirement his will
was law to people who had permitted them
selves to be enslaved. What but a subtle
knowledge and conviction that the Roman
people had become changed, discouraged.
and utterly broken in spirit could have in
duced this daring assumption? What but
public Indifference to consequences SO ter
rible as to leave Rome open to every ca.
iiamity which subsequently befe her could
have justified the conclusions of the dcta-
tor and tyrant in his startling experiment ?
we lind that in the time which has since
elapsed human nature and the exigencies in
government have not greatly changed
who, a few years ago, in contemplating
our iuture' could have supposed that in a
brlef period Of bitter experience everything
mat demanded, in the name of military
or dictated by caprice, would
come to be considered as matter of course;
that CONSUMPTION, confseation, loss Of per-
sonal liberty, the subsection of States to
military rule, and disfranchisement, with
the extension of the right of suffrage, mere
y to accomplish party ends, would receive
the passive submission, if not acqiuesence,
Of the people Of the Republic?
1t has been clearly demonstrated by re-
cent occurrence that encroachments upon
the Constitution cannot be prevented by
the President, however devoted or deter
mined he may be. That unless the people
interpose there is no power under the Con.
stitution to check dominant majority of
of the Congress of the United
States. An appeal of the nation is attend
ed with too much delay to meet the emer-
sency. If left free to act, the people would
correct in time such evils as might follow
legislative usurpation. There Is danger
that the same power which disregards the
Constitution will deprive them of the right
to change their rulers except by revolu-
ton.
We have already seen the jurisdiction of
he judiciary circumscribed. When it was
apprehended that the courts would decide
against laws having for their sole object
he supremacy of party, while the veto
power lodged in the Executive by the Con-
for the interest and protection of
he people and exercised by Washington
md his successors, has been rendered mug
..ory by partisan majority of two-thirds
II each branch of the national legislature
The Constitution evidently conlemplates
hat when bill is returned with the Pres.
dents objections it will be calmly recon-
idered by Congress. Such, however, has
,ot been the practice under the psesent
,arty rules. 1t has become evident that
men who pass bill under partisan inhu.
nee are not likely through patriotic mo-
ives to admit their error, and thereby
weaken their own organization, by solemn
y confessing it under the official OATH
Pride of opinion !; if nothing else, has inter-
rened and prevented calm and dispassion-
tie reconsideration of bill disapproved by !
he Executive. E
Much az yenerate the Constitution it |
must be admitted that this condition Of at
airs had developed defect which, under !
he oppressive tendency Of the Legislative
department. of the Government may readily
york its overthrow. 1t must, however. be
emedied without disturbing the harmony
# the instrument. The veto power is gen.
rally exercised upon constitutional grounds
nd wherever it is SO applied and the bill
eturned with the Executives reason for
his signature, it ought to be
certified to the Supreme Court
# the United States for its decision.
If its constitutionality shall be declared
" that tribunal it should then become a
aw, but if the decision is otherwise, it
hould fail. without power in Congress to
eenact it. In cases in which no constitu-
ional question is involved, | would not |
hapge the funda mental law, for in such |
ases no permanent evil can he incorpora-
ed in the federal system. 1t is obvious
hat, without such an amendment, the Gov
rnment as it existed under the Consti.u-
ion prior to the rebellion may be wholly
aud overthrow by two-thirds
majority in Congress.
1t is rot, therefore, difficult to see how
asiIy and rapidly the people may lose
hall l not say have lost, their liberties, by
and uncomfortable authority in
heir law-making power, and whenever de-
rived of their rights how powerless they
re to regain them. Let US turn for mo-