The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-02-15

The third proposition Is TO be submitted
separately from the others, and may be rati-
fed or rejected upon its own merits. The
other two are united, and must be approved
or rejected together The public mind has
been directed TO the question OF suffrage, and
not to that of holding Office, and while there is
a general willingness to accept universal suf-
frage based upon citizenship, there is not the
same popular agreement in reference to the
right TO hold Office. The United States ought
not to continue the existing anomaly of having
its own constituency liable to be enlarged,
abridged, or destroyed by another government,
whether that government be- foreign or do
mestio, independent or subordinate. For
the United States, therefore, to establish
uniform regulation of suffrage, and to place
IL in the Constitution beyond the reach of
ordinary legislation, is but the practical re-
sumption OF a power and an authority inherent
in all governments. 1t is in fact nothing more
than an exercise by the whole people of their
upquestionable right to secure to them
selves, beyond all interference or control
by the States, the privileges which constitute
the life of republican institutions. Therefore
the provision prohibiting any discrimination
among citizens of the United States in the
right of voting because of color, race, nativity,
education, property, or creed, is not only
wise and Just in itself, but demanded by the
national safety. No such consideration, how
ever, prevails with respect to eligibility to
office. State officers are not, like voters, con-
stituents of the National Government. Their
qualifications may be safely left to the people
of the State. The constitutions of the several
States provide various qualifications for their
offices. The governors of some States are re-
quired to be native-born citizens. Under each
State we have variety of Offices to be filled
by persons having knowledge of particular
sciences; we have judges and Attor-
neys-General we have Prosecuting Attor-
neys, State Biologists, and Surveyors;
we have hospitals for the insane
and for the treatment of other forms of dis
ease. Why should not the State of Illinois
require that persons elected or appointed to
these places shall be able to read and write
that her judges and attorneys shall be edu-
| Gated in the law that her public physicians
and superintendents of hospitals shall have a
medical education? Yet the amendment pro-
posed by the Senate prohibits the State from
| establishing any such qualifications, and
makes eligibility to Office co-extensive with
| the right to vote. All citizens, of all colors
| and races, whether they read or write, or
| speak the language, or hold property, are
made eligible to all Offices in the State. Can
any person give any good reason for this pro-
| position If it had been submitted as q sepa-
| rate article, the mistake of the Senate would
not have been serious; but being united with
the suffrage clause both have to be rejected or
approved together.
| We do not think that such an amendment
can be ratified at the present time. We do
not believe that it will secure the requisite
| number of votes in Illinois, Indiana, or Ohio:
| we do not think Connecticut or Rhode Island
or New Hampshire will ratify it, and it may
fail in New York and Pennsylvania. The
| Pacific States will undoubtedly reject 1t. The
universal suffrage clause cannot carry itself
and the ofice-holding clause also. 1t cannot
persuade the people to give up their right to
fix the qualification of their governors, legis-
latures, their State officers, their assessors.
treasurers, tax collectors, mayors, aldermen,
| and other local officers. That Is power in no
wise necessary to be exercised by the National
Government; why, then, should a practical,
substantial, and necessary measure, like that
of equality of suffrage, be put in peril in the
vain effort to force the people to accept some
thing else?
The State of New Hampshire excludes Roman
Catholics from holding office, just as Delaware
and Kentucky exclude negroes; this disquali-
fcation, repulsive as it is to all reason and
Justice, is nevertheless within the power OF
the State. Rhode Island excludes naturalized
citizens not property holders from voting, and
also from holding office. These States will
certainly vote against an amendment which
takes from them the right to fix the qualifca
tions of their local offices, though both would
probably vote for the amendment prohibiting
any disqualification from voting for sucI
causes. The House of Representatives
will very surely reject this amendment
of the Senate, and we hope that the result o.
conference will be the submission of an
amendment confined to the simple PROPOSE
tion:-That at all elections in the United
States the right of voting shall not be denied
to any citizen of the United States because O
his color, race, former condition as slave, o.
for any other cause not equally applicable Il
all other citizens. That simple proposition
will meet the views of the whole people, will
be promptly ratified, and the country will b,
relieved from any further controversy on tn,
hiaot ..' rN