The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-06-30


by the Junta, would not have been free from
order of arrest in this city one hour after its
existence came to the knowledge of Wash
ington.
And yet it was President Grant who, in his
inaugural, said:-'In regard to foreign policy,
/ would deal with nations as equitable law
requires individuals to deal with each other.
: l would respect the rights of all
nations, demanding equal respect for our
own"
1t was President Grant who began his civil
career by saying:-'It will be my endeavor
to execute all laws in good faith;" who even
said:-'But all laws will be faithfully executed,
whether they meet my approval or not
know no method to secure the repeal of bad
or obnoxious laws so effective as their strin-
gent execution"
REVOLUTION OF LABOR IN FRANCE.
From the NJ Y. Times
The riots succeeding the French elections
are evidently arousing some fear throughout
Europe. A majority for the government of
100000 out of 5000, 900 votes is certainly not
encouraging to the Imperialsts. To find,
moreover, that the extreme candidates do
better than the medium party, and that the
people care as little for constitutional mon
archists as they do for the advocates of the
empire, is a fact decidedly unpleasant for
the great 60Urge05sfe and for the COM
mercial classes. But more than this,
that all the great cities should
have witnessed serious disturbances be-
tween the citizens and soldiers, and that
even barricades have been thrown up in
Paris, and everywhere the soldiers have
shown the greatest forbearance, are all evil
dences that the empire feels itself, and for
the time is, on an unstable basis. The anxiety
of Europe, however, is due to a more pro-
found cause even than the dread of politi-
cal revolution in France. There are symp-
toms in this election which foreshadow
changes more momentous than the over
throw of dynasties. The Nation of this city,
in recent remarkable letter from Paris,
written by an authority on French
matters, expressed what the European
press are beginning now to see, that the les
son of these late electious is q social rather
than political one; that this new movement
against the empire is, in fact, the first stir
ring of that grand upheaval of labor which
is before long to shake every social structure
throughout the civilized world. The
French curriers' are penetrated with the ideas
which Lasalle has represented in Germany,
and the Grades unions are somewhat ex-
pressing in England, and the 'Eight-hour'
party embody here, that for centuries capital
has wrung from labor It's undue share OF the
profits of all production, that labor has been
tyrannized over and cheated and wronged
that capitalists could combine or wait while
laborers were single and weak, and must work
or starve, and that now at length, either
under universal suffrage as in France and
America, or under trades unions in Great
Britain, they will force the capitalist class to
redress the wrongs of centuries.
No one can know who has not studied the
subject, what vast confederation of labor is
forming throughout Europe, underlying all
forms of government, and soon to extend
e
tives and laborers do not much trouble them
selves whether they have Emperor or Presi-
dent over them, Reformer or Tory, Demo-
crat or Republican. What they are seeking
for is not a political revolution, but an
economical one. They do not care what
party or candidates represent them, provided
they can secure from the State or from capi-
talists such terms as will put them more ON
an equality with the latter. They have
heard of the axioms of political economy
long enough; of ''wage-funds' and such
other fallacies; of the impossibility of a
strike permanently raising wages, or legisla-
ton giving them greater share of profits in
production, and they will have none of them.
They have tested by practice that strikes can
raise wages, as is the admitted result in Eng
land; that legislation can diminish hours of
labor, or, in other words, add to wages, as is
the experience here; and they believe, espe-
cally in France, that the Government can put
them on a more even level with capitalists by
lending its credit on by forcibly raising their
wages or by giving them share in the
profits of manufacture. In some shape or
other, the operatives of Europe are deter
mined to secure some greater share of the
vast returns which are now yielded by modern
industrial protection.
In England the trades union has almost be-
come governmental power, and viii soon be
felt in Parliament. 1t controls now immune
rable branches of business and considerable
money force II has already increased the
returns of labor, and cooper ration is doing
still more in the same direction.
In France, the operatives, having the tre-
mendous weapon of universal suffrage, are
determined to secure their end by govern
mental means. They are putting in social
list, or, at least, anti-capitalist members.
They expect legislative aid for their Co
| operative associations, and subventions of the
State and loans of credit for whatever
branches of industry they may choose as most
deserving. They have had enough of mode
rate Liberals and want now the true 'Reds, 4"
| or at least the men in sympathy with the labor
| ing classes.
| Napoleon will soon perceive their objects
| He understands this class, and in the great
| coming struggle in France and Europe be-
! tween capital and labor we may be sure that
| he will at once side with the masses. He has
no sympathy with the 6OurgeOtsie, nor they
! for him. The empire can rest as well on a
confederation of labor as on q representative
assembly. The 0uD9ierS have no objections
to Napoleon, provided the State become the
patron of the workingmen. The empire will
| do as we'll for them aS n reDublic If IL loan