The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-12-11
OUR nnLxaxous ConUndTg
EDUOA7TON AND RELIGION.

Can the State educate? Beyond all doubt
say most OF our popular guides IL not only cda
bat it ought to educate; it s its duty to educate
one OF its most imperative duties, which it
cannot neglect without peril to It's own safety
The State 'otoes to every child" the best educa-
tion il can afford, and that such child is capable
Of receiving. Nay, more-say some who
write dogmatically on these matters, with
out knowing where it is leading them
education should be made compulsory.
No single member of the body politic-if
it can possibly be avoided-should be allowed
to grow up in ignorance, peril to itself and to
the community. This duty Of the State to edu-
cate is a favorite topic with popular writers and
haranguers. The Mayors of our cities, the
Governors of our States, are eloquent in calling
attention to IT, All parties vie with each other
in commencing cause good in itself, and in
such harmony, they say with the spirit of our
institutions" 1t is about the only thing, if we
except 'the poor mans rights" and economy
in the public finances" that enters alike into
every political platform
But what do we mean by the States educa-
ting? 1t may be specifically answered that it
does this when it provides the means for send
ing all the children to school, when it divides
the territory into districts, taxes the inhabitants
of each, and then sends back to them the
amount thus raised to be employed for educa-
tiOnal purposes In other words, the State is
mere money-raiser and money distributor add
ing the expense of superintendents, COM
missioners and tax-gatherers to what
would have been incurred if the whole
matter had been left to the voluntary
action of the several communities. Every
one who thinks at all must see that this does not
answer the great question. The raising of the
money must be for some object beyond the mere
fact of raising it. The right to interfere at all
implies the right, the duty rather, to direct and
regulate. There must be some Interior end in
view, some good regarded as such, not only
10 the individual child, but to the State
itself. Quality is to be had in view as well
as mere fact and quantity. 1t must be
some kind of education supposed to be
healthful - conservative of the common
and individual well-being. Utiitarianism
would demand this, if regard is had to the
highest utilities, or even the proper conserva-
tion of the lower. Granting that the end of the
State, insteadIof being the production of the
highest humanity, as the prince of the old phi
losophers maintained, is merely the protection
of person and property, still even this cannot
be secured without some kind of instruction
and discipline looking to higher ends and sane
tiOns as essential to the steady and successful
maintenance of these lower aims. This is
no paradox, either in respect to the indi-
vidual or the political life. Even a pru-
dental morality is impossible without
having regard to some higher principle An
enlightened self-interest" must look out of
itself, if it would well attain even its selfish
object; or, in other words, we shall fall below
our more immediate aim if the eye is not
directed to something above it. But in either
view the education which the State provides,
and in which it is itself SO deeply interested,
must have some determined character, some
general aspects, at least, capable of being set
tied and stated, whatever difficulties there may
be in the way of special applications.
If then, the State educates-that is, becomes
itself an educator-it must have some kind of
educational system Of educational ideas, as well
as educational aim. 1t must have something to
teach. This may be maintained in respect to
everything transcending the mere mechanical
departments regarded as means or inlets to the
knowledge that lies beyond Ideas, culture,
mental states, mental growth, habits of thinking
these are aims of education. 1t is knowledge
useful knowledge, if you please, but in its
higher as well as in its lower senses-knowledge
necessary for the ends of life the individual life
knowledge still more necessary as having
in view that common life that common we'll
being, communion with which is the elevator
and conservator of the individual-politica
knowledge, political economy, the best view of
the social welfare, higher STILL morality, higher
STILL religion as the only conservator of mo-
rality, and, therefore, of all lower interests. If
the State educates, it must have regard to all
these. 1t cannot overlook their connections.
1t must see to it that truth is learned in
stead of error, that the education it gives is a
blessing, true good, instead of the direst
of mischiefs. Thus, if politics are to be
taught-andS all say amen to that-then
the State must have q political philosophy of
some kind. There must be something predon.t-
ndnt in this department, something most in
harmony with the predominant social mind. 1t
is important that our youth be educated in re-
publican principles, not to the exclusion of some
knowledge-of deep knowledge if it can be
obtained-of other political systems; but all for
the purpose of commanding that which the
State, as a moral and political agent, deems
highest and best.
SO in the study of history; that is to receive
special attention which is most in accordance
with the prevalent national thinking. In the
same way could it besshown that the State must
have a mental and moral philosophy, if these
are to be taught in its schools; much more if
such schooling is to be made compulsory. If
morality is taught, then that morality must have
its ground of authority, its awe, its sanctions,
TO give it any value as healthful and conserv-
ing energy. 1t must have its hold upon the con-
science, or it is a mere casustical gabble. We
are nearing dangerous ground, as some would
think; but there is no stopping place. If the
State must have its morality, it must have its
religion