The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1869-04-21
sPR4GUE ON THE W4R P4TH.
He Defines His Position and Purposes
His Opinion of the State Of the Conn
try.

His Opinion of the State Of the Conn
try.
An interview with Senator Sprague forms
the topic of two interesting columns in the
New York Herald. The senator was found i'll
his study wrapped in q loose and wel,-worn
dressing gown, and apparently lost in thought
beyond hope of awakening. The study ap-
peared in itself study, with all kinds of Curl
GUS traps lying around loose. Books on top of
Sohemian vases, wonderfully carved paper
knives, odd-looking ink bottles, pen -wipers,
and a host oi other al ticles Of stationery on
ihe mantel-piece, on the marble-top wash
stand, on the writing table and on the floor.
Near the senator's chair stood small tray
holder, laden with the abslemious fare OF
student consisting of coffee minus milk. and
toast minus butter. Sprague looks old on
near acquaintance. He has q small head,
small features, large, lustrous eyes, slightly
dashed with dimness that necessitates the
wearing of glasses. He has not the faintest
trace OF outward afectation. w.; copy from
the Herald correspondents account:
"People say, Governor, that they do not
comprehend exactly what you are driving at.
Some insinuate that you are bidding for the
Pl esiGency; others that you want to cut loose
from your party. and still more state in down.
right terms that you are crazy"
''Hold onl" exclaimed the Governor, "let
me answer the last charge. Ycs-I am crazy
crazy. as every reformer has been since the be-
g1nnipg of the rid Because refuse to fol-
low in the ruts of that set calling itself the
Senate Of the United States the cry is raised at
once, 'Oh Sprague is crazy. will let them
know before long exactly how crazy am. L
am not bidding for the Presidency, either. Ii
it we're offered to me tomorrow should only
take 1t on conditions OF being at liberty to
kick out of the White House every Office seeker
that dare come into it. Not man should be
appointed under me 10 Office because he was
this mans friend or that mans supporter. l
would have an incorruptible board OF examiners
for every Office under the government, am
no man should be appointed unless he showed
party altogether, and put only the best men In
the nation in places Of trust; but as know
such condition of things can never pe attain
ed, the Presidency is not my ambition. Neither
am about to cut loose from my party and at
tach myself to the Democratic. Both, as par
ties, are rotten; but intend to build up new
party, in which politics will have little to do.
My party VIII uaFo lOI lto ouo Si1uu ~ nSiPiS
the reform OF our finances, the rendering or
money cheap. tho reduction of taxation. the
elevation of the working classes, the protec-
ton OF labor, the improvement OF our cotton,
agricultural, commercial, and manufa aturlus
interests; in short, the making OF this country
really great, strong and prosperous. All your
talk about the nlgger, nigger suffrage, State
tor these old grannies in Congress. Where is our
shipping at this moment? Who of those men,
peste1ng ouI ears all the time about reconstruc-
tion, rebels, niggers, &C., has ever lifted his
voice in favor OF the brokcn-down commerce
that was once our pride and glory? 1 tell you,
sir, these men would drivo this country head
long to the devil in their greed for power.
This country is to-day intrinsically weaker
than any on the face of the globe, not except
ing Mexico. Now, let me explain; but first let
me enliehten you upon the purpose OF the
speech, the opening one OF tho late Sc rles |
uI1L1C in tho Gore<-,s II uuS eoocee~fy aAoo1d
craw the attention OF the people TO Congress
made upon tho finances and the bill offered IN
connection Herewith. began by sklrmlsh
ing, nv objective point being the treasury
the great national curse. My scheme was no
hurriedly considered affair. For three years 1
have devoted my mind exclusively to this sub
ject, and you viii find, ii l am mad, there was
some method in my madness after all. You
eaw how that frat speech awakened a thrill of
interest throughout the nation. There is some
Of the evidence (pointing to bundle of let
ters.) Now, if I had made my proposition
alone, without any preparation Of the public
mind, it might have gone the way OF all like
propositions. hold that the treasuryis the
root Of our present evils. Forty millions OF
dollars, we will say, are received there this
month. This money comes out of the pockets
of the people. One man whose taxes are large
has, perhaps. to borrow the money at high
rate Of interest to pay his indebtedness to the
government. That money gets into the trca-
sury, and lies there boarded up for a month or
Blk weeks without producing particle OF BEN
it to the government or the people. Twenty
millions of that amount we will say, are paid
main. The market in New York, where the
CAPITAL of the country is centralized, is de-
clared scarce. When money is scarce the ="
who have the least put their stocks on
the market at a low rate to Induce purchasers
and procure capital to carry on their business.
There is always in New York class
of spectators who buy up all such
stocks and wait for tn tho favorable time .Ie
Treasury, in place of O,OOO, 600. pays out
500, 600, 600. Then money becomes abundant,
and these sto ks are rushed in upon the m IT.
ket, and the gamblers make their harvest.
You see there is no equilibrium here. Our
money market is oil the time fluctuating, inf1u-
enced BIZ that vast, overgrown corporation. the
National Treasury. Then, again, all kinds of
stocks are affected in this way. can go into
the market in New York any day in my busi-
ness, and by the process that obtains there
smash, by my superior force of capital, the
small dealers that venture competition with
me. The whole country Is affected by this.
Money ls entirely too dear. The cotton plant
ers at the South pay almost twenty-five per
cent. for the capital to work their plantations
England is the chief market for cotton, but she
ia every year extending her purchases in India
and Egypt, and finally, by manipulating the
markets, she will damage our cotton inter-
ests at the South irretrlevaby. Agricultural
interests suffer in the same manner from this
6earness of money. England will, after o
while, buy less OF our agricultural staples.
Capital is too dear, the cost of transportation
too high, the taxes too many and too crushing,
for our farmers. Same way with the manufac-
turing interests. Twenty years ago our hrm
in Rhode Island wac one among twenty little
ones: now we have the whole field to ourselves.
But then we crushed out the others, and are
now engaged lighting tho big fellows, until
finally New England will hav1 nothing but
small aggregation Of enormous monopoles,
welding q power dangerous to the Slate and
to tho liberties and happiness OF the people.
But think OF all that money that goes into the
Treasury being committed to the charge OF
boy, formerly secretary OF mime, whereas in
Europe the most responsible men in the com
munity are invariably selected for the duty OF
receiving and looking after the public funds.
The Treasury, above all things, should be jeal-