New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1869-08-14
POLITICAL ECONOMY.
BY HORACE GREELEY.
THE LABORING CLASS-ITS RIGHTS, INTER
ESTS MITES AND NEEDS


Capital. am not of them nor with them. IL there
be those who regard the interests of Labor and OF
Capital as naturally properly antagonlstlc, do
not agree with them. In using the term "Laboring
Glass " or Working Men," / conform to usage
which has the recommendation of convenience, and
hardly another. In my view, there should DO
none other than labOrers, save the infantile.
the disabled, and the dead; and there
are not nearly so many non -laborers az Il
vulgarly supposed. The Tum-seller is a worker.
though to no good end even the gambler evinceI
industry, though to very bad purpose. If had the
ordering of human affairs. would have every one
| an apprentice of some sort in youth worker for
wages Tor something equivalent theretol In early
manhood TOR womanhOOdl, and every one his or her
employer at a later stage so that the class OF
hired workers should be constantly receiving re-
cruits side and dsmssing skilled, experienced
persons TO enter upon graver responsibilities on the
other. l would have every jOurneyman realize that
! he will soon be employer every employer remem-
Der that be was journeyman, as his son lf son
| he have soon will be and believe the influence Of
these CONCENTRATIONS would be salutary on all alike
| do not like TO hear boast that he has been
hreling these twenty thirty years. and expects to
remain such till death for though it be true that ne
| man should be ashamed of q humble position l
qualify the statement by the proviso that he has
had no fair opportunity to rise above it, true man
| will much prefer to shoulder bod or sweep
streets rather than eat the bread of ideness and de-
pendence but either political institutions arc
mistakes or hale, twO-handed person, who has not
been pulled down by unavoidable misfortune. should
be ashamed that having had twenty years control oil
his time and faculties, he still finds hodcarTyinR
or street-sweeping the best thing he is asked or
enabled to do If had had fair chance to do for
myself for even twenty years. and could now find no
nd day
labor, should accept the situation, but not be in
clined to brag of it.
Yet Political Economy recognizes and deals with
facts as they are and one most important fact is the
existence of a very large class in this and still
larger in most other countries who distinguished
however the LabOrng Glass, in that
they live by selling their labor for wages instead of
| applying it TO production on their own account
True, the lawyer, the doctor, and even the clergy
man. may be said to work for wages but these are
not included in the popular conception of tho
LabOring Glass and take things as find them.
The LabOring Class, living from hand to mouth. on
the earnings or recOmpense of their daily efforts,
want steady work and good wages-the wages any
| how the work for the sake of tho wages. They
have a keen eye to their generic social or class
| interest wherein they eylnce their kinship to the
| entire race sprung from Adam. They do not. a.
class believe it the chief end Of man 10 render
Shrtings or Sugar inordinately cheap they believe
it more important that the maker shall be well fed.
well Clad well lodged. well developed, and well
| taught. Every spontaneous, instructive movement
of this class looks to fair payment for honest useful
effort first cheapness of product-if such cheapness
be compatible with the primary requsite-after-
ward. And, while narrow views selfish greed aud
shOrtsighted rapaciy, are manifest in some of tho
organized movements of this as of other classes.
believe the general result Of its organizations and It's
efforts has been conducive to the permanent moral
elevation and physical being of the
| The Laboring Glass previously vOiceless and
poweres has risen TO political Importance 10y reason
| of the American and French Revolutions and their
legitimate consequences and now finds itself APP
pealed TO by rival parties, preteusions policies.
philosophers to arbitrate between them, with special
reference to its class interest The Economic
controversy, with others. thus appeals, through
the rival disputants, to this rising power. a.
follows:
we propose to benefit you by reducing the cost OF
everything everywhere to the lowest sum for
which it can possibly be afforded. This involves
the reduction in general of your money wages but
the lesser will buy more than the larger which
it supersedes because of the resulting cheapness Of
whatever you may buy need. 1t involves
further your deprivation in some cases. Of the en-
|
| natural effect being 10 increase consumption by
cheapening cost it must in its general operation
create more work than it supersedes that you
| will on the whole, have more work than now
| while your wages, even if reduced in nominal
| amount, will buy more than those you at present
| receive will now do hence you will be gamers on
both sides so regard your own interest, and vote
with u.s.
That it may be certainly known that do not mis-
apprehend OF msstate the argument l here condense
cite the words of j. X. McCulloch. of the most
renowned doctors of the Free Trade school, who
says:
| " Admitting however. that the total abolition Of
! the prohibitive system might force few thousand
workmen to abandon their present occupations, II -
material 10 observe that eQUiCdlent new ones would
in consequence be opened 20 receive them and
that the total aggregate demand for their serrices
tcoud not ia any degree be diminished Suppose that
| under system of free trade we imported a part
| of the silks and linens We now manufacture at
home, it Is quite clear inasmuch as neither the
French Germans would send their com
modities gratis that we should have to give them
equal amount of British commodities in exchange
that such of our artitCers had been engaged IN
the silk and linen manufactures. and were thrown
out of them, would in future obtain employment IN
the production of the articles that must be exported
| additional freedom TO commerce. change the species
of labor demand. but cannot lessen its quantity"
This view, in substance. is taken by AL the Free
Trade economists who consider the case of the La
boring Glass at all-Its radical vce in my concep-
| ton is its confoundng man with mere machine,
! like steam-engine or spinning-jenny, which does
with equal and indifferent facility whatever work is
adapted to its capacities and is simply set aside when
| no longer wanted TO await fresh demand for its
services, neither consuming suffering in the in
term. But man-even the rudest and humblest-