The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-06-19

for some unsuccessful struggle on the other
side of the globe should be reckoned ND in
dollars and taken out of the treasury at
Washington by the aggrieved party 1t was
a distinguished apostle of freedom Of speech
who first discovered that, when whole nation
INDUCES in that luxury, it must be paid for
on the counter. Mr.. Summer imported into
his plea for Alabama reparation many such
statistics III we may 80 tabulate them) as
these
ship.
Iten.-Two (2) speeches of Mr. Laird
and so on; which means, if Tom, Dick, and
Harry 'cheer" an insurgent cause, or pub
llcly wish 1t success, this is to "go in evi-
dence' against their Government, for the
recovery of damages for ''prolonging war.
Presented thus, and stripped of rhetorical
ornament, this argument might be disowned
by its originators. They would probably say
that these items, for example, are only clus-
tered as tokens of an unfriendly dRiHlus to
the Union onthe part of Englishmen. How
does that help the case ? Some English
papers, like the Nelcs and Star, some English
statesmen like Bright and Forster, insist that
the great controlling body of national SYM
pathy in England was always with the North.
But let us suppose that it was n0t--is that
ground for bringing in bill against Eng
land? Of course it is nothing of the kind.
Why then, in a controversy of the present
kind, do we drag it in?
Mr. Summers partisans would reply, pro-
badly, that these historic events were not only
indications of an unfriendly dRimuS," but
explained certain Ocet acts. But that is like
substituting secondary evidence for primary.
If there dcere covert acts" of hostility done or
permitted by Great Britain against us, these
are in themselves sufficient for our case. They
cannot be illustrated or strengthened by any
thing less weighty; and, on the other hand, if
overt acts do not exist, they cannot be pieced
out and constructively supplied from indica-
tions of national sentiment The Sumner
school presents three grounds of complaint
against England. One, the Queens proca-
nation, another the ravages of the Alabama
and other English-built cruisers, and third,
the ''misdirected sympathies" of Great Bri-
tain And the last occupies more space in
the recital than either of the others, though
it has no business at all in a money claim
about such a matter we may go to war, but
not to law.
We shall be asked, however, why, since at
best this is but collateral matter it may not
proftably be arranged and added to the Off
cial legal case? For two reasons In the
first place. it weakens it. 1t is the error of
an attorney who crowds all sorts of irrele-
want matter into his pleadings, and is forever
delayed from getting settlement by the OBJ
| iections of the other side. And this is the
mistake we have always made thus far-with-
out which, perhaps, the Alabama claims might
have been paid, and the various shipowners
and underwriters be to-day walking about
with the British gold in their pockets.
Englishmen know very well that, when the
case is once put by America on its proper
! grounds, divested of all ridiculous accompa-
niments, these claims must be paid. But,
meanwhile, they are justified in taking adj
vantage of our weak arguments and prepos-
terous demands, in order to avoid and ignore
what they cannot meet, except by confession
and payment Thus the whole matter is kept
perplexed, mystifed, and unsettled.
In the next place, Mr.. Summers reasoning
is vicious, because we, as Americans have
always claimed the privilege of expressing in
dividual opinion 1--WE say nothing of govern
mental action) regarding all sorts of wars and
rebellions. Pray, on the other principle,
what damage is due from us to Russia for
sympathy in Polish rebellions, to Turkey for
sympathy in Cretan, to Austria for sympa-
thy in Hungarian, to France for sympathy in
Republican, to Spain for sympathy in Cuban,
to England for sympathy in Fenian? ? mice
little ''bilr we should run up to all these and
all other countries on Mr.. Summers princi-
pie, and we might as well go into bankruptcy
at once. The Sumner school will tell us that
England's sympathy prolonged our war by
encouraging the insurgents, and hence the
war expenses must be partly paid for by her.
Precisely the rule that applies to Our sympa
thy and that of all other nations with dRy in
surgent cause. Take the case of Cuba, which
is right before us, as it were. The insurrec
ton would probably have died out long age
but for American sympathy, and hope OF
American aid. Should it ever die out, is
Spain to bring in ''bill for sympathy
against us ? And have we no right to speal
we'll of the Cuban cause, or ''cheer" it, if we
like?
1t is worth while considering into what pre-
dicaments this doctrine may lead us; for it il
rule that ''works both ways" and most O.
the time it works against u.s. We, certainly
have never scrupled to encourage" by oul
sympathy whichever of two contending par
ties we happened to fancy, and have neve
thought of having our sympathy reckoned VI
against us at the market price by the othe
party In the case of England, especially, i
} is doubtful whether she has been engaged il
any war for nigh upon a hundred years, il
which we have not publicly expressed on
hopes that she would get soundly whipped
Our Fourth fully orators for years hav
talked this way, and many of our public mel
have done the same. We have always gvel
our national sympathy in a much more un
divided way than England did in our case t.
every rrection-Canadian, Fenian, o
3 Indian, against English control-and proba
bly, we always shall. But, as we have alread
t said, it has been reserved, by one of thos
satires on human wisdom and candor whic
t history constantly furnishes, for special &C
5 vocate of liberty in opinion to deny thG
penalty of mulcting in damages.
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