The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1869-09-24
COLTTMBIA. S. G.
Friday Morning. September "a. isss.


aThe Empirs or f'LIbeTty"-prince Napo-
/. t leonSs Fansus Speech.
The Paris correspondence Of the Lon.
don Daily Ns,Os makes, d. report almost
textusl .,ofg Prince Napoleon's recent
speech, on the Senatas cossuh,us;;- We
regard the speech an able one, and its
greakleneth only precludes us from Civ
eiugitentirs; sgg judgethst by this re-.
haarkable Sdeclaaation OF bis ideas and
policy the Prince puts himself forward
az the champion of liberalism in France.
ana quietly suggests that upon his shoul-
ders the mantle Of Napoleon III might
well rest. We give the following ex-
..Do notibe deceived, Nessieurs; this
experiment. ! tell you, is one which must
be allowed 10 succeed. Remember that
although liberty may be momentarily
eclipsed, ID is the Light to which all civil
lied nations tend; and I hope I may class
France among civilized nations. You
cannot put out this light; and therefore
the wisest, the most practical thing for
You to do is make up Your minds to live
, in its beams Those who oppose the
present reforms in principle I consider
. as positive enemies of the Government;
but those who talk about On expert
ment' are almost as dangerous Us the
others. To oondense my meaning in
single sentence, want to see the empire
Of authority burn its old ships, so that
they may never be used again; and then
the liberal empire will be founded. The
art of So-ssning consists, above all
things, in knowing how to yield in time
to deliberate public opinion. You will
probably think I go too far; but de-
clare that reforms are now necessary in
every branch Of the administration. Co.
vernment did much when it initiated q
large measure of commercial reform. I
approve it highly. But everything is
progressing around US; and how can you
expect politics to be stationary? You
must, therefore, strive to put yourselves
at the head Of tne movement, instead of
impeding it. What would you think of
o philosopher who. because he is old and
worn out, should say: I have explored
the limits of science, and left nothing to
future generations to discover? have
no hesitation in saying that [ find this
doctrine of political progress in the I'M
1915 is very different from that of the
we'll as my duty, to study the, history of
after his return from the Isle of Elba he
was thorough convert to constitutional
principles. I do not say how the CONVEX
sion was brought about; I do not deny
that, owing to his personal character and
habits. and the very nature of his
genius, he may have been prone to adopt
old practices; but maintain that his
reason was convinced that constitutional
government was necessary. Have not
those great parliamentary doctrinarians,
Benjamin Constant and Sismondi, and,
later, NJ. Theirs, admitted that the con-
stitution Of 1915 was great improve
ment? The examples of 1914 and 1880
have been referred to for the purpose of
dedacing this argument. You want to
repeat an experiment. which has twice
failed. As we'll urge that because man
had twice tried curative waters without
any benefit he should never take them
third time. There are essential diff
ferences between the epochs. It is pain
full to me to speak of 1914; but I may
observe in passing that the radical vice
of the constitution of that year was, that
it was imposed by the foreigner. The
white flag was an emblem of shame for
France. She never would be reconciled
to it; and she was quite right. AS to the
regime of 1880. it is perhaps open to
some reproach as to the way in which the
constitutional system was acted upon.
1t is not for me- to go into that-to do so
would be improper in my position. But
if turn over the debates of, the time of
the coalition 1889 I find the most init
mate friends of the Government CON-
planning that the crown exercised too
much personal power. The radical vice
Of 1880 was the pays legal. The Govern
ment was very parliamentary, but it was
not true representative Government,
for it represented only the 200, 900 elect
ors who had political rights. Now we
have 10000. 900 of electors; there is the
difference. Everything was in the hands
OF the bouyyeoisie-places, public func-
tions, influence, tariffs, and even loans.
One fine day the citizens said to them
selves, we will enter the banqueting hall
Of these contented bourgeois They did
so, and threw all they found there out of
the window. It was catastrophe sure
to come one day. I am sometimes told
that constitutional government is sus-
picious thing, because imported from
England; and that, inasmuch as in Eng
land thnra ia nm orr afocroou and M pra