The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-12-02

to abandon the field to his enemies; aud,
secondly, that revolutionary schemes at pre-
sent stand no chance of success. The EN-
peror understands the temper of the times
an advantage of which few rulers of France
could ever boast. He sees quite plainly that
the bulk of the French people would shrink
back in alarm from any thought of new
revolution, while at the same time they earn
estly desire to see liberal principles exercis-
ing more decided influence upon the course
of the Government. They want reforms,
but they do not want another Republic The
Emperors speech is a very clever echo of
their own opinions. He is quite right, and
they know it, in saying that sit is
not easy to establish regular and peaceful
liberty in France" They are alarmed at
the vision of the excesses foreshadowed by
the Red Republican organs. When,
therefore, he says to the Corps Legislatif,
''France wants liberty with order-order 1
answer for; help me, Messieurs, to secure
liberty'-when he talks in this strain the
vast majority of the people see their own
ideas caught up and forcibly expressed and
they necessarily sympathize with the speaker.
The wild projects, the rough menaces, the
unbridled violence Of the revolutionists can
not prevail against a ruler who simply SAYS
''You are enjoying prosperity now; trust in
me, and l will secure you in the possession of
it, The Emperor understands the people,
and how to appeal to their interests, far bet.
ter than all his adversaries put together.
The reforms which are now promised are
not so thorough as the ''Reds' demanded, but
so far as they go, they will be extremely ac-
ceptable to the people. They are social
rather than political reforms, and because
they are of that nature, the poorest in the
land will be able to appreciate them. The
popular vote is to be rendered more powerful
than ever, and the range of universal suffrage
is to be extended Measures are to be taken
for the development of primary education,
for placing justice more at the command of
poor men, for extending the advantages of
savings banks to the humber classes-per-
haps on the model of the excellent post office
savings banks in England, which enable
man to deposit money in any town or village
where there is a post Office and to withdraw
it afterwards in any other town where he hap
pens to be, Government standing the security
for principal and interest. Besides these
measures, which are but family
sketched in the telegram, there is to be
| an increase of smut salaries in public
| offices: observe that it is always the
| middle and lower classes which the Emperor
| chiefly strives to please. Humane regulations
| are to be made for controlling the labor of
children, agricultural interests are to receive
| attention, and the customs and excise duties
will be revised This may not be an ambi-
|
niably it is a very substantial one. 1t is
better than anything yet offered by the reyo-
lutionists. We are told that the Emperor was
frequently applauded, and that when the
name of Loa1clw6 Rochefort was called in
the roll of deputies, it was received with
hisses. There we may see the appreciation
in which both parties are held by the French
people at large. Napoleon is preferable to a
revolution. The French like to play with
edged tools, and to be always talking about
upsetting the Government-just as their coun-
try-women thought no pleasure complete
unless it had spice of wickedness in it.
But they know when they are well off.
The Empire is repugnant to abstract CON
ceptions of liberty, but it keeps the people
prosperous it guarantees order, it renders
property secure. The people amused them
selves with the Loaterne, but they are not
ready to exchange the Emperor for Rochefort
| and his friends