The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-06-09

avoid it after the abolition of slavery was 20
provide for the removal of our black popula-
ton to some locality by themselves, in the
West Indies, Central or South America. and
as last resort, in Liberia. He undertook the
initiation of a new colonization experiment
but so signally failed in it that we have heard
nothing since upon the subject The idea
seems to have been dropped as by general
consent Here our African element is TO
stay and take its chances in the struggle for
existence.
What, then, can General Grant do? He
stands committed to the law of equality in
the right of labor as in the right of suffrage.
In admitting the one right how can he DENY
the other? He cannot safely retreat but
how is he to advance ag linst these Trades
Unions? Here lies the new danger 60 his adj
ministration and the Republican party The
humanitarian may recoil from the diabolical
thought of excluding man because he is
black or yellow from the privilege of an equal
chance with the white man in the various
callings of skilled labor; but if the skilled
whites, who hold the field, combine politically
to exclude the black, the party supporting
him will go to the wall. 1t is an ugly uues-
ton. Independent colored organizations in
the different trades will not settle it, The
conflict will only be changed from white
unions against individual blacks to opposing
combinations of the two races and in this.
that, and the other building, factory, or work
shop the employees will have to be all whites
or all blacks, with constant dangers of bloody
collisions.
We hear that some of the Republican
leaders, snuffing this new negro agitation in
the air, propose as a counter-irritant an active
agitation of Senetor Summers suggested ul-
timatum on the Alabama claims. 1t is calcu-
lated that in this movement the acquisition of
the solid Irish vote for war with England
will amply compensate for the loss of all the
white Republican mechanics who refuse to
fraterniZe in their workshops with black men.
Herein, too, may lie one of those urgent po-
htical necessities which frequently drive our
political parties to the most desperate expe-
dents for the popular balance of power.
Moreover, in this view, after all, the
sin of African slavery in this country
may bring its condign punishments upon
England, the founder of the pernicious in
stitution. In truth, such is the transition state
of American politics just now that it must
soon bring about some extraordinary move
ments.
But what field is here upon this conflict
between our Trades Unions and the black man!
What theme for the thunders of Wendell
Phillips So long as women are women this
thing of equal political rights for women will
be Chinese puzzle. Moreover, it will be
useless to agitate womens rights in the matter
of voting until we shall have settled this negro
question of the negro's rights in the matter of
labor The administration is committed to
the doctrine of equal rights. The logic of
events may be pleaded, but so it is. The adj
minisration has set and is enforcing the ex-
ample of equal rights in labor as in suffrage;
and unless some bold and commanding diver
sion shall soon be undertaken, there will be an
opposing combination in the political field of
the Trades Unions of the country that will
astonish the administration and all concerned,
even in the approaching fall elections