The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-11-23

given, SINCE announcer foreigner, lew
minutes in advance of this party,
without the slightest trouble. The
afidavits Of the party, however, represented
the attack as having been wholly unprovoked;
and, acting on this, the British Government
prepared to avenge the assassination. Sat
suma was responsible for the act, and to his
capital, Kagosima, the fleet was SENT to de-
mand the payment of G25, 900 as indemnity,
and the execution of the murderers. After
two interviews with the officers of Satsuma,
in which the latter blamed the Taikoon's Gov
eminent, and proposed that commission
should examine into the indemnity question,
the Charge dAfaires placed the matter in the
hands of the admiral, who seized as pledges
three steamers belonging to Satsuma. The
japanese, regarding this as an act of hostility,
opened fire, when the admiral signalled to
have the steamers burned. In the midst of q
fierce gale, the squadron brought its guns to
bear on the town.
The attacking squadron suffered severely,
aud lost fifty-six officers and men. The loss
of life among the population of the city is
said to have been very great, as no notice
whatever was given of the intended lombard
ment. Indeed, scarcely thirty-six hours
passed between the arrival of the feet and
the attack. Thus many lives were lost, and
O city laid in ruins, and with it the extensive
zation in Japan-all because foreigner had
been killed in attempting to do that which
law and custom punish with death in ia
panese subjects. When young Englishman
was shot down in Rome by French sentinel
whom he approached, not having un-
derstood the challenge, did any one
think that offense called for the bonn
bardment of French city? 1t was, in fact,
in perfect accord with the policy followed by
the West in treating with the East. When an
Epglishman, or an American, or q French
man-starting from the firm belief that all
orientals are infinitely beneath his own race
assumes that they have no rights he is
bound to respect; ignores the fact that, as a
stranger, he is tolerated in their land by
courtesy OF necessity, and forcibly attempts
to assert that superiority he should be taught
that he does so at his own risk. AS with the
individual, SO with the nation. The repre-
sentatives of the Western governments are
clothed with almost sovereign power, and are
only too often also imbued with the preju-
dice of race. That which they would not
dream of doing in the face of European
power, they often do not hesitate to practise
toward a weaker oriental lnation-constantly
violating international law at the same time
that they demand of them an observance of it.
Professor Pumpelly agrees fully with
Mr.. Burlingame as to the policy that
ought to be pursued towards China, and as
to the treatment that should be accorded to
the Chinese immigrants in the United States.
He had unusual facilities for observation
while in China, and his opinions are therefore
of value. With reference to the Chinese pro-
blem in the United States, he says
We have seen that there exists in China q
boundless source of emigration, and the ne
cessity for emigration; that the capacity of
America for receiving this emigration is COM
paratively unlimited; that the emigration will
be at least proportionate to the encourage
ment offered that the encouragement is
springing into existence through the recog-
milton of the Chinese as necessary element
for the development of the resources of
the Far West; that the immense influx of
these people will constitute a possible
political power which cannot remain latent,
and that the attainment of the privileges of
citizenship will make of them fixed instead
thing we know to the contrary, may at no
distant date largely outnumber the European
element. The first question which naturally
rises is, In what can this people contribute
to our material prosperity? 1t is not diff
cult to answer to this that by reason of their
many-sidedness, their adaptability to all
branches of industry, they can contribute
more than any other foreign element in the
first generation. They can supply labor for
the house and field, for building railroads,
for working in mines and factories, for every
need on sea and land. Within the really i'm
passable limits set by nature, they alone can
render productive vast tracts of land, the cul-
tivation of which is essential to the prosperity
of our mountain territories. They can con .
tribute largely to our wealth and that of the
world by their saving of material, and by
forcing us, through competition, to become
| more economical in this respect. They can
advance greatly our material prosperity, not
only by the product of their labor in working
| for Americans, but by their independent
enterprise as capitalists Indeed, the lower
| ing of the price of labor in America, through
| Chinese immigration, taken in connection
with the almost certain rise in price in
Europe, appears to offer the best solution of
| the vexed question of free trade, by placing
| it on an equal or superior footing with
Europe in the manufacture of those things
which now require protection. 1t should
seem that Chinese emigration, organized on
the most liberal plan, in conformity with the
emigration laws of China, and under the re-
| sponsible guidance of Chinese contractors,
would rapidly raise our Southern States to a
height of prosperity never yet reached by
them, and render possible the completion
and maintenance of great works, necessary to
control the overflow of the Mississippi, and
to drain unproductive and malarious regions.
viii the price at which these benefits shall
be gained be too high? Every one will
answer this according to his own way of
measuring the future by the past. But he
who sees in events the resultants of social