Orleans independent standard. [volume] (Irasburgh, Vt.) 1856-1871, 1869-04-27
,ature and extent of difference.

cOnuuct OF THIS power dt Trying pc
riod was most unfriendly, and the in
furious consequences OF this conduct
were on a scale corresponding to the
theatre of action. Life and property
were both swallowed up, leaving be-
hind a deep-seated sense of enormous
wrong, as yet unatoned and even I'M
acknowledged, which is one Of the
chief factors in the problem now pre-
scented to the statesmen of both coun-
tries. The attemps to close this great
international debate without a CON-
plete settlement is little short of puer-
lie.
With the lapse of time and with
minuter considerations the cas- e.
against England becomes more grave,
not only from the questions of inter-
national responsibility which it invol-
yes, but from better comprehension
of the damages which are seen now
in their true proportions. During the
war and for sometime thereafter it
was impossible to state them. The
mass of mountain cannot be measur
ed at its base. The observer must
occupy certain distance, and this
rule OF perspective is Justly applicable
to damages which are vast beyond
precedent.
A few dates will show the progress
of the controversy and how the case
enlarged. Going as far back as 10th
November, 1862, we find our minis
ter in London, Mr.. Adams, calling, for
redress from the British government
on account of the Alabama. This was
the mild beginning. On the 23d Dc
tober. 1858, in another communication
the same minister suggested to the
British government "any fair and equl-
table form of arbitrament or refer
ence." This proposition slumbered
in the British Foreign Office for near
ly two years, during which the Ala
bama was pursuing her piratical ca
reer, when on the 30th August 1865,
it was awakened by Lord Russell Oh
ly to be knocked down in these words ::
'Tn your letter of Oct %, 1868, you were
pleased to say that the government of the
! United States Is ready to agree to any form
| of arbitration" ............ Her Majesty S
government must, therefore, decline either
to make reparatiOn and compensation for
the captures made by the Alabama, or to
refer the question TO any foreign state"
Such was our repulSe from England,
having at least the merit of frankness,
if nothing else. On 18th October,
1865, our minister informed Lord Rus
sell that the United States had finally
resolved to make no effort for arbi.
tration. Again the whole question
slumbered until 9th August. 1866,
when Mr.. Seward presented list OF
individual claims on account of the
pirate Alabama. From that time ne,
gotiation has continued with ups and
downs, until at last the pending treaty
was signed. Had the early orerturcs
of our government been promptly &C
cepted, or had there been at any time
a just recognition of the wrong done
| doubt not that this great question
would have been settled; but the re
lection of our very moderate prOp0
sitiOns and the prCtracted delay, which
Afforded an opportunity to review the
case in its different bearings, have
awakened the people to the magnitude
of the interests involved. If our dc
mands are larger now than at oul
first call it is not the only time in his
tory where such rise has occurred
The story of the Sybil is repeated ,anc
England is the Roman king.
Shall these claims be liquidated anC
cancelled promptly, or allowed tt
slumber until called into activity by
some future exieency? There are
many among US who, taking counse
of a sense of national wrong, would
leave them to rest without settlement
so as to furnish a precedent for retail
iation in kind, should England fine
herself at war. There are many il
England who, taking counsel of per
verse political bigotry, have spurnet
them absolutely; and there are other
who, invoking the point of honor, as
sert that England cannot entertain
them, without compromising her hon
or. Thus there is peril from bot
sides. 1t is not difficult to imagin
one of our countrymen saying witt
Shakspeare's Jew, THE villainy yo1
teach me | will execute, and it shal
90 hard, but | will better the instruc
ton y nor is it difficult to imagine al
Englishman firm in his conceit, tina
no apology can be made and nothing
paid. | cannot sympathize with eithe
, side. Be the claims more or less, the
are honestly presented, with the cor
viction that they are just, and the
should be considered candidly, so tina
they shall no longer lower like a clou,
ready to burst, upon two nations
which, according to their inclinations
4; can do each other such infinite iniur
: or such infinite good. | know it
D sometimes said that war between u
, must come sooner or later, | do no
!; believe it. But if it must come, lie
: it be later, aud then | am sure it will
5 never come. Meanwhile, good me
n must unite to make it impossible.
s Again say, this debate is not O
!, my seeking. 1t is not tempting, 70
/ it compels criticism of foreign DOW
s er with which would have more tina
v peace-more even than concord. Blu
it cannot even be avoided. The trut
e must be told, not in anger, but in sac
e ness. England has done to the Uni
ed States an injury most difficult t
measure. Considering when it wa
o done and in what completely, it
= mos It unaccountable. At a grea
. epoch of history, not less momentou
: than that of the French revolution Q
: that of the Reformation, when civil
: zation was fighting a last battle wit