New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1869-08-17
FRENCH REFORM.

FRENCH Reform.
The imperial plan Of reform, as given by the
French press, does not materially vary from
our kilograms. The Emperor and his corps
may initiate laws-a legislative right hitherto
devoured by the Government. His ministers
may be legislators, and in any case have par
lamentary hearing, and though, as hitherto,
Improbable only by the Senate, are respon-
sible. These provisions would tend to make
the French Administration as representative as
that of Great Britain, were 1t not for sus-
pcion of the Emperor's stipulation that his
ministers depend only from himself. Sena-
torial sittings are to be made public. but re-
quest from five members may establish secrecy,
as was formerly the case with the Legislative
body, so that the Senate will still be in effect
an imperial cabinet, with the key IN the hands
of Napoleon The Senate may amend laws,
and send them back TO the Corps, and i'll all
cases may, by resolve, oppose the promulga-
ton of a law. Every Senator and Legislator
may address interpretations, or questions, TO
the Government, whereas, by the present rule,
an Interpolation must be signed by five mem
hers and be sent to the Minister of State.
who consigns it to the Committees, where, if
Endorsed by two Senatorial or four Legislative
Committees the question may be placed before
the Senate-a tortuous and odious process.
without n single redeeming feature Orders OF
the day may be adopted in future, subject "a
being returned by the Government. Amend
ments may be moved and submitted To COM
mittee. without Intervention Of Council OF State,
and after being reported to and from Govern
ment, may be passed upon finally by the Legs
lature. OF all the concessions of the Empire,
this is, perhaps the most liberal, since 1t as
Stimulates the legislative process Of France 10
that of the United States, saving that amend
mcnts in the French body are made liable to
delay and defeat by passing through Govern
ment hands. The provision for considering
the budget in detail is another apprecable
reform, and one of the most important of the
list provides that future notifications of
customs or postal tariffs, by means of inter-
national treaty, can be made obligatory only
by virtue of law passed to that effect. This
Imperial renunciatiOn of the privilege of en-
forcing, without legislative sanction, changes
in the Tariff, condemns the Emperor's
revenue policy in the last ten years, and is APP
parently good blow at French and English
free trade. Here ends the imperial plan of
reform. We see it reported, however, that the
positions of Secretary General and Director
General of the Ministries, General of the Army
and Vice Admiral of the Navy, President of
the Court of Appeal, PrOcuratOr- General and
member of the Court of Cessation will be made
consistent with seat in the Chamber. 1t has
been proposed, likewise, that Senators shall be
disabled from holding other Offices in the State
beside their legislative posts but we have
little hope that such will prove the case. The
rumor of an imperial disposition to increase
the membership of the Senate is significant
only of desire to add to the number
of the manufactured friends and cham
piOns of the Empire. Already the Senate
has rejected the proposition that Senators
shall be chosen by the Councils-General in
faint imitation of our senatorial elections
by State legislatures. An amendment to
the imperial plan, providing for conference
committees between the Senate and Corps, has
been wisely introduced, and will III all prOba-
bility pass.
Thus stands French reform in the present
year of grace. Impeled to all the concessions
he has made by the regenerative wave of
French opinion surging up from the results OF
the late elections, we can only credit the En-
peror with the mathematical merit of having
calculated shrewdly the amount of carpenter
work which will save his throne for the time
being. NJ. Theirs declares that personal gov
eminent is at end, and 80 it appears. NJ.
Glais- Bizoin fears Ithat the Emperor will art
fully take back the liberties he has granted.
M. Fayre desires to believe that France, which
has no sovereign but liberty, can march
to reform without revolution. NJ. Rouher
is of opinion that the Empire is sufficiently
popular to go hand in hand with liberty. NM.
ROchefort and Raspail believe in the revolu-
tionary spirit, and bide the revolutionary occa-
sion' NJ Louis Napoleon Bonaparte has, if we
have heard him Alright, made his last tangible
concession, but we doubt if the Emperor of
growing country can put an unalterabe limit to
the French capacity for Interpolation or the
imperial convenience of response. Altogether
the augures are not extremely hostile to his