The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-04-09

larger bearings would wish the Government
to take any steps to encourage the insurgents.
Fortunately, Congress can initiate nothing In
the management OF our foreign relations, ex-
cept by a declaration Of war. We have no
cause, or even pretext, for a war with Spain;
and until Congress changes the state of peace
to one Of war by declaration, It is the duty |
of the Executive to preserve pacific relations. 1
Even II Congress should pass q resolution of |
sympathy with the Cuban insurgents, the |
Executive would be in no respect bound by 1t. |,
We have too good an opinion OF the Secretary !
of State to believe that no would not deprecate |
the passage of such resolution.
Our Government, in the management of its
foI eien relations, should not act from fitful
and caprieious impulses, but upon settled and
stable principles, and with due respect for the
obligations of international law. Mr.. Fish
enters upon the duties of his responsible Office
with one question of frst-rate magnitude on
his hands, an unsettled question inherited
from the late administration, which may
eventually embroil us with the most powerful
nation on the globe. The dispute with Eug-
land respecting the depredations Of the Con-
federate cruisers involves questions identical
with those which would arise between US and
Spain, if we should aid the Cuban insurgents.
There are people shallow enough, or thought
less enough, to fancy it would be q pro-
digiously smart thing for us to adopt the
same line Of action pursued by Great Britain
| during our civil war. If Cuba were not a
| Spanish but British possession, such smart
ness would be intelligible; but what
| sense or pertinence would there be in retorting
upon Spain an injury which we received from
| England? The moment our Government abets
| and aids the Cuban insurgents. IL will draw
| sponge over the Alabama claims. We have
been contending, for six or seven years, that
the sham neutrality of Great Britain in our
| civil war was grave injury-a violation of in
| oh ruh NJ fooa nul1
we persist in our demands for reparation, if
we should adopt similar course towards
Spain, when portion Of her subjects rise in
Rebellion against her, and attempt, like our
Southern States, to establish their indepen-
dence9 When we had thus sanctioned by our
example the principle on which Great Britain
acted during our war, we should have re-
nounced our claims and made their further
prosecution ridiculous. Not only justice, but
the universal popular feeling in this country,
exaots reparation from England for the great iu-
jury she did us during the war. Whatever
unthinkiDg enthusiasts may demand, our
Government should be careful that it does not
renounoe this claim by giving to Great Britain
the Endorsement of our example in similar
case. But even il no such controversy were
pending, our Government is bound, both by
our own laws and by international comfy, to
give no encouragement to the Cuban insur
gents. Neither the laws of nations nor our
own municipal statutes have changed on this
subject since 1851, when our Government took
active measures to suppress the Lopez and
other similar expeditions. Those expeditions
had for their professed object the independ-
ence of Cuba; they expected to succeed by
risings Of the inhabitants against the Spanish
authorities. There was at that time no diff
ference OF opinion among our statesmen
respecting our obligations; and there is
Just as little ground for difference of opinion
now. 1t is the clear duty of our Government
neither to aid, nor to permit our citizens to
aid, in overthrowipg the authority Of Spain in
that Island. Her right to that possession we
have repeatedly acknowledged in almost every
possible way. II the island is not hers, why
has our Government again and sgain offered
to purchase it OF her at the expense of hun
dreds OF millions? If it is not hers, why has
our Government SO often proclaimed, in the
most solemn forms, that it will always respect
her rights and sovereignty in the island,
though it will not permit it to pass into the
hands of any other European power? If her
sovereignty is not valid, why has our Gov
eminent SO steadily and sternly put down
flibustering expeditions against CuOa on the
ground that they would be trespasses against
Spain, nation with which we were at peace
Whether the sympathies of our citizens
should be given to the Cuban insurgents in
their present effort to free the island from the
, Spanish yoke, is a question on which differ
ent minds will take different views. Aboli-
, tlonlsts, like MIR. Beecher, OF course wish them
,, success, as the extinction of slavery is ex-
pected to one of the first results of indie
pendence. No man of sense supposes
that the island would be permantly indie.
, pendent; and if brought into the Union
under Republican auspices, it would be ''re-
i, constructed" after the pattern of our South
ern States. We have already more of these
, Africanized States than are likely to be well
!, governed; no sober patriot would wish to in
crease the number. Commercially, their
, would no doubt be great advantages in an
!, nexation; but only on the supposition that the
: island would continue to be as productive as
: it has been heretofore. II it should 90 into q
decline, as Jamaica has, and cease to raise its
, great staples for export, it would be of no
more value to us than ruined Jamaica now is
. 10 Great Britain. What guarantee can we
= have that the negroes of Cuba, if freed, would
! exert more industry and thrift than the lazy
and shiftless free negroes of Jamacal The
Cuban negroes are in climate equally warm
|. and relaxing, where the necessities for shelter
q clothing, and fuel are so slight as to take
|, away many of the chief spurs to voluntary
I, industry. It must also be borne in mind thai
the Spanish inhabitants of the island belons
> to race that has no aptitude for self. govern
ment and a melancholy proclivity to anarchy
, The Spanish race on this continent has beer
a trying the experiment of republican institu
. tions for half century; and never were com
!, munities more unsettled, or in more chroni
5 state of domestic embodiment. We are bette
:, acquainted with this experiment in Mexico
D our nearest neighbor, than in the othe
. | Spanish American States; and with tn
y | example of Mexico staring us in tha face n