Nashville union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1868-1875, 1869-05-18

pritIessms OF the Lonsess Press on
s senator sunsner's speech.
From the London Timss. Nay I

I
Alabama convention has the meri
ofan argumentative and dispassion
ate manner, and from this caus'
more than from any other adj
vantage it may possess tits likely
| to be taken up by the educated Re
publicans as the exposition of Their
views. When read in full the i'm
preston that it leaves differs little
from that created by tho summary
which we published two days ago
+ OF course there is always more Of
repose and moderation in q com.
plete production than in the
abstract which gives lbs salient
| points but in the present case, the
| interest lies in the principles which
| Mr.. Sumner enunciates and de-
velops, and these stand ont too
sharp and clear to be muehsaafected
| by the matter which. illustrates
| them. When q speaker tells us OF
the millions for which we are liable,
and movesvthe rejection of d treaty
which does not provide for their
| payment, it may seem strange to
| say that his speech is sentimental !;
yet it is impossible to read this
speech without seeing. how large
place sentiment has in it. = \ 4
1t was the American and not the
British, forecast of the future which
was in fault. At Washington few
months, or even weeks, were looked
upon as sufficient to bring the Re-
bells to reason; in England we fore
bodied desperate conflict, and the
event did not belle our anticipation.
Nor had we any choice in the mat
ter. The interests of Englishmen,
both OF The American content and
at sea, were involved, and it was
necessary to'recognize officially the
state of things that actually ex-
listed. TWAS that the inhabitants
Of a number of States, many Of
them equal in size TO European
kingdom, were in arms against the
federal power, and engaged in a
struggle in which they eventually
sent hundreds of thousands Of men
into the field. Mr.. Sumner so far
admits the cogency of the argu
ments urged on this side that he is,
disposed to confinc the ofiense of
England to the recognition of what
he calls "ocean delinquency" There
is dominion of the land and o,
dominion of the ocean: but, what
ever power the Rebels possessed on
the land, they were always without
power on the ocean. admitting
that they were belligerents on the
lane, they were never belligerents on
the ocean," But what right had we to
draw any such distinctions2 What
we saw clearly was great conflict
on the other side of the Atlantic,
which affected every relation of
British commerce with the Southern
States, and was extended over the
ocean, and close up to our own
waters, by the Presidents procla-.
nation of blockade, under which
British ships alleged to mediate
the breaking of the blockade could
be seized even off our own coasts,
and taken into American ports.
If, as we confidently maintain, the
proclamation was justifiable, there
is nothing moro to be said but
even were it not so, it would be alb
surd TO argue that the Issue of the
proclamation caused the blockade
running, and SO heightened the
war. Blockade running is not le-
galized by the Queens proelama
ton; on the contrary, it is express
ly prohibited, and those guilty OF
it and the other offenses enumerated
are told that they viii do so sat
their peril and of their own wrong,
and will in no wise obtain any pro-
lection from us against any liablll-
ties or penal consequences, but will,
on the contrary, incur our high dis
pleasure by such conduct" The
whole tenor of the proclamation is
prohibition, and it is difficult to un-
derstand how it can be accused OF
sanctioning, much less of causing,
the very acts against which it was
directed.
From the London News.
Mr.. Sumner is always serious, or
we might suspect him of poking
fun at his countrymen. He has
ably stated the American side of
the argument on the questions
which are allowed to be open be-
tween US. He has given express
sion to that sore feeling which can
neither be matter of argument nor
arbitration. But his figures simply
remind US of more vulgar and
commonplace compensation claims.
What would satisfy him2 Shall we
take the fve~twenties and pay the
interest on them? Shall we take
one half the debt and add it to our
own2 Even then we must add to it
an humble apology. Mr. Sumner
not only presents bill of five hun
dred millions, but demands that we
should pay it on our knees.
But such discussions as these are