The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-11-09


know, then, that General Grant warmly and |
heartily favored Cuban independence and
that Mr.. Fish expressed himself in a similar
manner on this subject We know that he
cordially sympathized with the Cubans in
their struggle for liberty, and looked forward
to the time when the United States could
recognize them. Even the excessively con-
servative Secretary of State admitted months
ago that recognition and Cuban inde-
pendence were only q question of time.
The action of the Government, too, through
our Minister at Madrid, in proposing to nego-
tiate with Spain for the independence OF Cuba,
shows that as far back as last spring the admin
istration was earnestly at work to bring about
the freedom of Cuba. To suppose that the
President would now, after the Cubans have
heroically maintained the struggle, and that
with better prospects of success, abandon the
obiect he had in view in the Cuban cause, is
unreasonable, and would imply degree OF
imbecility and vaclllation on the part of the
administration which is not consistent with
the character of General Grant and which the
American people cannot believe. Throughout
his history and public career General Grant
has shown that he entertains broad national
views on all questions pertaining to the pro-
gress and perpetuation of republican free
dom on American soil and to the progress and
grandeur of his own country. This was seen
in his bold proposition to march an army
across the Rio Grande and drive the foreign
imperial intruders from our sister republic OF
Mexico. In fact, he has shown the same
broadly national sentiment and fearlessness
on every occasion when republican institu-
tions on American soil and the progress and
grandeur of our country was in question.
How, then, can we believe that the Presl-
dent will ignore Cuba in his message to Con-
gress, or that he will abandon the cause of
the Cubans, after all that he has said, and the
effort he has made to secure their indepen-
dence? TO be silent about Cuba when the
public mind is full of the subject, and in ex-
pectation of definite policy being declared,
would be acting like the foolish and timid
ostrich, which hides its head under the sand
without considering that it's whole body is ex-
posed to view. The Cuban question is too
prominent and too popular one to be ig-
nored, and we do not think there is Spanish
influence enough at Washington to blind the
President to this fact. At all events, it is
certain neither the people nor their represen-
tatives in Congress will ignore it. AS to the
sympathy of the American people with the
Cubans there can be no doubt. 1t exists in
every section and among all classes,
except, perhaps, with Mr.. Sumner,
who thinks of nothing but his speech
on the Alabama claims, and who would
sacrifice the liberties of any people for the
fanced glory connected with that, or with the
exception, possibly, of few Copperhead po-
liticians and weak old fogies, who would fence
in the United States to prevent any further
expansion or progress. But the question of
Cuba is not one of sympathy only, despotc
and cruel as the Spanish government of the
island is, and much as the American people
may desire to see the Cubans free, but impor-
tant American interests principles and pro-
gress are involved. Cuba is the richest
island in this hemisphere, and, perhaps, on
| the globe. If free or annexed to the United
| States the trade with it would be exceedingly
valuable-that is, if our Government be wise
| enough to prevent the island becoming q
second st. Domingo. If the action of the
| United States should avert the fate of de-
struction and desolation which now threat
ems Cuba and the Cubans acquire their
independence, the trade would become
in a short time intellectually valuable. Look
ing at the matter too, in political point of
view, the present is the most opportune time
for the acquisition of Cuba, for settling a
question which has long occupied the public
mind, for extending and strengthening re-
publican institutions on this side the Atlantic
for fulfilling our national destiny in the alb
serption of contiguous American territory
for practically carrying out the Monroe doc
| trine, and for increasing the grandeur, power
and commerce of the republic. With such OBJ
jects in view and such motives for action there
| is not great nation in the world that would
not have made the independence of Cuba fact
long before this. England, France, Russia,
| Prussia, Austria, and even Spain herself would
have studied only their own interests, pro-
gress and aggrandizement in such case. We
need not cite examples in history-in what is
occurring constantly with the great nations of
the world-to show the policy all pursue.
Every one is familiar with the facts Will
our Government and statesmen comprehend
the broad American policy that is required of
| them, the destiny of the republic and the as
pirations of the people? That is the ques-
tion. Cuba is prominently a case involving
these great national considerations, and we
must soon know whether the Government can
comprehend its opportunity and duty or not.
THE NATIONAL CENSUS OF 1870.
| From the N Y. Times.
and ''disjointed thinking" among the mem.
bers of Congress during the session, that q
scientific audience is always somewhat sur
prised to find prominent member of that
body showing any very strong appreciation OF
science or a disposition to respect its laws
These were certainly the sentiments of the
very intelligent body who listened to General
Garfelds paper read to the Social Science
Association, upon the ''National Census OF
1870" They had expected that few solid
, facts would be served, garnished by very
frothy syllabub of ''buncombe' and patriotic
oratory. Instead, they listened with surprise
and pleasure to a clear, philosophical ano
practical statement of what the census should
bewhat its present defects were, ando Its vas
|. Importance in a scientific and national psin'
, of view. General Garfield is evidently fami
liar with the improvements in statistical