New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1869-08-06
THE IMPERIAL SURRENDER.

The draft of the Parliamentary reforms IN
France is now matured. 1t accords with Napo-
Icons late message in granting the right OF sell
regulation, the voting of the budget in detail,
the simplifying of the mode OF amendments,
the selection of Ministers from the Chambers,
the submission of tariff notifications, and the
extension of the right to interpellate. The En-
peror and the Legislature will together enjoy
the initiative lin making laws; and the mem
bers of both Chambers will be permitted
to address questions and demands to the Gov
eminent. Amendments will be passed to a
Committee, communicated TO the Government,
returned to the Chamber with remark, and
finally acted upon. A more definite statement
of this provision is to be expected than that
which we have now by Gable, but apparently
the Council of State is deprived Of its sover-
eign right to devour all amendments before they
can be put to the vote, while the Emperor re-
tains sufficient power over the subject to make
the amendment still a matter Of pro-
cess and difficulty. Over aud above
the reforms promised in his late mes
sage the Emperor's new exhibit provides
that Ministers shall be present at debates, and,
though responsible for their acts, can only be
impeached by the Senate. The Senate VIII
have public session, but on motion OF hve
members may be resolved into secrecy We
are advised that the matured decree OF the
Emperor will thoroughly Ordain the relations
which are to exist between the two Chambers
and himself, and will dwell on the transforma-
ton of personal government into liberal empire
He will also reduce taxes and extend education.
These concessions, skillfully checked and bal
anced, as we believe they will further appear,
will not quench the suspicion OF satisfy the de-
sire of France, but they are parts of whole
sale measure of change from an absolute to a
constitutional government. When 1t is remem-
bered that in in 1852 France had no right to
discuss the imperial address, and could but fur
lively venture an opinion on the budget, the ex-
tent of the present concessions may be reckoned.
At that time the Legislature could neither
question ministers nor initiate laws. Even IN
1860 the right of the Legislature went
no further than the discussion of the address,
and the Imperial Government considered 1t
privilege that the Parliament should have its
debates fully printed The reforms now granted
are like tide wave Overwashing many old
abuses.
The Emperor is a shrewd student but has
lost some of his facility of adaptation; his
latest concessions show the awkwardness of
surrender One of his critics speaks of him as
reed painted to look like iron. He
would prefer that the world should regard
him as in the secret with destiny and
in conspiracy with Ievents. We fear that his
last move reveals the imperial CagliOstro, and
shows that France is conscious of fate to
which Louis Napoleon is but circumstance
and an mpertinence. The Emperor, in his
famous letter to NJ. Olivier, declared that he
was restrained from reform neither by nicer
titude nor q vain infatuation for preroga-
"tives,n but from q desire to establish
cat stroke what is called the crown
"ing of the edifce," and to avoid
taking any step which he would have
to retrace He has now made a stroke at last
and though he advertises that personal govern
ment is ended, the ediice is not crowned. Will
he attempt to go backward when France en-
deavors to advance still furtherH