Lamoille newsdealer. [volume] (Hyde Park, Vt.) 1860-1877, 1869-04-27
Number G3
the simple equity Of the case

The plain statement without one word
of exaggeration or aggravation is enough
to exhibit the magnitude Of the national
losses whether from the destruction of our
commerce, or the prolongation of the war.
They stand before us mountain high, with
base broad as the nation, and a mass
stupendous as the nation itself. 1t will
be for wise craftsmanship to determine
how this fearful accumulation, like Pelion
upon Ossa, shall be removed out of
sight. 50 that it shall no longer ovcrshadow
the two countries.
THE RULE OF DAMAGES
Perhaps ought to anticipate al, obiec-
ton from the other side, to the effect that
these national losses, whether from the de-
structlon of our commerce or the prolon-
CATION of the war, are indirect and remote,
so as not to be a just cause of claim. This
is expressed at the common law by the
the rule that "damages must be the natu-
raj and proxma'e consequence of an act"
e Greenleqf En-. p. 2l0) To this ex-
cuse the answer is explicit. The damages
suffered by the United States are two-fold,
individual and national, being in each case
direct and proximate, although in the one
case individuals suffered and in the other
casethe nation. 1t is easy to see that
there may be occasions where, oyertopping
all individual damages, are damages suffer-
ed ny the nation, so that reparatlon to indi-
viduals would be insufficient nor can the
claim Of the nation be questioned simply
because it is large, or because the evidence
with regard to tits different from that in
the case Of an individual. In each case the
damage must be proved by the best posi-
bic evidence, and this is all that law or
reason can require. In the case of the
nation the evidence is historic and that
Is enough. Impartial history will record
the national losses from British interven-
tion, and it is only reasonable that the ev-
idcnce of these losses should not be ex-
cluded from judgment. Because the case
is without precedent, because no nation
ever before received such injury from a
friendly power, this can be no reason why
the case should not be considered on the
evidence.
Shall these claims be liquidated and
cancelled promptly, or allowed to slumber
until called into activity by some future
exigency? There are many among US,
who, taking counsel Of sense of national
wrong, would leave them to rest without
settlement, so as to furnish a precedent
for retaliation in kind, should England
find herself at war. There are many in
England who, taking counsel of perverse
political bigotry, have spurned them abso-
lutely and shere are others who, invoking
the point of honor, assert that England
cannot entertain them without comIromis-,
ing her honor. Thus there is peril from
both sides. IL is not difficult to imagine
one of our countrymen saying with Shaks-'
peare's Jew, 1.-The villainy you teach me
| will execute, and it shall go hard, but
| | will better the Instruction." nor is it
difficult to imagine an Englishman firm
in his conceit, that no apology can be
made and nothing paid. ! cannot sympa.
thize with either side. BE the claims
more or less, they are honestly presented
with the conviction that they are just and
they should be considered candidly, so
that they shall no longer lower ike cloud
ready to burst, upon two nations, which
according to their inclination, can do each
other such infinite injury or such infinite
|. good. / know it is sometimes said that
war between US must come sooner or later.
do not believe it, but if it must come;.
| let it he later, and then | am sure it will
never come. Meanwhile good men must
unite to make it impossible.
Again say, this debate is not of my
r seeking. 1t is not tempting, for il compels
. criticism of . foreign power with which I
, would have more than peace. more even