The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1869-05-18

/ ! nj VIII
y@pahiasa sus sae And sSs. carry
recosction Of the circumstance he had among
services ad % the c. rendering the latter
fortunate brethren peaceful and happy
II is probably wen I, at President Grant has
evinced desire TO hasten the departure of Mr.. Mot
ley Tor his pest at the English Court
The Tone of tho English Press Over Senator
Summers speech.
The London Times for the fourth time opens out
on Mr.. Summers speech This time 1t starts with
revival Of the old cOpperhead argument that Charles
Sumner contributed more than any other man, TO the
war which broke up the Union, and his mode OF
handling political questions acts. as the Times con-
tends, towards q reconciliation OF the two sections
Of the country. The article concludes thus:-
Mir. Summers argument is OF that intuitive sort
which has been common In all the tribunals Of des-
potlsm whether II be Star Chamber or an lnquisi-
tion the court OF Bourbon or Of an Italian pOten
| tale 1t has always been sufficient 70 condemn
man that he should be known TO wish q thing, and
large amount OF sympathy for the Confederate
side In this country and also q large amount
ing display OF materials for q case against The
British government. But there has been, and very
POSSIBLY there wiii be- the very same abundance OF
ment IN respect to our own Irish difficulties. Dir.
sumner, indeed scarcely does full justice to the
| must be admitted that the great majority OF them
| were against his government and his cause Could
iney neip mat eeingr Had they no reason for It
they were wrong, who Is to blame for It'll 1t the
Americans themselves, their most popular organs OF
public opinion, and 1t must be added, the tone OF
their diplomacy. that create the soreness they
complain OF In this country. The Americans have
and the Widest hopes at our Worst dangers Sp ana
disasters, aud whenever the opportunity offered
| they have done someththing more. 1t has always
been evident that politician could calculate on
the support OF the American people, unless he had
done his best TO win some advantage over this
prised at the results 1t Is the British people
generally after being continually threatened with
are TO lend hand did not take very much amiss
the prospect OF similar catastrophe in the states
or visa, Sqtf has pocS 9s DC amt
the question to be decided Is not one Of feeling,
whether English or American. 1t Is question OF
law, and II remains " be shown that the British
government can be held answerable for any insrac-
zion Of law or excess over the ordinary practice Of
both countries In this matter.
The Pau Ndu Gazette OF the the 4th inst. has an
article relative to the Alabama claims controversy.
entitled american Complaints and English SYM
pathlzers,' from which the following extract Is
made
The London Spectator admits and even asserts
that large and influential portion or the English
sympathized warmly with the South; that this feel
ing did and and encourage the secess0nists and en-
from private sympataizers in this country as well
as somewhat "daunted our government In us en-
States and that for this unriendliness Of portion
OF our countrymen the United States may
fairly demand from 81 ENGLAND q frank
conceivable ground are such admissions to he de-
tended, or could such apology be nader 1t is no
torious that throughout the struggle the conduct
our government was as impartial as 1t well could be-
and that where 1t swerved from the strictest impair
Northern side. Our prompt recognition OF the right
Of blockade NOW imputed to us az q crme) was the
greatest possible advantage the North which was
In possession OF an overwhelming naval preponder.
ance over It's enemy. The ammunitlons OF war SUP
Piled Gn defiance Of the Queens proclamasIonl BY
our merchants to both OOmbatants went In tenfold
with British weapons that the Confederates
If they did not exceed the law, in the seizure
OF the rams and, If accidentally tardy In the case OF
ton TO arbitration. They were actively aud most
inhuentialy friendly at the most critical moment of
10 to acknowledge the independence Of the South
"a proposal which, II II had not been repudiated by
US, would have insured very different issue to the
connict-a proposal, by the way, which. botn as to
its initiation and reputation, Mr. Sumner, with de-
liberate uncandor, throughout his entire argument
| ignores.
| For what then, could the English government or
the English nation express regret or OFFER an apollo
gyy What was the head and IrOnt-the sum total
of our offending That portion OF our people
sympathized with portion OF the American people.
Neither more nor less Did the suffering Lancashire
operatives the Impoverished Liverpool merchants,
ruined Manchester manufacturers express any sym
patty with the shareholders any hostility towards
the North Did either House OF Parliament? Did |
any cabinet or government OF either political party
can any single action declaration OF the admins
tration any single despatch OF Secretary state,
any vote OF either LORDS or Commons be pointed 10
as expressing unfriendness to the United States or
anything except grief and pain at the unnatural
civil strifes Did our House OF Representatives.
make the faintest approach In this respect 10 the in
decent votes Of the House OF Representatives at
Washington In the cases OF Cuba OF Ireland OF Hun
garyf In word, anything be alleged against US
quitting aside the questionable Instance OF the Ala
Dama) beyond this-that individual members OF the
Legislature, special Classes OF the community, certain
PRESS, did, In their private capacity, sympatnize
with the beaten causef And for this sin-thls ex-
preston Oh ieeing, strictly Within tnat INDIVIDUAL
except by the most intolerant OF despots-the Eng
lish nation. In its corporate capacity, Is expected 70
atone and to apologize.
The London Standard, o tory organ, Il scared
over Mr.. Chandler's proposition 70 annex Canada,
and speculstes upon the possibility Of Messrs. sum-
ner and Chandler acting IN concert MIR. Sumner
develops the Alabama claims for damages OF almost
impossible magnitude, and Mr.. Chandler points out
way 10 settle the matter without John Bull having
TO put his hands In his breeches pockets and pay
out In hard cash. The Standard thinks that terri.
toria cession is proceeding which 1t IL possible to
contemplate. After drifting along In tins line OF
argument i9Z s2ms time II sums up thus:
The best chance OF averting war which remains 10
us now Is to be secured by letting the Americans
know clearly where our CONCESSIONS will stop and
AIM mat point exactly our peaees9s endurance Of
questions are mixed up with the triple relations
OF England, Canada and the United states that
we OF course would shrink at this stage the pro-
ceedlngs, and while We are In the dark concerning
the manner In which the American government
might advance TO AN attempted annexation Of
! Canada from laying down In advance a definite
scheme OF policy In reference To tue negotiations
with which we are now mensced but certain
| principles stand out clearly enough from all the
compile kites IN which those negotiations eau
possibly become Involved. The theory on which
we mold colonial possessions Ia the present day Is
very unlike that on which they were iirst acquired
| We do not expect any pecunlary advantage from
them now. We have been for long course OF years
accustomed 10 ind that the British taxpayer In ac.
count with the colonial possessions OF the crown rs
! distinctly the loser financially; but, at the same
| time, Goodwin smiths view Of the sublect-that
| England would be better on II she deprived OF
all her possessions abroad and confined within the
limits OF these lsl2ndsiad only 10 be enumerated 60
disgust all classes who were animated by spark
OF chIvar0us or patriotic feeling. Any one colony
taken separately may, perhaps, be an expense to
The mother country. the Qrealuesa urlfsu