The Portland daily press., 1869-12-21
rapidly from foundation to cap-stone. II.

its statements, qualifying his approval
| MIR. Fessenden first took his seat in the Sen
ate OF the United States in 1854, when the
agitation OF the slavery question had nearly
| Ieacned Its elimination. He immediately
| took prominent part in the senatorial dis
| cussiOn on this subject, resisting manfully the
| ag9ressions of the slave power, and rapelled
| with spirit the insolence of its advocates,
| teaching them that they were engaged in a
| conflict in which there were elbows to take as
well as blows to give" 1t was in these dis
| cuSsions that MIR. Fessehden'S talents as a
| ready and torcible debater were most conspic-
| uously displayed, and with all bis reputation
for conservatism, an examination of his record
| will show that in the great contest in which
| slavery was destroyed, while freedom had
fiercer and more violent champions, it had
none steadier, trCer, or more reliable than
| William Pitt Fessenden.
After thorough examination of his Con-
| gressiOnal record, | cannot find where, from
| the beginning to the end of this conflict, from
the abrogaton of The Missouri compromise to
| the last act of reconstruction, he ever yielded
one essential point in favor of slavery. He
was not retormer, not man to attack ex-
| isting evils in the State; but rather inclined
to suffer from them while enduIable than to
disturb the existing forms by which they were
protected. But be resisted all new conces-
siUns to slavery, and when be saw that the
safety of the nation demanded its destruction,
he. aimed to do the work thoroughly and el-
fectvely.
In the debate on the admission of the SEN
| ators from Arkansas in June, 1864, he stated
| the foundation principles which guided the
policy adopted for reconstructing the rebel
| States. This not only illustrates his habits Of
| reflection on questions of public Importance
| long before they arise, but comparison of
| this speech with the report of the Committee
cfrno RI yaI,l
| similarity of thought and purpose, and that
| report has been essentially the basis of this
| great work the most difficult and important
| ever committed to legislative body-whlch
| is now happily near its completion.
Without, according to the common judg-
| ment popular sympathies, and therefore not
| what would be called popular man with the
| people, he was nevertheless six times elected
| TO the Legislature of Maine; once-in 1S40-
| elected to this House from a district in
| which his party was in minority; and was
| three times elected to the Senate of the Uni
| ted States-in 1858. 1859, and in 1865,
| by the unanimous vote of his party in the
State Legislature, a,testing the high apprecia-
tion by the people OF his State ofhis preeninent
| abilities as statesman and of hs sterling
qualities as q man.
| As chairman of the Finance Committee of
| the Senate he took a leading part in shaping
/ the legislation that provided the "sincws OF
war; curing the rebellion, and although his
| natural conservatism often led him to hesitate
| to adopt some OF the financial measures which
| the emergency required, his doubts always
| yielded to the necessities of the case, and he
maintained from the first the rights OF the
| Government to adopt any measures however
| arbitrary to preserve its existence. AT a most
| critical peri I'd OF the war, July 6, 1854, after
| having performed the arluous duties of his
| position in the Senate for nearly eight months,
| Worn down with fatigue and suffering from
| physical exhaustion, he was called by Presi-
| dent Lincoln to the Cabinet as Secretary OF
| the Treasury. And as he expressed himself
| in a letter to friend at that time: SAT what
| ever risk OF health or reputation, am COM
| PEELED to accept. ! dare not take the respons-
| ibility OF declining at such a crisis"
Making no professions as financier, and
| having no particular policy or theories on the
| subject If finance, he had what in such a cri-
| sis was vastly better than either, a character
| to inspire that confidence which is the soul of
| credit, and an abiding faith in the ability and
| determination OF the American people to sus-
| tain their Government. With an apparent
| stagnation in military movements, the people,
| heart-sck with hope deferred" an Army to
| be recruited maintained aud paid; with de-
| mands pressing for payment on an empty
| Treasury, few men ever assumed weiahtier re-
| sponsbilies, and none ever met such more
manfully or discharged them more honestly
| and successfully. He Immediately put him
| self in communication with the capitalists Of
the country by calling meeting OF BANKERS at
| New York, stated TO them in a straightior-
| ward, busnesske manner the financial COLI
| dltioE and needs of the Government, his de-
| sire to gather opinions from al sources and
| listen to advice from any VINO might offer it.
| Although this meeting tended to strengthen
| the confidence Of capt. alists in the new Sec
/ rQto n national credit
was seen IN the immediate decline in gold, 1t
| failed to provide the needed funds. His next
| step was to issue an appeal to the people Of
| the United States, reminding them that it
was their Wal; that they had proclaimed it
| and carried it on thus lar; that If they now
| contributed their money TO continue it the
end was not far distant, as the rebels were
| nearly exhausted. Ii they kept their money
| for speculations and gold gambling they might
make larger immediate incomes tor the tune,
| but they would lose that without which no in
| vestmentS w0uldShave any vaue-the prosper
| ityof our institutions and the safety of the
nation. The response to the appeal was cleo
| tric. Money which had been locked up came
| for h into the market anu the wheels OF trade
began to move aoain. The press of the coun-
| try seconded the efforts of the Secretary with
| its powerful influence, and the $20O,OOO,OO0
| authorized by law were speedily poured into
/ the Treasury.
| Mr.. Fessenden's idea was that the cause
could not be gained unless the people We're
determined to gain it, and an appeal to their
| purses would be the shortest road to ascertain
| the true extent of their energies and deter
| mination. At the beginning of his admins
| traton of the Treasury in July, 1864, gold
| was 27O to 2S0. When in March, 1865, he lett
it to resume his seat in the Senate it had fall
| en- to 1913, and the national credit was cores
| ponIingly improved. l know 1t is said that
| financial success during the war depended up
| on military success, but is it not equally true
| that military success depended upon financial
| success?
| At the period have referred to the former
| followed the latter. 1 have dweit at some
| length upon this brief period in the public life
OF Mr.. Fessenden because have always felt
| that the services he SO quietly and nnostenta.
| tiously rendered the country at this critical
| juncture, had never been duly appreciated, and
also because 1T illustrates particularly his most
| valuable trails OF character; his compie chen
| sive craftsmanship; his unselfsh patriotism,
| the readiness and availability of his powers In
| case of emergency, and his firm, abiding
| faith in the patriotism OF the American peo-
| pie. Holding positions i'll the Government
| which afforded him great opportunities to en-
| rich himself, he was never suspected OF pros
| tituting them to that purpose. With abilities
that would have brought him large wealth in
1 Ills pIOltSSlOu uc gave tltlc W t,tS ociHiSO
| OF his country and lett that service as poor as
/ he entered it.
| l regret to feel that such virtue in public
man calls for special commendation. The
| worst enemy of Mr.. Fessenden never dared 10
question his scrupulous Integrity. He was
indeed Gods noblest work, an honest man.
| lie appeared to regard with supreme indiher-
| ence criticisms ON his public acts, seldom be-
| tray ing any emotions or taking any pains to
correct public opinion when he was assailed,
or his motives misjudeed; yet he was not un-
mindful of the appreciation OF his fellowmen,
but was governed by the conviction that it
could best be permanently secured by deserv-
| ing it.
To say that Mr.. Fessenden had no faults
the frailtes OF humanity; but his faults were
| not OF the meaner but OF the nobler kind,
sand cen his farngs leaned to virtues side"
In manner he was cold, reserved. and some
what aristocratic, communing little with his
fellowmen. His private lie was retired and
unostentatious. He had but few intimate
friends, and shrank almost instinctively from
that general acquaintance and notoriety in
which persons differently constitu ed find de-
light; but for those who did enjoy his conf
dence and esteem, his friendship, though not
demonstrative, was strong and enduring, and
by such he was admired and beloved, and il
was difficult Tor them to understa and how h
could be regarded as cold and selfish. The,
saw in the cold exterior and somewha
proud reserve, manly independence and q
contempt OF meaningless or hypocrltieal pro-
fessions, and beneath it generous ha'u'e
| arrl