New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1869-08-24

complete Parliamentary power. ConsloeIeu ny iuseIi,
and from an English point of view, TINS lh'erpreta
ton is natural They observe that 'ne oenatus
COnsultum is rather an advance on the pioinses OF
the message that the accompanying report IS rather
a liberal than a restrictive explanation OF lts pro-
visOns and that several of these cOncede more lhah
the Interpellants deDitivey asked. As Tor the one
definite demand of their last responsibility OF MINIS
ters-there is n notable undertow of quahncatoh in
that vague article @ which seems to grant H. then
reject it. But this, to the practical Engshen' Is
practically granting it, And certain liberal Con
servatves here whose ideal of free government Is
parliamentary one are ready, or were ready three
days ago. to agree in this English opinion, that the
Senatus Consultum is If not all that could DO
wished an instrument for surely obtaining all
that can be desired in the way of political freedom
Other French liberals object that the only two par
ties who can use this instrument are the Govern
ment that has fashioned and the Legislative BODY
the majority of whose members were its candidates.
and are rather its representatives than representa-
tives of the people. And they note that Government
keeps hold of the handle. To make this parma
nentary reform surprising it is honestly intended 10
be one an effective instrument of political reform IN
truly liberal sense it ought to have been lnitated
by at least concurrent parliamentary deberauon,
instead of by propagation of the Chamber; ana IL
needs to be complemented, first by the restoration
to the communes of their right to choose ther
mayors and then by new general electOnsfTeed DIOR
fetal canddatures and administrative pressure, 10
this class of observers the privileges Win WIlch
il is proposed close the officially chosen memoeIs
of the legislative and Governmentappolnted mem
bers of the Senate look only ike glafDg patcns5 Oh
imperial purple sewed on 10 those old bodies: lney
fear that they will serve neither for woIK-9day
wear nor yet to rend the old garments.
Al H., l,eto han
been standing at per force for many years andhat
gentlemen commentators of the English press on
their free ground make so small account Ol-aH
measures of reform initiated by Government are
clouded with suspicion Looking up from the WORDS
of the Senatus Consultum, they see it surrounded
Overhung. befogged IN Its best Interpretation py
facts heavy with dark doubt. ...
They see the men who for years have been urglhS
the reforms now promised, who finally eucceedtu'
when backed by three million popular VOlceS; III
forcing the verbal promise from Napoleons unWllhB
lips excluded from even consultative dellbeTauOn on
even their verbal form Of expression They see tha
the formal changes OF Ministry was only a stage
change a rue. and the mOmentary pleasure OF nope
with which they saw Minister Rouher eat l.. u. trom
the ministry proved mere pleasure OF lmaglnau9n'
he suddenly Teappearlng, misery OF memory; H. ~
as presiding officer of the Senate Meantime he had
been constantly acting as irresponsible editor OF the
Senatus COnsultum Taken al its best Interpretation
il is the attest contradiction Of all that NJ Rouher
has been facetousy pleased 10 style his principles
for the past eighteen years In defense Of these pn
ciples in attack OF any and every mIdest proposition
of most moderate reform breaking out from the third
party when itself in the terminating state, De
applied 10 exhaustion all his extraordinary talent OF
elOquence, all his acumen aud argumentatlye power
as practiced advocate, all his sham enthusiasm Of
sham conviction all his fierce invectve, all his sham
magnificent really immensely clever lmtationl
bursts of sham indignation. / say " exhausted,
and all" No. NJ Rouher's inaugural
as President of the Senate proves that bis
previous exuberant OUTLAWS have in essential de-
gree diminished his stock of convictions, principles
sincerity sefsgned certificates OF hls favOrlte qua
% y opA hove all o4
ready hired advocate eloquence. And 1t Is this man
who in virtue OF his office, not only pTesldes over
but 20 an aamngly considerable degree, can guide
and shape the deliberations ami the conclusions of
the Senate body which of itself. and by the very
essence Of its composition, ~ aged, tmld, behind
hand and Tr0lutoHdriIy conseryatye-ln respect OF
this Senatus COnsultum, whose vague Liberalism OF
text offers these timd old men their last chance OF
checking back its vague but fearful spirit OF liberal
ism.
What resistance this man can offer 10 ", whai tllce
way that man would make for ~ Is, IN It's inevitable
lonV-un forward comparatively OF small account
Positively let the pOOr-Tesistant or fayoTng Ittle
human individual be LOUIS BOnaparte hOuheT, far-
aho Raspai OF other chance representative celebT-
ty. his accidental luck Is OF iormdaDy sghlncaht ac-
one Of the greatest-largely considered perhaps,
the greatest-Of the many harms Louis Napoleon
has made himself culpabe OF toward the French
neople and for which disntercsted philosophical
historians of the Goth century Will call ms memory
to account is his encouragement Of their natural
Gallo ATTN weakness Tor confusing WOIuh anu
things the names of men with principles. 1t should
be kept in mind for his excuse that ne has only used
in his selfish interest exceptional opportunities for
exploiting that common ground OF natlOnaI weak
ness IL is painful for one whom eighteen years resi-
dence in France has taught TO IKE, love, respect,
its people, 10 note how still SO many OF the best adj
yanced of them confuse principles "a word they
are specially fond of with individual humans who,
accidentally and temporarily, are the more or less
faithful representatives of them. And more painful
than this though in the same kind of error Tor what
seems IN he error TO an AmerCanl, how they
found verbal formulas what they style the logic
of principles" with principles 10 ask some OF these
men not TO hate Louis NapOleOn-whch, to be sure Is
asking a good deal from human nature and men
who in their own persons or that OF their dearest
friends and relatives, have been lnqutously peTse
cuted and tortured with fine Punishment lmprlson'
ment and nameless constant maltreatments in his
personal name, by his immediate agents OF by
strained application of bad laws OF ms begetting-
this is to ask great thing surely. But II remains
sadness all the same to see how they ready to sacr
fee their fortunes lives reputation. all 10 their idea
of the good Of the cOuntTy-famous humanltarlans
withal, most OF them-are hopelessly incapable OF
sacrificing their personal passion too Justly excited
against this Imperial man.
On his side he clngs childishy TO his pet bauble
of personality. He gves il up and he does not give
il up Scared by that minority opposition vote of
three-and- a-half millions; too intelligent not TO
recognize that the thin partition OF 10000 which
separated il from majority Is leyen numerically
less than the utterly unsubstantia worthless, time
serving contingent which Government IS sure OF
80 long as it exists, and which is sure to turn to
any succeeding Government: intelligenty con-
scious-thongh something late-Of the bearings
and Interior meanings of the triumphant
result of the struggle of the American
republican union of the people with the terribly for
midable aristocratic rebellion, which he had fos-
tered and favored TO its utmost long there
remained barest chance of its success; raised by
innate HOllandish parental temperament, and then
NV the culture of experimental observation in free
Syitzerland and America, and England, let alone
wears of quiet and faithful meditation in Ham TO
larger higher more philosophical sphere OF political
thGnght than merely clever, hOme-bred men
like Billault or ROuher, whose universe is
France can by possibility monnt to:-he lLOuis Ma
poieonl having all these advantages of temperament
and wide experience over his servceable ministers,
has, whether debauched by them or weakened by