The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-06-24

by referring it to an umpire II the present
British Government is not satisfied Of the ex-
istence of that responsibility, let it take time
TO make up its mind regarding it, We, mean
while, do nothntend TO run any risk of deci-
sion against us on this point
How is it on the other side of the water
Do Englishmen cling to the key-point of the
discussion with tenacity equally certain and
equally universal ? II they do then, rs we
have said, goodbye to pacific settlement.
But they do not so cling to it. On the con-
trary, a large body of Englshmen admit a
national responsibility for the Alabama's
career. For example, we see evidences of
sucn consentaneousness in the British press
There is, it is true, difference of opinion
amongst British journals in this matter, Just
as there is amongst our own-and, indeed, it
is amusing TO note how patronizingly the
former speak of 0ur inconsistencies, when
they themselves are quite as much at variance
so easy is it to see the mote in brothers
eye, and 50 hard to note the beam in one S
own. Nevertheless, as q aobOJe, the British
press agree on this particular point-and an
essential one it is-that the specific damages
caused by the Alabama should be paid by their
Govemmenta ..
We admit that this is an utterance of the
unofficial sentiment of the British people, as
against the official sentiment promulgated
that the latter is directly opposed to the for
mer, and has thus far never conceded re-
sponsibility for specific Alabama damages
Indeed, there never was a livelier illustration
than at this moment of the wide difference
between unofficial national force, as repre-
sented in the British press, and official ma
honal force, as embodied in the British Gov
ernment-the former is but the monstrous
force of bound giant, till it actually seizes
on 10 ba Of ortb tbala tbo
attitude of the British press is encouraging,
though it is ndtjORdL sentiment in Great Bri-
tain that must settle this great problem,
sooner or later; and the only question is,
which is likelier to be the mouthpiece of
public opinion, the true organ of national
purpose-the press or any special Cabinet
We believe the former represents the rea
potential British opinion.
Now, the London press has for months
| been urging-or, rather, hinting--a course
! which would satisfy America without compro
missing English national honor. This course
is to pay the specific Alabama claims. We
| could cite indications of willingness to settle
! the matter in this way from half a dozer
leading English iournals-and yet it is some
thing which has never occurred to tn,
! British Government to officially propose
4 The latter will discuss and ''arbitrate' til
the crack of doom; but at the mention of the
| Simple WOru pNy OHcldl dignity reNOUS-
''base is the slave that pays" On the othel
hand, what we in America desire to get a
is, not arbitration-save for settling accounts
after admitting original responsibilities-but
payment.
What we have demanded of the British
Government is in word simply to follow
the suggestions of distinguished public mer
among it's own people. When once it makes
up its mind (and nobody here urges haste il
its deliberation) that the Alabama was essen
TALLY British ship, and not Confederate
having never entered Confederate port, i
will be prepared to assume the proper respon
sibility for its specific outrages All after
that is of easy settlement; for ten lines u
a diplomatic despatch or ten words in tn,
preamble of protocol, would sufficiently set
tie that difficulty without derogation from the
dignity Of either party.