New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1869-09-16
PRINCE NAPOLEON.

of subiugating Mexico and oncnding tiie Oht-
ted States. the oracle known IA Prince Napo-
leon has been seldom heard aloud. 1t would
he wonderful however. if a BOnaparte could do
az the Beurbons have done, and pass through
a long silence without learning great deal ana
forgetting nothing. Prince Plon-Plon. though
content to seem an appendage OF the Empire
is not mere appurtenance OF Its Emperor.
As the Bonapartes go, he is the best, ana
among Frenchmen eligible for rule ana
for public affairs his position, character,
and talents make him extraordinary. lis Sd
pocity Mt times has rendered him very falr
time-piece to the Empire, only the minute
hand was too fast lie impersonates as much
of conscience rs can be entertained in blood
relation to a French dynasty. The Prince Is
a thinker, student, a man OF some
reyeries and few deeds. lie careers
about France now and then like lame and
lazy eagle. Seemingly he is Bonaparte out
of work, or an imperial cadet growing gray
though as yet but forty -seyen years of age
and. as he himself says, almost the youngest
member of the French Senate. The Prince has
eccentricites, tastes, and accomplishments; hels
an orator, and, moro than that, he Is states
man. Were the Emperor, who may now he
described as seriously recovered. lying at the
point of death. perhaps the royal opportunity
would arrive for this unemployed Bonaparte--
n task of Regency in connection with queen
who ia attached to her confessor, and who ia
supposed not to know how TO govern.
Elsewhere we give the Princes late speech
We differ with those who treat 1t as in"neqhate
10 the sensation it created It was MADE 10
body Of conscrpt fogies TO whom 'he
Prince had the frankness, we will not say
the boldness, 10 utter truths win
which all but the Senatorial hrelings of
his Majesty are familiar, but stimulating
truths nevertheless He argued III the face oil
some OF their own fears that the Scnatus Con
sultum was not an experiment, and announced
that though liberty may be for while
ecljpsed. it is the light TO which all
civilized nations tend and perhaps it was with
covert sarcasm that he hoped he might class
France with civilized nations. He said that
after Napoleon's return from Elba he was
thorough convert to Constitutional principles
as indeed, lie should have been if he was not.
"You will ruin pretenders," he said "by grant
ing liberty, but give them a chance if you
withhold it" and then the Prince uttered a
sentiment which reminds us of his love Of the
Dnc HtS: lllDcIlf IL u
human it is like the beautiful in its unity
Opposition, he thinks, is the salt which gives
SAVIOR to political food. \ witty statesman once
said that you may do anything with bayonets
but sit down upon them; and the Prince adds
"You may do anything with despotism except
make it lastw He objects 10 pleLsctum,
believing that the Government has been more
effective and expeditions in a Senatus COnsultum
He CONSTITUTES the amnesty rs n certain pledge
for the future He desires to see the Senae
stripped Of its excrescence Of power and made
proper legislative body. Not being acclb
toned to deal tenderly with what he condemns,
the Prince considers the institution of the Sd-
atus Consultum as sometimes ridiculous, AID
the fact that the Senate may act legislativdy
during a six months propagation of the Cops
Legislatif, and even vote the budget as
simply monstrous. This power is fright
"ful," calmly observes the Prince. lie wo-
ceeds to say that the Senate's exclusive prvi
lege to discuss the Constitution--so plainly
violated in the late Interpolation of ZIG deIl-
ties, ought to be abolished lie desires an ia
crease in the number of deputies, and wants
to see the circumscrptions fixed otherwise than
by imperial decree, to the ruin Of gerrymand
ering. Furthermore he thinks the Mayors
should be elected by Municipal Councils, and
quotes from talk he had with peasant in
proof. "By and by" he says, when, as
inevitably must be the case, you come to
discuss the repeal of the Law of Public
Safety, of Art. rs of the Constitution of the
year VIII, of the administration of the City
" of Paris, of the relations between Church
"and State, and new laws Oh primary
"and gratuitOus instruction, liberty of supe-
"riOr instruction, decentralization, indi-
"vidual liberty, and real economy, then
:" the great battle will Gomez Thus much
for the Princes prospectus of reform, to which
few Frenchmen will object on grounds of lib
erality. The Princes best sentence is, we think,
directed at tue Emperor. and the phantom of
responsibility THE Emperors responsibility
is something vague and superior, high up in
Clouds and mists-I will not attempt to de-
fine it; ADLER men than have renounced the
task. AS have already said, his RESPONSE
"bility may show itself at given moment by
Invoking plebiscitnm. But, besides this, the
"Emperor's responsibility is generous I quite
understand the feeling which leads him to
"cling to this responsibility. 1t is something
superb, but not very palpable, and not very
"useful' Here is a fine cyncism, delicate as
tho blade OF Saladin. and proof positive that