The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-09-13
THE COLONIES AND THE EMprRE.

colonial Governments III reference ito the pre-
sent state of relations between the mother
country and her colonies AT all events
their circular letter both deserves and is GER
tain to receive full consideration on its own
merits. 1t refers to a question which is likely
to become increasingly urgent, but to which
it is extremely difficult to give an answer
which shall be at once positive and sat
isfactory The truth is, our colonial en-
pire is an anomaly. 1t has been the
growth of chance, not of design, and
as it cannot be accounted for on any intelll-
gible principle, it does not easily lend itself
to any uniform theory of administration. For
a long time the colonies have been governed
after a hand -to-mouth fashion which has been
found to answer toerably well. The colon
lists have been left to manage their own affairs
in their own way until by their own or other
peoples mismanagement they have found
themselves in difficulties. Then we have
come forward and helped them, and as the
aid they want has usually been military, we
have found it more convenient to maintain
permanent colonial garrisons than to send
soldiers to the other end of the world at
moments notice. Englishmen are
so patient of Inconsistencies, so posi-
lively suspicious in many cases of political
theory which runs on all fours, that this state
of things has caused them no discomfort If
such an arrangement can escape questioning,
it may rub on for many years without much
inconvenience, but the course of events both
in England and in the colonies no longer
allows it to escape questioning. Growing eX-
penditure on the one hand, and growing in
dependence on the other are forcing us to
construct a system of colonial government
which can be acted on and defended. In a
tentative sort of way the Colonial Office has
lately been trying its hand at this work The
immediate occasion has been the outbreak of
another Maori war in New Zealand, but the
principle which dictated the now famous des-
patch of the DIST of March, 1869, is plainly
applicable to so many cases that it rises to
the level of a general law. Lord Granville
declined to guarantee fresh New Zealand
loan because $50 far as there is any equita-
BILE claim remaining unsettled, it is not
a claim on the part of New Zealand against
Great Britain, but the reverse and in sup
port of this statement he maintains that ''the
Imperial Government have not transferred to
the colony any obligation whatever, that ''all
the Imperial expenditure on the colony has
been for the benefit of the colOnists, and
that ''no part of the colonial expenditure has
| been in any degree for the benefit of the
mother country AS to all our important
colonies the Home Government has ceased to
interfere in their administration or to dictate
| their expenditure. In every other case where
| the State confers benefits it claims an equiva-
lent of some kind, and the Government of the
colonies is no longer to constitute the solitary
! exception to this rule.
We do not wonder that this doctrine has
carried dismay to some colonies and given
| food for reflection to all. The letter which
| has suggested our remarks says truly enOagh
| that ''the disclosure of such policy opens a
new view of the relations of the mother coun-
try towards them" Strictly speaking, per-
haps, it is not anew view, for the word new
seems to imply that some other and contrary
view has been taken previously, whereas we
should be inclined to say that this is the first
time the Colonial Office has formulated any
distinct view at all. 1t is obvious that rigid
adherence to the policy laid down by Lord
Granville will considerably alter the re-
lation of the colonies to Great Bri-
tain, and it is very reasonable that
some opportunity should be given to those
most directly affected by the change of COM
municating with each other and with the
Home Government upon the points on which
the Colonial Office and the colonies seem to
| be at issue. A conference of colonial repre-
sentatives to meet in London about February
| is probably as good a scheme as can be de-
vised of supplying this want Up to this
i point, therefore, we are quite at one with
Messrs. Youl, Sewell, and Blaine. SO far as
any indications of the doctrines likely to find
favor with such a conference can be gathered
after be much less easy to agree with them
To begin with, we discaim their description
of the new policy. ''It appears, they say,
'to be this, that, except to the extent OF
partial protection in case of foreign wal
with civilized powers, the mother country re-
cognizes no responsibility for the welfare ol
safety" of the colonies, ''nor any obligation tC
help them, even in circumstances of grea
danger and pressing need. We object alto
gether to this parenthetical reference to
very great gift. The writer's of this lettel
have apparently never asked themselves wha
would be the position of the colonies of Grea
Britain, supposing them to be declared indie
pendent. 1t is not too much to say, as regard
several of them, that independence would b
merely the prelude to subiection. Even witt
all the strength derivable from confedera
ton, Canada would stand no chance the mex
time an annexation policy became popular il
the United States. A war with England is
serious matter and the idea of it is S
unpalatable to most thinking Americans tina
the annexation cry is certain to get dis
couraged whenever there is any attempt t
raise it. If once this consequence is dissC
ciated from the seizure of Canada. a very in
portant obstacle would be removed. No othe
> colony stands in quite the same position wit
= respect to its neighbors, but Jamaica migl
| also have attractions for the United States
: and it is by no means certain that some FL
D ropean power may not hereafter find it MOI
: profitable to conquer a ready y-made colon
n than to found a new one, or to put up wit
d having no outlet for the superhuous enero
of its people. At all events, these possibil
II ties would have to be guarded against by IL
ata1 fhn,y ho1