The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1869-01-23

The House being in the Committee Of the
| Whole on the state of the Union
Mr. CARY said:
Mr.. CHAIRMAN: Being indebted for my
place in this House TO the workingmen Of my
district, ii 10 both my privilege and my du-
| " to present the views Of those whom
have the honor to reEresent--a privilege be-
cause | am proud Of my constituency, and
duty the more imperative because | am
the only representative elected in the di
tinctive interest of the industrial classes in
dependent Of party politics.
Who are these woIkingmen who are
claiming TO be q political power, and What
are the wrongs Of which they complain,
rendering combination on their part neces-
sary or desirable ? In our definition of
vorkingmeu We embrace all who are engsg-
ed in productive industry; sll who are in
good faith obeying the Divine decree by
eating bread in the sweat Of their own faces,
and not living upon the honest earnings Of
others. Not those ofly who open up and
cultivate farms, build cities, construct rail
roads, and toll in workshops, but those, also,
who by i, telleetuAl labor extract the princi-
pies OF science from the great arcana Of ma
ture, and give them practical form Of art
and direct the hand of industry, In short,
every human being who, by physical or in
telectual labor, contributes to the substan-
tial wealth OF the nation and aids in max
ing ''the wilderness and solitary place bios
som like the rose."
Those who sent me bere and multiplied
thousands Of others in sympathy with them
believe that tor much Of our legislation,
State and national, 10 in the direct interest
OF capital; that the grasplng and unsuitable
demands Of the money power secure improp-
or advantages over the laboring classes !;
that The interests Of the toiliDg millions are
subordlnaGed TO those Of the few who poss-
eos wealth. The great majority Of our work
ingmen are poor, and however provident
they may be, unless they engage in some
scheme Of speculation by which they can
appropriate to themselves the earnings of
others, they live and die poor. There is
something wrong wbenss honest, persevering,
patient industry, with temperance, frugality,
and economy, brings nothing but scanty
subsistence. believe with just and equal
laws lmpartially administered. the sons aud
daughters Of toll would receive . share OF
their productions beyond Q mesger living.
Il Is . matter Of common observation that
the rich are rapidly increasing in wealth,
while The poor are as speedily becoming
more abject. How is this Anti-republican
tendency Of things 70 be arrested, or shall
we 20 backward and downward until the
industrious poor become the mere vassals
of . bloated aristocEacyf
The great and good Lincoln truthfully
said:
"Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could
never have existed If labor had not first existed.
Labor 10 the superio. Of capital, and deserves
much the higher confederation"
He said Of workingmen:
"Let them beware of surresdsHag political
power which they already possess, and which,
II surrendered, will surely be used 70 close the
door Of advsbSement against such 20 they, and
20 hx new disabi!sies upon theIa until all ol
liberty be lost
These wise words Of ore Of the nobless
men IN human history should Ae needed BY
those in whose behalf they were SPOKEN.
The tendency Of capital 70 70 centrslize,
monopelize, and control, and ~ money ID
power, its exactions are responded 10 by
legislators. That capital should own labor
was the ioundation on which the advocates
Of Aisicsn slavery based their theory of q
perfect social organisation. They asserted
that TO attain high Christian civilization
there must be privileged class, supported
BY the sweat and toll Of others. Senator
Hammond, Of South Carolina, wAs feaSless
and able advocate Of this doctrine. 10 q
speech Of great force and power ne made
some structures on northern society, which
are quit suggestive. In speaking Of ths
labcseFs of the North he ehafactsrized them
Is "white slaves snd.the mudsills Of society
who perform the drudgeTy Of life, which 70
quires but low order Of intellect end bu
little skill, its chief requisites being viror
docility, fidelity" he says:
Il ssThat class you must have, or you win no
have that other class which leads progress
civilization and refinement. Il constitutes tn
!, mudsill Of society aud Of polisicai government
and you might a. well attempt 70 build . hons
In the air az 60 build either the one on the oshe
IexceUt on this mudsil We do not think tha
whites should be slases either By law Or ueees
ity. Our slaves are bIsck, Of another and In
: fefior race yours are white, Of y0nr own rnol
Yoa ere bfothes of one bloed they are you
n sQnals in natural endewmant of intsllect- en-
they feel CALLED b. their degradseioa. o.
, slaves do nos vote; ne give Them no polifies
4 power. Yours do vote, and are the deposits
{ mes Of al Jour political power. II thsy kns'
the tremendous secret that the bsIletbox
stronger than any army and wcuId combin,
vtsre would 1es b : Year soeiey would !
reconssrucfe&r
Tbis spssch contains v.Insbls isssoa |
]. .As hborsrs y she nation. BY NE simpl
llogic Of essnta b. the ovwthrow u Aff,sa
slavery, b. unequal tax laws, hy ths esiei
lwhme7t q monepoIlsss hy She granfine