The Hawaiian gazette. [volume] (Honolulu [Oahu, Hawaii]) 1865-1918, 1869-06-09

/ ellcT ~ CArCluliN (0tu lllltCts Gu0 W tONANW
the whole subject III failed to ind what
we had Alright TO expect, and II the just claims
OF our country assumed unexpected propor-
tions, 1t was not because would bear hard
on England, but because wish most sincere
ly to remove all possibility Of strife, between
our two countries, and II is evident that this
can be done only BY first ascertaining the ma
ture and extent of difference. In this spirit
have spoken to-day. II the case against
England Is strong, aud II our claims are un-
precedented in magnitude, II Is only because
the conduct Of this Power at trying period
was most uufriendly, and the injurious conse-
qnenees Of this conduct were on scale cor
responding to the theater of action. Life aud
property were both swallowed up, leaving
behind a deep-seated sense Of enormous
wrong, as vet unatoned and even nnae-
knowledged, which Is one of the chief factors
/ In the problem now presented to the statesmen
Of both countries. The attempt TO close this
l great International debate without complete
settlement is little short Of puerile- Win
the lapse of time and with minute considera-
ton the case against England becomes more
! grave, not only from the questions OF inter
national responsibility which II Involves,
but from better comprehension OF the dam
ages which are seen now In their true proper
tions. During the war and for some time
thereafter it was impossible to state them.
The mass Of = mountain cannot be measured
at its base The observer must occupy GER
tain distance, aud this rule Of perspective Is
| justly applicable TO damages which are vast
beyond precedent A few dates will show
the progress of the controversy and how the
case enlarged. Goiug as far back as Novem-
Der 70, 1862, We lind our Minister in London,
Mr.. Adams, calling for redress from the Brit
ish Government on account of the 4laband.
! This was the mild beginning. On the Esd
October, 1865, in another communication the
same Minister suggested TO the British Gov
eminent "any fair and equitable form arbi-
trament or reference This proposition
slumbered In the British Foreign Otfice for
nearly two years, during which the Alabama
was pursuing her piratical career, when, on
August S0th, 1865, 1t was awakened by Lord
Russell, only to be knocked down in these
words:
ain your letter of October 2S, 1868, yon
were pleased to say thar the Government of
the United s,, STATE; Is ready to agree to any
Her Majesty Government must, therefore,
decline either TO make reparation and COM
pensation for the captures made by the Ala
6and, or to refer the question to any foreign
States"
Such was our repulse from England, having
at least the merit Of frankness, If nothing else
On nth October, 1865. our Minister informed
Lord Russell that the United States had final
ly resolved TO make no effort for arbitration.
Again the whole question slumbered until
eth August, 1896, when Seward presented
list ofindividual claims on account of the pi-
rate Alabama. From that time negotiation has
continued with ups and downs, nutil at last
the pending treaty was signed. Had the early
overtures Of our Government been prompt
ly accepted, or had there been at any time
just recognition of the wrong done, doubt
not that this question would have been set
fIa1. huf ha rafa of asNda 60
propositions and the protracted delay, which
afforded an opportunity to review the case
in its different bearings, have awakened the
people to the magnitude of the interest in-
volved. If our demands are larger row than
at onr first call, 1t is not the only time in
history where such a rise has occurred. The
story of the SIbyl is repeated, and EDglandi Is
the Roman King. Shall these claims be
liquidated and cancelled promptly, or allowed
TO slumber until called into activity by some
future exigency? There are many among us
who, taking counsel of q sense of national
wrong, would leave them to rest without set
tlement, so as to furnish a precedent for re-
taliation in kind, should England find herself
at war. There are many in England who,
taking counsel of a perverse political tigotry,
have spurned them absolutely; and there are
Others who, invoking the point of honor, as
sert that England cannot entertain them with
out compromising her honor Thus there is
peril from both sides. 1t is not difficult to
imagine one of our countrymen saying with
Shakespeare's jew, "The villany You teach
me will execute, and it shall go hard, but
will better the Instruction." nor is it difficult
to imagine an EngIishman firm In his con-
ceit, that no apology can be made aud moth
ing paid. | cannot sympathise with either
side. Be the claims more or less, they are
honestly presented, with the conviction that
they are just and they should be considered
candidly, so that they shall no longer lower
like a cloud ready to burst upon two nations,
which, according to their fnclinations, can
do each other such infinite injury or
such infinite good. / know il is some
times said that war must come sooner or
later. / do not believe ii. But if it must
come let it come later, and then am sure
il will never come Meanwhile good men
must unite to make it impossible.
Again, / say this debate is not of nv seek
ing Il is not tempting, for 1t compels criti-
cism of a foreign Power with which would
have more than peace, more even than con-
cord. Bat it cannot be avoided. The truth
must be told, not in anger, but in sadness
England has done TO the United States an in
Jury most difficult to measure. Considering,
when il was done and in what completely IL
is most unaecountable. At great epoch of
history no less momentous than that of the
French Revolution or that of the Reformation,
Wnen ciVlllzatlOn was nghting last Oaltlo
with slavery, England gave her name, her in
fuence, her material resources to the wicked
cause, and flung sword into the scale with
slavery. Here was portentous mistake
Strange that the land OF Wilberforce, after
spending millions for emancipation, after
proclaiming everywhere, the truths of liber-
ty. and ascending to glorious primacy in the
sublime movement for the universal aBoli-
tion of slavery, could do this thingl Like
H.. rsfr -
good neighborhood, her conduct was perni-
cious in proportion to the scale of operations,
affecting individuals, corporations, commu-
mites, and the nation itself And yet down
to this day there Is no acknowledgment Of
this wrong-not single word. Such gene
rous expression would be the beginning Of
Just settlement, and the best assurance Of
that harmony between two great and kindred
nations which all must desire.