New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1869-02-22

of British subjects for losses uurine 'ho "'
and what not and the whole batch are 10 DO
settled as regards the question OF liability ana
amount. by a Joint commission with an umpire
chosen by a toss of q penny or friendly
I" soyereign.n Gen. Grant takes different view
of the matter, and declines to regard the value
of our merchantmen which were burned ana
sunk by the corsair- ships OF England Us 'ne
| full measure of the damages inhicteu upon
America by the wrongful poncy ol cno
English Government. In this We" the
fairest and most thoughtful OF MS cOun-
trymen unhesitatingly concur. Even Ihe Nep-
| York Times. which declared 1t TO DO
ON duty and our interest to confirm Mr.. Rev
| erdy Johnson's treaty, admits that ID un-
doubtedly true that the facilities aiorueu .n1
"Rebels in English ports created the heoe,
navy; that but for that the Rebels Wouiu
have had no privateers afloat to prey upon
" Our commerce, and our civil war would nave
Tended at least year sooner than 1t did'"
| The Times in this is perfectly correct; but from
this sound premise it proceeds to deduce the
| curiously illogical conclusion that the Senate
| sbonld declare war or confirm the treaty. The
right 70 declare war is one thing, the duty OF
| declaring il il quite another; and when there
is reasonable prospect of obtaining repara-
| ton without war, an unnecessary declaration
of war would be at once blunder ana
| crime. and especially would this be 80 In the
case of England and America, which are closely
allied by kindred blood, one language, an lden-
tity of interest and common heritage Oh
| freedom.
Take the facts which The Times declares to be
undoubtedly true, and admit the largeness OF
the reparation due to us from England, not
simply for few ships burned. but for our
national rights trampled upon; our national
honor wounded; our commerce destroyed; our
war, with its sorrows, prolonged; the graves OF
our heroes multiplied the burden OF our DEBT
largely increased. Is it clear that the people
and the Government of England will not be
ready and anxious to offer all the reparation
which America could askf
Look at the position in which England finds
! herself placed in reference to her national In
| tegrity and the safety of her commerce, by haV-
ing discarded in her conduct toward us, those
| PRINCIPLES of international courtesy and neu-
tralty which America had practiced from the
days of Washington, and by having substituted IN
| their stead the precedent of the Alabama ana
the judicial ruling in the case OF tho Alex
andra.
| Mr. Adams, at the time, remarked that while
the United States executed the law so as to
make it good, Great Britain practically inyall-
dated the law, by raising judicial construction
which annulledits own statute, and that America
must withdraw her remedy so Far at least as
it might apply to Great Britain, and he added:
of the latter country be content to abide this Arrange
men not that should be he GrSt 70 complain
In the long she has quite as much 10 1866 ny lax o
| aity on the ocean as any nation
The same idea seems to have occurred with
| equal force to Lord Clarendon when he assured
| Sir Frederick Bruce that he could not exagger-
ate the Importance attached by Her Majestys
| Government to the joint amendment of the In
| ternational Code. Lord Clarendon's own YER
sion of his conversation with Mr.. Adams Is
also suggestive. He says;
asked Mr. Adams whether i would not be both nae,
u and practical 90 let by be by Cones forget
past aud turn the Lessons o. 70 .a
hc1e aware Of the defects that existed
law and thought 10 would greatly redonnd 70 tne honor
tempt the improvements in that code which had oeen
| proved necessary.
The necessity of improving the code strikes
England more forcby now than it did in the
days of the Alabama, when member OF Par
| lament, amid the cheers OF his associates
made war on his own account against friendly
nation The reluctance then felt to change the
| law of England has given place to an anxiety
that cannot be exaggerated
The Importance of the work proposed by
Lord Clarendon Of revising and defining tho
Code of Neutral Rights and Duties is cordially
recognized on this side of the water. The
commerce of the world demands such revi-
in I'd IN
the sale of war vessels, the fitting out of pri-
vateers for a belligerent, the furnishing Of
transports, the enlistment of soldiers and sail
ors with the amplest powers TO the National
Executive and his subordinates, Custom House
Collectors and District Attorneys, to stop sus-
pected vessels with provisions for the punish
ment of all infractions of neutrality by the
Courts of Admiralty, and the recovery of pecu-
MARY damages against the owners of vessel
by all parties suffering from her acts, and the
forbidding of the hospitality of ports to vessels
| fitted out in violation of neutrality, or to cor
sair ships that burn their prizes provisions for
facilitating the restoration of prizes illegally
captured, and such other provisions as may be
proper for making the Law of Nations living
letter, and perfecting the municipal machinery
that is to render it effective.
Lord Clarendon's account Of his conversation
with Mr.. Adams thus proceeds:
at possible added, that the wounds inflicted by
the still too recent. and that the iw toward
England still too rife. TO render such undertaking
practicable ut the present moments but IL which
ought 70 be borne In MIND aud that was earnestly de-
sired by Her MJestys Government, means Of pro-
noting peace aud abatlg tho horrors OF war; and
work. therefore, which would be worthy OF the civza-
ton Of age. and which would ene tho governments
| which achieved II to the gratitude Of mankind"
Lord Clarendon was undoubtedly right in
believing that for the accomplishment of such