The New York herald., 1869-05-06

mission with certain specific instructions by
which his official conduct in Great Britain will
be guided; that these Instructions will be
based on the general views of the Alabama
claims set forth in Senator Summers late clear,
comprehensive and trenchant speech on the
subject De covering the American ultimatum;
but that there is to be no particular hurry in
reopening negotiations inasmuch as the ad-
ministration holds the opinion that nothing
will be lost on our side by delay. The British
government, it is thought, will grow mellow
toward us on the subject with little time for
cool reflection, and that by next Christmas
the views of her Majesty's Cabinet, with the
public opinion of Great Britain, will undergoa a
considerable reaction on this matter. Mr..
Motley is not to lose sight of public opinion
at home, but will seek the most favorable occa-
sions in England upon which to submit and
press his little bill.
This looks like peace, which is devoutly to
be wished; but too sanguine, we fear, are the
expectations of Mr.. Fish touching British
reaction from the Johnson-Stanley treaty to
the ultimatum of Senator Sumner. The
chasm is too wide and deep to be bridged over
with diplomatic trestlework in the interval to
next Christmas. The concessions and indem-
mites required by Senator Sumner from Eng
land are such that if presented as an ulti-
matum she will gain all the time she can by
ingenious evasions and delays. But this treat
ment cannot be long continued without pro-
voking the Intervention of Congress The
two houses will, in the regular order of things,
reassemble at Washington on the first Monday
in December next On the next day the Presi-
dents annual message on our foreign and
domestic affairs will be laid before the two
houses In reference to the Alabama claims it
will probably read somewhat after this
fashion :-'The negotiations reopened with
England on the so-called Alabama claims
are still progressing, with an encouraging
prospect of an amicable and satisfactory set
tlemeut." But if nothing more specific or
satisfactory than this shall come from the
President a resolution calling for Mr.. Mot
ley's correspondence will be the next thing in
order, and after this the next proceeding may
be joint resolution calling for more decisive
action from the Executive Department
Mr. Gladstone, as it appears, consoles him
self with the idea that Senator Summers speech
against the Johnson treaty and the unanimous
vote of the Senate (save one) rejecting that
treaty is all a political movement meaning
thereby that it is all for buncombe. But any
such construction of this movement will be a
serious mistake on the part of the British
Premier The wrongs and humiliations which,
from necessity, were endured from England by
our government and people, during our late
civil war cannot be settled by any halfway
measures of redress. zone war at time,
Mr.. Seward" said President Lincoln to his
Secretary of State; zone war at time, what
ever the concessions required just now to
| avoid two wars" Lincoln saw the game OF
England, France and Spain, and his forbear-
| ance and submission in regard to their move
ments defeated their grand design. But such
| was the impression made upon the American
| people, General Grant included, by the
| sinister and offensive conduct of those Euro
| pean States in our internal struggle for the
| very life of this nation that had President
| Lincoln on the surrender of the rebel army OF
| General Lee ordered General Grant into
| Mexico with hundred thousand men, for the
expulsion of the French army and German
empire, the movement would have been hailed
by popular acclamation from the Atlantic to
the Pacific seaboard. Such still is the public
sentiment of this country in reference to
| Englands punic faith in her neutrality that
| General Jacksons ultimatum to France-in-
| demnity or reprisals-would be the most
popular alternative for General Grants admin
istration, peace or war.
$50 this complexion it will come at last, )"
unless in the interval to next December the
great English reaction expected by Mr.. Fish
shall come, or unless in England's convenient
neutrality and belligerent rights we may find
a precedent applicable-frst, to the Island of
Cuba, and next to the New Dominion. We
are strongly drawn to the conclusion that the
policy Of mastery inactivity suggested in the
report of the general drift of Mr.. Motley's
instructions covers some expected contingency
in Cuba and elsewhere, in which Englands
example of neutral assistance may be turned
to an account so good as to bring full equiva-
lent for Mr. Summers bill of the Alabama
claims pending Mr.. Motley's negotiations.
There are three important outside questions
pressing upon our government, all of which
may be settled on the precedents of interven-
tion and active one-sided neutrality furnished
by France and England. These questions
are first, the annexation of Cuba and St. Do
mingo; second, the absorption of Mexico and
Central America, and, third, the acquisition
of British North America. Looking to all
these acquisitions it will be no disadvantage
to the United States to leave England's prece-
dents of neutrality and belligerent rights an
omen question, and in this view, but only in