The States and Union. [volume] (Ashland, Ohio) 1868-1872, 1869-03-17

States to vote and hold office shall not
be denied or abridged by the United
States or any State on account of race,
color, or previous condition of servi
tude."
The House refused to receive that
in part, but SEN it back with the fol
lowing alterations:
sStrike out the words United
States and insert after the word color
the words nativity, property or
creed"
The House had come exactly to our
first proposition which we had sent to
them, with the single exception of the
word education" and the House had
agreed with us fully on the PROPOSE
tien that the right to vote or to hold
Office shall not be denied by any State
on account of race, color, or previous
condition of servitude. So far the two
Houses were agreed; so far they had
concurred, and the points upon which
they disagreed were simply the inser-
ton of the words nativity, property,
creed" and the striking out of the
words 1.-The United States" They had
agreed upon everything else, and this
was the only matter that could prop
erly be submitted to the Committee
of Conference. They had no right 70
go behI1d and consider that in regard
to which the two Houses had agreed
and to make for us a new proposition
that had been rejected by the Senate
by every vote Tat had been teEzz:
but they have done it. The Senate
has been backed down from all its
votes, and has been now brought to
the first proposition sent to the Senate
by the Louise.
Mr.. President, 1 think this action on the
part of the Committee of Conference was
unwise.
Nj. CONKLING-Allow me to ask the
honorable Senator a question?
M. MORTON-Yes, sir.
Mr.. CONKLING-Shall we understand
him to afi-n that the mana ers on the part
of The Senate in a conference have no right,
using his expression. to agree to any item
in a bill which The Senate has previously
rejected?
Mr.. MORTON-No, sir; 1 did not make
that a-seTtion, but the assertion l do make
is that in so far as the two Houses of Con-
gre>s have concurted a Committee of Con-
ference has no right to take back that con-
cuTen8o and give them a new proposition.
Nj. STEWART-We nave not lone ii.
Nj. MORTON-They have done it ex-
actly. The two Houses of Congress h
concrrred thus far, that no state shall deny
the right 20 vote OF to hold office on &C
count OF lace or color Oh p: evious condition
o. se.vifude. So Ia they nave caIIv con-
cured they had come together; and they
had disagreed orly upon inserting The
wo:d "fdtivt.y, piooeH,y, creed" and st tx
ing out The Omitted States,' and it was that
disag' cement that this committee had a
right to colside-, and that only. Of course
the committee intended no such thing; but
1t was hardly respectful to the Senate 10 re-
Do-t here a proportion that had been re-
jected by every vote of the Senate and to
disregard that upon which the two Houses
had aGi ecd.
There are some otter elements connected
with The suffrage ques ion besides that of
color, Tnd il was proper for us 10 say in the
Constitu, ion, when we came 10 amend it
upon his s~uhiect, that The right to vote
sho I'D not be denied to any citizen of the
United Statca on account of his nativity. 1t
is a gleat dcmoci atic principle that we re-
cognize in orr hearts; and when we came to
amend the Constitution it was proper to put
it y. Sir, it would appeal strongly to the
heai's Of ialge pat OF the population of
Ibis country, and was proper as a safbSraId
against any future Know Nothing excite
mems o. movements.
The tife-o~n--vlaa ot,v1 word roper
ty;7 the provision that the right 10 vote
should not be denied on account of a want
of properly. That appeals toa strong DEM
~ocfatic sentiment; it is the establishment OF
a lepCblic, IL principle that most Of Us ie-
co8il,ze; and when We come to amend The
Constitution on this su5iec. it is proper 10
put that principle in. 1t appeals TO a strong
republican continent that is fife throughout
the whole nation.
And 1t was proper to say, too, rs
another essential republican principle,
that the right to vote and to hold of
fee should not be denied on ccoun
of religious faith or creed. Do we not
recognize that as being n true and
sound principle? What was the oh
lection to putting that in? We had
agreed to it Z; the House had agreed to
It, and yet the committee report to us
Il proposition rejecting it. Sir, as a
question of public sentiment and favor
the proposition as it came back to us
substantially from the House the last
time would be far stronger before the
people than the simple one of c~oniin-
ing it to color of race, and then we
a'e liable to this charge which will
now be made and the force of it we
can hardly avoid it will lie said that
we are willing that the negroes shall
vote provided they vote for white men,
out the offices must be reserved for
e We car say, of course, that we
do not mean that /; but they will come
back on us and say, "TVhen the pro
position was made in the Senate, and
4 Ter it had. been concurred. in by both
House, that the words & to hold office
should be put in, why did you strike
them QUIT" What answer have we to
make?
As 1 said before, my position is
peculiar. I will take what / can get
and even be thankful for that. But,
sir, to have the proposition in the
length and breadth, as we desire it,
rejected after both Houses had sub
stantially agreed to it seems to me to
be more than we bargained for when
we appointed the Conference Commit
tee, and l never will agree hereafter
to submit any important proposition
of this kind to n Conference Commit
tee.
Mr.. SAWYER of South Carolina
Mr.. President, L suppose rather
than ote against this amendment, /
shall vote for concurrence in the re-