The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-01-23
The Revision Of the Tariff.
Fyo7n the N. Y. Nation.

are prOnlplllonlsts, pure ana simple, VINO
would, II they could, put an end to all trade
with foreigners and employ the whole capital
and whole labor of the country in producing
every article the people require; but then
these are 80 few in number, and to deficient in
intellect and education, that their opinions
hardly repay discussion. Then there are
protectionists of the Carey school, who believe
diversity of interest to be necessary 80 sound
progress, but are not disposed to trust the
creation Of this diversity TO the spontaneous
exertions Of individuals, and therefore advo-
cate the stimulation OF it by taxation.
These may be called the scientific pro-
tectionists, and they have a large body
of undisciplined followers, who may
be called spread-eagle protectionists, and want
everything to be made at home for the honor
of the flag. After these come the selfish pro-
teciionists, who advocate the exclusion of
foreign products, really to provide good
market for their own goods, but nominally
either on scientific or spread-eagl grounds, or
on mixture of both. Lastly come the mode
rate protectoDists, who comprise by far the
greater portion of the sect, who think it ne
cessary and desirable in new country to
tempt men into the foundation of new branches
of industry by legislative aid, but would not
foster anything that would plainly flourish
without fostering, nor foster anything what
ever longer than was necessary to give it a
fair start.
Turning to the free-traders, we find two
divisions, and two only. One may be called
absolute free-traders, of the French type,
trained by Bsstiat. armed with principles and
logic, and full of scorn for people who shrink
in politics from clean-cut conclusions. They
apply the laws of mechanics to the work of
government, and having found their rule,
refuse to admit that its action may be modified
| by circumstances, They proclaim the absolute
| right of men in society to sell the products of
| air ind etf hpr hoy MI and tall
restrictions on this right as forms of robbery,
implying moral obliquity in the person or
! persons who create them. This division is
| small in number, but it does most of the work
of agitation The other, while admitting the
abstract truth OF the great doctrine OF free
trade, is content to submit to such notifications
in the application of it as the state OF public
sentiment or of the national finances may seem
to require; and while maintaining that duties
| should only be levied on foreign imports for
revenue, are willing to have the duties so
distributed as to favor branches of industry
which protection seems likely TO make self
| supporting within reasonable time and, in
fact, generally to give the American manufac-
| turer, wherever possible, whatever advantage
over the foreigner msy be capable of being
| extracted from moderate tariff.
Now, the tendency of opinion the world
over is towards the recognition of the free
trade doctrine as the natural law of human in
| tercourse, and towards the reduction to the
lowest possible point of all interference with
its action. This is due in part to the growth
everywhere of individualism, the increasing
respect for individual intelligence and free
dom, and the increasing confidence of states
men in this freedom and intelligence as agents
in the production of wealth 1t is due in part
also to the prodigious success which has
attended the application of the pure free
trade principle in the United States to
of nhar nf
separate political communities. The absence
| of custom-hous from the interior of
this continent has afforded the first prac-
tical refutation of the old delusion on which
most government interferences with trade
have in past ages been based, that In the ex-
change of commodities between two separate
political communities one is sure to lose, aud
both cannot profit. The absurdity of this has
for the first time been demonstrated by the
United States. The result is that though
absolute free trade is nowhere else found, the
tendency in all civilized countries, except in
the British colonies, is towards lowering of
tariffs, and the leading political economists of
the world have abandoned the principle of
protection as worthless, and the influence Of
nearly all colleges and places OF education is
thrown against it,
In the United States sentiment is so divided
that the triumph of either principle is not
possible; and, if we are to believe Burke's
maxim, what is not possible in politics is
never desirable. The tide at present, owing
to the shocking abuses of their power perpe-
trated during the last seven years by the sell
fish protectiOnists, is running against protec-
tion; but even lift ran twice as strongly as it
does, free-traders are not in a position to take
advantage of it-pOr are likely to be in
our time, to secure the absolute triumph OF
their idea-fOr the simple reason that in a
country like this very large proportion OF
the revenue must, perforce, be drawn from
duties on imports from abroad The
middle ground, on which both parties may
and probably will meet, is such an arrange
ment of the tariff as will give an advantage
over foreigners to interests which are likely to
gain strength by being temporarily fostered,
and which are now too weak to stand alone,
ard by whose existence the country seems
likely eventually to profit. The free-tradeTs
need not hope for the abolition of the custom
house, and the protectiOnists must give up
the hope of complete or indiscriminate pro-
} lection, and OF all pfOection for branches
, of industry the forcing of which is injurious
to other and larger branches, or which are
J never likely to be able to stand alone, no mat
} ter how much they are forced.
lndiscriminate protection is an absnrdity on
its face, because it gives no advantage tC
anybody. II the Government gives an iron
manufacturer the power of raising his prices
forty per cent, he profits by it so long as the
3 farmer, butcher, baker, tailor, shoemaker
landlord, and weaver do not raise their prices
J too but if, by protecting them also, the Gov
eminent enables them to raise their prices,
Ia protection to the ironmaster becomes {
. farce. Nor is 1t necessary to protect al
3 branches OF industry to produce the farce
the leading ones are sufficient; because rise
y | in laQdinU ffSa1