The New York herald., 1869-06-13
The Outburst Of Popular Sentiment in Franco
Danger to the Empire.

Tue outburst Of Popular Sentiment in France
Danger to the Empire.
What does it mean? What is to come of it
These are the two questions which naturally
arise to the mind Of every thinking man when
he reads the daily telegraphic news and the
mail intelligence of the last ten days regard
ing the situation in France. These two ques-
tions may fairly be regarded as exhaustive.
They imply that the situation is bad and some
what difficult to explain, and they more than
suggest that the future is doubtful.
1t is not to be denied that the situation is
grave. Our worst fears have been realized.
The elections have justified the most anti
Napoeonic predictions. The opposition feel
ing, not in Paris only or in the other large
centres Of population and intelligence, but all
over France, has been expressed as 1t has not
been expressed since the first Napo-
leon fell. Twenty years have elapsed
since Louis Napoleon was elected President of
the French republic. Seventeen years have
elapsed since he was proclaimed Emperor by
popular choice. One purpose, during all
these years, has guided the chief of the State;
but now, in 1869, after infinite and costly
coaxing, the French people have, as nearly as
possible, said, ''We are sick of this man Ma
poleon, or at least of this mans policy. He is
neither the Solomon nor the Cesar we took
him to be, and q change might be blessing"
How otherwise can we interpret the facts?
For the first time during his public career Ma
-, oha 30 ,I,at
she thinks. His earnest desire has been to
call forth fair expression of public sentiment
in the belief, of course, that public sentiment
would be in his favor; but everywhere, all
over France, where intelligent men have voted
in any numbers, Napoleon and Napoleons
policy have been emphaticaly condemned.
We do not close our eyes to the fact that in the
new Chamber the government will still have
large majority. This must be honestly ad-
mitted. But it is as little to be denied that
thinking and daring few, while the majority
will have no better support than the timid,
fearful and unreasoning many. The result of
the elections justiies the conclusion that if the
rural population were more enlightened, or
rather if the screw were less vigorously ap-
piled, France with one voice would speak out
and condemn the One-man government. The
Nantes and Paris riots make this plain to the
humblest comprehension. What does it mean?
1t means that France is not satisfied with i'm
perialism. 1t means that France is no longer
in her babyhood and that she is impatient of
being treated as if she were. 1t means that
Napoleon has been believed in and trusted for
the last twenty years, aud that after all this
experience France is not unwilling to go after
another god.
What is to come Of it? This is question
which it is less easy to answer. 1t is possible
that all may be got over without serious
trouble The wounding Of few men in the
streets of Paris and the imprisonment Of few
editors are events not 80 uncommon in France
as to warrant the conclusion that Napoleon
cannot get over the difficulty with which they
are identified. Beittle the manifestations as
we may, however, we cannot do away with
| the fact that the situation is dangerous and
that all the skill and tact and power Of
which the Emperor is known to be possessed
will be needed to make matters smooth and
easy.
There is one thing which the fir lends
Of the Emperor, and even the En-
peror himself, do not seem fully to take into
their calculations. Time was when Paris was
France 1t was so in 1889, in 1880, in 1S4S.
It has been fundamental idea with Napoleon
from the first that Paris is France. To hold
France in subsection it has been his belief that
the first requisite was to hold Paris secure.
Hence the many improvements Of the capital
city which have been feature of his reign.
| 1t is now, by the arrangements the Emperor
| has made, with the assistance of Baron Hauss-
mann, an unquestionabe fact that he who
commands the garrison Of Paris has Paris at
| his mercy. The long, wide boulevards strik-
| ing out from a common centre, commanded
one and all by artillery, make the old barricade
| system, by means of which the citizens Of
| Paris were wont to terrify monarchs, If not
impossible at least practically worthless. Paris
Is, therefore, less at the service of revolution
| lists than she once was. The difficulty Of re-
volutionizing Paris is, it must be admitted,
a preliminary obstruction in the way Of those
who would overturn the government But
modern improvements are not all on
the side Of the despot. Progress al
ways brings with 1t compensation for
seeming tyranny. seeming injustice. The
spirit and the science which have modernized
Paris have modernized France. What the
boulevards and the new streets have done in
Paris for the government the railroads and
telegraph lines have done throughout France
for the people. revolution in Paris is now
more difficult Of accomplishment but an up
rising in Paris can be converted in almost
second OF time, by the instrumentality Of the
telegraph, into an uprising in every city and