The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-07-22
NAPOLEON.
The French Emperor and the Political Crisis
Comm ents on his Conduct by both French aud
EI glikh Journals.


En- Rlikh Journals.
The Pdtrie (semi-ofIicial) says: "The note of
the Pays is addressed to the majority. Where,
Tor the moment, is that majority to be found?
We find at the bottom of the Interpolation Of
the Tiers Pdrti the names of 10 deputies
About 40 belonging to the Moderate left aud
Extreme will naturally be added to the group OF
ITO names belonging to the Centre. Where,
then, is the majority now?"
The Temps (OppOstion) writes on the same
subJcct:-"An interesting question, but one which
appears insoluble is to know how an Imperial
confession finds itself thus divulged, and how u
note drawn up for the Emperors personal use
could be made public by the Pays. The inten-
tion is not difficult to discover 1t is evidently
with the view to present the Emperor as making
the dmeHde honorable to the old majority, who
so badly received the engagements of the 18th Of
January. The note is, therefore, an advance made
to the utras of the present majority; aud it i'm
plies threat OF reaction. Under this
double guse it is especially il-timed. Happily,
everything leads to the belief that the Pays has
been mysLlied. The Emperor cannot have com
mitted such an enormous error OF Judgment rs
to address himself to majority which no longer
exists. The majority of to-day may alternate
from right to left and at the present moment it
has all the appearance of being with those who
have signed the Interpolation If the Emperor
desires to give the Chamber proof of his de-
ference it is towards the Left Centre, and not
towards the Arcadlans he would turn his eyes
The Liberte Cleft Centre) is still more out
spoken. Here is its artice:-
IAN ACT OF MADNEss.-It is asserted that it
is seriously contemplated not to allow the inter-
pellation to be brought forward in the Corps
Legislatf. The President would refuse to re-
ceiye it on the ground of its being unconstitu-
tional. These rumors are rs untrue as they are
improbable. Had they the ghost of a founda-
ton, we feel sure NJ. Schneider would resign his
post as President of the Chamber 1t Is unne-
cessary to inquire whether the Interpolation is
unconstitutional or not. Matters have come to
that pass that such question is an idle one. To
pTate about uncOnstitutlOnality in country
which has witnessed the overthrow of
eleven successive constitutions, and prac-
tically illustrated Carlyle's axiom that
the best of constitutions is not worth the paper
it is written on, is either Stiffness or low cum
ming. There is something above all constitu-
tions, and especially above that which has itself
Loyalty declared capable Of perfection, viz: the
decided and clearly expressed will of great
nation. Well be it so; let us admit for mo-
ment that it is unconstitutional. But then it Is
NJ. Kouher as perpetual Minister of State; for
without the abrOgatiOn of the forty fourth ar
ticle of the Constitution nobody would or could
consent to be deputy. 1t would be the empire
blocked up. Again we must say the rumor is
false if it proves to be true it will be act Of
madness"
The ONLY Course Left for the Emperor.
From the London Spectator, july 10.
We believe there is course open to the En-
peror which he has attentively studied, and
which, if overpressed, he may at last attempt to
pursue-and that is, to try whether in France u
free Legislature and free Executive cannot CO.
exist. They co-eXisted across the Atlantic for
nearly hundred years. In January, 1866, Ma
poleon stated in his speech from the throne that
the true analogue for the Constitution of France
was the Constitution of the United States
and several of his utterances at different
times indicate that the peculiar position of
an American President, so irresponsible within
his sphere, seems to him much less powerless
Nd tinh nj NGft tigNV,,
monarch in the English sense. Up to 1860 free
Executive did get along in America with free
Legislature, and the Emperor, who at heart be-
lieves that Il free Chamber is sure sooner or
later, to make itself contemplate, might not be
disinclined, wanting any other road of escape,
to try that eXperlment-to grant, that is all
that the Legislature demands for itself
yet refuse ministerial responsibility. Sup
pose, for example, that he withdrew,
honestly withdrew, from all control of cleo
tions, restored the right of proposing measures
to the members, retaining only his veto, and
allowed the Chamber to select its own officers,
| he would retain, in the face of a free Legisla-
ture, vast body of power He would be COM
PEELED, no doubt to execute the laws; but he
executes them now, and no new law can be
passed except with his consent. He would re-
tain the control of the vast machine, the French
bureaucracy, with its all but limitless influence,
would have direct hold upon the Chamber
through his patronage and his party, and
would be quite as much master of the foreign
! policy of France as he is now. 1t is easy to
! say a free Chamber could restrain that policy,
| but funds for war once declared are never
| refused, except under penalty of invasion; and
| the American House of Representatives has
| never yet exercised any stringent control over
| the policy of the country. The position would
! be very great one, and the EmperOr's power,
| though much more limited than at present,
would still within its limits be real and unfet-
tered, while there would be none of the untruth-
! fulness which Napoleon is accustomed to as
| cribe to constitutional monarchy. 1t is in this
! direction that Napoleon, if convinced that he
must surrender personal government and finally
decided against war; and if resolved on any re-
| solution at all, will, we believe, endeavOr to
move; and it will be curious to observe
whether this kind of freedom will content his
| people. We suspect it will not; that they will
pronounce it Illogical, as indeed it is; and that
| the members will not surrender their highest
ambition-that of becoming ministers Occa-
| sions of collision will be sought instead of
| avoided; the Republican party will proclaim
| itself the Chamber; and the often repeated in
| eXorable situation of France-an internecne
| quarrel between the Parliament and the person
| will once more be reproduced. Still every
| course now open to him involves a choice of
| evils, and this one is of all the one which will
| seem TO the Emperor himself the least humli-
| ating.