Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1869-04-28
WHOLE NO. 274S.

short of puerile. With the lapse of
time and with minuter consideration
the case against England becomes
more grave, not only from the
questions of international response
bility which it involves, but from
better comprehension of the damages
which are seen now in their true pro-
portions. During the war and for
some time thereafter it was impossible
to state them. The mass Of noun
tain cannot be measured at its base.
The observer must occupy certain
distance, and this rule of perspective
Is Justly applicable to damages which
are vast Beyond precedent. A few
dates will show the progress of the
controversy and how the case enlarg-
ed. Going as far back as the 10Th Of
November, 1862, we find our minister
in London, Mr.. Adams, calling for
redress from the British government
on account of the Alabama. This
was the mild beginning. On the 23d
of October, 1858, in another commu-
nicatiOn the same minister suggested
to the British government "any fair
and equitable form of arbitrament or
/ reference" This proposition slum-
bered in the British foreign Office for
nearly two years, during which the
Alabama was pursuing her piratieal
career, when ON August 3Oth, 1865, it
was awakened by Lord Russell, only
| to be knocked down in these words
| ain your letter Of October 9, 1868. you were
pleased to say that the government of the
United states is ready TO agree 70 any form
| government must, therefore. decline either
20 make reparation and compensation for
the captures made by the Alabama, or to
| refer the question to any foreign state
Such was our repulse from Eng
| land, having at least the merit OF
frankness, if nothing else. On the
| 18th Of October, 1865, our minister
| informed Lord Russell that the United
States had finally resolved to make
no effort for arbitration. Again the
! whole question slumbered until the
9th of August, 1858, when Mr.. Sew
ard presented a list of individual
claims on account of the pirate Ala
bama. From that time negotiation
has continued with ups and downs,
until az last the pending treaty was
] signed. Had the early Overtures of
/ our government been promptly ac-
eepted, or had there been at any time
/ Just recognition of the wrong done,
1 doubt not that this great question
/ would have been settled; but the re-
| lection of our very moderate propO-
| sitiOns and the protracted delay,
which afforded an opportunity to re-
view the case in its different bearings
have awakened the people to the
magnitude of the interests involved.
Il our demands are larger now than
at our first call IL is not the only time
I y ,,
Cured. The story of the. Sibyl is
| king. Shall their claims be hqui-
! dated and cancelled promptly, or al
! lowed to slumber until called into
activity by some future exigeney?
! There are many among US who, taking
! counsel of a sense of national wrong,
would leave them to rest without
settlement, so as to furnish preced-
ent for retaliation in kind, should
England find herself at war. There
are many in England who, taking
| counsel of a perveTse political bigotry
have spurned them absolutely, and
there are others who, invoking the
/ point of honor, assert that England
cannot entertain them without COM
promising her honor. Thus there is
peril from both sides. 1t is not diff
| flcult imagine one of our countrynen
saying with Shakspeare's Jew. The
villainy YOU teach me will execute,
and it shall go hard but I will
better the Instruction. nor is il diff
cult to imagine an EDglishman firm
/ in his eOneeit, that no apology can
be made and nothing said. I
cannot sympathiZe with either
side Be the claims more or less, they
are honestly presented, with the con-
vietion that they are Just, and they
| should be considered eandidly, so that
they shall no longer lower like cloud
ready to burst upon two nations,
which, according to their inelinations
can do each other such infinite injury
or such infinite good. / know it is
sometimes said that war between US
must come sooner or later. ] do not
believe it. But if it must come, let il
be later, and then I am sure it will
never come. Meanwhile good men
must unite to make it impossible.
/ Again L say this debate is not of my
seeking. 1t is not tempting, for il
eompels criticism of foreign power
with which / would have more than
peace, more even than concord. But
II OC dNOluCu. 1LC uAu AAlSI
be told, not in anger, but in sadness.
England has done to the United
States an injury most difficult to
measure. Considering when it was
done and in what completely it was
most stunaccOuntable. Alta great epoch
of history, not less mOmentOus than
that of the French revolution or that
of the reformation, when civilization
was fighting a last battle with slavery,
England gave her name, her influence,
her material resources to the wicked
cause, and flung q sword into the scale
with slavery. Here was q pOrtentous
mistake. Strange that the land Of
WilberfOrce, after spending millions
for emancipation, after prOclaiming
everywhere the truths of liberty, and
ascending to glorious primaey in the
sublime movement for the universal
abolition of slavery, could do this
thing! Like every departure from
the rule of justice and good neighbor-
hood, her conduct was perniciOus in
proportion to the scale of operations,
affecting individuals, corporations,
communities, and the nation ITSELF
And yet, down to this day, there is no
acknowledgements Of this wrong, not a
single word. Such a generous express
sion would be the beginning of a just
settlement, and the best assurance of
that harmony between two great and
kindred nations which all must de-
sire.