The spirit of democracy. [volume] (Woodsfield, Ohio) 1844-1994, 1869-03-16
The Inaugural and lis Infport.

llC 'COilllllClStuII IIo NutltS ulllrdU1lneleu.
He neglects to explain precisely what he
would have us understand by such beatifc
auspices doubt if he will be thanked
by his party champions for any avowal
placing himself above and beyond the
men who itominated and elected him as a
party candidate. lie is just as much
''trammeled" as aty of his predecessors
have ever been. stnd before he con-
cludes he shows how loosely his IDEAS
of independence hang tiSon him, by GO
ing to the eXtrcmest Verge of Radical
doctrines, and by preachiiig crusade of
prescription against all who Giticr FROM
him and his associates on the question of
the public debt.
Next we have threat to interpose 4
veto against measures to which he is op-
posed. No President ever used such
language in an inaugural before, but, for
that matter, take it, no President ever
before delivered such an inaugural. Does
he remember that when his predecessor
made similar threat, in the passion Of q
political speech,and under circumstances
which abundantly provoked it, it was
made the basis of an article of impeach-
ment against him. 1t was held to be in
great contempt Of Congress for Mr..
Johnson to say. in his St. Louis speech,
that he intended to veto all the unconsti-
tutional measures of Congress. The
Radicals yelpeG about it aud denounced
it from one end of the country to the
other. But here comes Mr.. Grant and
says the same thing-not after a years
experience and knowledge Of the kind of
measures Congress had shaped out-but
before he knows anything about the kind
of bills that will be presented for his ap-
proval. He hangs this executive sword
of DamOcles over the legislative branch
of the Government, before he has enter
ed upon his Office. Call you that wis
dom in Grant which was treason in John
son? IF not, why applaud in Grant
what you impeached in johnson?
The succeeding paragraph would be
more acceptable if its meaning were
palmer. 1t confines itself to few gilt
tering generalitjes about security Of per-
son and property and the like, about
which you pay your money and take your
choice He favors laws for the protec-
ton Of these rights without regard to
"local prejudice" What is local preju-
dice-and how does J it manifest itself?
Is there no local prejudice" in the at
tempt Of New England carpet baggers to
array the blacks against the whites in the
South, and to inaugurate policy which
must end, sooner or later, in a war of
races? Is security of person" the Sc
curity of the negro in his domination
over the white people of ten States of
the Union?
Then we come to the new Presidents s
views of the way in which the public
debt must be paid. People who have
known his associations and fraterniza-
tions curing the past year will not be dis
appointed TO hear him utter the bond
holders shrieft. 1t is noticeable fact
that ever since Gen. Grant got the desire
for the Presidency into his head land no
man ever had that desire to a greater eX
tent, his friends and advisers have been
the New York miliicnaires. He has been
their guest, and they have been his pat
ions. They concocted his nomination
last spring, and furnished the means to
bring it to full fruition in November
And l can prove by a witness of unim-
peachable yeracity that the identical
words of Gen. Grants inaugural, on this
question of the public debt,were used by
Mr.. A. L. Stewart in a private conversa-
ton two weeks ago. Not only must the
bonds be paid in gold, but it must be sun
derstood that no repudiator of a farthing
of our public debt will be trusted in pub
lie place" Here is the tyrannous exac-
ton of the bondholders threatened with
enforcement through political proscrip-
ton. By "repudiator" Gen. Grant un
doubtedly means any man who is not in
favor of paying the bonds in gold. The
context and import of his language
abundantly justifes this construction, as
we'll as the uniform practice of the men
from whom he has received all his finan-
cial inspiration. They have long de-
nounced such men as Pendleton, Cary
and Butler as ''repudiators. And Gen.
Grant says all such men are to be denied
public place. He will find himself the
worst mistaken man in the world when
he attempts to enforce this idea, except
as to places filled by his appointment
He will find the, people of Ohio electing
a ''repudiator" (according to his notions
for Governor next fall for whoever the
successful candidate may be, nothing is
more certain than that the candidate op-
posed to the bondholding heresy of Gen.
Grant will be elected. And if it is pro-
posed to keep the people of the West
from electing such "repudiators," the
friends of the new President had better
increase the army, give us a few more
Major Generals, make few more mill
tary districts, and add few more
wrought iron plates to the test oath
Why not make everybody, ''solemnly
swear" before he deposits his ballot, that
he is in favor of paying the bondholders
in gold; that to do this he is willing to
sell his farm, to mortgage his house, and
to starve his family-so help him God!
know of no other way to effectually
carry out Grants policy, SO extraordina-
rily announced. 1t would only be fol
lowing in the footsteps of Congress as
to reconstruction And then, you know,
there's nothing like nerve.
In conclusion, Gen. Grant "entcrtains
the hope and expresses the desire" that
the Fifteenth Amendment will be rati-
fed. His reasoning in favor of it is
charming, novel and original. The
question of suffrage has long been agi-
tated, he says, and will be agitated until
it is settled. Very well, but is that any
good cause why it should be settled the