Burlington weekly free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1866-1928, 1869-10-01
E,->esa'or Hendricks ON Constitutional
Changes.

Z
Changes.
Ex Senator Hendricks, Of Indiana is
very respectable Democrat. He is agentle-
man. and courteous antagonist. No Re
pubIi,an need expect to receive from him
,urht but airand liberal treatment. But If
he never gives his audiences vulgar Pesonal-
irie-. he often casts sore reflections on their
intelligence. He does not throw mud in
t1eir faces. but dust in their eyes. Mr. Hen
bricks is delivering a campaign speech in
Ohio. plausible smooJh-sJundins discourse,
but full Of shallow sophisms. We submit
the following as a specimen Of the arguments
which the Democrats of Ohio are asked to
accept:
Before I speak further upon the merits of the
Fifteenth Amendment, wish to ask You, my
feLlow-citzens. one or two questions. In the
6rst place do YOU believe that this Is a suitable
time IN which 10 change the Constitution Of the
United States Aud in rejecting upon that
QUESTION grave and important ONE ass you
TO consider very briefly, if you please, the CIR
cImstauces attending the country WAeu the
Constitution was framed and adopted 10 was
lust after the Revolutionary War, IN whieh all
the States participated war IN winch the
men Of all the States united IN which men Of
every section died upon the same ba1t.e-te.d ana
we're buried in the same honorei graves. After
such war the people IN every section entertain
ed feelings Of kindness and fraterna! love
toward the men Of every other section
they mournel for the common deal, and
rei0icei over the common triumph. That was
the state of the public mind when the tunsl'G-
ton was framed by the great convention over
which George Washington presided. Vow my
countrymen | ask you if We are IA "a condition
today, As a people, to tavoratly CONSIDER a
change in the form Of our government. We nave
lust come out Of the most unfortunate war ia
which any people can be engaged a civil war;
war in which one section Of the Union has been
arrayei against another-sui the passions eX-
cited by that war have not yet altogether sub
sided and passed. away. There.lre angry passions
still burning beneath the ashes IN the poll
teal world, and men are divided into fierce p7-
litical contests yet say, in my Judgment, that
we are not in proper condition, as people, TO
consider the question Of change in our form Of
government.
There are two palpable errors in this pas
sage, one Of fact and one Of logic.
The speaker either misunderstands or mis- /
represents the condition of the country at the /
time of the adoption Of the constitution.
The war was finished and independence had |
been achieved. The people rejoieed for
common triumph and mourned over com
mon dead. But every section did not enter
tain feelings OF kindness and love for every
other section. All was not peace and har-
mony. On the contrary there has scarce
" been a time when sectional jealousy was
more violent, and political luminosity more
intense The small states were jealous Of the
large. the inland states of their seaport neigh
bors. There were disputes about taxes. about
imposts, and about the revolutionary debt.
Commerce was almost prostrated. Formidable
instructions were breaking out and the weak
ness Of the laws made the whole people law
less The Articles Of Coniederation-a written
compact between the States-were Of little
practical force, and dissolution threatened
the young republie. These facts are known
to the most superficial student Of our history
1t was to remedy this state of things that
the Constitutional Convention assembled.
1t proposed a complete change in the or
ganic law Of the land The change was
not simply one of details the extension of
suffrage, or an alteration in the basis Of repre-
sentation. 1t was nothing less than the
substitution Of one entire body Of hws for
another, a modification of the original com
pact that bound the states together And
this reform was inaugunted in a state of
political anarchy, and completed after ;
protracted struggle Of the most exciting
character. The constitution was not the t
child Of concord. .
If Mr.. Hendricks historical citations are
incorrect, his conclusions are of course
The correction of his history
oycrthrows his reasoning. The true infer
ence from the example given would not be
the one drawn by the speaker, but one ex-
actly opposite, viz that periods Of great
political excitement are the most favorable 9
for securing poIiticel reforms. The decade
following the revolutionary war was one Of !
confusion and violent passions. Yet the
constitution itself could be adopted at such a |
time. 1t follows, then, fortiorl, that for
the incorporating Of simple amendment
upon that instrument the present is high
" suspicious moment. This Is the conelu-
sion which the ex senator must draw il he
accepts our reconstruction Of his historical
example.
The precedent, however. when correctly
cited enforces more pertinent truth. 1t I
confirms principle which reason alone should {
teach every man without confrmation-that
the time to make political changes is when I
they become necessary. This was the case
with the adoption Of the constitution. A
great calamity was threatened, and tie
Articles Of Confederation could not avert it
The constitution was an absolute necessity
there was no alternative but political disin-
tegranon. The remedy was required at once.
If postponed, its application would be useless.
Hence the statesmen Of that day met the
issue boldly and squarely. Now the Fif-
teenth Amendment comes before the country
in similar circumstances. Ii is designed to
correct standing evil, and to meet a parti-
cular exigency. The general evil is an in
iquitous class distinction the particular ex-
igency is the danger to the loyal men of the
South from rebel supremacy. These then are