The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-06-11
THE NAPOLEONIC REGIME.
Great Speech Against Personal Government
by Provost paradOI.


Provost Paradol delivered a speech at Nantes
which has created very great sensation. Such
an onslaught on personal government has not
been spoken or written, in or out of the Cham
Der, since 1852 After q long and stormy intro
duction, he went on to try and convince his
three thousand hearers that personal rule was
fatal to liberty and therefore fatal to the very
existence of a nation. He said:-
Gcntlemen:-l told you when last addressed
you that the Government which was required was
that of the majority, whose views and wishes
should be carried out by responsible Ministry.
do not think that if we take at haphaZard any
twelve intelligent Frenchmen, they will be found
to dissent from that proposition. Instead of that
Government what have we got now? Ministers
who are the mere advocates of a personal ruler;
Ministers who have no will of their own because
they have no responsibility; Ministers who rep
resent nothing. They are not even the advisers
of the Crown, and yet it is sometimes whole
some for u country that there should be
Ministers powerful enough to compel the
chief of the State to perform the will
of the country which they have been instructed
by the majority to carry into effect. When you
are shown this phantasm of a Cabinet, and told
that that is q government, it is just as if you
were shown q dial, without any works inside,
and the hands of which are turned by a man
crouching behind, and told "That is q clock
don you see the hands are moving?" We have
enough of appearances and shams-what we want
is reality. You are told that ministers, that
deputies, should only play a very secOn-
uaIy paIJ-IudJ IlG realty OF power must DGlOnS
to the Chief of the State, and that to him alone
does it belong to tell you the way you should 90.
There must be leaders-but we require no
masters. Remember, gentlemen, that in ancient
Rome there were leaders-they were called
prGtor, Tdile, imperatOr, but Rome was free
under their rule. But when they made them
selves the necessary protectors of the people,
when one of them assumed the title of tribune
of the people, par etceHence, then all
was lost, and Rome made rapid progress
in the path of slavery. Believe me, gentle
men, this is historical truth-whenever a man
usurps the pompous title of sole representative
of the nation, the time is not far off when the
nation will cease to exist. (Great appause.0
do not mind the uphOlders of the present system
describing it as necessary-that is matter of
course. What is lamentable is that the radicals,
the ultra democrats, hold precisely the same
language, and proclaim that an absolute master
is necessary. In my opinion those who tell you
that there must be a responsible head of the
State, who is to be able to do whatever he lists
provided the people be free to overthrow him if
he does wrong give you very bad advice.
| (UpTear)
yoice-You would rather have Louis Phi
! lippe.
! And another voce-Why, he is dead.
ParadOl went on-With such theories, gentle
| men, instead of getting rid of absolute power
| instead of bringing about its transformation, a
people merely exchanges one master for another
| there is a mere change of persons. But
| liberty is as far off as ever; the management
| clal3tS nanuS, DuI uDSOlulc power, ueSDOJlSLl,
| continues as strong as ever. (Applause.) BE
| the government republic or a monarchy, that
| is mere question of form; what is essential
| what we absolutely require, is a responsible
| head of the Cabinet, responsible ministers, free
| assemblies, and free citizens. But let us leave
| these theoretical questions and address our.
| selves to more practical matters. First, re-
| CARDS conservative interests. 1t would appear
| at the first blush that they ought to oppose
| the independent candidates and support the
| Government Mt cost. The (nOVprOm
itself very clearly tries to alarm those interests
| rumOrs of enieuteS, OF disturbances, are circu
lated: not openly, ,ndeed-they are limited at, in
| sinuated and the cause which may have led t
any popular excitement is carefully suppressed
Well, l mean to show conservative interests tina
a more dangerous, more agitating, NOR
revolutionary government does not exist than
government that is not really free. Can any
thing be more saddening than to see a man
fortune compromised, his family possibly ruined
not through any miscalculatiOn or mistake of hi
own not through the vicsstudes of commerce
but because one man at the head of affairs take
up his pen and signs n decree. Where is the meI
chant, themanufacturer, the tradesman, who doe
Pnot feel alarmed when he reflects that hi
whole future depends on the uncontrolled an
| capTicious will of an absolute ruler? When
consider the sudden changes OF our tariffs
which a mere decree can alter, / must say, ger
tlemen, that absolutlsm fills me with indlgni
ton. As for me, gentlemen, consider interest
quite as respectable as mere abstract opinions
(Applause) When you were suddenly involve
in the struggle of free trade, you were deceive
by double falsehood. First, you were promise
that you would be given means to contend will
out disadvantage against foreign competition
The trade of your great city knows well enOug
that up to this very day it has protested al
complained that this promise has not been fu
filed. All the burdens are for you. Shall
take an instance out of a thousand
Your own trade furnishes it. When salt fs
: is introduced from abroad without the hon
I duty on salt being reduced is that the fa
, competition you were promised? Mex
, Won were told that you would cOmpe
/ with England on equal terms. That, gentleme
? is not true. Superior to our neighbors in son
i respects, you hayeneither the same business co
: | nections. nor the same markets, nor the san
4 abundance of raw materials. And then in En-
land and in the United States, II great virtue
+, ! which we should do well to Initiate chaloni