Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1869-09-14

governmental poLcy as Will neceSSarl-
ly divide men of differing eonstitu-
tons of mind, who all agree firmly in
the same patriotic purpose for the
public good. II the question of negro.
suffrage is settled one, as some con-
tend, then we have nothing to do with
it. Suppose now, we let it alone, con
sent to it, declare that it is the fixed
and permanent policy Of the State.
Will that settle this question itself,
with all questions of material import
to US, and give US peace? If so, we
might wen concede the mis-
chievous enormity, as a COM
promise. But those who seem to
hope or anticipate such a result from
the concession of the management of
public affairs in part to the negroes
give us no sufficient reason for such a
conclusion. If they have a reason, it
would seem that respect to the public,
if not ~self-respect, required that it
should be made known. A stubborn
juror, who would not agree with his
fellows, could hardly expect them all
to come over to him, without giving
them some of the reasons which had
settled his own mind in an opinion
adverse to them. He could not expect
intelligent men 10 come over to him,
merely that there might be an agree
ment, and that the jurors should
have no further controversy-have
peace It would be impossible
to secure the result, so desirable to
all, on such a basis. If any basis ex-
lists, we demand that it shall be fairly
lshOYn.
The people of Tennessee are now in
perfect accord, all of one mind, anx-
ious for "peace"-a settlement, and
an end of all questions vital to the
common welfare. But there are tWO
opinions on a subject Of grave i'm
pOrt-that is to say, whether it is best
for all concerned that the blacks
should be made, not only equals be-
fore the law as TO the inalienable rights
of men, but also as to the franchise,
the great privilege and prerOgative of
Republican freemen. With one con-
sent everything but the franchise is
yielded to them. There is but one
way to bring honest men of differing
views together, and that is by the
candOr of fair discussion, and the eX-
hibitiOn of reasons pro and ron. To
affirm that n course or another
is policy" and will have certain
beneficial results, is all in vain, to
those who have a differing view-as
useless as an exhortatiOn to believe in
a hedgehog as a frst-class beauty. In
telligent men scOrn all approaches for
the purpose of changing their opinions,
which do not bring with them the
proper arguments to show those
/ opinions erroneous. You cannot have
" peace" among a free people by sup
pressing their opinions, in.which they
must be Ied-not driven. Our people
have a distaste for negro presidents,
secretaries, ambassadors, senators, rep
re~sentatives, judges, jurors, magis-
trates and voters, as such, which no
urgent %entreaties for peace, and
nothing can satisfy short of down
right proof that the ure way
TO take the ship of state safely in
TO the harbor, and avoid the shoals,
whirlpools and breakers which lie in
its way, is not to put in command,
at the helm, before the mast and on
the yards, captains, pilots, lookouts
and men, who have some knowledge
Of the seas, and patriotism, virtue and
the will to save the ship. This dis
taste, prejudice or what else any may
please to call it, must be shown to be
i'll founded, unreasonable and unwise,
before it can be overcome or removed.
And we say, therefore, in the absence
of all positive argument for negro
suffrage, it is absurd, against common
sense and nature, TO cry out, Let it
go, let it go, let the Republicans, Rad
icals and Universal Suffragers have 1t
all their own way, all for peace
let Us have peace" To have
peace on such terms is impos-
sible, so long as men are
free to think for themselves, and to
consult their own interests as they
will. You may have peace on such
conditions, but not among freemen.
Slavery may be peace. But while a
vestige or hope Of liberty remains, it
viii be held of more value even than
peace in Tennessee, in any proper
sense of harmony and concord among
our people on the basis of intrOdu-
cling to control of public affairs, a race
equally qualified by its virtue and in
telligence to destroy all the beneficial
characteristics of Republican institu-
tons. Show us any single good which
can come TO the State by the suicidal
proposition, and we will give it the
fairest hearing, the fullest rubli-
cation, and all the weight
which should reasonably be accorded
to il. But let not the damning deed
be made a part of our historical re-
cord, from any mere motives of par
tisan policy, within or phrensy Of a
brief control of public affairs. That
is way to apeace worth having. 1t
will continue TO be disturbed by the
circumstances of a large body Of our
patriotic people, who will feel
wronged in the submission of this
grave question to force and party in
stead of reason. A proposition so un-
statesmanlike, so disabling for wise
control, and 10 far reaching into the
future, cannot be carried ON any mere
reasons of temporary expediency,
without creating an amount of dissat-
isfaction greater than that which it al
lays. In spite Of all peaceful counsels
it will be an everlasting bone of con-
tention, unless it IS first shown to
have some great cOmpensating good