The Jackson standard. [volume] (Jackson C.H., Ohio) 1847-1888, 1869-10-07

uSCduSo lheJ luIhibncu luc tDeubo VI
supporting the patriotic army in put
ting down the rebellion. For this rea-
son he opposed every bill to provide
for the issue of bonds, although he did
vote with the rest of his party to i'm
pose the specie clause on the bonds,
because be thought this would break
them down. For this reason he op-
posed every bill to raise money or men
for the public defense, which be called
an unconstitutional war. For this rea-
son he denounced the legal tenders as a
violation of the Constitution, and pre-.
dicted their utter downfall. Would we
trust the maintainance of our public
faith and the integrity Of our currency
to Jefferson Davis, Alexander Stephens j.,
Judah P. Ben and Robert Toombs!
No one would. And why not These
men in their private relations are as
honest as Mr.. PendletOn. But they
hate this debt in every form, because il
furnished the sinews of their defeat and
they hold it as party principle that the
obligation is void, because it was incur
red for an unconstitutional purpose, and
they hold it justifable to repudiate it, or
to get out Of it by cheating. And has
not Pendleton the same sympathies and
revenges, the same party and moral
principles, and has he not repeatedly
made the same declarations as to the
unconstitutional purpose for which the
debt was created, and the unconstitu-
tionality of both bonds and legal ten
ders7 Why then should we trust him
more than thosei
Mr.. Pendleton does not now say he
is for issuing more greenbacks. He
dares not say he is for or against. But
he talks Of the good policy of making
money more plenty so as to raise the
wages of labor. But the raising of
wages by the issue of currency is simply
the depreciation OF the currency,so that
nothing is gained And if the issuing
of more greenbacks should raise the
pay of one class of people, and not of
all, it would benefit one class by rob.
bing the others And if it raises the
prizes of all alike, it gives no benefit to
any, but is merely disturbance of val
ues for nothing. What advantage is
it to a laborer to have his wages raised
dollar day by issuing notes, if the
same cause raises the price of all kinds
of food and commodities The Amer
ican people know that this is its opera
ton, and that, furthermore, in a cur
rency initiation the prices of food and
of all commodities are apt at first to
rise faster than the wages of labor.
While Mr.. Pendleton was opposing the
issue of legal tender notes when they
seemed necessity to support the war,
he quoted Daniel Webster's saying that
irredeemable paper money is an inven-
tion for fertilizing the rich mans field
by the sweat of the poor mans brow,
But now he is running solely on this
fertilizing policy.
When the rebel conspirators were
preparing their outbreak, Mr.. Pendle-
ton encouraged them and disabled the
Government by arguing that it had no
constitutional power to prevent the
secession of a State. AS soon as four
States had passed ordinances of secess-
ion, he declared in his place that they
had dissolved the Union, resumed their
sovereignty and set up separate ma
ton, and that the Government was
pOwerless to prevent, and mustle them
work out their destiny. So far as he
could by speech aud vote he made it
powerless. He voted in every way he
could for disarming the nation. Was
this treachery3 When the war had
continued for two years, he made a
speech before rebel Democratic club
at New York, in which he declared that
the subduing of the rebellion was both
unconstitutional and impossible, and
that we should withdraw our armies and
recognize the Confederate independ,
ence. Had his policy prevailed, this
united country would now be two hos
tile nations, armed against each other.
Next year be ran for the Vice Presi.
dency on platform declaring the at
tempt to restore the Union by force a
failure. Had that ticket triumphed
the war for the Union would have been
made failure, and the Confederates
would have dictated terms to an hum
bled North. 1t was the open tender ol
aid and comfort to the enemy.
1t is said that this is past. But is il
not the past that exhibits character and
gives us the ground for future trust
Do they not insult the popular capacity
who asked to be trusted in the future
because all their past course has been
treacherous, reasonable and Infamous!
1t is not that we keep alive justice Oh
vengeance, but that we read there the
only evidence of their qualifications fol
taking possession of the Government
Aud we can not quite forget the feel
ings of the patriotic people Of the Nortl
when brothers and sons went forth int
the deadly fields of the South, and ,
party at home expressed the iendisl
hope that their carcasses would manur
the Southern soil they were invading
Forbearance was difficult virtue il
those days. But the patriotic though
that while they endured they would re
member. Now they are asked to for
get because these men want office
And we can not quite forget the feel
ings when the bitter news came of dis
aster and heavy slaughter, and wheI
r parents and children were in agony TO