Shenandoah herald. [volume] (Woodstock, Va.) 1865-1974, 1869-03-11
vor by the military and large portion of

should refer to the almost unlimited addi-
tional powers rendered to the Executive
by the measures relating to civil rights
and the freedmen's bureau. Contrary to
most precedents in the experiences Of pub
lie men, the powers thus placed within my
grasp were declined as in violation of the
constitution, dangerous to tho liberties of
the people, and tending to aggravate
rather than lessen the discords naturally
resulting from our civil war. With
large army and augmented authority it
would have been no difficult task to d.
rect at pleasure the destinies of the repub-
lie, and to make secure my continuance in
the highest Office known to our laws.
Let the people whom am addressing
from the presidential chair, during the
closing hours of laborious term, consid-
er how different would have been their
present condition had I yielded to the daz-
zling temptation of foreign conquest, Of
personal aggrandizment, and the desire
to WELD additional power Let them, with
justice, consider that if I have not unduly
s'magnifed mine office" the public bur-
dens have not been increased by my acts,
and other, and perhaps thousands, or tens
of thousands of lives sacrificed to visions
of false glory. 1t cannot, therefore. be
charged that my ambition has been Of that
ordinary or criminal kind which, to the
dctriment of the peoples rights and libes-
ties, seeks to grasp more and unwarraated
powers, and to accomplish its purposes
panders too often to popular prejEdices and
party aims.
What then have been the aspirations
which have guided me in my official
acts :? These acts need not at this time an
elaborate explanation. They have been
elsewhere comprehensively stated and fully
discussed, and become part of the ma
tons history. BY them am willing to
be judged, knowing that, however imper-
feet, they at least show the impartial mind
that my sole ambition has been to restore
the Union of States, faithfully to execute
the office of the President, and to the best
of my ability to preserve, protect and de-
fend the constitution.
| l cannot be censured if my efforts have
been impedcd in the interests of party
faction, and ifa policy which was intended
20 reassure and conciliate the people of
both sections of the country. was made
the occasion of inhaming and dividing still
further, those who only recently in arms
against each other, yet as individuals and
citizens were sincerely DESTROYS, as shall
ever believe, of burying all hostile feelings
| IN tho rrovo af tho nact
The bitter war was waged on the part
of the government to vindicate the consti-
ton and save the Union and if I have
erred in trying to bring about more
speedy and lasting peace, to extinguish
heart-burnings and enmities, and to pre-
vent troubles in the South, which, retard-
ing material prosperity in that region,
injuriously affected the whole country, /
am quite content to rest my case with the
more deliberate judgement of the people,
and, as I have already intima' ed, with the
distant future.
The war, all must remember, was
stupendous and deplorable mistake
| Neither side understood the other and had
this simple fact and its conclusions been
kept in view, all that was needed was
accomplished by the acknowledgement Of
the terrible wrong, and the expressed
better feelings and earnest endeavors at
atonement shown and felt in the prompt
ratification Of the constitutional amend
mcnts by the Southern States at the close
of the war. Not accepting the war as
confessed false step on the part of those
who inaugurated it was an error which
now only time can cure, and which, even
at this late date, we should endeavor to
palliate.
Experiencing, moreover, as all have
done. the frigbtful cost of the arbitrament
Of the sword, let us in the future cling
closer than ever to the constitution as our
only safeguard. It is to be hoped that
not until the burdens now pressing upon
us with such fearful weight are removed,
will our people forget the lessons of The
war, and that remembering them from
whatever cause, peace between sections
and States may be perpetuated.
The history of late events in our coun-
try, as we'll as of the greatest governments
of ancient and modern times, teaches that
we have everything to fear from depar-
ture from the letter and spirit of the
constitution and the undue ascendency of
men allowed to assume power in what
are considered desperate emergencies
Scylla, on becoming master of Rome, at
once adopted measures to crush his enc
mics; and to consolidate the power of his
party, he established military colonies
throughout Italy, deprived Of the full
Roman franchise the inhabitants of the
Italian towns who had opposed his usurpa-
tons, confscated the lands and gave them
to his soldiers, and conferred citizenship
on great number of slaves belonging to
those who had prescribed him, thus Great
ing at Rome kind of body-guard for his
protection. After having given Rome
over to slaughter and tyrannies beyond all
example over those opposed to him and
the legions, his terrible instrument of
wrong, Scylla could yet feel safe in laying
down the insignia of power SO dreadfully
abused, and in mingling freely with the
families and friends of his myriad victims.
The fear which he had inspired contin-
ued after his voluntary abdication, and
even in retirement his will was law to
people who had permitted themselves to
be enslaved. What but subtle know
ledge and conviction that the Roman peo-
pie had become changed, discouraged and
broken in spirit could have induced this
daring assumption :? What but public in
difference to consequences so terrible as