The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-06-23

SIIuBBl6 LOT ehcn Otner hnnlnllaJlOn.
3 These truths are 30 palpable that all admit
and the great majority insist on them. 'Let
us have peace !" said the Presidents and so
say. one and all. But how
There are those whose panacea is Andy
Johnson's since discarded countersign-
'Loyal men, white or black, must rule
America" Just disfranchise and prescribe
every one who rendered aid or comfort to
the late Rebellion--let none of them vote or
hold even the pettiest ofice-and let those
who were faithful throughout to the Union
rule everything and have everything, and per
feet peace, with general thrift, will be
assured.
Others would enfranchise all the Rebels and
disfranchise all the blacks, putting the latter
completely under the heel of the former. Only
give the South fully over TO Toombs, and
Forrest, Harry Hays & Co., let them carry
their several States with rush, as they carried
Georgia and Louisiana for Seymour and Blair,
let them suppress the negroes as they did the
Louisiana Convention in sc, or expel them
from all civil trusts as they did from the
Georgia Legislature in 69, and we shall have
peace-such as we had from 1880 to 1860. To
this end 1t is only necessary that the Republi-
cans should allow their foremost men to be
butchered as Henderson, Dostee, etc., were
in New Orleans, or pitched out of Office, neck
and heels, as Turner and others were last
year, at Atlanta, and we may grow cotton at
the rate of millions of tons per annum re-
store the balance of trade, e6d swim in a sea
of wealth and luxury.
Our programme differs radically, as is well
known, from either of the foregoing 1t is
summed pin four rwords-Universal Amnesty;
Impartial Suffrage. We proclaimed it directly
after President Lincoln's assassination, when
it cost us many friends; we have stood by it
through evil and good report, batting no jot
of heart or hope when its adoption seemed
impossible, and never losing faith in the
''sober second thought of the American
people. And now, when our platform has
received the approval of Governor Brownlow
on the one hand, and prominent Rebels on
the other, have we not ample reason to thank
God and take courage?
Yet there is still trouble at the South, and
more in Georgia than in any other State. The
root of bitterness is the expulsion of the CO.
lored members from her Legislature last year,
or, rather, the spirit which impelled that ex-
pulsion. The Rebels there are quite as will
ing to be enfranchised and rendered eligible
to Office as we are to have them; but they
want the blacks under their feet, and repel
all peace which does not involve that consum-
nation. In other words, they still cherish
the fundamental idea which made them dis
unionists and Rebels in 1861. We do not
mean that all who were once Rebels do so, for
many of those realize that there was a Gettys-
that this is 1867 but enough remain untaught
and unteachable by the logic of events to
keep the South in turmoil and rob the coun-
try of the natural, legitimate results of the
Rebellions conclusive overthrow.
The last Legislature of Georgia, at time
when Seymour and Blairs election was conf
IDENTIFY anticipated expelled the colored mem
bers of either House. The few blacks who
held executive offices were thereupon cited
before the courts to show why they should not
be ousted as constitution ally ineligible The
litigation has at length been carried up to the
highest State Court, whose judgment upholds
the eligibility of the blacks. Such case Is
not appealable to the Federal Courts: so here
is the end of it. What next?
The Augusta ConStitutionaliSt says, Never
give up The highest court having affirmed
that the Constitution makes the blacks citi-
zens while the Code declares all citizens eli
gible to Office, the ConStitutiOnaljSt asks:-
What is to prevent the Legislature from repeal
with right to ofhce and then passing a law
Prohibiting the negro from holding any State
A legislative body, as all know, is the final
judge of the election and qualification of its
own members, hence the C0nstitutt0naIiSt
makes these deductions
$50 the result OF this Supreme Court decision
comes to this white and the few other negroes
elected to office have temporary authority to hold
their positions. The negroes elected to the General
Assembly cannot get back, because the Supreme
Court has nothing to do in their cases, Judgment in
the matter resting solely with the two houses. II
the General Assembly should repeal the debatable
statutes OF the Code presumed to have a bearing
upon this matter, the vexed question would be put
beyond dispute, and Georgia still stand a State
governed by white men, Brown aAd McCay to the
contrary Notwithstanding"
This is very childish, but it is also very
mischievous. We must hope that the Georgia
CONSERVATIVES" have better guides than the
COnstitutionalist, and that their action will
prove it.