The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-05-12

hoving 20 suppress IL by force, such force being en-
ployed TO defend some things which are distinctly
indefensible. SO far we must submit to the i'm
putaton OF having been afraid. Unwecome as
the truth is, there Is no good in denying IL The
future, however is still in our power, and the ques-
ton whether the English nation ought to permit
itself TO be insuted Is one which, when stated ia
plain terms answers itself. OF course no one would
say yes to it, but there is considerable reason to fear
that many people will give an answer which, though
OF one. They will seek, as towards always do, to
avoid the necessity of vindicatng their character
and position by denying that II has been attacked
They will try to extenuate the importance OF such
language as Mr. Summers, and TO deny the sgnih-
csnce OF such acts as continually taking place
in Ireland. They will treat an absurdity the
notion that any one can suppose that the British
nation Is frighted, or act upon the superstition
of the existence Of such feeling. In word,
they viii do their best TO induce us all 70
pocket the aiironts put upon us, and to man
age matters in such way as 70 show as little
carry in our pockets This is the well-estabshed
and well-un1erstood procedure OF every bully and
coward who finds himself ovcrmatched; and those
who do not wish their country to play that part
among the nations OF the world would do well to
consider how brave men usually act under difficult
ties. Whatever else they do, they invariably do
three things-they acknowledge the existence of
their difficulties, take their measure and march
straight up to them, with a clear determination in
their minds as to the kind and degree of resist
ance which they mean 10 oppose to them. This is
the proper course to take in the present
instance. We ought clearly TO acknowledge
that there is danger which, under favorable
circumstances, would become pressing, Of
lbItBu NdT WIFI Jnc iulIeu states ana Oh civil war
in Ireland 1t is also true that except in so
far as it puts morally in better position, our
policy with regard TO the Irish Church will for the
moment rather aggravate than diminish these dan
gers. IL will be attributed and not quite incorrectly
to fear and 1t will thus encourage our enemies. I'm
fortunate this is, it Is not as have already
pointed out, argument against the measure,
though it certainly is consideration which detracts
from its value. With regard to the to be taken
for Tcasserting our position, can speak only in
very general terms As to Ireland, we clearly ought
to punish and suppress in the most determined and
unqualified way every act or word which falls within
the province of the criminal law; and shall have
abundant opportunities at no very distant date of
showing clearly what it is which we do not mean to
cOncede to priests on the one hand or to rebels on
the other. With regard TO America, mere violent
language and outrageous demands made unofiicially
10y individuals, however distinguished, call for no
notice on the part of the nation at large. But the
line Of policy to be followed has the advantage Of
being perfectly clear and Mr. Summers speech will
at least enable our government to draw it with the
most unmistakabe plainness We ought TO be willing
and ready to discuss the question Of individual losses
Immediately caused by any act which can be re-
garded as negligence on our part; but to enter
tanning the question OF paying general damages for
recognizing the COnfederates, ought to he pre-
pared to fight first at all hazards and disadvantages