The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-08-06
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
Editorial Opinions Of the Lending Journals
Upon Current Topics Compiled Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph
THE POLITICAL SITUATION INFRANCE.

Day for the Evening Telegraph
THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN FRANCE.
From the NJ Y Herald
A cable despatch from London more than
indicates that the reforms granted by the En-
peror are winning their way into popular
favor The fuller account of which we are
now in possession does not induce us to de-
mart from the judgment we pronounced on
Wednesday. The Emperor does not mean
that power shall depart from his hands.
AS we have said already, the SCRdtuS C0H-
s1ltl,o embodies reforms which show that the
Emperor has set before him the British con-
stitution as his model. The Corps Legislatif
and the Senate are no longer to be puppets
They are to have the right and privilege of
initiation. The same power is accorded TO
the Senate. Each assembly is TO be complete
in itself. 1t will henceforth be competent to
the Corps Legislatif or TO the Senate to intro
duce new measures. But the Emperor is TO
be no mere figlrehead. He is willing to rule
with the assistance of ministers. The minis
ters, however, are to be under his control
They are to be responsible for their own
acts. but they are to deliberate in council
under his presidency When ministers
shall happen to run counter to popular
feeling, and when impeachment becomes
necessary, they can be impeached only
by the Senate. One other popularity
deserves to be mentioned; ministers may be
members of either house of the Legislature,
but it is to be a special privilege of ministers
to defend or prosecute their measures in
either house as occasion may require. What.
then. do these reforms amount to? Autonomy
is granted to each of the two branches of the
Legislature 1t will be competent to each to
institute any measure. The decisions of the
lower house will be subject to the revision of
the upper. 1t will be necessary, on the other
hand, for any measure introduced and carried
to the upper house to obtain the sanction Of
the lower. In all matters the Government,
before taking final action, reserves to itself
the right to refer difficult questions to the de-
csion of a committee. The Emperor will be
his own Prime Minister, and will, of course,
preside over the council of ministers.
1t is not to be denied that in all this we
can discover certain amount of substantial
reform. But it is Just as evident that the
Emperor, in granting those reforms, has been
careful to make such provisions that the gov
ernment machine. though it will be little
more complex than of old, will be entirely
under his control. The Emperor knows
France better, perhaps, than any man now
living, and all the caution he is now mani
festly exercising may be necessary; but we
cannot say we admire the wisdom which he
has revealed in the peculiar checks to the
popular power that are embodied in the new
constitution. 1t is certainly mighty step in
an onward and upward direction. Within
certain limits France is to be allowed to
govern herself. The members of the French
Legislature, formerly allowed only to speaks
are now invested with real power. For
merly they could only question the
governments; henceforward they will have
the right to introduce measures of
reform. This is something gained We may
look forward with confidence to lively times.
We know what Frenchmen are when they are
allowed to speak out. They have been 50
long kept in silence that much requires to be
said. 1t is so long since a French Parliament
of its own accord made laws, or in any way
introduced reforms, that we may calculate
almost with certainty on having legislation il
earnest We do not eXaggerate when we say
that the first session of the new French Par
lament will be the liveliest thing we have
had occasion to chronicle in many long years
We can see reform projects innumerable
We can see collisions between the two
branches of the Legislature. We can see
both branches in collision with the executive
We can see Napoleon dissolving the cham
bers and appealing to the people. We cannot
say we see beyond for it is just as possible
that the people may go against the Emperor
as that they will go with him.
1t is gratifying to be able to write that the
press generally takes a favorable and hopeful
view of the course pursued by the Emperor
The general opinion is that he has yielded
with good deal of grace, and that if he has
stopped under the violence of popular de
mands, he has so stopped that he remains still
master of the situation. The difficulty of the
situation, in our judgment, consists in the fac
that Napoleon has yielded. 1t is not impossi
BILE that concession may lead to the crowninI
of the edifce; but neither is it impossible tina
concession may lead to abdicaton or worse
Napoleon, by his skilful use of the army ha
for many long years kept France at bay. Th
French people for the first time since 1874
have felt their power. Will they use it il
their own interest or in the interest of thei
master? New found power is always danger
Ous. We have no good reason to say that
will not prove dangerous to the dynasty o
Napoleon. One thing we will say: the forI
of government now recommended cannot b
final; it is a very imperfect copy of the orig
nal 1t is at best but a tentative process an
its success is doubtful. 1t is one of the liv
questions of the day, which every passin
hour will help to solve. Meanwhile Napoleo
and his reforms are likely to command quit
as deep and as general interest as Plus TX an
his council of bishops. The world moves o
in spite Of Popes and Emperors.
OLD VIRGINIA.
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