The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-02-02


some localities, it is equally adapted to all,
should be content to look on and see the ex-
pertinent tried under existing laws, without
barring the door against retreat, II expert
ence should demonstrate that its effects are
not sautary. II the experiment should prove
to work we'll in the large number of States in
which negroes now vote, the opposition would
gradually dwindle, and there would be less
and less disposition to disturb what has been
done. If negro suffrage is a good thing,
time will work steadily in favor Of it, and its
bene fetal results will be as solid security
for its permanenoe as change in the organic
law. But If the experiment should prove
misobevOus or disastrous, it ought to be re-
versed; and a constitutional amendment
should not hedge up the way of
retreat from an unfortunate mea-
sure. This view is so cOnsonant to pru-
dence and good sense, that we do not
see how any candid Republican eau resist it.
The Southern negroes exercised the ballot for
the first time about six months ago. Con-
sideriDg how confessedly unprepared they
were to act with intelligence, and how their
votes were controlled by the Freedmaus Bl-
reau, and may hereafter be controlled by their
old masters, OF by upstsrt demagogues OF their
OWL race, il surely cannot be maintained by
any hOrest man that the experiment Las gone
far enough to test the capacity OF the negroes
for wise participation IN public affairs. II The
Constitution ia left as it is, the suffrage can bs
withdrawn from the negroes, or restricted by
qualifications in States where experience does
not sanction it; and be left undisturbsd in
those States where its results may prove salts
factory. The fact that its advocates are in such
premature haste TO make it rigid, universal,
iTIepealable rule, shows that they have no
great confidence i'll its benef isl operation.
For if they had, they would see that the op-
position TO it would grow constantly weaker
with the progress of the experiment.
The reasons for dOubtiuU iha wiSdOpn Of
this great innovation are not found alone in
the fact that the negroes have been so recently
let loose from egrgdiUg, brutalizpg thral-
dom, but chiefly in the fact that voting by
colOIed races has never worked anything but
mischief whichever it has been tried on large
scale Whele the population has but a thin
spriEkliCg OF negroes, as IL sOme OF our North
ern StAtes, their admission to the ballo.- box
las 20 Perceptihle effect aad, except in
shocking nauenal repugpance, it does
neither coed nor harm. But the case
is very different whore the voting
ooloIed population is large, as in the
South American republics. Those fee ole,
TicEety ana chaotic republics, which tried
to emulate our example but devisted from it
in bestowing the suffrage iudiscrminately
upon all races and cOlOrs, furnish q signal
warning against such an amendment TO the
Constitution as is proposed. They demon
stIate to all mankind that universal suffrage
is 10 papaces for political evils. The worst
governed and most anarchcal counties in the
world, except negro San Domingo have been
toI halt century the Spanish. American re-
publics on this continent, which have never
made any distinction OF race or color in the
qualifications of voters. So many experiments
tor so long a period, aud all having the
same uniform, calamitous result, may be tri-
umphantly Offset against the fanatical eXpec-
iatiVns or those who are trying to make the
Sonth American practice part of our organic
law.
If it be SAID that negroes vote in Jamaica,
and that anarchy has not generally prevailed
in that island, the reply is at hand. Negro
voting in Jamaica Is mere form without
substance. The colonial government of that
island is under strict imperial control. The
Governor, who has negative upon all laws,
is appointed by the Crown; and even the laws
which he approves are subject to be annulled
by Parliament. The colonial Legislature of
Jamaica possesses no real power, nor even any
privilege beyond an over-dressed right of petit
tion. When it passes an act, it merely makes
known what it desires, and it depends upon
the Governor to say whether the desire shall
| be granted; for it must be borne in mind that
| his negative is not a qualified one, like that
| OF our President and State Governors, which
can be overruled by repassage of the bill,
| but an absolute and final veto. Negro suffrage
does no harm in Jamaica, because all suffrage
Colored suffrage, so far as we may judge of
| its consequences by the experiments in other
| countries, tends to anarchy and misgovern-
| ment, as in Mexico and the South American
| republics; or, il these evils are avoided, it
must be by putting upon it the ourb Of
| superior restraint, as in the British colonies.
| Such q constitutional amendment as is now
| proposed is the most powerful and insdious
| instrument that could be employed in taking
| political power away from the people and
| eentralizing il in the Federal Government.
| To avoid South American anarchy we shall
| take refuge in overruling imperial control.
| II being impossible to reverse negro suffrage
| after it is fixed in the Federal Constitution,
| an attt mpt will be made to counteract its
| mischiefs by rendering suffrage itself null
| lity, and putting Federal negative upon
| State laws. No step is so easy and immediate
| as from degraded local suffrage to central
| control. We have an argument on this sub
| ject which is peculiarly fitted to convince Re-
| pnblicaDs Cf their minds are not steeled
against all reasoning), because it rests upon
| their own action i'll this State. In the case
| to which we sllude We have always dis
| puted their premises; but difference of
| opinion as TO the facts cannot release them
| from the consequences of their own principles.
| Why have they nulliied the right of suffrage
| in the local government of this city by trans
fering the seat OF authority TO Albany The
preteXt ia, that the sufria iage here ia so degraded
| that to trust it with the government of the
| city is Inconsistent with order aud economy.
| Whether the fact is liue or not, the argument
| is one whose sOundnsss il becomes no Repu6-
| lican 70 question. The priaciple is, that, when
| people become incapable OF governing them
| Il h., t,ua J. ntI,