Perrysburg journal. (Perrysburg, Wood Co., O. [Ohio]) 186?-1965, 1869-10-08
Senator sampOSs Late Speech.

ncl SnctCn, WnlCn was very long lie
entirely ignored local issues, and treated
national affairs in manner TO attract
general attention Mr.. Sumner began by
repeating his demand made four years ago
for security for the future in regard to
freedmen before restoring the political
rights Of the Southern States, and urging
the necessity of the adoption OF the Fif.
teeth Amendment. The Republican party
must continue to uphold the hands of the
| Republican administration in the work.
lie then discussed, at considerable length,
the subject of the national faith to credi.
tors, and exposed the fallacies and dishon.
esty of the arguments for reputation.
After an hour devoted to these questions,
MIR. Sumner turned TO the subject of our
foreign policy. He began; I
From affairs at home turn TO affairs
abroad, and here | wish to speak cautious
ly, In speaking at all, break vow to
myself not to open my lips on these ques.
tions, except in the Senate l yield to
friendly pressure, and yet know no rea-
son why should not speak. II was Tai.
lyrand who, To somebody apologizing for
what might be an indiscreot question, re-
piled that an answer might be indiscreet,
but not question. NV answer shall at
least be frank. In our foreign relations,
there are, with me, two cardinal principles,
which have no hesitation to avow ut all
times: First, peace with all the world, and,
secondly, sympathy with all struggling
for human rights In neither of these
would | fail, for each is essential. Peace
is for us universal conQuoror Through
peace the whole world win be ours. Filled
with the might of peace, the sympathy
we extend will be next to an alliance.
| Following these plain principles, we
should be open and allow foreign nations
TO know our sentiments, so that even when
there is difference there shall be no Just
cause for offense. In this spirit l would
now approach Spain. Who can forget
that great historic monarchy, whose cm-
pire cncircled the globe, and whose kings
were lords of mankind? Patron of that
renowned navigator through whom she
became the discoverer of this hemisphere
her original sway within it surpassed that
of any other power. At last her extended
possessions on the main land, won by Cor
ties and Pizarro, loosened themselves from
her grasp. Cuba and Porto Rico, islands
of the Gulf, remained And now the
Cuban insurgents demand independence
| as a nation. For months they have en-.
gagged in deadly conflict with the Spanish
power. Ravaged provinces and bloodshed
are the witnesses The beautiful island
whore sleeps Christopher Columbus, with
the epitaph that he gave to CASTLE and
Leon new world, is fast becoming des-
ert, while the nation to which he gave the
new world is contending for its last posses
sion there. On this simple statement two
questions occur: FIRST rs to the duty of
Spain and secondly, as to the duty of
the United States. UnwelcOmo as il may be
to that famous Castilian pride which has
played so lowly part in modern
Europe, Spain must not refuse to see the
case in its true light, nor can she close her
eyes to the lesson of history. She must
recall how the thirteen American colonies
achieved Independence against all the
power of Europe; how all her own colo
nies on the American main achieved indie
pendence against her own strenuous ef-
forts; how, at this moment, England is
preparing to release her northern colonies
from their condition of dependence and
recalling these examples, it will be proper
for her to consider if they do not illustrate
a tendency of all colonies. Never was
anything more prophetic in politics than
when Turgot, in 1850, said: Colonies
are like fruits, which hold to the tree only
until maturity, and when sufficient for
themselves doing what Carthage did, what
some day America will do Has not Cuba
reached this condition of maturity? Is il
not sufficient for itself? At all events is
victory over colony contending for in
dependence worth the blood and treasure
it will costY These are serious questions,
which can be answered properly only by
putting aside all passion and prejudice of
empire and calmly confronting the actual
condition of things. Nor must the case
of Cuba be contounded for moment with
our wicked rebellion, having for It's object
the dismemberment of a republic to
found new power, with slavery as
| its declared cornerstone. For myself
| cannot doubt that in the interest of
both parties-Cuba and Spain-and in
the interest of humanity, also, the contest
should be closed Nor can the enlightened
mind fail to see that the Spanish power on
this island is an anachronism. The day of
European colonies has passed, at least in
this hemisphere, where the rights of man
were first proclaimed, and elf.goyernment
was first organized. A Governor from
| Europe, nominated by crown is con-
slant witness against these fundamental
principles, AS the true course for Spain is
clear, so to my mind is the true course of
the United States equally clear. 1t is to
avoid involving ourselves in any way.
Enough of war have we had, without heed
lessly assuming another Enough has our
commerce been driven from the ocean,
without heedlessly yarousing another enemy.
Two policies were open to us at the begin
ming of the insurrection-one was to unite
our fortunes openly with the insurgents,
assuming the responsibilities of such an
alliance, with the hazard of letters of
marque issued by Spain, and open war.
The other policy was to make Spain feel
that we wish her nothing but good, and
that, especially since the expulsion of her
royal dynasty, we cherish for her cor
dial and kindly sympathy. 1t is said that
republics are ungrateful, but would not
forget that at the beginning of our reVolu-
tionary struggle our fathers were aided by
her money, as afterward by her arms,
and that one of her great statesmen,
Florinda Blanca, lent his energies
no the organization of that armed
neutrality in Northern Europe which
turned the scale against England / say
nothing of the motives by which Spain
was then governed. 1t is something that
In our day of need she Ilent us helping
hand. 1t is evident that, adopting the first
policy, we should be powerless except as
an enemy. The second policy may enable
us to exercise an important influence. The
more reflect upon the actual condition of
Spain, the more | am satisfied that the
true rule for us is non-intervention, except
in the way of good Offices"
Mr.. Sumner then proceeded to consider
the question of belligcrency as affected by
international law;
"Belligerency is fact 10 be attested by
evidence. They are in arms, know, but
where are their cities, towns, proYincesY
Where Is their government Where are
their ports? Where are the tribunals of
tustieep And where are their prize-courts?
To put these questions "a to answer them.
Where, then, is the fact Of belligerencyg :
There is another question in their case
which is with me final. Even if they
come within the prerequisites Of interna
tlonal law, l am unwilling TO make any
recognition of them 80 long as they con-
tinue TO hold human beings as slaves A
decree, in May last, purporting TO be
signed by Cespedes, abolished slavery
but am not sure of this decree, especially
in view Of another, in July, purporting to
como from the same authority, maintain
ing slavery. Until this is settled, we