New-York tribune., 1869-05-12
OUR AMERICAN QUARREL.

OUR AMERICAN QUARREL
Whatever may be the precise instructions
with which Mr.. Morley viii 10 this country, the
Alabama claims must ns0me form other become again
the subject OF diplomatic correspondence The Scnates
sanction OF both Executives Is unusual that it il in
eytabe that reference should be made To IT, and
as on this point President is understood To be OF
one mind with tho Senate the which led that
body To reject tine convention VIII probably be
repfoduced In the form OF "a distinct proposal
for renewed negotiations 1t OF great Importance that
tho British Government shonld allow no uncertainty 10
exist ms to the basis on winch alone negotiation
can proceed any useful purpose. The action OF the
senae has absolved from tho pledges TO which Lord
Stanley and Lord Clarendon had virtually committed
us, aud it has done 81 just at the time when the
true bearing Of the cuncesSions We had made began
10 be unplcasHntly evident We haidy deserve 10
have freedom thus unexpectedly restored 10 u iSI
had compromised Il not only ny lne tonnuet o ,ne @
nation But we should be doubly foolish II We omitted
rI of I'M undertaking uu which would have been Wise
never % have entered The best use We can make OF
such piece tuck oe very cautious bow We again
hamper ourselves Ia "A similar manner
Nothing coad he more opporune than the rubicaiion
Summers speech IN secret session, which appears IN t
days Times IL puts Us IN possession beforehand 81 the
courtascs Of diplomatic intercourse viii be urged
on Lord Clarendon 10y the new Mini,icr' Ihry are
ornd Mr. Rryrrdy Juhnson's speeches 20 highly ard
exercised 80 small an Influence ON bis demands. Mr.
Summers indictment against Gtrat BnHlh reads llAo
French acc ddccuSdOH boz which The whole history OF
the prisoner rnkcd up and pirrcd together unt he fails
70 rtrortze himself in the monster presented the
ccnrt lie regards ns as liable u damage, not oIy 70 Tic
individuals who suffered by oar mcaus but To tho nation
whose sovereignty We iusuitcd whosc commerce We de
stroyed and whose dcb double. BcsIdes the coupcu
sation due To the OWucrs whose ships and were
captured by the Alab1na and her sstsr frnt
Britain Is responsbie ior AN hclun ulnuoh oi :" ps
cent American carrying trade during tie war. and
natural Increase Of ri'is branch OF industry Tucro
two liabilities Mr GUNNER estimates % &H.5Ol.eo.
Il a moro serious matter. The simple equity OF
the case" demands That as ~ bli,ah @ ini'lSeuu93n 3
turo should be bDue by Eogiand lhis saddles "a with
45l0000oO Ihite um'a' t2s ~. ] i ii W. ,n, ~ h.,
the organization ~ prutici expeditions hnd by he e1
tension Of hospitality. piratch cruisers. Show
either ard EnglAud's lnbilty s complete; show the
three, and this power is bound 10y tiille cord
We are glad Tor ttusis that ihs sprcth has been
made In tue place, 10 will brug homn To English
men what tho American demand IcaAy amounts To-.
Though Senator sumner Is more unl.l"Aeh ihah Ar.
Seward or Sir Adams, hc says nothing which was not
contained implicitly in ther di'alch' Bat as long hs
tho American Government confined iisel aicqucst
that Great Britain would arknowcdgc hcr gt in ircog
Ing the gcrcncy ~ tc Southern States there
a danger that Engiihhmen mEnt comr Do Time 10 ASK
themselves whether peace might not b worm oullhg a
the cost OF ~ simple confession that LORD kus"ll had
acted precpitateiy cElt yehis ago NO" We lhihh tn
danger Is aiIn end. Mr. shmuer mas slated with um-'
taxable what such confession involves lie is
asking nothing Wicb y m u..ssl"oa N.en , ooh,h , ns
from the American point oi view lie starts WIN tle
nal act committed 10y one Power against another.
the money loss entaiicd by those consequence
I'm fault The demand is not moro prcpostcrors
n his mouth than II was In The mouth Of SIR seward bot
au impression many minds 10 which discussions about
the nature Of heligency aud blockade conveyed 40 IN
telllgble meaning. There may De- many Eugrhmcn who
great harm IN barren almrsion tat the proc
lamaiion was issued with undue haste There are
that as thus act OF ours made war Last iour
years instead OF two, half tho bill must be
paid by England. our second reason FOR welcoming tbs
speech Is that tho enlightenment u will convey TO En-
gslmcn will strengthen the hands Of the Government
In declining 10 negotiate any further We have all along
held that both Lord Stanley aud Lord Clarendon we're
mistaken IN not making clear at the outset Of Mr. Rev
II JOlusOu'S
recognition he Was hmpy wasting ms Dftath
But II there was any question rs 10 tho eXpe-
deucy Of taking tins lluo Elk mouths ago,
when the United states were alleged 10 he eager 10
meet half way there be question about II now
Mr. Summer has proved 10 demonstration what Is the real
feeling OF the nation ana the Government which, on THIS
question he may fairly be said represent. IL s eyl
dent tnat 1t is not feeling which possibly he prop
tiaed by any halfandalf concessions. Either we must
acknowledge that the cyil war much our work
the SOuth's, and meeky accept the consequences
or We must abandon the hope of bringing the Ameri-
people into Il more friendly attitude toward TINS
country. As the EXTREMIST Northern sympathzcr
Will hardly go tho lengths demanded by Mr. Sumner, we
may hope that the opinion OF Englhmeh wiz 6g plaeil
cay unanimous IN favor Of the latter course Iho night
answer for Lord Clarendon TO gave 20 Mr. Motley isa
simple pOsguDusa refusal TO enter into any discus
sion which Includes the mention of The proclamation OF
neutrality matter either for compensation urbitra
aud the Americans some additional irritation II We had
acted this principle throughout Mr. Keyerdy john
There another to which Mr. Summers speech may
be turned We shall be greatly TO blame If do not SEQ
~ II "a warning that have incurred, though by no
fault OF our the anger Of very powerful people,
naval eminence 1t rival tho greatest Of European
powers No doubt Mr. summers only reference 10
a repudatiOu Of It's alleged necessity. But
that reputation was Itself founded on tho effect
which IL rs assumed viii follow from the eYcTOns OF good
bieu on each side, aud We know by this time what
american Republican means when he talks OF good
EAe opithet IL rarely II ever, applied except to those
vao adopt the whole Radical programme. good En-.
~ huau means man who has started from the
tnises AS Ar. Sumner, and has the
, CJAOn III good mon Of that type sufficiently nu-
, LerOus ana suhicently persuasive 10 bring the
majority OF Englshmen round 10 their view, Mr..
Sumner may be right In thinking war between
as We anticipate, there Is difficulty In finding the
preachers or IT, rs will be the case their
hOrtatlOnb TAU on deaf aud stony hearts, IL is quite
possible that this tanty OF unbrOken peace
only fools paradise The ties Of blood are not likely 10
count for more where England and tho United
States are concerned thnn they counted for
when the eOmDatants were two sections OF the
people. The paramount considerations which should
govern the present policy Of ths country toward tho
United States eso the teAsness OF further negotiations
aud the necessity OF being prepared for We do not
wish to be aarmlsts or 10 represent matters In any
way worse than they really But nothing s gained
by denying that the sort of illeehng which seems 10
England 10 element OF serious danger Suppose,
for example, that IL had reached its present
hight at the time OF the seizure OF the Con-
federate agents on board the Trent the most popular of
Presidents could hardly have ventured on making the
required reparatOn. The utmost caution cannot
Government against being compromised by the hasty
OF official. and II England now compelled 10
urge a similar demand at Washington we question
whether Grant would have the power cOncede H.
the assumpti0n-and very large assumption 10
s-thst he had the WILL