The New Orleans crescent. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1866-1869, 1869-04-04
THE PRoLErARlAN Evil.

About the close Of the last century when
the sansculotte rage for universal equality
threatened to overrun the world, it was COM
mon for young sprigs of aristocracy to ask,
with semi-comic CONSERVATION, what they
would do for Wallets when all would be gen.
'tlemen, mobiles, peers. soyereigns. A similar
suggestion respecting the boot backing voca-
ton was caused by the cant of certain
school of educational idealogists. 1t was
predicted that when everybody, by reason
of the universally of education, should be
scholastic and literary, there would be no
one to black our boots. Well, with inmate
rial exceptions, the first contingency has
come to pass. A smattering of scholasticism
and smattering of literature are spread
out over the millions to an extent unparalleled
in history. This educational buttering is
as thin as it is expanded, to be sure. But
the fact is there. Official statistics avouch it.
But where is the other contingency which
was to befall the portion of society that was
wont to rejoice in shining pedalities made
30 by mental hands under the persuasion of
filthy lucre? The institution whose disap-
pearance was prophecied continues to -four
ish. 1t shows not the least sign of disap-
pearance. On the contrary, the vitality of
lackeyism in all its varieties exhibits no
more symptoms of approaching extinction
than poverty-poverty which may be called
its twin brother, almost its alter-ego; or than
the exceptional wealth which may be called
the predestinate step-mother of both In
deed, all these-wealth, poverty, lackeyism-
seem to co-exist by some eternal bond of cor
relation, and to possess common longevity,
bottomed upon an memorable fate.
But there are still other social institutions
that may rightfully claim membership in this
ancient and immortal family. These are pau
perism and proletarianism. After all that has
been said about the protection of American
labor. and about the elevation of the Ameri-
can working classes to position of independ-
ence of capital, it appears from the proceed
ings of workingmen's meeting held recently
in New York city, that the actual condition of
these classes never was so unsatisfactory and
unpromising. The resolutions of this meet
ing are confined almost exclusively to the
statement of facts, facts which are as obvious
and unquestionable as they are melancholy
and ominous. They assert, for example. what
no intelligent and candid observer will deny,
that the property of the country constantly
tends to accumulation in fewer and fewer
hands; that the larger factories drive out the
smaller factories, the larger traders the
smaller traders; that the chances grow con-
tinually less for men without capital to set up
small industries on their own account, or for
laborers of any kind, skilled or unskilled, to
extricate themselves from the condition Of
compulsory toilers at the heartless discretion
of concentrated capital; and that, hence, the
rich become richer, the poor poorer, and labor
sinks to the final doom of helpless, lifelong
hereditary proletarisnism.
This may look like malignant satire on
the freedom and benefcence of American in
stitutions. It is nevertheless dreadfully
literal truth of contemporary history. The
most corroding canker of European society,
the most perplexing, hideous, and perilous
problem of the old world, is transferred to
this country, and has taken root already SO
deeply as to seem ineradicable.