The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-08-02
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
Eeditor,nI Opinions Of the Lending Journals
Itnon Current TOpIcs-Compiled Every
Day for the Evening Telegraph.
WHERE TO BEGIN POLITICAL REFORM

WHERE TO BEGIN POLITICAL REFORM.
Iron, the NJ y. EUening Post
Az tbe meeting of the alumni of Yale Col
,oa ON Thursday of last week, President
Tooleev asserted that he almost despaired of
eeind honest politicians in this country.
In fhe afternoon Mr. Hustled, of Peeksldll,
Nemarked upon this that if the gentlemen be-
fore him. with their high standing in society,
tbeir learning and activity, their purity of life
and character, to whom the people looked as
teachers and guides would but attend the
nrimarv meetings and the caucuses, thus Civ
mo their example and advice to the political
naTties with which they act, it would soon be
imnossible for bad men to obtain nominations,
or if thew were nominated they could not often
be elected
The reverend professors WINGED at this
suggestion, and others seem to have regarded
IL in the light of q joke. Since Timothy
DWIGHT presided at Yale College, such things
have gone out of fashion. But the good sense
of Mr.. Husteds proposition, it appears, was
Immediately apparent to the audience. There
is ALWAYS one way, every man OF business
knows. to do work well, and that is to do it
himself But politics are carried on IN this
part of the country too much by proxy. 1t
seems to be regarded as too low, or too much
aside from everyday business, to take part
in primary meetings, and so professional poll
system.
The establishment of rings and cliques to
control nominations, legislation, and the be-
stowment of public offices, naturally grows
out of this arrangement. They may be COM
posed of unscrupulous men, but somebody
must do the political work, and it is left by
the best to the worst Somebody must pre-
pare the machinery of the nominating con-
yentions look up and select candidates; keep
political issues before the public; procure
money for the necessary expenses; supply
ballots for voters, most of whom would never
lake the trouble to vote if this was not done
for them. If the good men will not do this
he bad will; and when they do it, they are
sure to consult their own advantage in their
arrangements.
Those who are engaged in this work get
the rewards Of Office.
When men complain of misgovernment in
free country they may blame themselves.
1t is the fault of their own neglect. They are
too much engrossed in their private affairs to
give to public interest the time which in a
republic every citizen ought to give. We
cannot eat, drink, or sleep by proxy; but we
do almost everything else in tins way. Our
children are educated by strangers, whose
names even are scarcely known to us, and in
schools which we never visit; our charities
are done for us by preachers and philanthro-
politics are undertaken for us by men who,
not unnaturally, make the best bargain for
themselves. Only business, holy business,
engages our attention. And then wonder
that our boys go to the dogs, that our girls
are Flora McFlimseys, that the poor vote
against us, and that politics are corrupt
1t would be very strange, indeed, If it were
otherwise. Suppose the business men Of
New York as q rule, 1st, took time and trou-
BILE to train their children in their own ways
of thought and habits I'd, took a personal
interest in the welfare of those they employ,
and in the condition of the poor and unfortu-
nate about them and 3D. took direct and
active part in the local as we'll as general poll
tics? Let any man consider what would be
the result. Men faithful to their children
would not fail to train up characters some
what like their own Men personally inter-
ested in their subordinates and in the poor,
as Christian men ought to be, could not help
but influence these, who form the mass of the
community, to unite with them in political
action. Men of station and wealth, taking a
personal and active part in primary meetings,
and local political concerns could not fail to
drive out the corrupt and purify politics.
New York is shamefully misgoverned; but
we can have here good government whenever
the men who now complain choose to have it.
1t is neither Christian nor democratic for me1
to live apart from their fellows, as they do in
New York. We are one community the mer
chant and his porters, cartmen, and clerks
are all alike members of one socety if he
chooses to influence them for good he can dc
so; his opportunity is great, his power owe
their convictions is almost without bound
But if he lives apart if he regards them no
as fellow Christians, fellow-citizens, fellow
members Of a community in which no one cal
suffer, no one can be ignorant or degraded
without all suffering-but as persons in who's
welfare he has no concern beyond payin
them for what they do for him. then he mus
not be surprised if he has to pay the penalt
of his selfshness; he may rather thank Hca
ven that this penalty is still so light; that it
only fine.