New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1869-04-24
THE ENGLISH TRADE UNIONS.

The English Parliament will at last have to
do something definite in order TO settle the
position of the Trade Unions organizations
before the law. Only the other day the En-
glish public, and the legislating classes in par
ticular, found out that there was vast sub
terranean organization of trades, making laws
for itself and ignoring the laws made by Par
lament. having its secret tribunals, its secret
police and even, in some cases, It's secret ex-
ecutioners OF course there was at first wild
outcry for new legislation, and then, more
soberly. a demand for inquiry. The inquiry
has now been made, and tho legislation Is im-
minent 1t may be we'll to state, as briefly as
possible, the case at issue between the English
Trade Unions and the English law makers.
Law in England has hitherto done all for
the masters, nothing for the workmen Mas
ters might lawfully combine to fix the rates Of
wages and hours OF work. Indeed, 1t never
entered into the public mind to suppose that
even a workngman could question this right.
But if workmen did the same thing they were
liable to be charged with conspiracy. If a
master broke contract with his workmen,
the redress of the latter was to be had only
by civil action. But if the workman broke the
contract the master could have him arrested.
tried as for criminal oifense, and sent
to prison. Such was the general
spirit of the legislation which governed, or tried
to govern, the relations between employer and
employed. Naturally the wOTkmen combined
together, and found rude remedy in their own
numbers and strength. TradeUnions became
powerful. silent, secret institution. They
made laws for their own protection and inter
est-some OF which we're necessary and justii-
able, some of which were really enlightened
| and wise, some Of which were stupid, ignorant,
| selfish, and savage. The self-made laws of the
Trade Unions were, indeed, very much like the
| class legislation of every other body Of men,
when personal interest is the first considera-
| ton, and the personal interest of to-day is
preferred TO the permanent interests OF the
whole future. Great strikes took place, and
were answered or punished by the " lock- ut'
! (the strike of the masters; long and bitter
| internecDe wars were waged dong terrible
| destruction TO the interests of both parties AT
last the public mind was compelled to turn its
attention to the subject. For q time the almost
| universal conviction, settled and sacred as an
article of faith, was that the wOrkmen were
absolutely in the wrong that strikes were
| essentially uniustifable and wicked, and that
Trade Unions ought to be put down. When,
however, it was found that they could not be
put down--that, right or wrong, they were far
! too powerful to be rooted out-people began
| to think there must be some reasonable and
moral basis for them, and a disposition
to inquire candidly into their nature and
their claims set fairly in. Unfortunately,
the first inquiry revealed the atrocious system
Of private outrage carried on by the Sheffield
saw grinders and some other Trade Unions of
similar class. The public mind underwent a
wild revusion, and the name of Trade Unionist
became as odious and terrible as that of Fenian
OF ogre. Still inquiry went on. A Commission
was appointed which included the names of
many distinguished mep--s0@e like Sir w.
Erie, of high legal attainmehts, and standing
absolutely impartial rs between capital and
Trade Unions; some like Mr.. Roebuck, reso-
lutely opposed to the Unions, or like Mr..
Thomas Hughes, disposed to protect all that
was good in them, At the request of several
of the Trade Unions, Mr. Frederic Harrison,
one of the small group of distinguished liter
| arv men who have made themselves conspicu-