The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-07-30
ErCmCEn Reform.

We believe there is a course open to the
Emperor which he has attentively studied,
and which, if overpressed he may at last
attempt to pursue-and that is, to try
whether in France a free Legislature and a
free executive cannot co-exist. They CO.
existed across the Atlantic for nearly a hun
dred years In January 1866, Napoleon
stated in his speech from the throne that the
true analogue for the Constitution of France
was the Constitution of the United States
and several of his utterances at different
times indicate that the peculiar position of
an American President, SO irresponsible
within his sphere, seems to him much less
powerless and pitiable than that of a consti-
tutional monarch in the English
Executive did get along in America with free
Legislature, and the Emperor, who at heart
believes that free Chamber is sure sooner
or later to make itself contemplate, might
not be disinclined, wanting any other road of
| escape, to try that eXperiment-to grant, that
is, all that the Legislature demands for itself,
yet refuse ministerial responsibility. Sup
pose, for example, that he withdrew, honest
| ly Withdrew, from all control of elections, re-
stored the right of proposing measures to the
members, retaining only his veto, and al
lowed the Chamber to select its own officers,
he would retain, in the face of a free Legisla-
ture, a vast body of power. He would be
he executes them now, and no new law can
be passed except with his consent. He
would retain the control of the vast ma
chine, the French bureaucracy, with its
all but limitless influence, would have a
direct hold upon ths Chamber through his
patronage and his party, and would be quite
as much master of the foreign policy Of France
as he is now. 1t is easy to say a free Cham
Der could restrain that policy, but funds for a
war once declared are never refused. can
never be refused except under penalty OF
invasion; and the American House of Repre-
sentatives has never yet exercised any strin.
gent control over the policy of the country
The position would be very great one, anC
the Emperor's power, though much more
limited than at present would still within its
limits be real and unfettered, while there
would be none of the untruthfulnesS
which Napoleon is accustomed tC
ascribe to constitutional monarchy. 1t il
} in this direction that Napoleon, if convinced
that he must surrender personal government
and if finally decided against war, and if re
solved on any resolution at all, WILL we be
lieve, endeavor to move; and it will be Gu
rious to observe whether this kind of freedom
will content his people. We suspect it will
not; that they will pronounce it illogical a
indeed it is; and that the members will no
3 surrender their highest ambition. that of be
coming ministers. Occasions of collision vii
be sought instead Of avoided; the Republical
party will proclaim itself in the Chambers an
I the often repeated, ineXorable situation o
France, an internecine quarrel between tn
= Parliament and the person, will once more b
, reproduced. Still, every course now open t
, him involves a choice of evils, and this one
| of all the one which will seem to the Empero
himself the least humiliating. Tile L0Rdo
l Spectator.