The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-03-24

ances, the difference is to be compromised bv I
suspendiDg the law until the 4th of March,
1873, which Is as great q blunder as the Re.
publican party could well commit.
1t is q stupendous blunder, because Il will
expose both General Grant and the party that
elected him to general contempt. as unprin-
cipled selfseekers, who abandon all con-
sistency and all shame in the pursuit of sordid
objects. There is no ground of principle on
which General Graut could Justify his refusal
TO act under suspension for eight months
which would not equally bind him to abstain
from action under a suspension of the law for
four years. refusal to accept temporary
suspension of the law for his own particular
advantage can reflect credit on his character
only on the suppositlOn that he is standing M
for the rights OF his Office and that he seorns
to sacrifice its just authority to personal ends.
The eight months liberty which he refuses
would enable him to accomplish more valuable
reforms in the public service than the residue
of the four years. liberty which he will pro-
badly accept. Eight months are an ample
period for clearing the eervioe of corrupt and
incompetent officials, and If he appoints
honest successors, there will be comparatively
little necessity for removals during the re-
mainder of his term. On what ground, then,
does he refuse the profFered eight months
libertyY The only tenable ground that can
be imagined is, that he feels bound to stand up
for the rights and dignity of his Office, and
refuses to accept as a personal favor the re-
taxation of a law that trenches upon the
authority which the Constitution vests in the
Executive. If, after refusing short suspen-
sion, he accepts long one he will confess
that he does not act upon principle, and that
his only object is to get control of the patron
age to promote his reelection. He
will confess that he regards
the public interest as subordinate to
his personal ambition. As between suspen-
sion and repeal he has declared that he will
not recognize the former, but will insist upon
the latter. If he now accepts a suspension
during his term as a substitute for repeal,
he will advertise to the country and to the
world that he is vulgar ofice-seeker and
offce-broker, who sees nothing in public ques-
tions beyond the manner in which they will
affect his own interests. Every consideration
of principle binds him to treat long suspen-
| sion of the law with the same scorn as
| short one.
The suspension of the Tenure of-Ofice act
| for four years will be the most unblushing
and disgraceful confession ever made by po-
| litical party. 1t confesses that the law is a
partisan device for stripping Democratic Presi-
dents of powers which Republican Presidents
! are permitted to exercise. If General Grant
| should be reelected, he will claim and will be
allowed the same liberty during his second
| term that is conceded to him in his first. If he
| should have Republican successor, that sue
cessor will demand and extort the same
exemption which is conceded to General
| Grant. The Tenure-ef- Office act is to
operate only on Democratic Presidents. 1t
was enacted to curtail the authority of Presi-
dent Johnson, and will Come into force
again only to restrain the first Democratic
President elected by the.speople. II the next
President should be Democrat, and the
Republicans should happen to retain ma
jority of the Senate, the law could not be
repealed, and it would come into operation at
the beginning of Democratic administration
without any action by Congress- by the mere
expiration of the period Of suspension. Sc
barefaced and unscrupulous an exhibition o
partisanship, such an attempt to make the
Constitution mean one thing for Democrats
and another thing for Republicans, will oper
the eyes of the people and contribute power
fully to the overthrow Of this party of politi
cal knaves which is now omnipotent at thu
Federal capital.