The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-01-06
Capital and LabOr-Ihe Eight Hour Law.

Capital and LabOr-The Eight-HOur Law.
From the ". 7. Times.
The eight-hour law proves to be failure,
and its enactment is widely regarded as
farce. 1t was intended by those who asked for
it to give ten hours pay for eight hours'
work, but is framed so as not to do anything
of the sort. 1t simply declared that a day
should mean eight hours in estimating the
duration Of labor, but at what rate it should
be paid for was left an open question.
The bill was passed on the eve of an cleo
tion and, like all bills passed under such
circumstances, the men who passed it were
anxious, not so much to make it of practical
advantage to workingmen, as to secure their
votes by making them believe that it was so
intended. Its enactment was political
trick-not prompted by sincere regard for
the working classes, nor framed with the
primary motive of promoting their interests.
1t ought either to be repealed or revised. 1t
should either say what it means, or it should
say nothing at all. AS it stands, it simply
misleads both partes-employers and en-
ployed-and benefits neither. And in its ap-
plication to persons employed by the Govern
ment, it has led to controversy, different
action on the part of different departments,
and general confusion and discomfort.
1t has generally been deemed, and has
always been found, perilous undertaking for
Government to fix the prices or control the
sale of food, clothing, labor, or any of the
other necessaries of life. The general princi-
pie that all these things will be best regulated
when they are left to be freely regulated by
the parties concerned has been conceded by
nearly all who believe In freedom at all. The
attempt of governments to control these
things has always failed, and we see no reason
to believe that it will not always fail hereafter.
Capital has advantages over labor which
labor will always deem unfair and unjust. 1t
is much more manageable; its holders can
much more easily combine its power to hold
out in contest between the two is much
greater; and, as necessary result, its chances
of success are the best. II is quite as necss-
sary, too, to the prosperity OF community as
labor is. The South to-day has plenty of
labor, but its lack of capital renders its labor
useless. As general rule, capital can always
command labor, while it is but rarely, aud
under very exceptional circumstances, that
labor can impose its own laws upon capital.
Capital moreover, has this great advantage
that, if treated upjustly in any country, it can
20 elsewhere. The small returns capital can
command in England send millions of English
capital to this country every year; and an ef-
fective eight-hour law in England would send
the great bulk of the free capital of the king
dom elsewhere. An effective eight-hour law
here would have a similar effect. The large
capitalists who invest their incomes in erect
| ing dwellings, for example, will look to
other quarters when building becomes so
| expensive as to be without profit. Aud then
workmen who live by building, as well as all
who hire dwellings to live in, must suffer by
| the change.
Capital and labor are dependent upon each
other, and each profits and prospers only in
| connection with the other. But there is very
clearly general feeling on the part of the
laboring classes throughout the world, that
labor should have larger share of the profits
of the joint operation than it gets at present.
Capital certainly gets the most. The capital
lists of the world get richer;-they live more
sumptuously;-the absorb, more and more,
the culture, the grandeur, the enjoyments,
and the power of the WORTHWHILE the
laborers-the active partners in the whole
conceIn-do not share in these advantages in
a corresponding degree. These are strong
points, and, in the main, they are true. And
labor has an unquestioned right to change the
terms of the partnership u ii can, and to exact
for itself larger, while it imposes on capital
a smaller, share of the advantages of their
Joint exertions.
But we doubt the possibility of making any
very great changes in the relations between
the two. Those relations are fixed and main
tanned by laws more potent than the enact
ments of any legislature. They do net de-
pend on votes, and are not in the least affected
by universal suffrage nor disturbed or checked
in their operation by eloquent stump speeches
or able editorials. A fundamental condition
of free society is that all its elements, and all
the forces that give II power, shall be free IN
their development; and any action of the Gov
errmAnt that interteres with this retards the