The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-07-26
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
Editorial Opinions of the Lending Journals
Upon Current Topics-COmpilod Every
DaY for the Evening Telegraph.
FRANCE MOVING.

the Liberalism OF france Will pass an en-
forced. but. we trust, not an uneventful or
improbable holiday The agitation of re-
forms has not paused, and, since the effect of
the Emperor's late concessions, has but little
abated. That the opposition to the imperial
administration can, upon question of de-
mand for ministerial responsibility, count a
strength original and acquired of 1jj votes,
argues that it has secured ground 50 firm that
n conservative majority and the personal in
fluence of the throne cannot wash it away
Thus is reform ordained beyond peradven-
ture; the only question being as to the ulti-
mate measure of liberal demands, and the
sincerity of the profered imperial conces-
siOns. Only one general programme, how
ever, will satisfy the French future, namely:
that the Emperor shall keep on giving, and
the opposition continue demanding. The
last gift and the last demand, in that case,
would be the surrender of the Empire itself.
The Legislature of France is curiously con-
stituted. 1t contains class of democrats like
Montpayroux and st. Hiaire together with
group of democratic-radicals, SO called, to
which belong the most earnest men of France
-Favre, Simon, Pages, Baucel, Pelletan, and
the rest. In addition to these are score or
more of Liberals who follow the lead Of
Thiers and Fould, and party Of Iiboral-Im-
perialists with Nj. Emile Olivier as their re-
cognized head M. Schneider leads the band
of Ministerial Conservatives, ont of which M.
Alfred Leroux has Just been translated into
the Cabinet. The ultra Conservatives repre-
sented in the Ministry by NJ. BOurbcau, have
for spokesman Baron David Grdnier de CAS-
sagnac, and NJ. du Miral, lately the author Of
a motion for interpolation apparently in
spired by the Empire. A half-dozen Catholic
Liberals, whose appellation alone is, accord
ing to the official paper of Rome, an insult to
reason, bring up the rear Of these parhamen-
tary forces. We need to say that the opposi-
ton to the empire on the question of minis
terial responsibility was mustered not only
out of the four classes to which the Demo
Gratis and Liberals belong, but from the con-
servative ranks also. The Baron de Mackau,
to whom Napoleon lately addressed a letter,
and the Duke de Mouchy both conservatives,
were among the signers of the Liberal de-
mand.
1t was in respect to this very considerable,
if not permanent opposition, that the Empe-
ror, in late message to the legislative body,
set forth the half-dozen concessions which he
is disposed to submit to that close corpora
tion, the Imperial Senate. The first point Of
concession named by him refers TO the right
of the Legislature to make rules for itself and
70 elect its officers The second is directed
to the simplifcaton of the methods of amend
ment, at present deliberately complicated and
obstructed for Imperial purposes The third
would make it binding on the Government to
submit to the Legislature all tariff amend
ments in treaties, but not to submit the body
of the treaties themselves, as at first reported
Fourthly. the Emperor seems willing that the
budget shall be voted on in chapter, thus
giving to the Legislature an unusual, but, in
view of the Mexican expedition, very neces-
sary control over the details of the Imperial
system of finance. His fifth proposal looks
to the reconciliation of the position Of de-
putty with the assumption of ministerial
4. 1,h
view he has Just taken two legislators into his
Cabinet Finally, he comedies an extension
of the right Of Interpolation BY the present
rule, every motion to address questions to the
Government must be signed by five persons,
and then be referred to the Minister of State
and by him directed to committees, when, i
two committees of the Senate or four of the
Legislative body see fit, the question in de
mand may be put before the Chamber. The
tyranny of regulation under which the par
lament of France was thus kept dumb has
been so keenly felt that its emancipation nov
must be especially refreshing. Upon the
series of proffered reforms the Emperor re
marks that they accord with the natural de
velopment of those which have been mad
time after time in the institutions Of the Em
pire.
The Imperial concessions are scarcely tn
measure of the liberal demands; but thei
number and candor certainly indicate crisi
in the history of France. They cover tn
main part of the programme of the opposi
tion, at least of its liberal front as distin
guished from its democratic background
They demonstrate not the oomplaisance o
the Emperor, although he is a studious SCI
want of whatever is inevitable and incOntro
vertible in politics, but rather the strengt
and determination of the progressive senti
ment of France. The late resolution of th
Tiers-Parti demanding ministerial respons
bility received not less than 12j sign
lures. and laid claim to thirty more, thU
leaving the Government for the first tin
in it's existence in a minority and that, to-
by as many as twenty-five votes. We repea
then. that the Emperor's programme of CO.
cessions contains the terms Of an eXtraord
nary surrender. Neither the candid admissic
of the Emperor himself that the question
hand is between a liberal empire and revol
ton, nor the equally plausible confession
some of his advisers, can blind us to the for
of this event. The Emperorhas not only be-
suffered to surrender, but to some extent
has been deserted by his supposed friend
such. for instance as Mackau and De Mouch
The French are growing stronger as the
Emperor grows older, and the recent ever
90 to show that one fact may yet pro
stronger than Empire. That fact is Fran
itself.
THE REPU BLICAN PARTY IN MI
GTGSTppT