The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-05-19
EngInnd,s Present DimcuIties.

other two. comes the speech of Mr.. Sumner in
the American Senate. 1t is shortly this:-"You
English are responsible, if not for all the ex-
penses of our civil war, ut least for more than
half of them; and we will not be satisfied unless
you pay us several hundred millions of pounds
sterling, and make an ample, not to say abject,
apology into the bargain. Increase your national
debt by about so per cent, and creep in the dirt
before the United States, and perhaps we
shall forgive you, perhaps also we shall not"
The second thing is the riot at Derry.
Prince Arthur, in the course of his Irish
tour, undertaken for the sake of trying
the effect on the Irish people of small dose of
royal favor, arrives at Derry. The prentice boys
of Derry, under the color apparently of doing
him honor turn out in what would appear to
have been an Orange procession. The usual
consequences follow in the shape of desperate
riot, in which the constabulary had to charge
several times" Three men were shot dead on
the spot, and "order was only restored when the
54th Regiment turned out and patrolled the
streets" The scene of the third incident was
Cork. The mayor of that city presided Mt q
dinner given to the two released Fenian convicts
Warren and Costello. He made speech in
favor OF Irish nationality looking forward to
the day when Ireland might defy England, and
upset the existing Government. He said Allen,
Larkin, and O'Brien ought to be remembered
and respected as good patriots" He described
OFarrell, the assassin who was hung at Sydney,
as mobile Irishman' who, 'when he fired at
the Prince in Australia, was imbued with as
noble and patriotic feelings as Larkin Allen,
and O'Bricn worc," which is probably true.
Warren and Others made similar speeches, which
appear to have been received in very en-
thusastic manner. Add to these incidents
the murders, agrarian or otherwise, which
have very recently occurred in Ire
land, and it must, we think be admitted
that matter enough exists to make us feel un-
comfortable, to say the least of it. The insults
and threats levelled Mt us from the other side
of the Atlantic by one of the most prominent
public men in America are echoed at home by a
man holding an important public position,
while the Outstanding wounds of Ireland break
out in riot and murder collective and individual,
and under circumstances which make it impos-
siblc to doubt that there is close connection
between the crimes which we witness, the threats
which we hear, and the impression which is
created in Ireland by the course of policy which
we are pursuing for the express purpose of con-
ciliation. These are facts which ought to make
lis think little. What has been and is the
cause of these insults We need not go very
far to look for it. 1t is to be found in the
opinion which prevails widely both in the United
States and in Ireland that the English nation is
afraid of them both. They think that they have
a hold on us, that we know it, and that we are
beginning to suffer that knowledge to affect
our general conduct aud policy. Large numbers
of Americans, who contrast the language of our
press at the height of the civil war with the
almost servile tone which it has assumed
towards America and its institutions since the
close of the struggle, and who dwell with natural
satisfaction on the enormous and rapid develop
ment of military force which they were able to
make under pressure, conclude that we are
frightened. Many Irishmen draw a similar in
ference from the fact that the zeal of the Liberal
party for the disestablshment of the Irish
Church proceeds from the terror produced by
the Fenian rising and the Clerkenwell explosion
The advent to power of Mr. Bright, with his
strong American sympathies and his horror of
war; the sentimental and phianthrOpic reputa-
ton of Mr.. Gladstone, and in particular the
feelings which he has so often expressed as to
Irish misgovernment, and the Importance of
conciliating the feelings of the Irish; and, last
of all, that most unhappy measure, the release
of the Fenian prisoners, have gone far to
produce in the minds of our many ill-wishers
conviction by no means unlike that which had
so much effect upon the Emperor Nicholas
fifteen years ago, that the spirit of the country
has sunk and that it is now much safer to insult
us than it used to be. That under such circum-
stances we should meet with abundance of in
suits is only what was to have been expected.
1t is highly important to consider what amount
of truth there is in this impression, and whether
or not it is to be suffered to remain undis-
turbed As to the first question, it is we fear, i'm
possible to affirm that the impression is alto
gether unfounded. 1t is a melancholy truth
that we have been considerably frightened at
the state of Ireland, at its relation to America,
at the unexpected development of the military
power and tastes of the United States, and at
the feelings provoked by our mistake in giving
our moral support TO the wrong side in the civil
war.
With regard to the Irish, again, many people
in this country, some of them men in high au-
thority, have most undoubtedly been frightened,
not, we pointed out the other day, at the
prospect of being defeated by an Irish rebellion,
but at the prospect of having to suppress 1t by
force, such force being employed to defend
some things which are distinctly indefensible.
So far we must submit to the imputation of
having been afraid. Unwelcome as the truth
is, there is no good in denying it, The future,
however, is still in our power, and the question
whether the English nation ought to permit
itself to be insuted is one which, when stated
in plain terms, answers itself. OF course, no
would say yes to it, but there is considerable
reason to fear that many people will give an
answer which, though not an affirmative in
terms, will have all the effect of one. They will
seek, as towards always do to avoid the necessity
of vindicating their character and position by
denying that it has been attacked. They will
try to eXtenuate the Importance of such Ian
guage as Mr.. Summers, and to deny the signih-
canoe of such acts are continually taking
place in Ireland. They will treat as an absurdty
the notion that any one can suppose that the
British nation is frightened, or act upon the sup
position of the existence of such feeling. In u
word, they will do their best to induce us all to
pocket the atfrOnts put upon us, and TO manage
matters in such way as to show as little as
possible the nature of the load which we carry
in our pockets. This is the well-established
and wel-understood procedure OF every bully
| and coward who finds himself oVermatched; and
those who do not wish their country to play
| that part amongst the nations of the world
| would do well to consider how brave men
| usually act under difficulties. Whatever else
they do, they invariably do three thngs-they
| acknowledge the existence of their dlfhcul-
ties, take their measure, and march straight
| up to them with clear determination in their
own minds as to the kind and degree of resist
ance winch they mean TO oppose to them. This
is the proper course to take in the present in
stance. We ought clearly to acknowledge that
there is danger which under favorable circum-