The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-08-12

to believe that Germany was on the talr way |
20 final victory and complete consolidation,
specls have appeared on the horizon which
compel us to admit that the German question
is not yet beyond the regions of the doubtful,
and that the life of Count Bismark is becom-
ing more valuable to Prussia and the general
German cause as age and growing infrmities
induce him to seek retirement. Russia busies
herself more and more with questions of inter
nal reform, and manifests genuine anxiety to
develop the races which Providence has en-
trusted to her care. The emancipation of the
serfs was mighty step in the right direction.
The more recent abolition of the privileges
of the clergy shows that the governing policy
of Russia for the time being is clearly in
favor of popular liberty and such develop
ment as is compatible with the general inte-
rests of the empire. One of the most in
teresting items of our latest news comes from
the northwest of Europe. Scandinavia shows
signs of growing strength and purpose.
Sweden, Norway, and Denmark are inhabited
10y people that belong TO a common stock.
Sweden and Norway have for some gene
rations been one, and to both union
has been a benefit. Denmark has
been painfully isolated, and of late
Denmark has grievously suffered This suf-
ferlng and loss the scandinavian races, one
and all, see must continue unless they can
come under some common bond of union.
lhey have recently, as our news columns
have shown, had a grand meeting, Mt which
such union was strenuously advocated, and
the approaching marriage of the Grown Prince
of Denmark with the daughter and only
child of the reigning family in Sweden pro
misses to make this desired union a fact.
If we look at the situation in Europe from
another point of view-from point of view
of more general interest-the situation is
even more interesting. We know well that
there are many influences which are sufficient
to cause war, We know that war is avoided
because of its uncertain consequences rather
than because war is believed to be intrinsi
cally and essentially bad. There are out
standing questions between France and
Prussia of a very serious kind. But Napoleon
has not been able to persuade himself that
war with Prussia would of a certainty rebound
to his advantage, and war with that power has
in consequence been very wisely avoided. 1t
| is scarcely otherwise with Prussia, although
Prussia has the advantage in having no special
| reason to court war. The recent speeches of
| Won Beust, the Austro-H Hungarian Chancellor
| one of the ablest men of this age, man who
is not to be named second to either Napoleon
or Bismark, show that in the event of difficulty
| arising between Prussia and France Austria
would be much more likely to take the side Of
| France than the side of Prussia. The latest
| speech of Won Beust, taken in connection
| with the sentiments Of the Austrian Red Book.
is rather alarming than otherwise. 1t has
| caused, indeed, profound sensation, particu-
| larly in Paris and Vienna. The French inter
| probation of the language of the Premier is
| in effect that the Austrian statesman has
| informed Prussia in diplomatic terms that the
| empire does not need the friendship of con-
solidated Germany, having France in entente
| cOrdi0Le.
| We now know with some degree of cer-
| tainty how Europe would arrange itself in
| the event of war. In spite of all the trouble
| which is now supposed to exist in the East we
must still regard France and Prussia as the
two powers most likely to come into contact.
| war between them would necessarily divide
| Europe into two hostile camps. Austria would
| go with France if it came to pressure. In
such case Russia might deem it necessary to
| go with Prussia. The Scandinavian kingdoms
might remain neutral, but if necessity were
laid upon them they would be much more
likely to take the side of the Germans than
that of the French. Italy wouldhave no choice,
but remain neutral, and Spain and Portugal
are so helpless that they cannot be taken into
account. How the conflict would end we will
not take it upon us now to say. Certainly we
do not think that the South could beat the
North. After all, however, the war clouds
are not very alarming. All the nations are toe
busy with questions of domestic reform tC
allow themselves easily to be dragged into
war. The indications for the present are il
favor of natonalities. The nations threateI
to become less numerous and more powerful
We are likely soon to have fewer governments
and not so many crowned heads. Europe see
and admires the career and prosperity of he
greatest otfshoot, and the example of th
United States is revolutionizing the nations
The revolution is general and goes on apace
but war does not necessarily enter into tn
| programme.
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