The weekly clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1863-1882, 1869-04-01

A%ca 80 AA@ ~ A<1~G~
1t is manifest that Gen. Grant
has not selected his Cabinet with
reference to unity OF sentiment
upon political questions; and has
not been guided by an inclination
to subserve any particular parti-
IAN interest. Thus, he appointed
4. T. Stewart, a free-trader to
administer the Office Of Secretary
of the Treasury, who was restrain
ed from qualifying by the law of
1878. On the failure Of the ap-
pointment, his next selection is
Mr.. Boutwell, notorious as a high
Tariffite. In like manner, he con-
fers Office on a freedom-shrieker,
of the Wendell Philips school;
and before the ink is dry,he sends
to the Senate for confirmation the
appointment of Gen. Lougstreet,
who "fought against the flag"
four years and whose tremendous
blows against the corpus "Of the
nation" came nigh taking the
life out of it.
But in nothing is this dis
position of the new President
to give all sides a representation
in his administration Of the gov
eminent, SO signally displayed as
in the matter of negro suffrage
and the proposed XVIII amend
ment. Notwithstanding the dec
laration in his inaugural in favor
of that proposition, he has APP
pointed Gov. Cox of Ohio, to a
seat in els cabinet who had com
mitted himself emphatically
against it. This cabinet appoin-
tee Gov. Cox addressing a com
mittee of Obelin abolitionists
(negroes) on the oath of July '65,
said:
/ You, judging from this distance,
say Deliver the four millions OF freed
/ people into the hands OF their former
/ oppressors. now embittered by their
| defeat, and they will make their con-
dition worse than before. /, starting
| from the same principles. and after
four wears of close and thoughtful OBJ
seryation of the races where they are,
say | am unwillingly forced TO the
/ conviction that the effect of the war
/ has not been simply TO embitter their
relations, but TO develop a rooted an
tagonism which makes their perIna-
nent fusion in one political commune
| tv an absolute impossibility. The
| sole difference between us then is in
the degree ofhostility we lind existing
between the races, and its probable
| permanence. You assume that the
extension of the right OF suffrage To
the blacks, leaving them intermiNed
with the whites, Will cure all the
trouble. / beliere that IL could rather
be like the decisions in that outer dark
ness Of tohich Milton speaks, tchere
"'Chaos umpire sits,
And by decision more embroils the
fray"
"Net, as | affirm with you, that the
rights TO life and liberty are inaliena-
BILE. and more than admit the danger
of leaving a labOring class at the en-
tire mercy of those who formerly
owned them as slaves, you will say
that am bound to furnish some solu-
ton of the problem which shall not
deny the right or incur the peril. SO
am, and the only real solution 'clttch 1
can see is pedcea6te separation Of The
| races.
because there could be no real uni
ty of people between the Southern
whites and the Southern blacks 1t
seems manifest to me that there could
be no political unity, but rather a
strife for the mastery, IN which the
one or the other would go to the wall.
THE struggle for the supremacy
would be direct and immediate, and
see no hope whatever that the weaker
race would not be reduced TO hopeless
subsection. or utterly destroyed.
The few colored men, whom we
have among us lin the Northern
States) may be regarded as the waits
and strays of the great body which is
a nation in numbers, and in its isola-
tion by mental and physical character
iStics. 1t is as a unit that we must
deal with them, and no paltering with
the edges of the difficulty will avert
the doom which all history teaches us
will follow a ,orong solution"