The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1869-12-29
Free Trade In Labor.

TcstTlCl, unucr certain Scll-lnlpOScu COnul-
tions, the sale Of their labor, must needs he
at variance with the fundamental axionls of
political economy, us being opposed TO Free
Trade. This position overlooks dstinc-
tion OF great Importance, the distinction he
tween freedom OF exchange in the products
of labor and unrestricted competition for
labor itself. Recent legislation in England
fully illustrates this distinction. After
controversy which exhausted all the argu-
ments derived both from theory and practice,
the nation became convinced thnt the eyer-
else OF the power Of buying and selling COM
modties according to the dictates Of indi-
vidual self-interest alone, was the mode by
which the wealth OF the country and the in
tercsts of all classes in it were most cfIectu-
| ally advanced. Tn England, the principle OF
freedom of exchange, or Free Trade reigns
paramount and unchallcnged. But concur
rcntly with the statutes which have given
effect to Free Trade, the Legislature sane
| toned sensible restrictions upon freedom of
labor. Was Parliament upholling the cause
of truth and freedom with one hand, and
shifting it down with another?
No writer states the case moro clearly than
the Duke Of Argyle, who, while he strenuous
" upholds the doctrine OF free exchange of
commodities, points out what are these
principles and motives OF human nature,
which inevitably tend, unless legal restric-
tion he interposed, TO produce Il competition
of labor destructive to HEALTH morality and
the higher interests Of society. Children
who, exercising no yolition OF their own, are
bound over to their taskmasters by the Gu
pidity or selfshncss Of their parents, cannot
be regarded as "free laborcrs"
Similar considerations apply to female Ia
bor. 1t is not free competition, but uuthori-
ty or coercion which drives large number
ofwomen into tho labor market. And with
regard to men, who are willing and free
competitors for labor, il needs only u little
consideration to see how liable they are, un-
der the pressure of competition, to sacrifice
their own highest interests Upon this sub
ject The Duke Of Argyle. in "Thc Reign OF
Law" says:
.In all thai wide circle OF operations which
have for their Immediate object the getting of
wealth, there is n sagacity and IL cunning In
compared with which our legislative wisdom
Is Ignorance and folly. But the interests OF
labor, having for their conscious purpose the
acquisition or wealth, urc Instincts which, I'M
der the stimulus and pressure of modern So
cicty, are blind TO all other results whatever.
They override even the love OF life they
silence even the fear of death. Trades in
which the lahorcrs never reach beyond middle
| I'm r,bi oh ltn Iain la
fatal within few ycars-trades in which those
who follow them are liable to loathsome and
tortrring diseasc-all hrc filled by the enlist
mcnt Of an unfailing series Of recruits. If,
therefore, there be come things desirable or
ncedfll for community other than the acqui-
sltlon OF wcalth-if mental ignorance and ply
sical degencracy be evils, dangerous to social
and political prosperity, then these results
cannot and must not be trHsted to the instincts
ofindyidual men. And why? Because the
few motives which bear upon them. and which
consequently determine their conduct, have
become almost as imperlous as the motives
which determine the conduct Of the lower AMI
mails
IL then, in the words Of all Euin6ur1h Re
rictcer, some intcrposition be necessary to
save those who are cnsaved either to the
cupidity OF others, or to their own thirst of
gain, from the consequences of such excess;
II it be necessary that some check should be
placed on the freedom OF individuals who
would nadly sacrifice their own interests,
and those Of others also, in blind pursuit
OF selfish adrantage--then may the Lcgisla-
ture, as representing the national WILL inter
pose to restrict the competition of labor
within the limits which the paramount in
terests of the community prescribe.
This restriction is 10 invasion OF the true
province of political economy. That science
proceeds OH the assumption that the princi-
pies OF human nature and tho circumstan-
ces of mans external situation arc so adjust
ed, that to leave free scope TO the natural
impulses of men is the surest way to bring
about the general advancement of wealth
and social improvement. In regard to tho
exchange Of products, experience fully con-
firms This assumption. But In regard to tho
operations Of labor, the same ground fails.
The principles OF human nature, loft un-
checked, do not tend to promote the we'll
being of NIL. or even OF the individual. To
the frightful moral evils produced by unfet-
tered indulgence, the nation applies logis-
lative check. And II the will OF the nation,
expressed in coercivc statutes, may, without
infringing sound economic laws, step In to
restrict tho competition OF the labor market,
why may not voluntary combination do the
same? If n Parliament, in tho interest OF
the workmcn, Is competent to limit the hours
OF labor in a factory, why not tho workmen
for themselves
Trades Unions do not, according to these
views, involve, ioso .fIc!c, IL violation of eco
nomic principles. FREQ 1rade Is not necessa-
rlly rionted. whenever men agree together
not TO work except upon certain specified
L Of