The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1869-12-30
OUR ENGLISH COUSINS.
English Views of the Presidents Mes
sase-The Question OF Sentimental
Grievanccs-The Extent of English
Sympathy with the Nofth-No Sym
pathy with the Present Attitude.

Tom Hughes. the well-known author OF
-Tom Brown at Oxford is now one OF the Eng
| lish correspondents Of the New York Tribune. In
his last letter he says:
! Your Presidents message has of course been
the chief item Of foreign news with US In the past
week. His review OF the progress OF reconstruc-
tion, and OF the rapid advance OF the freedmen
throughout the South, has only confirmed the views
OF all well-informed people here; and the offlclal
announcement OF your continuing and Increasing
prosperity gives US as nation, very sincere
| pleasure. When Tsay this three-lourths OF yeur
readers probably will not believe me, nevertheless
! state nothing Int the fact; AMI that may not
be accused OF writing only what think will please
you, let Inc turn TO that part OF the message which
| refers to the unsettled claims between US. DO
not the least blame your President for putting the
case as he does, for am sorry to admit that ne Is
| only the faithful mOuthplcce IN so DONG OF lne
nation he represents; but do say tina BY this
time, there ought to he among you ut least MI
nority which can make its voice heard, ready to
| look at the matter on both sides. What is this
great wrong wholly unaioned for,' Which Is
always assumed by every writer and speaker
| among you. and which 81 sensitive people
conscious OF its power is broodins over.
and treasuring up, against some great day or
reckoning, | presume. That we might have
stopped the Alabama and didn't we have admit
ted for all practical purposes; for no serious
| statesman or writer has maintained the contrary
since the excitement OF the war has cooled down.
| We formally agreed 10 pay whatever damages
| may be awarded on this account, or on any other
| that yOu like to bring into question:: and 1t was
no doing OF ours that the agreement was set
aside. Your whole case Is conceded, so far as
pecunary compensation goes; for you don't seri-
ousy ask US to pay ,cithoM reference 10 af3Itra-
| tion. What other atoncmcnt do you want? We'll,
| am told, both BY American friends, and over
and over again by our press, that the real grlev-
| ance is sentimental; that your feelings are In
| jurcd; that you want apologies. Now, ! really
| TO sentiment we have our grievance too. Let me
| put the case rs II appears TO us, ana when say
'us,' speak not only OF the great masses OF our
Guiding even fair sprinEllng or the ariStocracy
who fought your battle here from the first days or
the war.
nit that what is commonly called the London
world or society so called, and the rich section OF
our middle class, were delighted They, and their
representatives in our press, were only too glad
| 10 set up the cry that democracy had broken
down again, AID TO rejoice, not quite so openly
but without tho least feeling OF compunction or
| shame, that what they called your " oyergroWn
power' should be broken, and so serious danger,
| as they thought for England in the future avert
| cd. That section OF the nation can always make
its voice heard first and loudest. 1t has, or had
nine years ago, possession OF that portion OF the
| press which has most prestige abroad. The
| utmost use was made OF this vantage ground;
| but now look fairly at what II effected anu
| how the case was met in England. Prom the
voeacy OF the soundest portion of our press. or
the two leading and most influential weeklies,
the Spectator fought for you at the risk OF abSo-
lute ruin, for its circulation Is chiefly among the
| very class which was most unfrendly, and whose
| prciudlces were faithfully represented by the
| Saturday Review and the Times. In the same
way the Daily News and the Morning Star never
ialtered for moment and great number or
| the best provincial journals look up and steadily
maintained your cause, especially after the ap-
pearance ofPresident Lincoln's proclamation.
II, again. you like TO appeal from the press and
! from anonymous writer's to those who wrote and
spoke in their own names the case in oar favor
Is at least as strong. Carlyle AMI Rnskin may be
quoted perhaps as strong syniisthlzerS with the
rebellion, but they never wrOtC deliberately and
seriously on the subject, and no other authors or
note SO far as remember, openly took the same
side. Surely hill, and Sir Charles Lyail, and
Goodwin Smith ought to ncutraze these TWO
| names; and Calrncs' admirable volume, published
| in the first year or the war, and putting your
case as strongly Us you could Wish. was never
answered, and relhains the most effective Eng
| llsh publication touching the great struggle. Or
look at Parliament. MOI only was no vote hostile
| to you ever given, hut the friends OF the re-
bellon never dared even to take DIVISION
and Mr.. Gregory, the member from Galway, Il
comparatively unknown man, was the most
wcghty politician who openly advocated In
reference, while such men as Bright and
Forster were always ready 70 answer him. Even
in the House OF Lords the great majority OF the
peers, If they were at heart unfrlcndy 10 you, at
notOrously represented by such men rs the Duke
OF Argyll and Lords Granville. Kimberley and
HoughtOn who made no secret OF their sympa-
thes with the Morrill, can't think you have any
right 10 be sore. You will say that the foremost
man OF our Liberal party, Mr.. Gladstone, spoke
publicly Of Mr. Jefferson DAVIS as having made Il
nation. But he has as publicly owned his mis-
take, and done justice 10 the steadIastncss and
heroism OF the people OF the Northern States
What more can you ask OF public manY Outside
the Houses OF Parliament and the club world our
case Is even stronger. When yOur rcvcrscs At the
beginning Of the war were crowding OH you fast
and thick, and even Lowell was writing
In six months wherel the people b.,
Ef leaders look OH revolution
Ez though it was cup OF tea
Jest social elements In solution
the Southern sympathzcrs here talked big about
testing popular feeling in England by public meet
ings and appealed TO the cotton operatives, and
She working class generally, 10 protest against q
war which was causing them very severe suffer
ing What was the answer have been 1T many
public meetings In London IN the last twenty
years, but have never seen one approaching In
numbers or enthusiasm that which hooded Exeter
Hail. filling not only the great Concert Room, and
every other public room In the building, bu the
neighborng streets In reply to that challenge.
In all that vast crowd broken up as 1t was into
six or seven public meetings, there was but one
feeling or hearty and thorough sympathy with
you, and confidence that the Union would be
saved, and slavery abolished. 1t did the business
once for all for the metropolis. True, there
were no lords, or eminent public men, among the
speakers, but surely you OF all people, are not
going 10 take up the old aristOcratic ground, and
ask "have any OF the Scribes and Pharisecs be-
evedS' Those who mallgn you most among US
say, that Is precisely what you do care for; that
the sympathy YOU long for is that Of oHr fine gen
tlemen and ladies, ilunkeyism being as rampant
with you as with us. We don't believe them; but
shall never silence them till We can show that you
appreciate the fact that nearly al the brains and
heart of England were OH your side. We'll, as
said just now, the first meeting really settled the
question in London and the able and active
agents OF the rebels, backed by the majority (as
readily allow OF our upper classes, never dared
try the experiment OF public meeting. In Lam
eashrc the attempt was made, and was Il ludic-
rous failure while the Union and Emancipation
Society OF Manchester held large ami enthusa3-
c meetings everywhere Iii the midst OF the poor
"dcmurring" operatives who never for mo-
ment fmchcd from their principles. AMI every
where sternly refused TO lift finger or pass
resolution which helped or encouraged the slave
power. Some good folks say, all that may be true,
but still young nation. intimately related by
blood and language to an elder Onc-S0 lntl-
mately indeed that for any purposes, except gov
ernmcnt they are scarcely 10 he distinguished
Is justified In expecting consideration and sympa.
thy from precisely. that portion OF the elder which
on your own showing was most hostile IN this
case-that Is 10 say, from the most cultivated
classes. 80 ] think, too, AMI so we lot only
thought. but sail. for four years and said as
plainly even rs fcrccly. as you could have spo-
ken Yourselves iou seem 10 forget that this very
ncarnesS OF blood To- the actors reused mems pas
siuns here almost is strongly as If We had been
In the ilEht ourselves IOur war divided us more
SHARPLY than the Corn law or Reform questions,
and there was much more strong personal feel
ing cXrlci, and more old friendships were zoos
enetl than by both the others put together. We
Al, Il th,-