The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1869-10-30

In Oruer 10 unueTstanu, 10 ulEecb anu "
shape rightly the present efforts Of labor fol
organizing itself the leading power of socie'
ty and State, it is necessary to consult histo-
ry. social science and philosophy. The Ia
boring masses Of this country, then, viii
learn the true meaning of their yearniDgs
and see the way clear that leads to their full.
fllment. The relations Of labor to capital
are the same everywhere, and its harshness
is only mitigatcd by incidental and transient
advantages Of the position OF labOrers, flor
instance, these last few years in the United
States. The history Of social reform move
ments In Eurone, is, therefore, of the high
cst meaning and Importance to laborers
everywhere. 1t is instructive for US to see
The weapons the English. German and French
laborers used in sheir struggle against cap
ilal, and we may profit as well by their fail
uros as by their victories.
There il enc feature in the struggle Of Eu-
ropean workingmcn for their emancipation,
that distinguishes it from the trades union
and trades assembly movement in this cJun-
try. We shall, in a later article try 10 give
the reasons for that difference. 1t is this
While in this country the workingmen be-
lieved at the start they could accomplish
their deliyerance by the Means of mere pri-
yate associations, without the ali Of gov
eminent, and, as it were, outside Of the
State; the la5orers in the old country all
started with the belief that it was only By
the State power that they could be success
tul The great aim, therefore, has been all
the time to become the rulers of the State,
and thereby the rulers Of society. Nor was
this doctrine without foundation is tie pre-
ceding march Of social development. 1t has
been customary to consider civilized society
as essentially consisting Of four different
classes, estates or interests. History indeed
has for the last eighty years been nothing
but the story Of the conflict, alternate victO-
ries and defeats Of these antagonistic class
interests. The great want Of the present
time is history of the last thirty years,
written from the standpoint Of the laboring
classes. The French revolution of 1889 was
the battle Of the third estate, or the middle
class, against royalty, seconded partly BY
church and mobiles. But it was not before
1880 that the victory Of the middle class be-
came a complete one. Then the new aris-
tocracy az money takes the place OF tie old
mobiles. the industrial bayOns or princes o.
industry, the representatives, Of the greai
manufacturing interests occupied the seats
vacated by the descendants Of the old baron'
IL tie middle ages. The year ls4o marks
the beginning of a new era. The people, /
the workingmen, found out that they haC
been cheated out Of the fruits Of the different
revolutions, and the battle Of the fourth es
tate against the ruling middle class common
ces. Workingmen and friends Of working
men are at once placed az the head Of tn,
Provisional government that followed The
revolution Of the 24.h Of February, 1848
The laborers looked to that government for
guidance and support. They hoped to De
able to shape the laws of France 10 the inter-
est Of labor, by means Of universal suffrage.
The theory that the State owes employment
OF bread to the labOrer, was then first prac-
tcally carried out in the noted experiment
Vt national workshops. The theory was right
" ough, but its execution was hampore1 by
the ignorance Of the true law Of labor On the
part Of tie members Of the Provisional gov
eminent. The experiment failed, the labor
ipg class was defeated by the very means o.
universal suffrage, By which they hoped t,
hold the whole power Of the State in thei
hands forever.
-L5uis Napoleon, with the help Of an isnor
aat pcasautry, pushed thepioneer Of anew
era Of mankind, the lahore, from the stage
SUN, even he had to bow to the new current
NJ couciate the new power, which now an
then, under bis despotic power, knew how t.
make itself felt. Napoleon taxed the rict
and increased the national debt, in order t
1--WE Tie laboring masses Of his capital goo;
wages and steady employment. But be d.
uot succeed ia sitting their sentiments, an'
Faubourgs Of Paris sent as their representa-
dives To the legislative chambers, N en- Op
posed 70 the corruption and despOtism 0
lhe Imperial regime men prepared to fgh
the battles Of freedom, first against the em
Ueror, III order to pave the way to chat great
ar battle that has for ITS aim the organize
ton and supreme rule Of labor in society an,
State.
In this struggle Of the laboring masses Q
France, an unhealthy tendency TO centra
cation is patent there is too much relianc
ulaced upon The, as t were, brutal power 9
tbe State. The State has been looked upol
"a a Grand machine, by which steady EN-
ployment and good wages, cheap wine an
low taxes ought to be guaranteed to ever
workman, without bis cooperation and in
dvidual effort. Society," as i appears IN al
tue dreams II communism, is nothing but al
immense barrack, wiping out individuality
and distributing labor and enjoyment with I
terrible and impossible partiality. But it il
not in the destruction of property that tn
salvation Of the laborer can be found. Pro
pertY and capital must be secondary to la
bor, must be its greatest help and handmade
and PrOudhon no doubt said a great truth
when he declared, 'between communism ant
property the foundation Of new world ha.
to be laid"
1t is only by the combination Of State ant
individuals, that the great problem Of the ~
targ can be solved. France tried to solv
it by means of the State organization alone
and failed. Germany took the other cOurs
since the popular defeate Of 1S49. III f.
lure issue We shall see how far the efforts I