The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1869-03-26


both they and their political leaders will see
this, and that the bill will be suffered to be-
come law with little further opposition than
a series of formal registrations of protests by
its opponents.
The New Tenure. Oi-0flice Bill.
From the ~. Y World.
Ii the substitute for the Tenure Office
bill reported by the Judiciary Committee Of
the Senate, and CARED through that bedy by
a vote of 81 to Is on Wednesday, should become
a law, President Grant will be outwitted aud
circumvented. The difficulty, on his side,
lies in the fact that he is pursuing an object
which it would be an indecorum in him to
avow. The reasons for repeal which he has
put forth are only pretexts. The Senate bill
is admirably adapted to meet those sham
reasons, and at the same to Illustrate his real
object. What General Grant wants is the abso-
Lutte power of removal, to be held in reserve
as means of forcing his denomination by the
Republican party in 1872 This is motive
which he cannot confess. In insisting on the
repeal of the law, he has affected
for which he would be compelled to as
sign reasons. In many cases he could
give no reasons supported by tenable proofs,
although convinced in his own mind that the
officer was dishonest or incompetent. He has
pretended, in conversation, that he was un-
willing to subject himself to the modification
OF suspending officers on mere suspicion, and
yet be compelled to make charges when he
had none to make resting on positive evidence.
The Senate, in the absence of tangible proofs,
would be likely to overrule him; and he does
not wish to incur the modification of trump
ing up charges which he cannot sustain. He
has insisted on the right OF removal upon his
own opinion Of the unfilpess of the officer, as
the only way to reach rogues cunning enough
to furnish no handle for specific, crcumstan-
tial charges, and incapables whose inefficiency
is not 30 glsring that he can make out a strong
case against them. To gain this power, he
has insisted on an absolute repeal OF the law;
on restoration of the authority exercised by
his predecessors for three quarters of q GEN.
tury.
The Senate, with consummate craft, has
devised a bill which meets his alleged reasons,
but, at the same time thwarts his real OBJ
jects. He has asked exemption from the
necessity of preferring charges against officers
whom he wishes to displace; and the new bill
exempts him from preferring charges, but
leaves him as powerless to make absolute re-
movals as he is under the present law. 1t is
said that the Senators have even proposed to
practise refinement of satirical courtesy, by
con;erring with the President and asking him
to point out in what respect, If any, he deems
the new bill unsatisfactory. AS his alleged OBJ
lection to the present law has been obviated,
and as he dare not state where it really
pinohes, the proposed consultation is an
ironical mockery Of his motives.
By the new bill, the President can suspend
officers, but not remove them. II the Senate
does not sanction his suspensions, the sus-
places at the end of the next session Of the
Senate, and proceed to perform their duties as
if nothing had happened. According to
former practice under the Constitution, before
the Tenure-of- Office bill was passed, the re-
movals made by the President were absolute
and final. Although the Senate might refuse
to confirm successors, its refusal did not re-
store the ousted officers. Once put out by
the Presidential fiat, they could never get back.
II their temporary successors were not con-
firmed, the consequence was simply new
vacancy en- the adjournment of the Senate,
which vacancy the President could again fill
by new temporary appointments. These held
good until the close of the next session OF
the Senate, and so on until the end of the
| Presidential term, unless the Senate saw fit to
confirm the Presidents appointments. But
under the new bill every officer has rever-
| sionary interest in his Office, which falls back
to him as soon as the Senate adjourn, unless
that body either confirms his successor or
approves Of his suspension. The power OF
the President will be just as much circum-
| scribed as il is under the present Tenure-of-
Office act. He can, indeed, suspend without
preferrng any charges; but, on the other
hand, the Senate can reinstate the officer
without passing upon the validity of any
charges. The Senate is TO be just as free to
act on its own mere pleasure in re-
storing an officer as the President is to act
| on has mere pleasure in suspending him.
| Under the present Tenure-of-U Office act, the
Senate is obliged to consider and pass upon
the Presidents charges against an officer. It
must decide that they afe insufficient, or he
cannot be restored. Under the new bill the
officer will be restored by the mere omission
of the Senate to act. The thing is just as
long as it is broad. No charges are to be
made on the one side; nons are to be consi-
dered on the other. The President can sus.
pend officers by his mere will the Senate can
restore them by its mere will and even by Its
mere inaction. The President therefore, car
displace no officer except for brief period
He can displace no officer at all, except in &
recess of the Senate.
Now let us consider what the bearing o
this new bill will be on the object which
General Grant has chiefly at heart-the power
to WELD the Federal patronage to pack ma
| tional convention and force his denomination
Suspensions from Office in the summer ant
fall of 1871 would avail him nothing, as h,
would have no power to keep the suspended
officers out, or their temporary successors in
up to the meeting of the Republican Nationa
Convention. II he attempted to pack th,
convention by his new appointees, Congress
might adjourn before the convention met, ant
their displaced predecessors would all be re
stored. III he refrained from making susp0n