Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1869-09-29
Andrew Johnson.
Editors Of the Memphis Appel.


Editors Of the Memphis APPeqI:
Soon we shall have the solution of this
/ question, Until definitely settled, il viii
continue to agitate discussioni in u state
and throughout the Union. Our opinions
as 10 who should be the man differ, and
our judgments are doubtless Influenced
by our preferences
Apparently the contest will be between
Mr.. johnson and Mr.. Etheridge. The
names of other distinguished gentlemen
have been suggested. The Hon. Milton
Brown, in West Tennessee, n Hon. f.
Ewing, in Middle Tennessee, have warm
friends and supporters, and either would
grace the position and render good service
to the State. But could either take his
seat if elected, without an enabling act
Is it wise to experiment upon such a pos
sibility? This, combined with other con-
siderations, will operate to place them in
the back ground, and leave the first
named gentlemen the prominent contest
ants.
Permit me, Messrs. Editors, to assign q
few reasons why 1 am satisfied hat Mr.,
Johnson viii and should be successful III
such a contest. In the first place, his own
division of the State is almost a unit in
his favor, whilst in each of the other di-
visions of the State he has warm and nu-
merous supporters. 1 speak now of the
members elect to the incoming Legisla-
ture. The idea that the opposition of the
old Wing party Will be revived against
him. will, / am persuaded, be found falla-
cious. East tennessee vas the Gibraltar
of the Wing party in Tennessee, and he
has more strength there to-day than any
one whose name has been ~canvassed tor
Senator. Mr.. Etheridge, though an old
line Wing, was never a ~fayorite in that
-o.t,o,. - fn1aaA rra ha On with the
party outside of his OWL District. 1t is
unnecessary now to enumerate the causes
WHY this was so, but it is well known he
was not fully trusted by his party in the
State at large. Therefore, if other reasons
did not exist, he cannot array the ele-
ments of the old Wing party in his sup
port. Very little of the partiZan zeal OF
the old Wing party survives. They had
seen their party gradually disintegrate.
In the North it had been, in a large meas
ure, absorbed by the Abolition or Repub-
lican party. Its advocacy of the doctrine
of internal improvements by the General
Government, had ceased to be a distin-
gushing characteristic. The great Democ-
racy of the West had adopted and utilized
this theory for their own advancement
and acknowledgements. They had likewise
settled, in a great measure, the question
of the distribution of the proceeds of the
public lands, by appTopriating the lands
themselves for their own benefit. b
bank question was obsolete. The protect
i've policy of the Wing party was about
the only article of their creed surviving,
and il must be confessed hat there had
been a wonderful revolution of sentiment
In the South, at least, on this question.
That il was operating to the ~aggrandize-
ment of the manufacturing North, at the
expense of the South, was becoming daily
more and more apparent. In short, there
was little enthusiasm or vitality in the
Wing party at the outbreak Of the rebel
lion. The party lines were maintained
more through the personal antagonisms
of party leaders, than from a hearty adj
berence to the old party platforms. The
great issues of the war completed their
disruption and created new associations
and combinations. While it may be true
there is still lingering some of the old
party animosity toward Mr.. Johnson, l
am satisfied it is greatly Overestimated,
and can exercise little influence against
him.
The great question will be, who can best
serve the State in the present emergency
This should control legislative action.
No name can be presented to which OBJ
i~ections will not be urged. Mr.. Johnson
was never a favorite with your CORES
pendent, who was an old line Wing. His
in he beginning of (and during)
the war, especially while acting as military
Governor, was regarded by the writer as
reasonable TO his State, aud ungrateful
and ~tyrannical to a people who had Law
ished upon him a wealth of political pre-
.ferInent. His cooperation in fOisting the
amended Constitution upon the ATE, in
the exceedingly irregular and u%nauthor-
lied manner of its adoption, even his
warmest friends cannot vindicate, nor has
ever attempted it himself.
l heard it asserted at the close of the
war, that when a friend demonstrated
with Mr.. Johnson against the action of
the so-called Constitutional Convention,
reply was to the following effect: He
acknowledged the whole procedure TO be
irregular and revolutionary, but it was
important to nave a representation in
Congress before the collapse of the rebel
lion, which he was satisfied was near at
hand. He well knew the temper of the
Northern people, and was convinced that
they were intent upon reducing, for time
at least, the seeding States to a territorial
condition. His great object was to defeat
this action, as to Tennessee, after which
all irregularities and Objectionable fea-
lures in the new Constitution could be
remedied. This, if true, might, under the
circumstances, be regarded by many as
extenuatiOn, if not a justification of
the part he took in the adoption of an in
strument prolific of so many evils to the
State. q q
His rejection of the Sherman-Johnston
terms or capitulation, his merciless course
Mrs. Surratt, and his early pol
in the matter of amnesty, are serious
in the indictment we might frame
Mr.. johnson.
These were great n grievous errors.
We should, however, consider the circum-
under which, and the times in
he acted. Let US remember the
temper of our own and of the public
mind during the fierce days of the war,
and Immediately after its close. Who
not remember how he first began to
tolerate, then to palliate, hen to justify,
finally to applaud things which at
irst he deemed and openly denounced as
mOnstrQus2 Mems minds and actions
ire Influenced by surrounding circum-
stances; and in estimating conduct and
character, due consideration should be
given to these Influences.
Time Modified and modified Mr.. John
feelings and views. Sympathy for
his section and the people of his section
-esumed its ascendency. As a mighty |
against the angry a " of
Northern intolerance and persecution, he |
TODD during his administration. interpos-
every obstacle he-could to prevent us |
rom being completely overwhelmed. If
lot successful to the extent of his wishes, |
t must be confessed that he displayed a
perseverance, pertinacity and courage de-
greater success.
1t cannot be denied that the South is |
lnder obligations to Andrew Johnson. |
'Iore than Imperial power was rendered
By Congress, by the acceptance and
.xercise of which he might have held her
,rostrate, bleeding and suppliant at his
eet. He rejected it and espOused the
ause of the weak and oppressed, and
hus arrayed against himself the most
,owerful political and military party of
times. /
In the unequal conflict which ensued, 7
e was not victorious, but he never
He had and still has faith in
ublic Justice, and in the ultimate tri-
of the pacific policy he so earnestly |
to establish. tIEEfD
And to-day clothed in Senatorial robes,
e would be more potential than any rep
sentative Tennessee could send TO that
ugust body, in still further protecting /
be interests of our down-trodden section
nd State. The idea that he should be re-
lrned to the Senatesimply to assail Gen.
RAM and worry Republican leaders, or
nat ne might have an opportunity of
venging his own real or fancied wrongs,
q poor plea for his election. The people
re under no obligations to espouse his
ersOnal guarrels or to afford him an OPP
ortunity to vindicate himself. His ad-
desire his election from higher
nd nObler motives. The fearful breaches
! our republican system of government
re TO be repaired; IA enormous burdens
ssultine from the wa are to be allevia-
and the Government to be restored
nee more to its ancient prosperityas rap
Nv as possible. Mr.. JOhnson's friends