The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1869-07-24

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France we have another evidence Of that Pc
culiar Napoleonic shrewdness which seems to
accord much while in reality 1t yields moth
ing. Clothed with all the semblance Of good
intention and readiness TO accede to the
wishes of the people, the spirit of liberal con-
cession which appeared to actuate his Majesty
Ia his address to the Assembly has certainly
miscarried in the Ministerial changes which
were to have proven 30 many steps towards
1.-THE browning of the edi6ce." The promise
made the Corps Legislatif, to name two of
their number in the new Cabinet, has been
respected But howp Instead of selecting
from those recently elected members supposed
to represent the liberal tendencies of the
public mind, others are chosen for their un-
questionable conservatism and we'll known
devotion to imperialism. France has gained
nothing Napoleon has sacrificed nothing
liberalism has made no progress; while Mons
Rouher, its most determined foe, Is honored
with the presidency of the Senate.
The proposed reforms, for the considera-
ton Of which the Senate is to be convoked,
will no doubt, if entertained at all. come
out under the manipulations Of imperial
ism, embarrassed with such governmental
restrictions as to render them powerless
weapons In the hands Of the opposition. The
old Napoleonic theory, which hopes and
promises to reconcile strong personal govern
ment with popular liberty, is still the ideal Of
the Emperor, and he cannot understand why
the people, since France has prospered for
seventeen years under his rule, should demand
of him the surrender of those rights and pre-
negatives (which are essential conditions of
power as the safeguard Of order and society"
In promising to give satisfaction to the liberal
aspirations Of the people he qualified that pro-
mise by declaring his determination to stop at
constitutional boundaries, which, according to
his construction Of the constitution, means
nothing more than liberty under the empire.
''You must choose between the empire and
northumberland neither system indivi-
duals can be set up" said the Emperor to a
number of deputies some days ago; and it
really appears from present indications that
acting under this conviction and regardless of
hopes inspired by his message, he is deter
mined to prevent the realization of concessions
tending to encourage the friends Of liberal
government. The new Ministry gives no pro-
mise of material reforms in the interest of the
people, and whether accepted as Zone of
transition only" to be succeeded by another
at an early day, or as an indice Of the policy
of the Emperor, there is no reason to believe
that the Cabinet will be less NapoIeonic In
ideas, and every reason to suppose that liberal
France will gain nothing, short of successful
revolution, under the regime Of Napoleon.
While it is true that liberal aspirations are
more general, popular discomfort more ex-
pressed, and revolution more likely to follow
resistance to the demands of the party of pro-
gress than at any previous time in the history
of the empire, a serious conflict cannot now be
regarded as imminent, even when the du-
plicity of the Emperor is again discovered.
France is not yet ripe for revolution in be-
half of republican ideas and principles, though
the period may be FASTENED when she will be-
come 80 by the revelations of the near future.
Napoleon thoroughly understands his people
and has weighed we'll the chances alike in
yielding and resisting. He may not desire or
intend a conflict, but that he will not shrink
from 1t If necessary for the maintenance of
imperial rule, is abundantly proved by his past
career. In yielding to the pressure of radical
reform he knows full we'll there is no stopping
point at which the people would be satisfied
short Of the downfall Of his empire. In SEEM
ing to yield on minor questions, it may be his
purpose to throw the responsibility of revolu-
ton, when it does come, on his opponents !;
while by resisting at the outset, sustained as
he is by one-half the population and the army,
be would undoubtedly triumph over his
enemies, and, by strong rerressive govern
ment, might succeed in checking the republic
can tendencies of the nation during his
lifetime at least. But just here comes the rub.
1t is quite probable that France will be gov
erned by Napoleon III. 80 long as be lives.
The close Of bis career may be as tempestuous
as the past seventeen years have been serene !,
but he Is too skilled ruler for one to predict
that he will not be able to master the elements
of discord sufficiently to keep down disastrous
revolution. For himself be is not over solicit
tous, but for the perpetuation of his dynasty,
the great object of his life, he must be anxious
indeed in view of the present state Of the
country. He is now in his sixty-second year.
In the course Of human nature the time of his
death cannot be far removed. His son is near
fourteen years of age, and will be in short
time prepared to assume the reins of govern
ment, under proper supervision, of a people
contented with the administration and willing
to continue the dynasty. But will France
endure Imperialism under Napoleon w. as she
has under Napoleon ILL.,? viii any course,
whether of oppression or Cancellation of strong
uDyielding government or Of kindly rule con-
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