The Portland daily press., 1868-05-16

pendent a position. The time will speedily
come when his standing in the Republican
party will be the same as it was before he diff
fered with it on the question of Johnson's con-
viction. The influence and standing of man
OF Fessenden's character and political record
are not to be destroyed by single misstep.
There is one thing, however, that even Senator
Fessenden cannot stand-the Democratic Oval
ton which is threatened OH his return to Port
landl
GOVERNOR wAsHBURN's SPEECH.
Gov. Washburn began by saying that he was
proud OF Portland, proud of the city which on
so Indictment night had furnished such I'M
mistakable evidence of unwavering and deter
mined patriotism. He had not come there
to make any attack upon the eminent Sena-
tor whose residence was in our city they had
been friends too long to permit him to deal in
language of censure upon the strength of
extravagant and impossible reports. For
nearly quarter of a century they had stood
side by side, If not shoulder to shoulder, in
defence of the cause of freedom, and he did
not believe that they were to separate now
he was not prepared to believe that the Sem
atOr would vote to acquit the President. But
he was not here to instruct him as to the vote
he should g1vej that was not the object or
business of the meeting. 1t was, however, le-
gitimate and proper, that the people should
express their opinion upon a subject of such
vast Importance as that of impeachment. 1t
was due to the country, to themselves and to
present views that should have weight If it
is true that the $4,000 Republican voters in
Maine, men who have long been familiar with
the essential facts, believe that the President
ought to be convicted, Senators would natur-
ally ask themselves whether it was indeed
true that these men who had been right so
long and on so many questions, were now all of
them, wrong, and that the Northern Demo-
Gratis, and Southern rebels who had been so
universally wrong before, were now unani-
lSlu inhf ar11S llxr ha
led to review the question ard see if they
had looked at it in all its lights. -
There was another possible legitimate use of
the meeting. If it was fact that Senator
Grimes, of Iowa, as was reported, had for
months had treachery to the Republican par
ty in his HEARTH while protesting to his po-
litical friends that he had formed no opinion
he had given an opinion to the President or
his friends, and had eonspired with them to
break up or Johnsonize the Republican party,
| it was the business and duty of that party to
tell him at once that it could not be done, that
they did not fight and conquer rebels In the
| field to yield to them the fruits of the victory
afterwards.
AS to impeachment he had supposed the
| question was too plain for doubt He could
| not see how acquittal was possible. If here
was not case for conviction the provision in
the Constitution might as well be expunged.
| Not to dwell upon the articles in detail he
| would look for few moments at the specifi-
cations of the eleventh. They were substan-
| TALLY that the President charged that the 39th
| Congress was not legal Congress whose acts
had the force of law; that he had violated his
oath to take care that the laws be faithfully
executed, in attempting to prevent the execu-
ton of the civil Office act by unlawfully re-
| moving the Secretary of War notwithstand-
ing the refusal of the Senate to concur in his
suspension; that he had devised and
ton, and attempted to prevent the exc
cution, of certain OF the reconstruction laws
| Now were not those charges and the charge
of appointing Thomas ad interim during the
| session of Congress made out and proved, and
| if so, were they not improbable offences? No
| special pleading or refinements can take away
| those charges or the facts on which they rest
| ed The evidence was before the Senate; the
record was before the country. The evidence
| was not destroyed and the record could not be
| blotted out or burnt out.
| For the President of the United States to
| denounce Congress as an illegal body, whose
| acts were void, and then to treat its acts as
void, as he had done, could surely be no less
| than gross indecency and high misdemean-
| or. He has removed Stanton in defiance of a
| law of Congress, and of a special construc-
| ton of it made by the Senate. Was this TAX
| ing care that the laws be faithfully executed?
| He said it was uncOnstitutional-but he had
| no right to say so of that law more than any
| other; the right to violate it was the right to
| violate all laws. That he had attempted to OBJ
| struct impede, or defeat the reconstruction
| laws and measures could not be denied; his
acts, speeches, kilograms furnished conclusive
evidence. Did any man OF any party doubt
| it? Did not the rebels praise him for it? And
| was not this crime, and one of the highest
| and most dangerous that a President could
| commit?
He had appointed Secretary ad interim,
| while Congress was in session, an act that
| was as illegal as it was defiant and insulting
If he could do this he would lever have
occasion to consult the Senate again
on appointments to any office whatever
| He had made the issue-he had raised
| the question. which was greatest in matters
of legislation, Congress or himself? He has
said he can safely and properly set aside the
| acts of Congress and replace them by his own
and if he is acquitted the Senate will thereby
/ say that he is right. He says defantly to the
1 Senate, 81 can keep the offices filled in session
and out OF session. without your cooperation
| and in spite of your resistance" and if the
| Senators acquit him they say SO too.
Acquittal would revolutoniso this govern
| rrrUrrt, Con erass wnnld become Il mere French
| Parliament, and the President would be SUI
| prelne-with the absolute power to suspend
law and issue his DEGREES instead, and to con-
| troll the offices, in one word, the government
| would cease to be republican and would become
despotic. Not merely the condition of the
| South, then, or just and safe reconstruction is
| at stake, but the character of the government
itself is on trial. So he did not believe and
| would not believe that impeachment was tC
1
and rebels rejoiced and patriots grieyed, and
| reconstruction was set back, and a carni yal OF
| murder and outrageous crime celebrated
throughout the South, and the men who put
| down the rebellion were placed in back seats
| and Rebels called to the 'front.' another sky
| became dark with clouds,
| As when some mighty painter dips
| HIS pencil IN the gloom of earthquake an eclipse,
| should the case be abandoned? A thousand
times, No The men who carried the country
| so wonderfully through the war would carry
1t successfully through these trials and Sena.
tor Fessenden would be with them now as he
had been in the past. For himself, across the
storm he heard voice deeper than the
storm itself; above the noise and tumult and
alarm OF this day he heard the deep, earnest
honest voice of the loyal and courageous peo-
pie of this country. Whoever might falter
they would stand true. They had not expend-
ed four thousand millions of treasure and Civ.
en- the precious blood of five hundred thou.
sand of their best and bravest, in vain. Theil
martyr-heroes had not died as the fool dies
| but IN holy cause which God would bless
and prosper There had been dark days de.
feats and sore trials during the war but thew
had often been angels of mercy and blessing
through them the loyal country had become
wiser, stronger, purer, grander. They might
ing tablelands of faith and duty, the light Of
which was the light of God.
| The representatives of these mem would
meet IN council next week at Chicago ,sand
again would rally round the flag under which
our soldiers conquered on the battle-fields Of
the rebellion, and they would give it in pride
and trust into the hands of the greatest man
OF the century, the foremost captain of his
time, and with him as leader would move on
the enemy's works, and when the battle was
over he would bear that flag in triumph to the
nations capitol and the country would be
saved. Then one loud, and sweet as loud. AL
lelula OF glory and praise would fill the heav.
ems with the music of a nation redeemed
DISTRICT ATTORNEY TALBoT's SPEECH.
Mr.. Talbot discussed the legal aspects of the
case with his usual clearness and force. Owing
| to the lateness of the hour, we are unable to dc
justice to his address, We shall publish q
sketch of it in Mondays Press.
At the conclusion of Mr.. Talbot's remarks
the resolution offered by Judge Kingsbury
was unanimously adopted with great enthr.
siasm, and the meeting adjourned with three
cheers for Senator Morrill, given at the sugges-
ton of Col j. F. Miller.
| The remark of one of the speakers that he
never felt prouder of Portland in his life was a
perfectly natural one. Tie old war spirit was
thoroughly aroused. Regret at the unfavora-
| BILE aspect of affairs at Washington, and dis
appointment at the position assumed by a
Senator who has been the pride of his fellow
citizens were tempered by spirit of tolerance
and charity which must greatly disappont
| those who have imagined that they could rake
political capital out of this meeting by calling
it a demonstration for the purpose Of intimi-
| dating and threatening the Senate or any por-
| ton of its members. Better than all was the
| determination plainly evinced alike by the
| speakers and by the audience to give way to
| no feeling of dismay and encouragement but
| to adhere infexibly and persstently to the
| righteous principles of the Republican party
| tn ist in fhar II