Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-02-20
sentiments Of a Neutral Paper.

he neutral press is beginning to speak
,ut. See the following decisive express
sion of the United States Economist,
which represents the agriculturists and
business men of the Northern States
rather than the politicians;
The serious nature of current legisla-
ton in Congress compels us to depart
from our custom of leaving the discus
sion of party issues to other journals.
IL is impossible to witness the lengths to
which partisan zeal is now carrying the
majority in Congress without grave
as to the future of the coun-
try. 1t is a significant illustration OF the
maxim that revolutions never go back
ward" that within the present month
the House of Representatives has passed
bills interfering with the free operation
of the Supreme Court and depriving the
President of his constitutional preroga-
tive as Commander.in-C Chief, so far as re-
spects several of the States Congress
is thus following up the defeated revolu'
ton of the South by acts as directly rev
olutionary, in fact and in tendency, as
ANYTHING ever attempted in the insurrec'
tionary States The Supreme Court is
extra constitutional, the Constitution
having left the majority of votes IN the
Court to be regulated by the usage. OF
legal tribunals; and the Reconstruction
bill is fatty anti-constitutional, being IN
direct opposition to the express letter OF
the charter of the Union. If these
measures be adopted, the fact is plain
that we are in the midst Of revolution.
Congress will then have done upon Its
own responsibility what the Constitution
requires shall be done only by two
thirds majority of the State; the consti-
tutional powers of the States will have
been trampled under foot, and the Fed
eral Legislature will have asserted Its
supremacy over the constitutional pow
ers of the Chief Magistrate, over the
States from which it derives its powers,
and over the Constitution itself. This
constitutes Congress an absolute power
like the British Parliament, and places
the country under form of government
totally different from that provided IN the
Constitution of the United States.
This principle once enacted and put
in force, and the States have no longer
anv reserved rights, and the rights and
liberties of the people at large are abso
lutely dependent upon the central Legs
lature. To what dangerous lengths such
powers might be carried it is by nc
means difficult to foresee. 1t Congress
has the power to deprive the President
of his military authority over the South,
it has equal power to appoint the gene,
raj of the army with supreme contro
over the North. And in such case where
do our liberties stand2 If it be neces,
sary, for political ends, to make Genera
| Grant dictator over the South, and II
should prove desirable on like grounds
that he should supercede the authority o.
the President in the North, the only
guarantee we have that the Northern
| States would not be similarly dealt with
is the fact that such ausurpation might
meet with forcible opposition. 1t amounts
therefore, to this, that the only security
of the North against Congress is in Its
ability to defend its rights. Congress
has as much right to appoint any Other
person to superinteod the government Of
the South as General Grant, and has nc
more right to appoint such person. tc
govern the South than to govern the
North. 1t is thus apparent that there il
but a step between establishing South
ern dictatorship and dictatorship ovel
the whole country. Only the occasion
and the political necessity are needed fol
the realization Of the latter condition o
affairs.
These aspects of the political situa'
ton are the more serious from the fac
that the revolutionary expedients are re
sorted to merely for the purpose of tht
retention of power by the now dominant
party. We are by no means favorable
to Medo-Persian constitutions, but when
changes are made in national charter
it should be done upon broad national
grounds and by the consent of the peo
ple at large. When such notifications
are made for the purpose of carrying an
election which would otherwise 60 against
the party making them, the foulest trea-
son against the rights of the people is
committed. What impartial thinking
men regard as the really serious feature
in the present condition of affairs, is the
fact that large majority Of Represen-
tatiyes should hold the Constitution IN
such utter subordination to purely party
objects. This expedient would probably
have never been resorted to had 1t not
been that Congress has discovered that
public opinion in the North is turning
directly against its policy. Sooner than
shape their policy to the sentiments ol
their constituents, they plot osecur0 the
election by unconstitutional means. IL
ia a startling revelation that our legisla
tors should prove capable Of such dis
regard for public opinion, and such rev.
ol1tionary expedients for the retention
of mower. It's a sad exemplitication OF
the decentralization among our public
men that has been brought about by the
events of the last six years. tbs but too
clear that we have now come TO a condi.
tion in which there is nothing too sacred
in the ConstitutioS in the form OF our
Government aud 10 the rights OF the
States and Of the people, not to be sacri-
feed TO the objects Of party.
We are not, however, among those who
look upon this sickening condition OF
things without hope. We have faith in
the intelligence aud loyalty Of the peo-
ple. aud in the corrective power Of public
opinion. The people are calm and self
possessed amid these revolutionary
attempts, and may seem TO inexpe-
rienced eyes even Indifferent; but they
are quietly relying upon their power at
the polls, knowing that whatever abuse
Of power Congress may attempt, the
power ultimately rests with them, snd
they do not mean to surrender IT, Dor
people are too well capable Of self
government 10 permit the poser 10 pass
out Of their hands