The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1868-10-20
SOUTH CAROLINA.
John Quincy Adams and the UpshOt Of Ills
Southern Mission.

Southern Mission.
COLUMBIA, $. c., Oct. IA, 1868.
John Quincy Adams has come and gone He came,
saw, but did not conquer widely heralded invita-
ton, carefully prepared speech an enthusiastic
cepton, were the elements given. The solution re.
qu'red was q mixture to satisfy the cravings OF the
popular instinct The dose was received mechani
cay, Iisessly, sureringlyas Oliver Twist took his
trcace. The multitude dispersed nlcd with husks,
each asking the other "What went We out to see =,
Nothing is left in the Southern political crucible OF
John @. Adams experiment.
With gentle egotism he alluded to his ancestry.
Everybody thought ''what On elegant taperng in
only three generations p His coming was an event;
his going mere nothing. The great Cementer from
Massachusetts, coming TO cement 1t TO South Carolina
Massachusetts could not have spared less OF her m.
derstandlng. SCUM Carolina assuredly expected
more
A plainly written. plainly worded, plainly read
effsion OF compacted Generalities, defined particu-
lars ard historical facts wasted with the breath
OF utterance and forgotten, as Is common day talk
lie might as well have delivered his speech on an
iceberg in Kamschatka. The editor printed IL, but
like voltaire, he respected the dead and said
nothing.
why was this9 Because he did not discuss the
problen-thc South have forever abolished slavery:
they have abandoned the dogma OF state sovereign.
ity as sinking ship, and they concede the political
equality and immunity OF the black citizen as they
cOncede that one must eat.
These are now old questions here. whatever they
once were, admitted by the Masses by everybody,
except the usual proportion OF fools. They are re-
CONDITIONS Of nature. Yet Mr.. John Quincy Adams
thought life not too short to discuss them without
ing man. though q fool; he would have told him
better. ~ '''
The whole burden of Southern irritation, thought
action and reflection Is negro eligibility to Office
Ills civil and political rights, for time contested,
are so no longer. In all the political efforts OF the
depressed or hopeful they look aud ask for only that
delivcrance. All reconciliation without this will be
temporzng futile, repressiyc This Is the question:
present and future, and permanent tranquility
be restored upon this basis only; and whoever re.
leves them from this can lead the Southern people.
The legislative means for this end are easily de-
vised, and had this alone been the issue with the
party to which John Quincy Adams belongs they
would under suitable leaders have swept the
Negro lawgivcrs and governors, negro Presidents
and congressman negro captains and generals, may
to the many OF the white race everywhere.
This repugnance Is instructive and irradicablc.
IL belongs 10 nature, and whatever be the con-
ceded capacity OF the negro. whether mean or
moderate, whatever their ultimate intellectual ele
walton, whatever be the abstract right wrong OF
II, wherever in this country this question is now
presented, sDgy and squarely there would be heard
but one voice OF the people. Nor is 1t, negatively
decided. Inconsistent with loyal reconstruction But
Mr.. John O. Adams, like many political excur-
sonists before him, because he went away wiser,
left The people no better OH, aud the Richmond OF
the subject is untouched.
John Quincy Adams Among the Fire-Esters-
His speech in Charleston, :. G.
Ioln Quincy Aa.m. delivered an address in
Charleston s. Co. OH the 9Th instant, In response to
an invitation from number Of influential citizens,
Mr. James d. Campbell presiding. After few pre-.
limnary remarks Mr.. Adams said-
WHAT Mr. ADAMS HAS BEEN.
man who Il invited, who comes to u place by re-
o,eat Is not Ia the same position as one who comes
by his own voltion, and especially II he has advice
TO give but particularly good advice, for that y al
III
possible "A expect TO learn from you, will tell
YOU In my turn what Il the feeling OF the country,
the Norln-the northern half OF the country-on
the great matters which now occupy the public
mind. But In order that you may understand
exactly what mesnn , oraer that there may nay
Won exactly my political history. In the old days
anterior TO the war was fleesoiler. Afterwards
was member OF the republican party and sup
porter OF Mr.. Lincoln. was a supporter OF the war
IRON first TO last and during the war was in favor
fhc ' institution Of slavery would sooner or later be-
the destruction OF the Union. Therefore come he.
fore you tonight. frankly and fairly, in order that
there may be no misunderstanding between US.
WHAT HE BELIEVES NOW.
have told you my position up 70 the close OF the
south lay down her srms--the day that the south.
ern people said, In good faith, that they gave up
what they fought tor sssyed 1ns time nsd GONE
that the time had come, when II the South asked for
favors the government should grant ten times more:
not most Of the best republicans They thought and
felt SOL they knew In their hearts that the Union could
have been restored at that time upon that basis.
But II was not. You know what followed.
TIE GOOD AND THB BAD OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL
AMENDMENTS.
First came the thirteenth amendment to the con-
stitution, the amendment which abolishes slavery.
As you oil know, that amendment was submitted 10
oil the formerly rebelli0us States, then certainly
peaceful and perfectly unrebclllous States, and
formally ratified by each of them. II there was any
necessity for saying so upon this occasion, could
say with my hand upon my heart that there has
been no act OF the states since the adoption OF tho
constitution upon which could more sincerely call
down the blessing OF God. 7 believe that II was the
best, the wholosonest and the most thorough med
cine that the country could have taken at that time