The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1868-09-23
Speech. OF Gov. Hawiey.
TCoNCIUDED FROM FOURTH PAGE.

All DefSpilS DOTH III IL Wv
United States aud subject to the Jurisdiction
thereof are citizens of the United States,
and of the State wherein they reside"
Mark that.
mo State shall make or enforce any law
which shall abridgc the privileges or immu-
mites of citizens Of the United States; nor
shall any State deprive any person OF life,
liberty, or property, without due process OF
law, nor deny to any person within its juris-
diction the equal protection of the laws
1t does not say Il word about voting, but
it calls all men citizens. Ibelieve ourfathers
meant to have every citizen here entitled to
the protection of the laws. In nine or ten
of the old thirteen States the colored men
voted at the time of their formation. You
we'll know they voted in North Carolina
until 1885. They voted in every one OF the
New England States, and in most of those
States they vote now. l am sorry to say
Connecticut denied them that right before
North Carolina did. When men began to
declare that slavery was divine institution,
they began to disfranchise colored men. 1t
was new doctrine, for hold that the orig
inal and true doctrine was that all people
born here or naturalized here should have the
rights of citizens So this amendment snys:
What do our Democratic friends say in OPP
position2 They hold the unchristian doc
trine that it is white mans government
say my good friends of all parties you are
mistaken in that doctrine. 1t is not gov
eminent of the Saxon race or the Celtic
race; it is not German government, or the
Yankees government, or the Southern white
mans government, or the black mans gov
eminent, or the yellow mans government.
1t is the free mans Goceinment. Applause
AS Mr.. Lincoln said, it is government of
the people, by the people, and for the people
and all the people. (Applause) That is
why God made the world, and he knew
what he was about berter than modern Dem
ocrats know what they are about. ZAP
plause) There is no other way to have
safe and happy nation and people but to de-
clare the equal rights us citizens of all men.
That is the first point in our citizenship.
The next point was the correction of the
basis CT representation. 1t is the central
point of the whole controversy. Under the
old system three-ffths of the slaves only
were counted. Under the new arrangement
they were all to be counted, but only the
white men were to vote. In q district here
where there were 10000 colored people and
10000 whites, that 10000 whites were to be
equal to 100000 people at the North where
there are few colored people, Take South
Carolina, where the majority of the people
are of the coored race; there white man
would have double the power of a man at
the North, because lie would count all the
colored people tn make up the district, but
he would do the voting himself Under
that system of reconstruction, one white man
in South Carolina would count as much as
two men at the North and eight millions
at the South would elect as many Congress
men and Presidential Electors as twelve
millions at the North. We said that was
not fair nor right at all. When we offered
this constitutional amendment more than
two years ago, all we said to the South was,
If you do not let the colored man vote, do
not count them in making up district; it
is not fair for you to stand on a mans Shout
ders and do the voting for him. If you do
not let them vote, do not count them, and
then you will have no more power than we
have" They said they would not let them
vote, but would count them in making up
districts. By that arrangement they would
have ninety or ninety one votes, and thirty
OF them would come in on account of the
R Rks s and s only 5H Of N tAs hH % th
the voting. We said that was not fair, but
the South said they would hold that advan-
tage. When the slaves were made free there
was an addition of 100000 to the basis of
representation. By the first proposition
made at the North, they did not give the
coored man the right to vote. Mark the
fact that they did not give the colored man
the right to vote, but the Southern men had
a chance to avoid their having a right to
vote by not counting them. They would
not agree to that, and we had to do the next
thing. We began not by impartial suffrage,
but adopted that afterwards. -
The third section of the amendment saws
ai mo person shall be Senator or Repre-,
sentative in Congress, or elector OF Presi-
dent or Vice-Preeident, or hold any Office
civil OF military, under the United States. or
under any State, who having previously ia
ken an oath as a member of Congress, or as
any officer of the United States, or as a mem
Der ofany State Legislature, or as any exec
utive or judicial officer of any State, to SUP.
port the Constitution of the United States
shall have engaged in instruction or rebel
lion against the U. S., or given aid or
comfort to the enemies thereof But Con-
io gress may, by a vote of two thirds of each
House, remove such disability rs
This IS the only disability and punish
ment inflicted by the United States govern
ment upon any man for doing what we SOL
EMMY believed 10 be a great crime, for at
tempting to destroy this nation. We did
Iot say they should be hung. We do
not even say they shall not vote. The sum
LOT our severity consists in saying that they
shall not hold office unless Congress permits
It, Otherwise what should result from any
settlement I? The first men that would have
come back into thegScnatc would have been
Davis and Toombs and other such men.
. That is what thegDemocratic party desired
to leave all these men open to be sent into
high office again. We had right to saw
that the leaders should not hold office until
the nation permitted it. OF course the GEN
eral rule took in some as good Union men as
there were in the South, who had been in
volved in the rebellion one way or another,
~ but Congress would undoubtedly remove the
disability soon. =
The next point was that the validity OF
the public debt of the United States should
not be questioned. We chad incurred a debt
of $2,50O,000,000 in carrying on the war
we wanted it paid, every dollar of it, with
out being questioned. "a
Again, we wanted it said that the United
States should not pay any debt incurred in
support OF the rebellion. We said cmigrants
who came into the South or the loyal natives
should not be taxed to pay the debts which
., they hate. which were created in trying te
destroy the nation. .,.a,
We said there must not be any attemp
to tax the people to pay for the slaves Sc
free. We could not dream of taxing the
people one or two thousand millions Of dol
b flarq IN ,,ay for tho olo,,os os,,oo;,JI.. i, :