Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-08-20

"If my suffrage Is asked for the highest civil
Office Of my country. the candidate, however
sent sore other title than laurels. however
gloriously gathered on the blood-stained battle
field. ~ Henrp Cav:
Message Of Governor VIM. H. Smith.
EIEcUrivE DEPARTMENT STATE or ALABAnA,
MONTGOMERY. August ii, 1865
To the Senate:
By the second section article three Of
the United States, it is provided that
each State shall appoint, in such man.
ner as the Legislature thereof may di-
rect, q number Of electors, equal to the
whole number Of Senators and Repre-
sentatives to which the State may be en-
titled in the Congress" Thus it is clear
that the Legislature Of the State has the
undoubted constitutional power to
choose the Presidential electors. But
the constitution of this State requires
that "every bill or resolution having the
force Of law, to which the concurrence of
both Houses of the General Assembly
may be necessary, except on q question
Of adjournment, which shall have passed
both Houses, shall be presented to the
Governor and if he approve, he shall
sign Il If not, he shall return it, with
his objections, to the House in which it
originated" Here is devolved upon the
Governor a plain, and at the same time
an imperative duty. The constitution is
mandatory in requiring him to approve
or disapprove every bill presented to
him. he could not, if he would, evade
the duty thus imposed upon him.
For several days have been carefully
and anxiously considering the merits of
the bill, which originated in the Senate,
to be entitled "An act to repeal section
two hundred and seventeen of the Re.
vised Code, and for other purposes.
After the most mature reflection, l am
forced to the conclusion that the bill is
wrong in principle, and that it would be
a dangerous precedent in republican
government. As my judgment does not
approve the bill, it is my constitutional
duty to return it to the Senate, with my
objections. To me this is an unpleasant
duty. If l entertained any doubt in re.
gard to the justice or policy of this bill,
/ should certainly give the benefit of the
doubt to the General Assembly, and ap-
prove the bill. Ei
7 All republics are based upon the doc
trine that governments derive their just
power from the consent of the governed
No party in this country has proclai med
this doctrine with such pertinacity, or
contended so earnestly for its adoption
in its fullest sense, as the Republican
party has. That party STANDS committed
by the platform recently adopted by the
Convention at Chicago, which nominated
Grant and Colfax, to universal manhood
suffrage in the States lately in rebellion:
This position has been gradually assumed
by the Republican party of the nation,
at the earnest request of Southern Union
lists, upon the plea that it was necessary,
for the protection of the Union men OF
both races that colored men should be
allowed to vote. u:
In the effort to secure this right, a con.
fict ensued between the executive and
legislative departments of the National
Government, which has convused the
country, and well nigh precipitated a
civil war. Indeed, the fall extent and
ultimate result of the conflict cannot yet
be foreseen. '-a
1t cannot but be regarded as remark
able that the first Republican Legisla-
ture convened in Alabama, should, IN
the face of the principles of its organi-
cation, which every Republican pro-
fesses to hold dear, deny not only to the
colored, but to the white man the right,
by his vote, to indicate his choice for a
President and Vice President of the
United States. and take the matter in its
own hands. What excuse can there be
for it2 Is it mere party expediencyf II
80, then it is an abandonment of princl'
Piles, or an acknowledgement that the ma
terial out of which the Republican party
is composed cannot be trusted. In other
words, it is to say that the colored men
will not do to be trusted. This action OF
the General Assembly will be regarded
as still more remarkable when consid-
cred in connection with what seems to
have been the leading members OF the
Republican party of Alabama. 1t was
believed by most of them, and So repre-
sented at Washington, that large major
iiy of the voting population OF the State
were in favor of the new constitution.
This was as much as to say that the Re-
puUnCdh puftJ Wuc III q iutto h"JO.'NJ
in the State, for it is well known that
none but Republicans favored the coasti-
tuition; and even some of them opposed
it II the party is as strong as it has
been supposed to be, then the necessity
Of party expediency does not exist But
even il it did exist, would we be justified
in resorting to it2 As much as desire
the election Of Grant and Colfax, am
unwilling TO become party, in behalf OF
that desirable result, to a scheme which
practically denies the very principles for
which those standard-bearers stand
pledged before the country.
But it may be said, that owing to the
excited TEN per of the Democratic party
We cannot have peaceable election,
and that this measure is merely resorted
10 in the interest Of peace. IL this be so
then il is recoil from the issues on our
part, aud q tacit acknowledgment that
we are unable TO protect ourselves
against the minority. respectfully sub
nit that the Republican party should not
be exposed to the disparAging comments.
not TO say ridicule, that would result
from this position.
In this connection the question may
very properly be asked, IL Il is not safe
10 have an election now, when VIII Il be7
IL We wait until the Democratic press
and Democratic orators cease TO employ
violent exciting and abusive language,
| IA IA not Al ali probable that the TINE