Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1868-02-28
So soversisni5y.


75eiGlgaTs, 61s fIss .Jelgetg 5oilr T7ssoIsstI6sS
The doctrine of State Sovereignty, as
fembOdied in the Kentucky and Virgin
ia resolutions 0f-1za2 been ad-
yooa2asa-aIere 70 support this protest.
Il is not surprising that TINS heresy.
(which was used to justify Ee session and
to condemn nearly every Wsr measure,
should also be employed to oVertUrn
loyal reconstruction.
Yet, we had supposed this question
settled that we had buried State Sow
ereigntY with the dead, and that our
/ triumph over the rebellion had demon
strafed for all time that there can be, as
/ said Hamilton, but one sovereignty un-
II der the Governments OF tae United
States. Every soldier who fought the
rebellion thought he was nghl1ng to
Vindicate end establish the sovereign
authority Of the Union over every foot
of American soil. While tlaFE felt proud
of their States, they felt pr0uder of the
United States, whose symbol Fhey bore
in the conflict, and planted On every
fortress wall. it was not tAe flag Of
Ohio, it was not the flag Of Rhode Is
land or South Carolina, but the flag of
their country, under whose folds the
/ American citizen is safe in all lands,
and which protects our commerce on
every sea.
To that flag, and the sovereignty it
represents, is due our primary a1leg-
nance. ana IEOLEl 1Ee IEGLlIlL4. e LEJHAFC
I the boon of citizenship and protection.
/ At home we may datter ourselves with
/ the frivolous and petty COnee7t that the
State is our sovereign government, but
+ IL wrong or injustice OVertakeE US
| abroad, our State vanity would Scarcely
hazard the ridicule of an appeal for vim
dicatiou to an authority destitute even
| Of the symbol Of nationality, and whose
1 sovereignty, though of ever 50 much
/ importance in local estimation is not
! known or recognized among the ma
i tiOns. On the contrary, we would claim
/ the immunibies belonging to citizens OF
1 the United States to which alone we
/ confess allegiance, and from which
! alone we receive protection.
But State sovereignty inculeates diff
/ ferenb lesson. It teaches US that Weare
primarily citizens of the State aud tina
! our paramount allegiance IS due the
authority Of the State. This nllschieY-
4 Gus heresV strikes at the very Y1taIs OF
I our government; and the country has
4 already realized It's evil consequences
When the leaders in rebelliens desired
( to achieve secession, they found moth
! the hesitating majority of the Southern
4 people as this doctrine, that when a
L State secedes it takes with it the allie
i glance of all its people. influential cit
zens of Virginia told me that by this
i means only were thew ever induced to
.
/ They adhered to the Union until they
i found their State was indeed gone, and
+ they felt they must needs go s. it, 1t
! was SO all uV8ls6li ssoufas Gb %
4 slavery there has been nothing so po-
/ tent in mischief to this country as this
revolutionary and disOrganizing doc
/ trine.
The positions of the Republican, and
/ Democratic parties upon this question
are in strong contrast. That OF the first
is aptly set forth in the language Of its
Ohio platform for 1867, which declares:
''That one of the great lessons of the
war is, that the American people are a
nation, and not merely cOnfederacy OF
sovereign and Independent States"
The doctrine Of the Democratic party
may be stated in the first of the Ken
lucky resolutions Of 179S, which de-
clares:
''That the several States of America
are not united on the principle of un-
4 limited submission to their general gov
/ ernment; but that by compact under
the style and title of a constitution for
the United States and of amendments
thereto, they constituted a general gov
/ ernmenb for special purposes delegated
to that government certain definite pow
ers, reserv1ng each State to itself the
residuary mass of right to their own
self government; and that whensOever
the general government assumes undel-
egated powers, its acts are unauthOrita-
tive, void and of no force: That to this
compact each State acceded as a State,
and is an integral party, its cO-States
forming as to itself the other parity
That the government created by this
compact was not made exclusive or H.
nal Judge of the extent Of the powers
delegated TO itself; since that would
have made It's discretion, and not the
constitution the measure ofits powers ;
but that, as in all other cases Of com
pact among parties having no common
Judge, each party has equal right to
Judge for itself, as we'll OF infractions as
of the mode and measure of redress"
Here the Union is defined to be a
compact between integral parties and
the constitution is their written agree
ment. And by Webster's definition of
pact we are informed that il is "An
[ agreement between parties; a covenant
or cOntract:-either Of individuals or OF
nations" So we may conclude that
the constitution, as viewed by the DEM
Ocracy, is a covenant or contract be-
/ tween States.
Now, what are the very first words OF
the constitution
90 We the people of the United states,
in order to form a more perfect Union.
establish justice, etc, do 0Tdai7I and es-
tabLisb this Constitution for the United
States of America"
Mark you, it does not say "We the
peoples" but speaks of the people as
one people, having one common country
and government When the adoption
/ of this Constitution was pending the
objection was raised against it that II
1 contained no Dill OF rights. To This
Alexander Hamilton replied in one Oi
his able papers that the preamble to
the Constitution declaring that it was
: the instrument of the people, who had
Z ordained and established it. that il was,
f in fact, their charter of Freedom
framed by their own hands, was tie
best bill of rights it could possibly con-
tain. And who can snow that it is dam
e gerOus to personal liberty to maintain
! the sovereignty Of or to claim the para
mount allegiance OF The people to a
r government which they have themselves
I ordained and established And who,
y though never so proud of his State, can.
= not feel a greater pride in being a citi-
zen of this great country, stretching
4 from the Atlantic 10 The Pacific, anC
s whose name commands the respect of al
nations? 1t may be a good thing,a great
= thing TO be born in a principality like
Rhode Island, New York, or Ohio, bu
for my part, I esteem it a greater, ,grandel
- thing to belong to the country of Wash
truly than ancient Rome, is Ereate
than a king.
Nor does the preamble say, ''We th,
] the white people" +" or ''we the people
of any particular race. It sweep
D. grandly beyond the petty confines o
ID prejudice, and, like the laws Of God
Ig speaks Of "the people," Men Of al
l. lands are welcome to our shores, anC
when they seal their faith to our flag
their race and nationality are swallow
ed up in one great people and the on
great name of ofAmeriCan citizen. What
1T ever may be the narrow bigotries o
' men, our constitution knows no distinC
D. tion of race or color, and recognizes bu
1 one common humanity, created fre
2 and equal.
y The preamble does not say, eve, tn
States," or "We, the people of til
. States" It recognizes no league o
compact between States. 1t has regart
to an authority higher than the States
which is that Of the people. have n
quarrel with the reserved rights Q
10 States. freely concede that power
which the people have not delegated T.
the United States, are reserved to tn
~ people. This Union is no league be
tween the States, bat 10 is the work 9