Spirit of Jefferson. [volume] (Charles Town, Va. [W. Va.]) 1844-1948, 1868-09-29
POLITICAL.
Letter of Hon. John Quincy Adams,
OF MASSACHUSET
Ou1NcY. Sentember N, 1Se

Quincy, September II, 1863
Hon. Henry W. Pane, President cf the
Democratic State CoHvention
Dear Sir,-In consequence of somewhat
prolonged absence from my home l have only
to day received your letter informing me that
the Convention over which you had the honor
to preside selected me to be their candidate
for the Office of Governor of the .Common-
wealth at the approaching election. am very
sensible Of the compliment thus, for the second
time, offered to me :, and although should
have much preferred a less conspicuous service,
l accept the nomination as frankly and heart
lily as it was given. have carefully axamined
the resolutions adopted by the Convention,
and | should perhaps content myself with
simply assuring you that find nothing in
them to which l cannot subscribe, but as
may not have another opportunity wish TO
state my own views little in detail. | am
glad that you have determined to rec, Iire a
rigid parsimony" in the4expeudture of the
peoples money. This, in nation as deeply
indebted and as heavily taxed as ours, is but
common honesty TO the public creditor and
mere humanity to the groaning taxi payer.-'
Every dollar not absolutely required for the
necessary expenses of Government, and for
mecting our obligations in the fullest good
faith should be left in the pockets of the
people. As to the license law, our prohibitory
friends in the last Legislature used to declare
that they cared very little what kind of law
was passed, as in the Presidential election the
license law Republicans would not dare to
bolt the regular nominations, and those they
could control. l suppose, therefore, that the
success of their State ticket will be equiv
alent to a return to the prohibitory law, with
its attendant consabulary. 1 think that there
are two matters of national interest involved
in this election, one of which is important,
the other vital. The former, which l take
to be the financial question, was not treated
by the National Convention in New York in
a manner which satisfied my judgment BY
providing for payment of the bonds known
as fve>twenties by surplus revenue alone, thus
ignoring what seems to me the valuable part
of Mr.. Peudleton's plan, a Withdrawal of the
issues Of the national banks, the Democratic
party appeared to commit themselves to an
indefinite extension Of the intolerable nuisance
of an unredeemab!e paper currency. am
too much of q Democrat to regard any such
prospect with patience. | believe in hard
money, and therein l hold myself to be true
Jacksonian Democrat. This dishonored paper
which We arc all compelled, as | think uu
constitutionally, TO accept as money, is not
only standing disgrace to the nation, but it
is destroying the ancient habits Of economy
and thrift, and undermining our old fashion,
ed honest ideas by the constant spectacle and
example of an insolvcnt Government. 1t lays
upon the poor man burden heavier than he
can bear. 1t Injuries trade, commerce, and
all productive industry each year more than
the whole sum of doubtful game which might
accrue from cancellng our debts by promises
to pay which we do not redeem. If persisted
in, l think it must result in reputation aud
bankruptcy. In that event the responsibility
will rest primarily with the party which made
the notes and then refused, when they had
the power, to make them good, and next with
the Democracy, if they are tempted to follow
that bad lead. 1t is with peculiar pleasure,
therefore, that read your demand for sound
and honest currency.
But even if differed with you on this sub
iect, and saw any relief in the party chiefly
responsible for our present deplorable fnan-
cial condition, | regard the second or vital
question of such moment that my political
action would be governed by the attitude of
the opposing parties in reference TO that alone.
The issue which, in my mind, dwarfs all 9TH
ers is, Shall the Constitution or shall party
mandate be the supreme law of the land 2
Fidelity to the Constitution should be the f.
nal test Of political affiliatiOn to-day. But to
act with the party which has ruled the coun-
try with supreme dominion for three years
past, must agree with them that the Con-
stitution contemplated an ultimate absorption
of the most important functions of the execu-
tive department. by Congress; that its far
construction will authorize that body to wrost
from the judiciary department the jurisdic-
ton in cases where its judgment upon con-
stitutional questions of the first magnitude
may possibly conflict with that of a majority
therein; must stand ready to fix my name
to a decIoraton of political faith which ex-
pressly makes approval of the impeachment
o. the President test of party fellowship;
and finally, must be able to say upon my
conscience that consider Reconstruction"
for the sake of which all this aud much more
has been done, is wise, statesmanlike, and
constitutional Now, have always thought,
with Mr.. Seward, that the wisest way to treat
the wounds left by the was to let them
heal ''by first intention" But "recopstrqc.
tion has torn them open day by day, until
they arc now a mass of wellnigh incurablc
gangreue. 1 believe that true craftsmanship
would have imposed on the Southern leaders
the task of bringing their people back into
the Union by frankly and confidently offering
to them the day they laid down their arms
! the right hand of oblivion of the past and re-
conciliation in the future, which they might
reject if they wished or dared.