The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1868-10-31
fossils, and the other traces ihe motions and

1
or less distinct, upon the production, the
distribution and exchange Of wealth. Ihs
political economist has 20 investigate this
effect thus exerted bus he not only neglssts
his duty, but commits grave scientific er
ror, If be fails to remember that the par
ticular effect, or class Of effects, which b
traces only from a portion OF the aggrega .
result. Thus, to take an iilustrati0n, PR
lament. ABOUT twenty years since, thought
< il was 70 impose various restrictions up1n
the employment OF children IN Ger ,iiu
branches Of industry From time % time
this legislation has been extended, and since
the acts passed Ia the session Of lsuI, HU
child under thirteen year, 0l sge Can w
employed in any branch of industry, *
cept agriculture, unless he attends school ~
many hours a week. ID j. evident shat this
legislation must produce ma " SOCIAL, moral
and economic results II II shO1ld be proved,
IN accordance with the principles Of pOlirI-
cal economy, that these restrictions upon
tue employment .ok chlldrea * aslse. sgHsa
temporary impediment upon the proluction
I OF wealth, two erroneous conclusions would
probably be drawn from such an inyestiga-
tion. The political economist may fa,la-
ciOusly suppose, Or lbe public my make the
superstition for hlm, that noihing nsei be
considered but the influence exerted upon
wealth, and that, therefore, If the egi.ll-
ture should ID the slightest degree interfere
with wealth, It ought for thar rcason 70 Oe
tecisively condemned. but II the poiilcn
economist and the public are not al.ogethe-
unmindful Of the work which this science
has 70 perform, they vii AZ one say, we
bare aseertained, with a. much accuracy as
possible, the pecunary cost Ut these re-
strlctions ard We, therefore, are able I'D
compare this temporary loss vi wealth with
the advantages, social, moral, and material,
which will u, mately result A, fnct,
1t can be stated that our lead ng economists
have from the first, been among the warm
ct advocates az the Factory Acts The
illustration = aIch ha- been given viii iudi-
cate the source Of rae nnfoundei prejudice
which is so otter expressed az inst political
economy. 4. a., Of course. possible 20 con
ceive that TIE ume may come when every
thing Connected with The production and
distribution of wealth may be 90 satistac-
tory that political economy may cease 70
have any practical mission. But very
cursory glance at The presa aHt condition Vt
England, wealthy though she msy be Will
suffice 70 show that considerable portion
Of our population j. sunk y deep il poverty,
that without acquiring more wealth thy
cannot advance neither socially nor NOR
ally ~ advance possible. Perhaps, Of the
countless topics q mprise ! 5y thg wide sub
ject upon which | am addressing you, *
viii be well if [ ask yOn 10 consider v BIZ
any new economic arrangements could 10
adopted which would cause the wealth ~
this count, to give more general happiness
and comfort 10 the whole nation. The most
remarkable characteristic Of the mode Ia
which industry il carried on among u. l.
the circumstance that capital il supplied by
one class, and that labor II supplied by au-
other class /; although capital an labor
must combine to produce wealth, yrt bs-
tween those Who supply the capital and
those who supply the labor there often cN-
lists no other relations than those between
the buyer and the seller " the commodity.
The capitalist, or the employer, on the nns
hand, and the laborer 90 the otaer, struggle
keenly to obtain as large a share a. possible
OF the aggregate wealth which results from
their combined eiTlrts. This struggle often
creates unfriendliness, sometimes ss,ii auI
occasionally no settlement can Ne arrived at,
no terms are accepted, war is declared aad
every one who has bad any experienee vt 10
strife knows with what ferceuess uud lg-
terE.inasioD. and AZ what y cost, tlis war
j. often carried on. We are sometimes prone
to forget that there is no reason in the nn-
ture OF things Why there should be ehis ecn-
n0mic separation Of classes. In Englaul,
the land j. owned hy one class, and the
capital which is necessary for its cultivation
is owned by another class, and The requisite
labor is supplied by body Of men whose
poverty, | may here parenthetically say, "
proverbial, This mode Of carrying on az
riculture does not generally prevail ia
other countries but on the contrary, may
be considered as almost peculiar 10 England
Ia France, IN flanders, and IN many parts
Of the continent, the landowner, the capital
let farmer, and the laborer, are frequently
merged into peasant propretors. IN other
parts OF the continent, much IF the land o,
cultivated BY metaycrs, vino pay A fixed
rent, generally amounting u bali tie yrl-
duce; they own portion of the capital,
aud the remain der j. supplied by the pru-
prietOT. In the United States and i'm che
Colonies land ~ 90 cheap thar the farmer ~
generally the owner " the farm which he
cultivsies. In India the British Govern
ment owns very considerable portion uf
the soil and the land tax, which forms
nearly one-third Of the aggregate revenue Of
Of that country is In reality rent. III We
turn from agriculture to other Industries il
will be found at the mode in which they
are Ut the present time caIrcI on, has been
a gradual growth, ard u the result W many
vaFIed Circumstances. Not many years since
no inconssdrrable portion oC tie manlfac-
/ lures Of this country might be regarded
az domestic, for they were carried On, not
in large buildings, but cliieav M cottages
\ The Inventions Of Arkwright aud others
1 lek A.. al har VI
II was found that manufactures could DO
! more profitably carried on on large scale.
Extensive buildings, fitted with costly ma
chinery, represent the Investment of A Iavre
amount Of capital. Hence has arisen our
modern industrial sy stem, the leading char-
acteristic OF which is o complete separation
between capital and labor. From this sep
] aration manifold evils arise where X II es-
sential that there should be unity Of effort
there il 0ften an antagonlzm Of Interest.
\ The employers strive TO buy labor AZ cheap
" as possible, the employed endeayJr u
sell their labor at the highest pricei hence
we have what 10 apply described as labor
market, and In this Market there often hap
pens that which daily occurs In every mart
where commodities are bought ard sid. A
merchant Who has corn 10 sell cannot ch-
tain such price fer It as be thinks fair lie
resorts 70 what may be virtually termed a
strike; he warehouses his corr and With
draws il from the market. Laborers who
think they cannot obtain fair price for
their labor, withdraw 10 from the market,
md thus resort TO a strike Macy who wit
ness tue injury which strikes cause think
that the legislature ought % interfere 10
prevent them. But il would be as useless
and as absurd for the House OF Commons 10
try 20 forbid laborsrs withdrawing them
ssives from the labor market, NJ it would bc
~ prohibit merchant from warchoGslng
his goods, when he cannot obtain for them 4
price which he deems reasonable. IL may
\ be- said shat the merchant acts in his indi-
vidnal capacity, whereas operatives, when
!. aver AhaK akrlka- cnnahlna 1nn " rhr ni