Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1868-02-28

speecn IN 1900. never lhSpLS~A y 10t %
now called the Presidents policy. ln the
summer of 1865, when | saw DIVISION
coming between the President and the Re
publican party, and when could nos help
anticipating the direful consequences that
must result from It, I made speech IN
which i repelled certain statements that haa
been made against the President, and de-
MED the charge that, BY issuing his proela-
nation of May 20, 1868. he had thereby
left the Republican party. | said that be
had not left the Republican party by that
act. / did show that the policy OF that proc
lanation was even more radical than that
of Mr.. Lincoln did show that i was
more radical even than the Winter Davis
bill Of the summer Of 1864. But, sir, 1t was
oil upon the distinct understanding that
whatever the President did that his whole
policy or action was 10 be submitted 70 Ion,
gress for its consideration and decisioni ana
as I befor remarked. If that had been done
all would have been we'll 1 did n0t thsh
advocate universal eolored suffrage IN the
South, and have before given ny teaso:,s
f,r;t and IN doing that j was actlng IN
bsrmonv with the great body OF the Repub-
Eean rartt of the North. 1t was nearly q
wear year Alter that time when Congress passed
iha constitutional amendment, which stlli
isft the question of suffrage with the South
ern States. left it with the white people;
and II was not until year and halt alter
tbat time that Congress came to the eonciu-
sion that we would not execute the gnaran'
fae of the Constitution without raising up
new class of loyal voters
And. sir, nobody concurred IN that result
more heartily than my sell eoniessed anu
10 II without shame) that have been eau 20,
cated e nv tbe great events of this war. The
k-Sor;car neonle have been educated rapid
". and the man who says ne has learned
nothing, that be stands now where ne alo SIX
Years ago is Ii Se an ancient mile post py tne
side of a deserted highway. We, Mr.. ffesl-
dent. have advanced step by step. w men
,bis var began we did not contemplate the
5es,rncfion of slavery. | remember well
100 the Critteuden resolution was passed.
5s,Iaring that the war was not prosecuted tor
ooronssf or 10 overturn the institutions OF
sny S,ste. I know that that was intended as
a., ,eenranee that slavery should nse be de-
stroyed. ard It received the vote, DeleTei
nj eyery Republican member IN both douses
of Congress. but in Q few months aiter that
time il was found by the events OF tne war 1lia'
we could not preserve slavery ana suppress
he rebellion, and we must destroy slavery
1ot nrosecute the war to destroy slavery
Int DESTROY slavery to prosecute the war
Wbicb was the better? To stand BY the
I
resolution and let the Union 60, or to stand
bv the Union and let the resolution go!
Congress could not stand by that pledge,
and + was "more honored in the breach
than the Observance Mr.. Lincoln issued
his proclamation Of emancipation, setting
free the slaves of the rebels. II was dictated
by the stern and bloody experience OF the
times Mr.. Lincoln had no choice lett MN.
When We began this contest no one thought
pre would use colored soldiers in the war.
The distinguished Senator sitting by me
here, (Mr. Cameron when, in the winter
of 1861, he first brought forward the pro-
position, as Secretary OF War; to use col.
Ored soldiers, was greatly IN advance Oh
nublic opinion. and was thought 10 be vis-
ionary, but as the war progressed it became
manifest to the intelligent men that we
must not only destroy slavery, but We must
avail ourselves Of every instrumentalIty IN
our power for the purpose Of putting down
the rebellion, and the whole country &C
corded in the use Of colored soldiers, and
Gallant and glorious service they rendered.
In 1864 q proposition was brought forward.
in this body to amend the Constitution OF
the United States by aboEshing slavery
We do not think that Is very radical now,
but 1t was very radical then; 1t was the
great measure Of the age, and almost oi
modern times, and it was finally passed an
amendment setting free every human being
within the limits of the United states.
But, sir, we were very far then from "hefe
we are now. All will remember the cele-
brated Winter Davis bill, passed in June,
1864 which took the power OF reconStt "
ton ont of the hands Of the President, where
It did not, in fact, belong, 1u
refer io Mr.. Lincoln; but If that bill had
nassed il ygould perhaps have resulted In 'he
tdestrnction Of this Government. We can all
see s. now. although it was then thought to
he The most radical measure OF the times
What did it propose2 II proposed TO pre-
-,-;Ea a ,lan fc, take effect when the war
sLo1ld end, by which these rebel States
zbopid be restored. / refer to that bill sim
NV 10 show how we have all travelled. 1t re-
nuired but one condition or guarantee on the
mart of the South, and t'at was that they
should put in their coast atoms provision
prohibiting slavery. Ii required no other
guarantee it required no equalization OF
representation no security against rebel
debts, or against payment for emancipated
slaves: and it confined the right of suffrage
to white men. But it was thought to be a
great step In advance at the time; and so it
vas; but events were passing rapidly, and in
1865 the President came forward with his
proposition, and | am stating what ID true
from an examination of the documents, when
/ say that but fer the want of power with the
President, his scheme in itself considered
was far more radical than that of the Winter
Davis bill; bat events we're rapidly teaching
the statesmen of the time that we could not
reconstruct upon that basis.
Still, Congress was not prepared to take a
forward step uutil the summer of 1865, IN the
passage of sthe constitutional amendment,
which we now regard as a half way measure,
necessary and vital as far as it went, but not
going far enough. That was rejected, and
We we're then compelled to 60 further, and
re have now fallen upon the plan of recon-
struction which / have been considering. 1t
has been dictated by the logic of events. 1t
overrides all arguments, oyerrides all prejudi-
ces, oyerrides all theory, in the presence OF
the necessity for preserving the life Of this
nation; and if future events shall determine
that we must 60 further, for one am pre-
pared to say that viii go as far as shall ne
necessary to the execution of this guarantee,
the reconstruction of this Republic upon the
right basis and the successful restoration oi
every part of this Union.
Mr.. President, the column ofreconstruetion
as before remarked, has risen slowly. Il
has not been hewn from q single stone. 1t Ii
composed Of many blocks, painfully laid up
and put together, and eemented by the tears
and blood of the nation. Sir, We have done
nothing arbitrarily. We have done nothing
for punishment, aye, too little for punish.
ment, Justice has not had her demand.
Not man has yet been executed for this
greet treason. The arch fend himself is nov
at liberty upon bail. No man is to be pun
ished; and now, while pnhishmen. Is gone by
as we all know, we are insisting only upon
security for the future. We are simply ask.
- n. Il IL