The evening Argus. [volume] (Rock Island, Ill.) 1861-1871, 1868-09-22
Hon. John Quincy Adams Letter Of Aceep
,sncO Of the Democratic Nomination
for Governor of Massachusetts.


QUNcY, Sept II, 1863.
Hov, HENRY W. PAINE, President Of THE
DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTIONS
DEAR SIR-In consequence OF asomewhat
prolonged absence from my home, | have
only to-day received your letter informing
me that the convention over which you had
the honor to preside, selected me to be their
candidate for the office OF governor OF the
commonwealth at the approaching election.
am very sensible Of the compliment thus,
for the second time, offered TO me, and al
though ! should have much preferred less
conspicuous service, accept the nomlna'
ton as frankly and heartily as 1t was gwen.
have carefully examined the resolutions
adopted by the convention, aud should per
haps co ltent myself with simply assuring
yon that | can find nothing in them to
which ! cannot subscribe; but as | may not
have another opportunity, | wish to state
my own views little in detail. am glad
that you have determined to require rigid
parslmonyn in the expenditure of the PEG
pies money. This, in nation as deeply
indebted and as heavily taxed as ours, is
but common honesty to the public creditor,
and mere humanity to the grooming tax.
payer. Every dollar not absolutely required
for the legitimate and necessary expenses Of
government, and for meeting our obligations
in the fullest good faith, should be left in
the pockets Of the people. Al TO the license
law, our prohibitory friends in the last leg.
isature used to declare that they cared very
little what kind Of Law was passed, as IN
the presidential election the licenseIaw re.
publcaus would not dare to bolt the regu.
lar nominations and those they could con.
troll. ! suppose, therefore, that the success
oCthcr state ticket will be equivalent TO a
return to the prohibitory law, with its atten.
dant constabuary. think that there are
two matters of national interest involved in
this election, one Of which is important the
other vital. The former, which take to be
the financial question, was not treated by
the national convention in New York in a
manner which satisfied my Judgment. by
providing for payment Of the bonds known
as 5.20s by surplus revenue alone, thus *.
noring what seems to be the valuable part
of Mr.. Pendleton's plan, withdrawal Of the
issues of the national banks, the democratic
party appeared to commit themselves to an
indefinite extension Of the intOerable nui.
5ance Of an irredeemable paper currency
am too much of a democrat to regard any
such prospect with patience. | believe in
hard money, and therein hold myself TO be
a true Jacksonian democrat. This dishon-
ored paper which we are all compelled, as |
think. unconsttutionally to accept as mon.
ey, is not only standing disgrace 10 the
nation, bat il is destroying the ancient hab.
It's Of economy and thrift, and undermining
our old fashioned honest ideas by the con-
slant spectacle and example of an insolvent
government. 1t lays upon the poor man a
burden heavier than he can bear. 1t in.
lures trade, commerce, and all productive
industry each year more than the whole sum
of doubtful gam which might accrue from
canceling our debts with promises to pay
which we do not redeem. If persisted in,
think it must result in reputation and
bankruptcy. In that event, the responsible
ity will rest primarily with the party which
made the notes and then refused, when they
had the power, 20 make them good, and
next with the democracy if they are tempted
to follow that bad lead.
1t is with peculiar pleasure, therefore
that read your demand for sound and
honest currency. But even if | differed
with you on this subject, and saw any relief
in the party chiefly responsible for our pres
eut deplorable financial condition, regard
the second OF vital question of such moment
that my political action would be governed
by the attitude Of the opposing parties in
reference to that alone. The issue which,
in my mind dwaris all others, is, shall the
constitution or shall Il party mandate DO the
supreme law Of the land Fidelity to the
constitution should be the final test Of po-
ltical utilization to day. But to act with
the party which has ruled the country with
supreme dominion for three years past,
must agree with them that the constitution
contemplated an ultimate absorption Of the
most important functions Of the executive
department by congress, that its fair con,
structi0n will authorize that body to
wrest from the judiciary department juris.
djction in cases whore its judgment upon
constitutional questions Of the hrst magui-
tuie may possibly conflict with that
Of majority therein, must stand
ready to fix my name to dclara
ton Of political faith which expressly
makes approval of the impeachment of the
President test Of party-telIowship; and IL
ually, must be able to say upon my con-
science that consider Reconstruction for
the sake Of which all this and much more
has been done, is wise, sta,esmanike and
constitutional. Now have always thought
with Mr.. Seward that the wisest way to treat
the wounds left by the war was to let them
heal "by first intention But "reconstruc
ton has torn them open day by day until
they are now q mass of wel-nigh ncurable
gungreue. / believe that true statesman
ship would have imposed on the southern
leaders the task of bringing their people
back into the Union by frankly and conf
IDENTITY Offering to them the day they laid
down their arms, the right hand of oblivion