The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1868-04-01

in the regime which commenced in 1s4s during the
first the government was in the hands OF the repubi
cans who wished to preserve the republic; In the
second the public AFFAIRS were conducted by the con-
servatives who wished to destroyit. ('Hear, hear"
provisions so contradictory be concIllatedP We hear
OF many things that require to be saved but before
all let not allow logic and good sense to be sacri
feed.
M EMILE OLIVIER said-I do not reproach the
government with effecting reforms only partially,
what has been said respecting England, although
many OF the statements made might be contested.
since the experiment MADE by Wellington In 1879 ev
haze been dlICGyS sincere ana complete In that year
the celebrated tory chief proposed the emancipation
OF the Catholics; but he did 80 with such little grace
that he offended all the liberal party The result
was that on the accession Of William w. neither the
Minister the King, Notwithstanding the personal
popularity OF The latter, could show themselves at
Guildhal for fear Of riot The noble lord profted
by the lesson and when he introduced reforms In the
Corn laws in 1845 In conjunction with Sir Robert
Peel he was as liberal and as resoute as he had been
narrow minded and preludiced In 1929. Then, pro-
not make pw Which by article one destroys the
arbitrary legislation and reestablishes 1t In article
fourteen. The bill before US Is one on the right Of
meeting, made by men who detestit. Applause on
the left Of the speaker.)
NJ. MILLoN-1 wish to ask whether the government
intends the bill to comprise private assemblies
be sent back to have the word "public" inserted.
M; RoUHER-I can easily remove the scruples Of
shows that only public meetings are referred to.
Private assemblies have never been forbidden nor
subjected to an authorization.
M. MILLoN-The reply of the Minister is satisfac-
tory, but the text Is not. shall vote for sending
back the article.
M. GLAIs- BIzoIN-what is meant by an adjourn
ment of the permission, and how long can the sus-
pension ast The Minister probably forgot to reply
to that question.
M. PRARD-Ony the necessary time to refer to the
Minister Of the Interior. Hear hear. 'VOte, vOtep
M. GLAIs-BIzoIN-By telegraph Noise. "vOte,
NJ. PIcARD-That is a matter Of importance in cleo
tOral affairs.
the fourteenth has become the thirteenth. consult
the Chamber as to whether 1t shall be sent back to
the committee.
The question was decided in the negative, and a
vote being taken on the article itself 1t was adopted
by l9l to 81
English Opinion-NapoIeOn ON the ss Stump''-
The Pamphlet a Grand Election Document.
[From the London Times March 1871
The general election Is at hand in France, and the
Emperor NapoeOni is canvassing for the peoples suf
rage AsOveregn by the grace Of God may rely on the
immutable course Of his destinies, but monarch by
the will Of the nation feels less easy about his tenure
Of office and evinces natural anxiety to make good
the titles OF his dynasty. The pamphlet for which
the French semi-oilcia press has been for several
a 20 high has at the
light. The Emperor counts his friends He tells us
by what vast numbers OF votes both the original
founder ana the restorer Of the empire at various
periods attained the supreme rank of the State how
The Uncle and the Nephew by decisive measures in
extreme dangers, twice performed their task as
1t is not easy to see what purposes may be served
by these statistical declarations which no one is in
votes signed by the French people," we are told,
care the titles Of the Napoleonic dynasty" Twice
pa 1 raoca the neq e
for security, and in both instances she gave no
symptoms Of repenting the bargain. 1t is true that
in both instances the Suffrage was ushered In by q
deed Of violence, and was taken at the close OF q
long period OF disorder which had exhausted the
nsha%ea e nd T r%s o@ pS eSs aR
BJuDldise to the Adteatr de FOntdtnebtedu no less
than from the Deur D6cen,bre to the January letter
and marshalled than fairly and freely called to
the polls. Still the elected OF the people are
acceptable to their millions, and, after ALL there
has been among men at all times and In oil coun-
tries the greatest readiness to forget the means by
which supreme power has been attained In consid-
made subservient The question Is less by what
right sovereign rules than what is the nature OF his
which, whether or not it rose by the free choice Of
the French people, did not certainly fall by any act
we may n say 9 s
the intellectual progress OF the country better argu
ments in favor OF its continuance than any It could
draw from the legality of Its origin. The French
were quiet and submissive SO long as the present
"ruer OF their choice" made their country pros
porous ut home and respected abroad, and their
allegiance continued mistaken even since his wOnted
foresight or his rare luck seemed to have abandoned
him. and since he was himself driven to admit the
presence Of dark spots" on the horizon. From the
rise OF the empire to the ''crownng Of the edi1ce"
there has been peace Within II not Without iss boun
diaries. The very bread riots or workmens strikes
which now and then rufiied the surface Of the happy
community only added popularity to a sovereign
whose proudest titles were those OF Friend Of the
Artisan" and emperor OF the Peasant"
Whence then, comes now this mistrust Of his
popularity and this necessity for q new appeal to
tho massesf II was only, we believe, when ne
creased armament that the Emperor Napoleon shook
the foundation on which he had built his throne.
The French people wanted mitigation, not an ag-
haps with resignation, II not with cheerfuness,
have followed their imperial leader across the Rhine
| for French honor that Sadowa should be avenged:
but to assure them that there would be peace, and
at the same time to turn the empire into vast bar
rack, showed as little regard for the peoples judg-
ment as for the peoples interests. Precisely at the
moment in which the imperial pamphlet comes
forth to vindcate the popular origin of the imperial
| power we hear OF disturbances in some Of the
provincial cities Of France, and these are caused
| by the first attempts made to put in force
the new law for the organization OF the Garde
NaiiQpale Mobile. We pre- told indeed, that the riots
In Toulouse and elsewhere arose from no objection
lieve that they owing to enthusiasm In its favor.
We hear OF nothing but the camness and regularity
Of the proceedings the eagerness OF the young men
answering the call, their excellent SPIRIT their patri-
| otto ardor. But somehow these nattering accounts
on no nS one inc MIDST Of En- this hal
from ancyng that there ia on ar tbe a Freocn
people anything like regret for republican times or
anything like settled hostility TO imperial rule. There
Is no possible change on which the mind Of reason
| able Frenchman can rest with the least confidence.
| There Is no opposition leader with determined
scheme OF action; none ready to take upon himself
the responsibility OF revolution. France has come
TO an end Of all political experiments. The present
has nothing 80 dreadful as To induce her voluntarily
| to face an unknown future.
II Is upon this instinct Of order at any price that
the Emperor Napoleon rely for support against
any deliberate attack while the immense strength OF
ft1s
those surprises which have often decided the
fate OF his predecessors. The French would not will
lingly overthrow him, and he must take care that
they do not do 30 by mere oversight IL Ia to little
purpose, we think, that the Imperial pamphlet dwes
upon the exceences OF the constitution and on Its
| capabilities Of progressive Improvement What the
French people want Is peace-peace with liberty, IL
the two blessings can be combined but peace before
all things and at any price. IL Ii impossible that the
| Emperor should not perceive how greatly the new