Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-08-04
London Correspondence.

LONDON, y uiy 10, 1000.
We are living in sphere of compare
tive peace in this kingdom, and now that
the excitement succeeding the Abys.
sinian war has subsidized, certain dull
ness has spread over political affairs in
our country, and the attention of the pub
lie is again directed toward our neighbors
on the other side of the channel.
The state of affairs in France, however
often discussed, does not fail to call forth
q lively interest among the nations Of
both hemispheres, and especially at the
present moment When the budget is
discussed in the Legislative body, the op-
position raises its head more boldly than
ever. Itis asked by prominent members
of both Houses, how the country will
ever extricate, with yearly deficiency
in the treasury, an immense army to
support, and the sinew and vitality Of
the nation drawn off by the enlistment Of
almost every sound man for that army
leaving to women. cripples and old men
the care of cultivating the fields,
and paralyzing trade by the constant
dread ofn foreign war. 1t is acknowledged
even by the French Government that
something has to be done to put stop
to the growing evil, and the authorities,
with the Emperor at the head, are there
m thnt ne
and assertions that nothing is more de.
sirable than the restoration of complete
tranquility and friendly understanding
with the rest of the nations OF Europe.
This policy is forced upon the Emperor
by circumstances and not by choice; his
ambition is sufficiently known to con
vince the world that he keeps up large
military power in order to awe all Eu-
rope into submission to France, and thus
to exercise supreme influence over the
destinies of Europe. Nspoleon's pres
tige, however, is gone and will probably
never be recovered; still be talks about
the destiny" be has to fulfill and the
task imposed upon him and his family,
by Providence. 1t is not more than a few
days ago since he is said to have discuss
ed, at private dinner party, given by
him at Fontainbleau, the topic of assas-
sinations of princes, and made the rath.
er bold assertion that in case of himself
being murdered to-day or to. morrow, his
son would all the more certainly be pro-
claimed by the French nation as his sue
cessor. 1t is not obvious that France
would support the Napoleonic dynasty on
account OF one ofits members having died
a violent death more than if he had died
natural death, and besides the Bona
partists do not constitute the French
nation. 1t is generally believed that af-
ter Napoleon's death, France will under
go severe crisis, of which it is impossi-
Bile for the shrewdest politicion to fore
see the end. Napoleon, however, is q
fatalist by principle; he firmly believes
that he is intended by Providence to car
ry out complete reform on Europe and
if his life is too shsrt for the task, that
some member of his family will crown
the edifce commenced by himself He
has that conviction within himself, but
he does not succeed in imparting the
rest Of the world with the same illusion;
the scepters are numerous, and it is not
believed, outside of Napoleon's immedi-
ate admirers, that Divinity troubles itself
about the French Emperor's ambitious
plans on earth. II is said that the late
attempt at revolution in Spain has partly
been detected by Napoleon's agents, and
that he has seized the opportunity eager
ly for playing bad turn to the Duke of
Montpensier, who is friend Of the Or
leans family, and consequently danger
Gus rival to the Bonaparte pretensions on
the crown of France, in case of future
contest.