The New Orleans crescent. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1866-1869, 1868-12-23
DANGEROUS xoNoPoLIEs.

In the old anti-slavery- pro-slavery epocn'
when the halls Of Coneress were an arena
where the champions of these respective
causes were accustomed to confront each
other periodically, and cross their wooden
swords and shiver headless lances, the present
generation at the North, for the most part
crew up in the belief that the only power
dangerous to the liberties of citizens in this
country was the Southern slave power. fet'
in fact there was never q homogeneous IN
terest comprising as large number, and re-
presenting as great capital, which exercised
so small degree of positive influence III
shaping the course of contemporary politics
as the slave proprietary in the South Being
ON the defensive throughout, and having con-
stantly to appeal on its own behalf to consul
tutional guarantees, it was impelled oy the
logic of its position, while defending It's own
rights, to defend the rights of all, behind the
common intrenchments of the Constitution.
Thus, as far as it had power to do SO, IL
protected, instead of menacing, the hoer-
ties of the people. But it could not
permanently stay the various currents con-
verging into one irresistible stream OF agrees
sion, usurpation and subversion. 1t could not
prevent infraction after infraction of the Con-
stitutiou. 1t could not save constitutional
government. 1t persisted in the unequal con-
test, and for about four years the political oc-
cupation of the Northern people has been to
trample the earth upon its grave and chaunt
maudlin songs in praise of victory for "free-
dom," that swept away the processes OF the
Constitution to make room for the caprices OF
despotism that left the government to be
seized by the boldest and strongest like the
succession to the vacant place of bandit
chieftain, and gave up legislation to be per-
yerted, accordingly as bribery and corruption
might tend, to the ACKNOWLEDGMENT of special
interests and the subsection of the country to
the tyranny of moneyed monopolies.
But here and there in the North we begin
to perceive indications that the true import
of this victory is at length dawning upon
| MANY of those who have been so blindly
celebrating it. They see that whisky rings,
manufacturers rings, railroad rings, can
make or unmake laws as may suit their pur'
poses, and can do pretty much as they please
| under such laws as it suits their convenience
to have enacted. Though they are ready to
| infringe laws without the least scruple, it
must not be inferred that they want no legis-
lation. On the contrary, they want much OF
it; they want it as complicated, confused and
cumbrous as possible; the more 1t has OF
these qualities, the more easily can they use
it for enriching and strengthening themselves
by plundering the peoples substance and
paralyzing the public will.
The New York Times refers to one Of the
| gigantic monopolies which are now growing
up out of this condition of things when it
says: "Who can estimate the political
power which could be welded by corpora
ton owning a consolidated railroad line from
here to San Francisco, with capital of $780,
600, 600? Such a corporation is extremely
probable. We used to fear the Slave
Power. VIII our Railroad Barons be less
formidablef"
There is but one final and effectual remedy
against the colossal system Of monopolies
which threatens to overshadow the whole
land, and to subdue every species of industry
and commerce, and almost every form OF per
sonal and political liberty, under its balefu
mastery That is for government, obeyine
an enlightened, aroused and invincible public
opinion, to repeal all legislation whose direc
tendency is to foster corrupt moneyed com
binations, and, more especially, to reassert
and, if need be, absolutely resume, on behal
of the people, the right of eminent domain
in respect to all the highways of travel ant
commercial transportation. The people cal
never safely consent to relinquish irrecovera
bly, the supreme control of the entire system
of locomotion. If they ever do so they vii
be prepared to submit to one of the mos
crushing and fatal forms of enslavement
From the principle, held by the most ad
vanced and liberal craftsmanship of the age
that the interference of government is onl
justified by the necessity of vindicatinl
individual liberty, it must follow that govern
nent may properly interfere to enforc
individual franchises in respect to railroad
and all other subjects of monopoly.