The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1868-05-15

ing the authority of the Constitution
eEers-a}b-tlae5lena, ,saudr raSpend dnon1as.
to deal kindly with the negro when
we have the power But tie subject
caaaot be shirked in Mis tDay, and
thefs sre TOO Smauy interested jH a
just kettlemenEs of this seripus Diff
GUILTY to ba satisfied wSth the b egaEiveI
prop psitioh Above poteH
."fHe have nd heAitatipn il saying,
frankly, Mdt 6et,seeh instant ,snqtsdit-'
fed negro suffrage and entire dental TO
he race Of ibis priuilege, aoe aoould
greatly prefer the latter. It would be
far more humane to the blacks them
selves. We do not object to unre-
stricted suffrage without regard to
color, because we have sny fears that
the. black man will tyrannize. oyer
the Caucasian, and set himself up as
paramount in the land. But We do
fear hst:indisoriminate negro voting,
especially in localities where the
h!!..ci,s h!.ckss aio numerous. and more or
less untitled to appreciate the nature
of the privilege, will, lead. by its.
inevitable fruits to decided re-ac-
ton in public sentiment, and pro-
woke q. collision between, the races,
Id which the inferior would greatly
tsnfer,I If not be entirely crushed.
The future of the negro is dark
fenough ut the best, and will be so
without this added risk, The ballot,
as we have heretofore shown in an
argument no one has attempted to
answer 30 far from being q protec-
,tion to him. as many superficial OBJ
servers haye claimed, will bring him.
into fresh perils. By holding out
tthe' suffruge as an inducement to the
acquisition of property and leduca-
ton, some of those dangers may be
avoided, and with such restrictions
all unprejudiced persons would be
satisfied ATS to see the experiment fairly
tried. '''''
'rIt.And this brings us tolthefdues-
tion which many will ask, why not
make the same rule for both whites
and blacks, and let the suffrage be
impartial, applying the same limits
without restriction as to color?' If
the privilege were now for the first
time to be conferred, we should be
very glad to aid in establishing such
limits as would prevent its exercise
by the ignorant and improvident of
any color; where this has been con-
cedod it is difficult to recall it now,Y
but we would go no further in that
direction. Besides, the two races do
not stand upon the same footing,
and never will, while they dwell toge-,
ther with separate blood. We may
admit all the reasons urged why this
should not be 30, but this will not
change the fact, which exists in spite
Of the argument. The attempt to force
the mass Of ignorant, inlprouident blacks
into, "a position Of perfect political
equality ,Dith the concerning aDhites, aoin
not only fail in Itself, but l0iN increase
The popular prejudice against The ,ohoIe
race, and render ii nearly if not quite
impossible TO do anything TO- improve
their social condition. '''''
cit is true that this is matter for
State, rather than national legisla-
tion; butone party is forcing it into
the canvass, and a simple opposition
to its one idea of universal social and
political equality for the negro, is not
enough to satisfy those conservatives
who have ever been the truest friends
of the black man in all stages of the
controversy. We have already stated
that between doing all that radical
ism asks for the black man and
denying it oil, we would choose the
latter, even out of kindness to him,
if for no other reason; DIT ,oe belieoe
that there is a middle ground that qcould
meet Me. uieaos Of the great body Of the
american people. The sooner this is
conceded and established, the better
will it befor all concerned"
i'"' Democratic Meeting.