The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-08-22
FREDERICK DOUGLASS.
HIS Comments on seymOur's Letter OF
Accsptances

or sinuous disguised, hollow, deceptive, and
craftily designed to pervert the truth for pur-
pose, and to describe things as they are not, the
utterances of candidate for the Presidency,
supported by party whose immense power
with the country 1t is dangerous as yeil as
foolish to underestimate, can hardly De 700
closely scrutinized or too fully discussed
What such a man may Say or may not say,
and the manner of hi5 saying or not saying, eau
very well be made to assist us in rightly COM
pretending the character OF the man and his
purposes, and the probable influence he will
exert upon the country il elected to the Presi-
dency. Hence, next TO General Grant, no man
has better claims to our attention than Horatio
Seymour. His latest utterance is every way
characteristic; smooth as oil and as fair seeming
as hypocrisy itself, containing every disposition
to deceive, but without the ability. When one
or two important words are understood, the
most cunningly written letter in ciDher IS made
plain. So we have only to read Mr.. Seymours
letter of acceptance, consisting of vague
geneTaities, side by side with the history
Of the country during the late civil war and
since, to understand its most occult aud difficult
parts. In the first reading 1t slips through the
mind like fresh caught eel through the hand;
you must grapple with him again, If you would
not lose your nook aud line. The contrast be-
tween his letter and that of General Grant IS in
every respect striking. In consulting them, 1t
is plain to which is the honest patriot, rely
ing upon the simple truth, and which the dema'
gogue, relying upon dexte1ity and cunning. The
one is lust as evident as the other. Grant has
few words, and a simple and obvious meaning.
Seymour has many words, and so arranged as
attractive dress. He fails; but only because
no skill can conceal the political mOnstrosities
which underlie the organization OF which he is
the candidate. He is the candidate OF the old
slavery party-a party OF which 1t was the glory
or tie shame to have done its worst, during all
the late war; to cripple the Government and
encourage the Rebels; which never Wearled in
its efforts TO bring about such conclusion or
the war as would leave slavery, the cause OF the
war, intact. In order to understand the vague
generalities Of this letter, it need not be remem
bered that its author virtually, while Governor
of our State, was the recognized friend of men
engaged in one OF the bloOdest riots on record.
1t need not be remembered that that riot was
created to assist the Rebels in their efforts to
divide the Union and overthrow the Government
in all the Southern States. 1t need not be
remembered that Mr.. Seymour omitted no
opportunity to resist the vigorous prosecution
OF the war for the Union, when he could do
under some teChnicality or preteXt, and escape
the consequences of open treason. 1t need not
be remembered that, while sword aud pesilence
were thinning the loyal ranks, and the country
was calling Tor men, Mr.. Seymour, while resist
ing the draft by bloody riots, was equally
opposing the voluntary enlistment Of colored
men. We need not remember any of this. The
letter-notwithstanding its smoothness vague
ness, and dupcity-is quite intellIglo ole to
what manner of man he is who now asks US to
make him he Chief Magistrate of the nation.
have denounced this letter as cunning and
cowardly. The writer, when enGeavOring to
deal the most deadly blows, hi les himself be-
hind others. He does not honestly tell us upon
MS own authority WudI ne JnlDkS ana leelS; out
crafty speaks IN the name OF third parties
tells us what ''they" think and say. He shields
himself behind ''intellisent men," "thoughtful
men," "tbe best men" every thinking man."
tells us what they feel, think, and say. One
would think these abe men, thinking men,
these leaders Of tue Republican party, might be
allowed to do their own speaking aud writing.
When the country desires TO kno the views of
these eminent persons, it knows how to get
them. The occasion did not call for a statement
of their views but those OF Horatio seymour;
but this is Horato's "sty e." and characteristic
of the man, ana part Of the President of the
United States, when we make him such. Has
the country not had enough Of this sort? Does
any body want q revised and corrected edition Of
Andrew johnson in the Presidential chair for
the next four years!
Complaint is adroitly made in this letter that
Congress has allied itself to military power"
as if 1t were crime. When WAS auy govern
ment not allied to such power especially when,
as in the case OF our own, its authority is re-
sisted by large communities of men recently in
open rebellion3 Why should not the law
making power of the nation be allied to military
power? What would any government be worth
unalled to sufficient military pc Wer to make its
laws respected? What better would q Demo-
cratic Congress do? Would such Congress
refuse to employ military power to protect per.
sons and property from mur Ter and destruction
Or would 1t yield to all the demands of the
defeated rebels? What would it do? Suppose the
freedmen OF the South were banded In assocla'
tions for the purpose OF resisting the laws
oil q Democratic OODSTcSS, anu Oy byStem VI
terror, of secret ASSASSINATION, were keeping
whole States in condition OF anarchy-Would
such Congress refuse to avail itself OF military
power to secure order aud tranquillity2 vi
course, 1t would not; and Horatio seymour would
be among the first to recommend such alliance OF
military power with the law-making power, and
its vigorous employment to suppress violence.
But IL happens that not the freedmen nor the
loyal white men of the South ale engaged in law.
less Vio ence; but the former slaVemasters, the
ancient slave-power the southern arls'
tocracy, the Southern democracy, are
obstructing the laws and intererlng with
the freedom of the ballot box, destroying
the peace and good order OF society-apd this
makes all the difference. They are privileged
class. Tsey have always been aw unto them
selves, and have been accustomed TO Iarup the
negroes to their hearts content. Tnis Is why
Mr.. Seymour's righteous soul is grieved to see
the military power OF the country called in to
support law ard oraer II Mr.. Seymour simply
meant to make fling at General Grant in thi:
reference to military power, he ls not less
unfortunate tor 10 this same letter he proudly
and boastfully proclams h,s own alliance with
the largest meeting OF soldiers ever assembled
In this country.
There are evidently conflicting opinions
and theories among leading men as 10 The
powers OF President of the United States aud
also as to the manner III which he NAV properl'
exercise those powers. Que class OF meI
amongst us nave practically committed them
selves to theory OF the office winch virtually
makes the President q despo. lie caunot, 4
be sure, dictate what shall be the law; out ht
can decide what shall BE- enforced aud ODE ed
and what law shall not. Congress may pa
laws; aud he may veto them. Contre's MAJ
pass Il EN- over the veto; and he NAV then re
fuse to enforce obey them, Njth mpunity
He is the only man in the couu ry Who may d.
as he pleases. All other men must obey Ia Y
He alone has the sovereign right 10 despis
laW. This theory was teste IN the recent tra I,