Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-02-29


under the definition Of the law itself and
may be arraigned, tried and punished
therefor And neither the House nor the
Senate is the proper tribunal for deciding
this question. 1t certainly would be a
very extraordinary spectacle TO see Con.
press pass law creating an oifense and
prescribing penalty, and then acting a.
once as prosecutor, judge, jury and exc.
cutioner upon the President for violation
of its provisions Such proceeding
confounds all our ideas Of the distribu'
ton of power among different depart
ments of the Government. l''
From the New York Sun tRep.) Feb. 22.l
Though this seems to us very unueces'
sary and even deplorable act on the part
of the President, we do not anticipate
from it such serious results as seem to
have alarmed the minds of many per-
sons at Washington. II General Thomas
goes to the Courts to try the question OF
his rights, we do not see any great injury
that can be done to the country by the
proceeding; nor do we suppose that Mr.
Johnson will resort to revolutionary vio-
lence in the premises. Much as he de-
sires to place himself before the country
in the attitude of a martyr, and to se-
cure for himself the Democratic nomi-
nation for the Presidency, he cannot
think IL safe or expedient to resort TO
unlawful and probably sanguinary means
to such an end. Let us all then await
the progress of events with composure,
resolved only to stand by the country in
every case, and to oppose every measure
that looks to the perpetuation of strife
and disturbance. %
From the Chicago Times (Dem.). Feb. 241 4
The question is not whether the Ten.
ure of Office bill is within the limits of
constitutional authority. The question
is not whether the President has power
to remove Cabinet officer while Con-
gress is in session. The question is not
whether he has trampled on the law, and
thereby given dangerous example, for
which he should be deposed. The ques.
ton is not whether he has usurped
power, and sought, in the appointment of
Thomas, conflict with the National
Legislature at time full of peril to the
Government.
Farnsworth says these questions are
not the ones which, ought to and will
govern the proposed impeachment He
saws the question is whether the Con-
eressional plan of reconstruction shall be
carried out. This is what his rigmarole
about Union spirit, trophies OF the war
and rebel supremacy" means.
The President is an obstacle " to the
enforcement of that hideous infamy.
II 1 ,o1 Ahata al ha to
to be impeached. The orders removing
Stanton and appointing Thomas are to
be employed by Congress as acts on
which grounds of impeachment may be
framed. He is to be tried on charges
resting on those orders, and convicted on
grounds entirely separate and distinct
from matters embraced within the orders.
He is to be tried for violation of the
Tenure-of- Office bill, and condemned for
opposition to the military bills
Such is the infamous confession of the
political prostitute Farnsworth. 1t is an
honest confession, and it is true state
ment of the motives urging forward the
majority in the House in this business of
impeachment.
From the Chicago Tribune (RadcaD.l
1t only remains to consider whether it
is policy to impeach johnson, We think
that it is always policy to do right. No
man can put himself in the wrong, and
then 90 before the people with any hope
of success, to take advantage of his own
wrong. Long before the Presidential
election takes place, every voter in the
North will find out precisely what john
son has done, and will be asking himself
whether be ought TO sustain public of
fetal who deliberately and avowedly
takes the attitude of law-breaker. No
man can take such position aud sue
ceed before the American people. This
is what Jefferson Davis did. What he
failed to accomplish Andrew johnson
need not attempt Hence we believe that
it is equally the duty and the policy of
Congress to impeach Andrew Johnson of
high crimes and misdemeanors. Then,
if the Democratic party want to lick his
sores, let them put Pendleton in the
background, and make the humble indi
vidual their candidate for the Presi-
dency.
From the Louisville journal DemOcra0J
His (the Presidents)
sole offenseis that he has brought an act
of Congress to the test of the Constitu-
ton in the tribunals OF justice. He has
sought not to violate the law but to ascer-
tain it and obey it. But will the recti-
tude of his motive, and the propriety OF
his course, avail him against the fell
partyism of Congress Probably not. 1t
is not improbable, we think, that the
House to-day will adopt the resolution OF
impeachment, and appoint an impeach.
ing committee, who will impeach him at
the bar Of the Senate before tomorrow
night. And in this event articles of i'm
peachment may be adopted by the House
and presented to the Senate, and the trial
begin and end all within the week. Next
Monday Ben Wade may be the Presi-
dent
Suspension, in our opinion, will not be
resorted to, although a bill for the pur'
pose is now lying on the table Of the Ju.
dietary Committee of the Senate, ready |
to be reported at a minutes notice, and |
passed in twinkling; but, as things are |
likely to 20, there will be no use for 1t. |
The act which is alleged to be high |
under the law is undisputed
and the question Of the constitutionality
Of the law is not an open one in any
such tribunal The Senate will be apt
to make short work of it By stalking
the fate of impeachment on this single
act, the impeachers, it seems to me, have
rid themselves Of the necessity of sus-
pension. And they will hardly resort to
suspension without necessity. They in
deed will allow nothing to stand in the
way Of their purpose; but they prefer to
knock down and sweep aside as few
things as practicable.
The CbicaEo pewspapers, since the com.