Nashville union and dispatch. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1866-1868, 1868-08-23
THE ISSUE.

| peace everywhere, and all the glories oil
| our past career will be but as the early buC
compared with the blooming beauties o
| the lull-blovn flower.
FHE POLITICAL SITUATION FROM
ANIMPARTIAL STANDPOINT.
The September number of Putnam
Magdzine contains an article on the
Presidential contest Analysing the issues
involved, and the characters Of the can,
didates. The nOn-political character o.
that journal entities its views, which are
temporarily expressed, to some con.
sideration. The following is its opinion
on reconstruction, and the effect which
the election will probably have on the
political condition Of the negro:
In reconstruction lies the gist of the pc.
litical issue. To this both parties refer
when they charge-the one, that Demo
| cratic victory means revolution, and the
| other, that Republican triumph would
result in the unconstitutional suhjugation
Of the Southern States TO the colored race
Underlying this question of reconstruction
is that question of sovereignty Of race, which
may be pregnant with danger and convuI-
sions no less fearful than those which
have arisen ont Of the slavery ques-
ton. As prejudices and falsehoOds
have as often given rise TO wars az princi-
Piles of truth, it docs not dispose of the
negro question to argue, or even prove,
that repugnanCe to the cOlOred race is a
groundless prejudice or the result Of mis-
education. 1t is undeniable that this
prejudice exists, in so far that, if it were to
be submitted to the vote of the white
people of the United States whether, in all
our governments, from chat of the nation,
through the State, county, and city, down
to the school district, blacks should be adj
mitted to equal participation with whites
ia the right TO vote and hold Office, the
majority would be heavy against it in all
the States south and west Of Massachusetts
and Rhode Island. Several contingencies
may reveal the weakness which honey
combs the Republican party on the abstract
question ofuniversal suffrage. IL it should
appear that cOlored votes will not secure
the ascendency Of loyal men at the South,
the broken reed Guild be discarded. If
should result in a clanish preference for
blacks for office, it will fall into increased
disfavor. Many Republicans blush to-day
at the prospect that black men, of whatever
talents or abilities, may sit in the United
States Senate, and House, -or act ~ Cover
nors of States.
In this unsettled state of public opinion,
reconstruction on the basis Of universal
suffrage is neither assured by the election
of Grant, nor overthrow by the election
of Seymour, but depends largely on other
contingencies. The moral effect of the
election Of Seymour would be immense
through its influence upon the Supreme
Court, on Congress, and on the Southern
people 1t would be the apparent uor popd5
against the reconstruction policy of Con-
gress. The two houses would still remain
Republican, and their complexion could
not be changed for two years, perhaps not
for four, unless some of the present men,
bers should change their views. While
the direct exercise of the Presidential
powers alone could not without revolution
overturn the reconstruction policy of Goa
gress, these powers, aided by others, might.
The Supreme Court has at no time been
trustworthy for more than three votes out
of eight in favor Of the reconstruction
policy, and since the separation of Chief
Justice Chase from the Republican party,
and his strong enunciation of the States
rights theory of reconstruction, it would be
reasonable TO expect that the Supreme
Court would, especially in the event of
Seymour's election, decide the reconstruc-
ton acts unconstitutional.
Looking at the personal characters Of
the two candidates, we must conclude that
revolution under the administration of
either would be alike impossible. Cover
nor Seymour, white radically hostile to
any Introduction of the colOred race into
il by personal constitution and
Judgment cautious to the verge Of timidity,
and legal to the extreme Of technically,
in the modes nv which he would attain |
.hese results.
On the other hand, Gen. Grant, having |
invested not a feathers weight Of influence
for or against colored suffrage, and having
by his letter Of acceptance held himself free
10 act as circumstances might dictate, and |
being disposed by his antecedents as a /
Democrat, to place very limited estimate /
On The intrinsic value Of cOlOrcd suffrage, |
will aCquiesce heartily ia any constitu-
ional action which the votes Of the MAORI 1
y of the people of a particular State, the
decision Of the Supreme Court or the &C.
ion Of the majority in Congress may rem
Ter expedIenL 30 short, the approaching |
election, however il may turn, can hardly |
dispose Of the negro question, which must
continue to aGitate the country until the
'olored race shall nave risen TO a higher
Intellectual and social position than they
low occupy.