Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-03-28

white and black races. There is physi.
cal difference between the two, which, in
my judgment, will probably forever for
bid their living together on the footing Of
perfect equality; and inasmuch as it
becomes necessity that there must be
difference, /, as well'as Judge Douglas,
am in favor OF the race to which belong
having the superior"
In speaking Of slavery, he also said
Free them, and make them politi.
cally and socially our equals2 My own
feelings will not admit of this, and II
mine would, we we'll know that those Of
the great mass Of white people would not
Whether this feeling accords with justice
aud sound judgment is not the sole ques'
ton, il, indeed, it is any part of it A
universal feeling whether well or III
founded, cannot he safely disregarded." "
No government, Isubmit, can be ner-
manent which is so organized as not to
give full protection to property. Where
this is not done energy is repressed, in
dustry paralyzed, commerce stagnant,
and all the great interests of society
retrograde. Property, it is true, is not
entitled to greater protection than per-
sonal rights, but it has been found more
difficult to give security to the former
than to the latter. Without adequate
protection to property, society cannot ad-
vance in wealth, or improve physically,
intellectually or morally. With full pro.
lection for property, industry, enterprise,
commerce, education, and oil OF the arts
and sciences thrive. Now, almost the
entire property Of the South is in the
hands of the whites, whilst they are in
the minority. With universal suf-
frage, the government will at once pass
into the hands of those who do not rep
resent the material interests Of the State,
aud who have therefore no community of
interest with those who do. 1t is deli
cate and perilous thing for one class to
undertake the government of another,
which has important peculiar interests.
Those who have material property inter-
ests to protect, require the protection OF
their personal rights in common with
those who are without property; and in
fully protecting themselves, they must
necessarily protect others; but those who
have only their personal rights to pro-
tect may secure this end fully, whilst
they not only fail to protect the material
of others, but really and design
edly make war upon them. Let the tax
ing power reside in the hands of those
who will not have any part of the taxes
imposed to pay, and what security will
the Taxpayers enjoy7
A Legislature elected bye the colorod
of tI;n Gtata s0h
pose the heaviest burdens upon
and capital, and their con-
stituents would not only be thereby
but directly and greatly BEN
Gifted. BY a tax on property which the
colored population would not feel, a
most expensive system of common
schools, or even collegiate education in
uring almost exclusively to the benefit
of the colored race, might be established;
or, with a view to create demand for
labor and secure it high wages, might
not Legislature elected by the colored
population of the State, set on foot q !
general system of internal improvements
at most ruinous cost to the property |
holders?. Would not a Legislature, too,
only non-property holders,
be strongly tempted to extravagance in
fixing their own compensation, and the |
salaries to be received by the officers OF |
heir body, and to consult generally the |
interests of their friends and partisans |
These dangers can only be guarded
against by having property and capital
represented, as well as persons. Ordi- |
narily this is the case, but the recent |
emancipation of our slave population,
which greatly exceeds in number the |
whites, introduces an anomalous condi- |
ion of things, which should now be re-
yarded in regulating the elective fran.
,hise, if we would give stability to the |
and protection and security |
% property and capital, as well as to
personal rights.
But apart from all other considerations, |
he freedmen as a class are incompe- |
ent to the safe exercise of the elective
franchise to the proper discharge Of any
public duty whatever. They are without
sven the rudiments of an education, or
my mental culture whatever; have no |
ust conception of the duties and respon.
abilities of the voter; are without ex-
1erience as free agents, and wholly inca
)able of comprehending what constitutes
qualification and fitness for the public
ervices. Is not their incapacity to take
,are of themselves fact conceded by
he Congress of the United States2 No
ooner had emancipation occurred than
hey we're provided with legally constr
Hted guardians, known as the Freed
mems Bureau, an institution the like of
which was never, perhaps, seen before,
md which now costs the people many
Millions of dollars annually. General
Irant stated in his late report as Gene
al, and also as Secretary of War, that
be appropriations for the Freedmen's
Bureau, for the year ending June goth,
1868, were S,800,000. The expenditure
or the eleven months from October lst,
S66, to August 3lst, 1867, were $780,
100. Accompanying General Grants
eport is also one from General Ord, as
commander of the 4th military district.
n speaking of the freedmen, General
Ord says:
"Their intelligence is not sufficient TO
nsble them to combine for the execu-
ion of their will. All their combinations
re now conducted by white men, under
he protection of the military" Gen.
iillem, the chief of the bureau in this
tate, says:
There is a widespread belief, which
] daily increasing, among the freedmen,
hat the land ofthe State is to be divided
nd distributed among them, and, in
ONE districts, this illusion is assuming
practical form by the freedmen refu.
ing to contract for the next year, or to
cave the premises they have cultivated
ast yea"
Surely, sir, We have fallen upsn evil
mes, when a class Of persons who, be-
ause of their ignorance and inoapacity
, manage their own affairs, are adopted
~vards ~ The uova~nmant aud nun.