The New York herald., 1868-04-29
IMPE AC II NJ BIN +.
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this divinity of party hate when it possesses man
throws him into the fire and now into the water
and he Is unsuted to be Judge until he cfln come
again clothed In his right mind. But to Come down
to the words Of our English history and experience
.If this is not court IL is scaffod." An honorable
Manager Mr. Stevens) has told you so. Each of you
orandlshes now, according 10 him, "a headsmans
2ist of February last. Now, would net Introduce
these bold words, which should make this scaroid
II e O s ana @
the honorable Manager has done SO, and have no
difficulty in saying 70 you that II you are not court
else. Is 1t true that on the night of the
2ist OF February, for a crime committed by the
ment already moving forward 10 this char ber from
the House OF Representatives you did Hold court
standing about the scanNold Of execution and the
part which yeu are about TO play Is eRly the part
assigned by the honorable Manager and he warned
not to banch at the sight of blood. Now to what
end is this prejudice oiIereds TO expel from this
tribunal all IDEAS Of court and OF JIsticeS What is
1t but bold reckless, rash and foolish avowaI
that itbe court there is no case here winch upon
judicial reason or judicial scrutiny, or judicial
weighing and balancing of facts and OF law, could
.esuittn Judgment Alas! TO what end are the
knowledge Of history which our ancestors brought
10 the framing OF the constitution or what service
those wise those honest rowns roy, OF te consttn1lon %
is bill OF attainderS what's bill Of pains and pen
aes in the experience and in the learning of English
Jurisprudence and parliamentary history Why it is
proceeding 10y legislature as legislature, an act,
trial. sentence and punishment all in one. Certainly
If you do net sit here under the law to examine evil
dence to be impartial and to regard it question
OF personal guilt, to be followed by personal punish
ment and personal consequences to the alleged de-
lnquent the counsels and the wisdom of fathers
all pass for nothing Now our ancestors were brave
the dangers which attended this tribunal. They
had no resource in the constitution where
they could well fix this necessary duty in free gov
al n. aI,la f0
justice unless they devoved it on the Senate. But
lei show you within the brief compass of the de-
which formed the constitution, how the fears and the
doubts predomnated. Mr.. Madison objected to the
trial OF the President by the Senate especially as he
was 10 be mpeached by the other branch OF the legis
latve eior any act which may be called msdemeanor
improperly dependent upon Congress. He would
prefer the Supreme Court for the trial Of impeach
ment, or rather tribunal OF which that might form
part. Mr. Governor Morris thought that no O. her
tribunal than the Senate could be trusted. The
Supreme Court was too FEW in number and might be
warped or corrupted. He was against the depen
dance OF the Executive in the Legislature, consid.
ering legislative tyranny the greatest danger
danger that the senate would say on trial on their
oaths that the President gnty OF crimes of
facts, especially in four years he could be turned
out. That was Governor Morris wisdom as to the
extent 10 which the senate might be trusted, under
the sanction and obligations Of Their official oaths
But Mr.. Plnckney disapproved Of making the Senate
Court or Impeachment as rendering the President
too dependent on the legislators. Ii he opposes u
hm ana under the influence OF hate and faction throw
him out of Office. Now, there the and substance
Of the wisdom which our ancestors could bring to
this subject, as to whether this was to be court
II is undoubtedly avery great burden and very
exhaustive rest on q political body to turn II into
a court for the trial of an Executive may here
alter point out to yon the very peculiar, the very
combination circumstances combined in this trial
which require OF YOU to brace yourselves
on all the virtue that be ongs to you aud 10 hold
To that oath for the divine aid which may support
you under these most extreme tests of human CON
duct TO which our constitution subjects you. Now
what does the constitution do for usp few little
words, that is al-truth, justice, oath, duty; and
what does the whole scope of our moral nature
and what support we may hope from higher
aid extended to us in any OF our affairs Of,
ille tISa IAN O., ,thls7otrnth, 7 Justice oath, duty
OF every citizen. Truth. justice, oath, duy are the
ideas which the constitution has forced upon Your
souls to-day. You receive them or you neglect
them, which ever way you turn you cannot be the
same men afterwards that you were. Accept them en-
brace and obey them and you are nober and stronger
and better; spurn and reject them and you are
worse, and baser, and weaker and wickeder than
before II is this, that a free government must be
tenance OF its authority and to the prevalence of its
own strength for its perpetual existence. They
the moral world is what gravitation is to the ma.
teral world. 1t is the principle on which 1t is
tablished and coheres. The adoption OF truth to the
affairs OF men Is in human life what the
mechanism OF the heavens Is TO the principle which
susans the forces of the globe Duty is acceptance OF
obedience TO these IDEAS, ana this, once again, Sc
cures The operation that was intended. When then,
you have been submissive 10 that oath, that faith
among men winch, as Borke says, holds the moral
elements OF the world together, and that faith in God
which binds the earth to his throne, subdues you
10 the service OF truth and justice. The purity
OF the family and the sanctty OF justice
have ever been cared for and will ever be
cared for by the Ever Living Guardian of human
rights and interests who does not neglect what is
essential 10 the preservation of the human and
It's advance. The luries, in old mythology, had
charge OF the sanctity OF an oath. The nagnations
OF the prophets of the world have sanctined
the solemnlty of an oath and have peopled
la lafaL nl uytf oath hrala lalsn.