Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-05-09
Further surmises as to the Upshot Of the
Impeaohment Trial.

Washington, Mr.. Halstead, OF the Cincin.
natl Commercial, INDUCES in the follow
ing surmises as to the upshot Of the i'm
parchment trial;
In concluding this series Of letters
for cannot wait to see the end Of this
tedious and Improbable debate-there
are few words about this trial that il
seems proper to make:
1t is of little importance to the country
whether Andrew Johnson, of whose term
ten months remain, is deposed. 1t is Of
importance that the First Magistrate
should have justice.
assume il is still admissible to sup
pose that Andrew Johnson may not be
guilty Of treason, bribery, or other
high crimes and misdemeanors," de-
mandiug his removal from Office. Up
to the 22d of February, the majority of
the House was not for impeachment.
Even Mr.. Eggleston voted against i'm
parchment long after the swinging in
the-circle speeches were made, and after
the opposition of the President to the
reconstruction policy Of Congress was
fragrant.
We have to fall back upon the removal
of Stanton, the ad interim appointment
of Themas, and the talk with Emory.
The impeachment, then, is based upon
the letter of authority handed to Lorenzo
Thomas to serve in the War Depart
ment, and upon the talk with Emory.
Well, Thomas did not commit violence.
The President did not ask Emory to
break law.
1t then becomes a legal question
whether the President was guilty in at
tempting to remove Stanton of violating
law of Congress with such evil intent
that his removal from Office by the con-
stitutional process is demanded. In this
legal question is embraced the construc-
ton of the Tenure of Office act, as to its
application to Stanton.
A considerable number of Republican
Senators are lawyers of distinction.
Most prominent Of this class are Trum-
bull and Fessenden. We may name in
the same connection Sherman, Morton,
Frelinghuysen and Grimes.
Suppose these men believe, as lawyers
and Senators specially sworn to do JUS
tice, that the President is not technically
guilty of the crimes with which he is
charged, and that, therefore, he must be
acquitted; are they to be denounced as
recreants and scoundrels, copperheads
and traitors, because they have been
governed by the solemn obligations Of
their oaths, and by their intelligence as
men learned in the law?
/ hope not. And yet Judge Chase has
been, and is denounced, as copper
head, because it is known that he be-
lieves the whole impeachment business
is a wretched and perilous blunder. The
first liberal ruling he made as to the ad-
mission of evidence, drew from one of our
Congressman an outcry: There's
Chase gone over to the copperheads,
and the poor fellow was so stricken with
grief that he almost boo-hooed right out.
Can the Republican party afford to
countenance such foolish intolerance as
thsf Are all persons who do not re-
gard a judicial proceeding according to
caucus dictation, to be discarded and
kicked out and cursed as traitors 2
That there are Senators who are try
ing the case without caring for Thad.
Stevens warning shake of his finger, or
Forney's frantic denunciations, or the
prospective patronage of Mr.. Wade,
shall continue to believe.
/ have this day been particularly con-
sultng members of the House as to the
verdict of the Senate. Mr.. Eggleston,
who is, | believe, entitled to distinction
as the most intense of the impeachers,
tells me that there certainly will be forty
three votes for conviction on the Stanton
articles, and that of course whatever
may be the vote on the other articles,
that is sufficient. General Cary, who is,
perhaps, the most solicitous opponent OF
impeachment, insisted, with confidence
as great as that of Mr.. Eggleston, that 1t
was absolutely certain there would be
twenty three votes for acquittal on the
most material articles, and that he should
not be surprised if majority of Senators
would be found against the conviction
and removal of the President There
are fifty-four Senators, and two.thirds
vote convicts.
A member of the House, whom ]
believe to be better informed and of
cooler judgment than Mr. Eggleston or
General Cary, says there is no doubt the
President will be found guilty on the
Stanton articles by the requisite two
thirds, and vote or two to spare. This
is my own impression.
The decision of the matter is prac-
tically in the hands of Fessenden and
Trumbull, who are not tslkatiye. There
is not the slightest reason to believe that
the tedious argument to which Senators
have listened, and are to listen, has had
the remotest influence upon the result
The old lawyers who will determine the
case are not Of the kind to be influenced
by speech-making. The Senate has
several questions ofimportance to decide
before pronouncing the fate of Andrew
Johnson, and if it gets through within a
week after the conclusion of the argu
ment, it must mend its pace.
In the meantime, / think il reasonable
that the whole Republican party should
not follow those who seek office under
Mr. Wade and commit themselves eagerly
and irrevocably to the issue of impeach-
meut, for il may be that Fessenden,
FrelipghuyseD, Grimes, Sher-
man, Morton, Upton, Sprague, Ross,
Wiley, Henderson, Fowler. Van Winkle
and Anthony, all Of whom have been
freely mentioned doubtful, will differ |
with those interested in an immediate
change in the head Of the administration
as to legal question in judicial pro-
and / mast insist that it is not |
entirely decorous and prudent to declare
in advance that they are traitors, and |
must be driven from among the faithful |
forever if they do not find the President |
guilty.
The Radical press have q great deal
10 say about the GLORIOUS Republican |
in the South" Why don't those
papers tell The people something aeo1.