The Hawaiian gazette. [volume] (Honolulu [Oahu, Hawaii]) 1865-1918, 1868-12-09

deed, know that the best form Of Republi-
can Government existing In any Of the States
Is capable of amendment am sure II viii
hereafter be greatly amended.
Being no Conservative, in the narrow
meaning of that word, ! not only do not op-
pose, but favor all such amendments, and
accept but one limitation for my efforts in
that direction-that is, the Constitution Of
the United States, which epjoins non-inter-
vention upon me so long as those States are
loyal to the Union, and keep the public
peace, their own peace and the peace of the
Union. l shall not, therefore, take the sword
idto my hand, nor put it into the hand Of an
other person 70 effect a reform by force in
those States, which am sure will be effected
much sooner and much more permanently
through the exercise of persuasion and rea-
son. As little do / think 1t my duty to use
the sword to undo and remove what has al
ready been done in those States [applausel
whether it was necessarily done or unneces-
sarily and unwisely done. As thought the
situation, which existed In 1865, ought to
be accepted by reasonable, patriotic and
humane administration, so do think now
the situation which exists in 1858, after the
best efforts, which have been made to secure
a better, ought to be accepted. 1 am not
without hope, my friends, that this painful
national dilemma may be solved before the
end of the present administration. The am
billions of parties and chiefs must come to
rest with the close of this election; and
calmness and tranquility must sooner or later
/ resume their sway over the public mind. In
| that case shall have little desire TO speak
concerning the future administration OF the
Government, content to have performed with
singleness of purpose, and with all my abili-
/ ties, my duties, under the administration,
with which am personally connected. his
on the other hand possible that the dilemma
of reconciliation may continue unsolved, and
1 q ~
! ton. 1t is In this respect that deem the
choice of future Chief Magistrate, not mere
ly important, but critically so, as the last
/ two choices were so. One consideration
alone is sufficient to determine my Judgment
in this emergency. / cannot forget that the
civil war has closed with two great political
achievments-the one, the saving the lnteg-
rity of the Union; the other, the abolition OF
African slavery. Personally, see no cause
| to fear in any case, a reaction In which both
or either of these great attainments can be
lost They are in harmony with the spirit Of
the age and the established progress OF man
kind. New confidence, however, in this re-
spect, is not INDUCED in; nor do / expect to
be entertained by all, or even the majority
of my patriotic fellow-citizens, who were en-
gagged with me in making and aiding those
grand achievements. Their wounds, unlike
my own, are yet unbealed; their sacrifices,
| like some, are yet uurewarded. They have
been, they are and they will continue to be
apprehensive in that regard, and these appre-
tensions will increase with every indiscreet
proceeding, or even utterance Of any person
or parties who ever were compromised, or
who ever sympathised with the rebellion, or
with African Slavery. Confidence is, In the
case of most men, though not In mine, a
plant Of slow growth Not only is 1t true
that such apprehensions, however unreason-
able they may be, cannot be safely disregard
Oh hntt io frrrQ hQv IN he
spected and indulged, because Of the moral
influence they will exert in favor Of union,
freedom and progress in all future time, and
throughout the world.
The magistrates who are to preside, then,
in the work of reconstruction hereafter,
ought, like those who have preceded in for
mer stages Of that work, TO be men drawn
from and representing that class Of citizens,
who maintained the Government in the pros
ecution of the civil war and the abolition Of
slavery. [Great applause.l In no other
hands could the work Of reconciliation be
expected to be successful, because differ
ent sort of Magistrate would be profoundly
and generally suspected of a willingness to
betray the transcendant public Interests
which were guided and secured by the war.
The attitude of each of the political parties
in this canvass, is in some respects different
from what | myself could have desired or
would have advised. Very great crimes have
Deen cOUlnlllcQ IN Ile name OF HOerly Dy
the Republicans of the United states.< AS
great crimes were committed in the same holy
name by the French republic in the revolution
of 1883, nevertheless, the Republican party
neither rests under any suspicion Of its loyal
ty, or devotion to human freedom, nor can
it fall under any such suspicion. The Demo
cratic party, do not propose now to say
with how much justice, has not so conducted
itself in its corporate and responsible action,
as to secure the entire confidence of loyal
and confiding people in its unconditional
and uncompromising adherence to the Union,
or in its acceptance and approval Of the
effective abolition of slavery. / entertain no
jealousy Of the Democratic party or its lead
ers, and no unfriendly or uncharitable feel
ings towards that great constituent On the
other hand, cherish a grateful appreciation
of the patriotism, the magnanimity, the hero
ism of many of my fellow citizens with whom
have cheerfully labored and co-operated,
while they still retain their adhesion to the
Democratic party
How could distrust the loyalty or the yir-
tue of Andrew johnson, of Gen. Hancock,
Gen. Mcclellan, Senator Buckalew, Of Penn
sylvania; of Senator Hendricks, Of Indiana;
or of his associate, Mr.. Niblaek, or Of Mr.
Cox, of Ohio, to whom personally more than
any other member, Is due the passage Of the
Constitutional Amendment IN Congress,
abolishing African slavery. have, therefore,
solcitude, the efforts Of Democratic leaders,
as well those made in 1864 at Chicago, as the
greater ones made in New York In 1865, TO
lift the Democratic party up to the plane,
upon attaining which all the errors and short
comings of its members, during the civil
war could at once drop off from the Demo-
cratic party's back, as the burden Of Christ
fell from his back when he came up to the
Cross. If the Democratic party bad only
reached that point, should have felt that
the further concern on my part about the
work of reconstruction and restoration might
be dismissed. In that case, We should have
had the two great parties of the country sub
stantially agreed in the right, as the two
great parties Of the country, In my Judgment,
in 1885, agreed in the wrong. In 1856, both
parties agreed in the compromise Of 1850,
which accepted the Fugitive Slave Law, al
lowed the extension of African slavery, and
prohibited discussion upon II In the national
Congress forever. II the Democratic party
in 1868 had lifted themselves to the position
have supposed, we should have had both
parties of the country practically agreeing In
the Justice, wisdom and humanity Of the
Government In the civil war, and Of the abo-
lition Of slavery and at the same time agree
ing upon the ripeness Of the time and the
necessity Of peace and fraternal affection.
The Democratic party having failed 70 do so,
their preparation to assume the responsible
ties of q rescued and regenerated nation,
must be delayed four years To confde
these responsibilities to that party In Its
present condition, would be to continue,
perhaps increase, the lamentable political
excitement which alone has delayed the COM
plete restoration Of the Union 10 the present
time
HISTORY proves that there is certain