New-York tribune., 1868-05-02
OUR SUMMING UP-THE VIAL QOEoIiON
1T TSCUE

fore the legal expiration of his term. He has
done what he could, however, leaving the resi-
due of the task to others. Let us try to re-
call attention TO the merits of the question.
Andrew Jolnson's essential crime is a usur-
patton of the righgfl pOwers Of Congress orer
the resettlement and reconstruction of the States
disoygani,ed and diSlocdted by the Rebellion
of their ruling caste and the resulting CirH
Ww. Technically, legally, he Is arraigned for
the violation of a specific statute-the Tenure
of-Officc act-and not even the brass of his
pettifoggers is equal to the task of denying the
charge. They can only say that, if the act is
unconstitutional, then he was not bound to
obey it, and that he deems it unconstitutional.
Very well: his right to act on his individual
conviction can be no higher or more sacred
than that of Senators to be faithful 10 their
convictions. Mr.. johnson knew that this act
existed-knew that the Senate believed it con-
stitutional-knew that it was passed expressly
| to prevent his removing faithful Republicans
| from Office and filling their places with his
own tools. He removed Stanton with delber-
ate, unmistakable intent to override and sub
| vert that act-tO stamp it as a usurpati0n and
| a nulhty-to show the world that he despised
and defied it. If he recognized therein an OBJ
| legation to be faithful to his own convictions,
| he must respect similar fidelity of Senators
to their convictions. And that Senator who
shall now vote to acquit him votes the Tenure
of-Ofice act lawless usurpation. All the
sophistry of fifty Evartses could not obscure
this truth.
But the removal of Stanton in defiance of
the known will of the Senate, though wholly
| 4. al 1f
a century wherein the act of 1889 was unques-
toned law is but the capstone of towering
| structure of Presidential wrongs. 1t Is the
motive which gives that act its real character.
| Mr.. Stanton was not removed because he was
disagreeabe to the President as is falsely as
serted he lrdS diSdgreedble TO the President only
because he wdS tait,tulto the lars. The Pres
dent was bent on doing his wicked worst to
battle, evade nullfy, and defeat, the Reconstruc-
ton acts He showed this intent as palpably,
| though not so lawlessly, in the removal of
Sheridan as i'm that of Stanton. He showed it
in his rOwdy harangues, on the 22d of Febru-
airy. 1866, and while swinging round the circle
as well. He showed it in dcpriving Gen. Pope
of his command in Georgia and Alabama. He
has never failed to show it, whenever he has
found or made an opportunity, throughout he
last two or three years. And yet we said, with
half the Republicans IN Congress, aud a large
| proportion of those outside, Let him live. Give
him rope The evil intention is plain, but the
covert, law breaking act is still wanting. Let
Gus hope that he will take counsel of his fears if
"not of his better nature and let us worry
through the remnant of his term without the
excitement of trying and the scandal of remov-
| % ipc Dur fafl Ifi observed
| their Declaration Of independence, that
| IAN experience hath shown that mankind more
disposed to suffer- while evils suerabc. than TO right
themselves by abolshnG the iorns 70 which my aig M
tions, pursuing rar01y ge same Object eyncesa design
it is their duty to throw OF such government pro
vide new safeguards for their own security"
Andrew johnson became President by assas-
sinatOn on the 18th of April, 1865. He might,
and should, have summoned Congress to as
! semble in extra session and deliberate on the
! extraordinary condition produced by the al
most Simultaneous collapse of the Rebellion
and murder of President Lincoln. He did not
call Congress- because he saw in its absence
his opportunity. Before he had reached Wash
ingtOn to be inaugurated, he had impaired to
an old friend his idea of resuscitating that
party which he had refused to follow into Re-
belliOn, and which had fallen with the Rebel
lion. In other words, he meant TO place him
self at the head of the opposition TO President
Lincoln and the Republican ascendancy to
which he owed so much. LincOln's death was
gOdsend to this scheme; and, within two
months thereafter, he was in confidential back
stairs cousiOn with c. Wendell, Tom Florence,
and other COpperhead wire-workers of Washing
ton. They soon made public call upon him,
and their organ significantly proclaimed him
the same Democrat as of old.
A few weeks later, we held our Republican
State Convention, and the conservative Re-
publicans controlled it. They nominated their
ticket, and placed it on platform Of unbOunded
devotion to Johnson. They called City Meet
ing TO ratify it, and sent Henry }. Raymond to
Washington to win from johnson some sort of
approving smile for it. All i'll vain: he would
not even say he wished its success, for he was
privately leagucd with the Democrats and
Montgomery Blair, fresh from the White
House, was stumping our State for them, and
secretly pledging them the plunder of the Gus
tom House if they wOn-as they did not
Mind that here was no question of negroes
or of conflicting policies for Congress had not
yet met since Lincons death, and had never
sanctioned nor proposed the Acknowledgement of
the Blacks. The party which elected Mr.
johnson had done nothing but praise him and
seek, like NoaIl's worhicr sons, to cloak his
shame, when he so basely, treacheTOusly, wan
tonly conspred with its enemies to hurl it
from power No man has ever heard him
even speak well of the party that elected him
from the moment Of his elevation to the Presi-
dency
People who know better talk of the Repub-
licans breaking with him on the question of