New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1868-02-07
HJVE WE d QUARREL WITH ENGLAND

English Question. There is really no question
with England. We have i'll this country sort
of anti-E English sentiment, which Is always
noisy and occasionally malicious. There Is
nothing national about it. America feels strong
ly about Ireland, mainly because there are so
many freshmen American citizens. America Is
also a sympathizing nation What we like
is a rebellion against monarchy. SO we
have in turn "sympathzed" with Poland,
and Germany, and Greece, and Hungary, ana
the South American colonies of Spain. we
feel that Ireland has been cruelly wrongcd,
and we trust that Mr. Bright and his friends
will succeed in compelling Parliament to pass
the Reform bill. Then we have sort OF
desire to chaff England We like to tease
John Bull-tO annoy him, to swagger about
him. and abuse George Ill, and recite Revo-
utionary history, and vaunt our achievements
at New Orleans. The bar-r0Om and corner
oungng American delights to speculate upon
a war with England, when sporting matters
are dull and there is no immediate prize
fight or rat-catching agitation. Mr.. Dickens
caught this feeling when he made some OF
his grotcsque and impossible Americans tell
Martin Chuzzlewit that we were an elastic
country "a young lion"-and that our
Upright home is in the setting "sun"
Martin got off rather easily, considering
that he was foreigner and in the hands OF
Western politicians. When tile bouncing Mr..
Train proposes to take Ireland in payment of
the Alabama claims, everybody knows he Is
staggering. 1t sla mere surface feeling. 1t
has neither strength, dignity, nor character,
and does not represent the American sentiment.
The true American feels glory and pride
in England With all her faults-and she has
many-we know that from her womb we
issued that until the last century her history
is our history that we speak her language, OBJ
serve her customs and obey her laws. Crom-
we'll and William and Marlborough, Bacon and
Shakespeare and Milton are as much Amer-
cans rs Washington and Irving. Our differ
ences like the differences of the Rebellion,
have been intense bitter and deplorable There
is no quarrel like family quarrel. The
strength of present hatred is only equaled by
the strength of past love. There are, no doubt,
many Englishmcn who regard America with
jealousy. Men as eminent as Bulwer and
Gladstone fastened to express 1t during
the war. The dominant aggressive Yam
kee Republic should be carved, they
thought, for the good of mankind. Six Re-
publcs 1--WE believe Bulwers imagination was
content with six would make the United
States very much like the Republics of South
America-neithcr to be courted nor dreaded.
This feeling corresponds with the ti-English
sentiment in America. 1t is noisy and mali
cious, and very often annoying. But we do
not believe it is the sentiment of England.
Al. L.. oil gl
nationY England and America are too strong
to indulge in mere menace OF recriminati0n'
A war with England would be the most de-
plorable calamity that could happen to civil
zatiOn. We do not speculate upon the ma
terial results of such a war. We might cap
ture Canada, and hold it we might even send
Gen Sheridan with an expeditlonary corps to
seize Dublin and rouse the lIish nation; we
might invade Australia; we certainly would
sweep the English flag from the seas, and see
our own go with it. and the vast commerce
that now covers the ocean would pass under
the flags of France, and Russia, and
Germany. All this would be very glo-
rious, and would make capital rhetoric
for a hundred years. But what good would
come of il? Here would he the two nations of
the world which hold the adyance-gu OF
liberty destroying each other for sentiment
or passion. Let our war with England he
war of peace We can fight her i'll the arts
and sciences, and literature, and political
economy, and wise government. Already we
capture hundreds Of thousands of her soldiers
every year-as much captured as though taken
in arms-taken without bloodshed. and who
come TO us as allies and friends. Could we
do better with war;
All this time we are reminded of the Alabama
question and the rights Of American citizens.
The Alabama question has moral as well as
material meaning. England did not deal fairly
with us during the Rebellion. But she had
perfect right to do as she pleased with her
sympathies We would most gladly have had
her friendship we suffered because she with
drew it from lis but men have a right to select
their own company, and so have nations. III En-
gland chose TO sympathze with the South, very
well She sees what her sympathy amounted
to, and if ever like extremity befals her We
can do as we please. This constant petulant
grumbling at England because she did not take
our part is unmanly. We made our own fight
and fought it, and claimed help from no one.
SO far, then, as the Alabama question repre-
sents moral sympathy with the South we dis
miss it scornfully. So far as it represents
material aid to tue Rebellion, IL is another
question, and must be met differently. We say
England injured our commerce. Enemies under
the protection of the British crown committed
piracy. We say that. if England had taken due
care in executing her laws, we should have
been spared this loss. We claim so much com
pensatioD. highlands recognition of "bellger
lent rights" is mere moonshine. Bellger-
ent OF not. We whipped, the South and
some day we may have the chance
of extending belligerent" recognition to
Canada. or AnstIalia. or ireland. or even