Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-08-21

cant manner. Inc actlon oil tneir ma
tional Convention at Baltimore, in 1864,
is especially noticeable. The conven'
ton met and refused TO adopt resolutions
avowing this theory-but adopted reso.
lutions maintaining the contrary doc
trine, admitted delegates from the rebel
ious States as States within the Uoiop,
| nominated Mr.. Lincoln, who openly OPP
posed Summers views, and Mr.. john
son, who was ineligible il Tennessee had
not been one Of the States of the Union
at The time of election. rrl 1lraa-ls
When the war closed and President
johnson, acting on the policy Of bis pre-
decessor, summoned the people Of the
States whose practical relations to the
Government had been suspended by the
war to reorganize their governments
under the Constitution, his course was
condemned by his party, not merely by
Mr. Sumner and the few who had op-
posed, Lincoln, but even by those who
had supported Lincoln, ,.on the ground
that Congress had the right to prescribe
the terms upon which the States should
be admitted; but il was not pretended
even then that Congress had the right to
interfere with suffrage, and make the
constituencies to be represented in the
State Legislatures and in Congress on
the contrary, all intention to interfere in
this matter was still expressly diselaimed,
and Mr.. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, in
presenting what ia called the Fourteenth
amendment to the Constitution as the
terms to be prescribed, declared that it
was the purpose OF the committee to
leave it to the States as then organized
| to give or refuse suffrage. aud that the
consequence of refusal to extend suf-
frage to the blacks would be deduction
from representation in Congress proper
tionste to the numbers excluded from
suffrage. If they refused, be added. their
representation woald be 80 reduced that
the free North could easily maintain the
Republican party in power.
But this was disingenuous, as the
| sequel shows. II was not intended to
settle on these terms. The object was to
| make an issue for the elections of 1866,
then coming on, and to secure the Radi'
| Gals in power in the Fortieth Congress-
and to enable them to carry into effect
the reconstruction acts since adopted.
Mr.. Sumner and few others we're too
| honest to conceal the design. but the
more cunning managers disavowed it.
A conversation took place on the floor of
the House Of Representatives between
Mr.. Sumner and Mr.. Stevens, whilst the
constitutional amendment was pending,
which illustrates the sharp practice re-
sorted to to quiet alarm. Mr.. Sumner
| said that no such amendment was neces-
sary; that Congress already had the
power, under the Constitution, to estab-
| lish negro suffrage Mr.. Stevens replied
| that no one outside of the madhouse but
Billy Kelley (referring to the honorable
member from .Pennsylvania) and himself
(Mr. Sumner) thoughtsol This conver,
sation was reported as an exposition OF
1.-The real views of the party, and was cir
| culated on purpose to deceive The con-
| stitutional amendment itself, which also
asserted that Congress had no such
power, was the formal and authorized ex.
| position of their views, and when it was
charged, as it was by many, that the
| Radicals intended to act on Mr.. Sum
ner's suggestion, and to use the conquered
| and disfranchised South in aid of the
hosts marshaled by the vast and corrupt
expenditures of the Government, and the
corrupt rings organized by the Radical
| financial policy, to conquer and pluuder
the North, the constitutional amendment
was pointed to TO negative the charge.
How can il be pretended, said the Radical
orators everywhere, that Congress will
attempt to establish suffrage in the South,
when, by the constitutional amendment
| it has submitted to the Southern States,
it expressly refers that subject to the
States themselves exclusively
We claim no power, they said. even
under that amendment, to grant suffrage,
and admit that il requires the adoption
of that amendment to enable us to dis
franchise the worst rebels. But when
the elections were carried, and the same
Congress reassembled, in December,
1866, we hear different language. No
constitutional amendment is then re-
quired to give them power. They pro-
ceed at once to overthrow the govern
ments of the people to which they had
submitted the amendment; direct Gen.
Grant to use his army to put the Brown.
low machinery in operation without
delay in all the Southern States, and, to
make sure that he will do his work as
remorselessly as Brownlow had done bis,
make him their candidate for President,
and tell him to elect himself; and he
accepts without scrupie the position
assigned him. This should open the
eyes OF every thoughtful man to the
character of the parties and their objects.
1t shows that selfish ambition is the only
motive by which they are governed. 1t
is obvious that General Grant became a
party to the scheme of supTessing pop
ular governments at the South, and
directing elections there by the military,
only because he was himself to be the
beneficiary Of the fraud aud violence. /.
In December, 1865, he insisted that the
State governments at the South, which
had been organized under the auspices
Of Presidents Lincoln aud Jehnson,
shoula be recognized by Congress; de-
claring that the people Of the South &C.
cepted the situation in good faith; said
the influential men among them rejoiced
that secession had failed urged the ad-
mission of their Representatives to Con-
gress as the only thing required to restore
perfect cordially. Mr.. Sumner de-
nounced the report containing these
statements as a whitewashing report
but General Grant has not admitted that
it was false. But he is now the chief Of
the party which is engaged in destroying
the governments he then sustained, and
the race by whom they we're made and
conducted; aud be does this without ever
having said at any time that they bad
done anything TO forfeit the rights be
claimed for them in 1865. By the parole
granted to Lee and his army, which was
aftsrvard extended to the whole South