Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1868-05-06
MONTPELIER, W.:
WEDNESDAY. MAY 6, 1868.
The Army of Government Officials.

The Army of Government Officials.
Gen. Butler stated in his opening of the
impeachment case that the army of govern
meut officials now numbers 10000. and that
they cost the government the peope an
nualIy S21 900 900 in legal fees and sala-
ries, besides the untold millions which they
find means of putting into their pockets
without warrant Of law. Butler argued,
and we thought with some force. that abso-
lutte power over, and command of this great
army and its costly supplies, qnIte too
great to be eonfded 70 any one person in this
government. As an inference from this argu-
ment, the Manager seemed to have much
reason for insisting that the decision of the
Congress of 1889, recognizing Gen. Wash
ington's right to remove officials. might prop
erIy enough be rc-considercd row. Then the
whole expenses of the government were
much less than the sum which now is
required to feel this army Of ofice-holders,
and concession that might have had no mis-
chIevous consequences eighty years ago,
would now lead = the results most dangerous
10 our liberties.
We confess to some surprise. howeve-,
70 find Mr.. Evarts. one Of Mr. Johnson
lawyers, insisting. in lis general discourse
upon the true theory IF government, that it
viii be dangerous u give the Senate parti-
cipatIOn in removals from Office now. when
the offices many and the pay in the
aggregate SO large His theory seems TO be-
that since it IS the Presidents duty to exc
cute the laws lac ought to be allowed to APP
point and remove what officials he pleases,
and rs the wisdom Of the fathers didn't al
low him u appoint except with the consent
Of the Senate, the wisdom of the children
ought 10 allow him to remove without restric-
ton.
The result OF putting Mr. Evarts' theory
and it is the distinct claim Of the defense all
through the trial-in practice is this If
the President may remove an officer. and
thereby create vacancy. any President.
may defy the Senate, and keep his own tools
IN Office during his whole term. He has only
TO create vacancy by removing an officer.
and then fill the vacancy by giving a com
mission running until the close of the next
session of the Senate. and repeat this at the
close of every session during the four years,
and he has accomplished the work 1t is toe
we'll known how officers trembled and lodged
voting or otherwise expressing their opinion
during the first two years of Mr. johnson I
term, to leave any doubt that such power il
the hands of President would make thi.
army of 10000 office-holders the subservien
slaves of the appointing power Principle
and bread and butter 20 well enough together
but. alas for poor human nature, when com
PEELED to choose between principles anC
bread and butter, we fear large majOrit,
of the 40 900 would let the principles slide
And it is Just when the President is at wal
with Congress, just when ne is attempting
to defeat the will of the people as expressed
through their representatives, that a Presi
dent like johnson not only would use thii
absolute power of removal and appointment
to make political friends and punish polit
cal enemies. but to put into executive offices
men who would plumber the country to gel
money to carry elections, and resist and set
Mt defiance the laws secure as they would be
against any federal prosecution, or sure OF
an executive pardon if overtaken and con-
victed for some crime too slaring to be winked
at by even the most corrupt Ditrict Attor-
neys.
We regret that, II President johnson was
TO be impeached, he could not have been
charged with some other offense than VIC
latIon of the tcaure-ol-ofice law. As it now
stands, the trial looks like a gigantic strug-
Gle to see who shall have control of the
offices and the emoluments which come with
them. Mr.. johnson, in his usurpation OF
congressional powers in reconstruction. has
committed crimes against the Constitution
and against liberty infinitely graver thar
this attempted removal of Secretary Stan
ton,-crimes for which ne ought to hav
been removed from Office long ago. Whei
the House Of Representatives vot ed not t
impeach him for usurpation they lost tn
opportunity of arraigning him for offens c
which touched the liberties Of the people, "A
well as violated law. Now, the issue is mad
up principally upon the question whether h
shall or shall not have control of the publ
patronage, and say who may and who may
not feed at the public crib. That his con
duct constitutes Improbable offensc, AM
that the Senate will convict him, is yer
probable but that conviction will have fc
its inducement the great crimes with which
he is not formally charged, rather than th
lesser crime for which he has been brough
to the bar Of the Senate While we, there
fore, should have been sure that his usurpa
tions in reconstructing the South would hav
won for n verdict zainst him that charg,
the sympathy not only of the people of thi
country, but of friends of liberty every
where, and while the verdict which will no
probably be recorded against him Will b
upheld and justified chiefly by reason of h
former great crimes. we can but look upo
this claim of Mr.. Evarts, set up as it is b
the President himself in his answer, Q
itself quite sufficient to justify the most RIG
orous treatment that the doctrine may fin,
no further liberation in any department of on
government. The theory of our government
is not to lodge power with one man, but t.
preserve a proper distribution of powers
With the latter our rights and liberties ar
safe. but with the former they will not b.
safe an hour.
The Obligations of an Oath.
Mr.. Evarts, in his elaborate argument IL
defense of the President, in order to impress