Nashville union and dispatch. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1866-1868, 1868-02-28
TuE IuPEACHMENT-wHAT Will
THE SENATE DO:

The House Of Representatives, by a
strictly party vote, has impeached the
President on charge OF high crimes
and misdemeanors and the Senate, pre-
sided over by the Chief Justice of the
supreme Court, has TO try him upon this
grave charge. 1t is this fact which IN
vests the Senate with greater import
ance at th.s time than it has ever oceu-
pied in the estimation of the American |
people. or course, as to what the Senate
will do, we can only speculate, and Radi-
Gals seem prone to that business just now.
The Washington correspondent Of the
Cincinnati Gazette ofwhose affinity with |
Radicalism there can be no question,
writing on the 9th inst, after the adop-
ton by the House of Representatives Of
the resolution Of impeachment, specu-
lates as follows
The resolution Of the House being taken,
all ewes at onca turn 10 the other end OF
the capitol. What will the Senate do? is
the inquiry now made by everybody. The
debate in secret session on Friday after
noon and evening gives clue TO the an
swer. The FIRST proposition offered was
that Of MIR. Edmunas, simply declaring
that the Senate disai proves Of the Presi-
dents proposed change in the War Office.
To this Mr. Drake moved an amendment,
founded on the same idea, "disapproyaL"
but giving il more elaborate and forcible
expression. The debate on these two pro-
positions continued three or four hours,
when Mr.. Wilson brought forward another
one, saving nothing about approval or dis
approval bat denouncing the Presidents
action as illegal and void, and an outrage
on law and the constitution. This changed
the tenor Of the debate, and led TO further
propositions bv Meesrs Pomeroy aud
Yates, based on the came idea as Mr..
Wilson's. but cJuched in more indignant
terms. The act Of the Executive met with
strong condemnation from every Republi-
can Senator who spoke, and in the course
ofthe evening, nearly every one had some
thing 10 say, ID was unanimously looked
upon a. an act full Of evil intent. Mr..
Doolittle, and one or two johnson men, at
tempted to defend or apologize for it, by
T. y
but good for the country by putting things
into such shape that the constitntionality
Of the tenure Of Office act could be
tested before the courts. This chaff
caught nobody, aud Mr. Doolittle was an
swered that the President had no right to
make such a case Anarchy would come
again" il was said by one Senator. "if
laws made in the proper manner, are TO be
/ treated az unconstitutional until the SUI
preme Court decides otherwise. II the
| President violates the law, he must be held
responsible as any other man il, and he
can not plead good intent any more than
| thief or murderer Something was said
| about Stanton's obstinacy and lack Of pro-
| priety in trying to stick to the War office,
| after being reinstated, though the Presi-
dent would not allow him 10 enter the
| White House and would hold no inter
| course with him. To this il was answered
| hy authority, that on the day of his rein
statement, az well as during the following
| day, he had no idea of remaining in the
| Department, except till his successor
| could be agreed upon by the President and
| Senate that he prepared letter of resig-
nation, and would have forwarded it to the
| President on the third or fourth day,
| after resuming his duties, if the action Of
| the Senate had been respected by Mr.. John
| son; that the President authorized an an
| nounCement that the Secretary would not
| be recognized as such by the Administra-
| ton. either directly or indirectly; that this
was not only fragrant contempt to the Sen
ate, which has equal power under
| the constitution, with the President
in making Cabnet Ministers but
gross insult TO Stanton, of such a
character that no man, with decent self
respect, would then have rendered his re-
signation, and that therefore the President
has only himself to blame for Stanton's
continuance in Office. 1t was held by all
the Republican Senators, that the Presi
dent clearly had no right to appoint Sec
retary ud interim during sessions Of the
Senate, but several Senators, including
such lawyers as Trumbull, Fessende
Drake and Edmunds, were not wholly
clear on the point Of his right to remove.
They did not take ground in favor of this
right by any means, but, as Mr.. Fessenden
said, there are several laws bearing on the
| subject, and il was not wise to assert OH
hand an opinion on such an important
legal question. Messrs. Sumner, Chand-
Ter, Pomeroy, Wilson, Harlan, Conkling,
and indeed many others, we're entirely
positive that the President had no right to
| make removals. 1t was suggested by two
| or three persons that the Executive COM
munication be referred TO the Judiciary
| Committee for examination of the law, but
| this found little favor, Mr.. Wilson and
others arguing warmly that the emergency
demanded immediate action. This view
finally prevailed, aud Mr. Wilson's resolu-
ten, considerably toned down from its
original form, was adopted. twill be seen
that this does not, in direct terms, deny the
right 10 remove, bat passes upon both the
Presidents acts at once, and denies his
right to remove and appoint dd interim.
The committee appointed in the SEN
ate to take the report of the House into
consideration, is composed of Messrs.
Howard Trumbull Conklin, Edmunds,
Pomeroy, Morton and Johnson. Two OF
these gentlemen, Trumbull and Edmunds,
are of the number represented by the
Cazette's correspondent az not being
clear that the President had been denu-
ded ofthe right to remove a member OF