The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-07-18
The Democratic Nominee.

From the ". Y. Times.
II hypocrisy is the homage which vice pays
to virtue, what term shall fifty describe the
efforts of Democratic journals to pervert or
conceal the war record of Governor Seymour?
The ea1nestness which characterizes them is a
tribute to the loyal sentiment of the people,
which is certainly not complimentary to the
combination which controlled the nomination.
The COpperheadism which carried the day in
the Convention must be hard pressed when it
opens the canvass with an effort to prove that
Mr.. S5y mour was Jealous War Democrat.
Such, however, is the plea with which friendly
journals open their advocacy of Mr.. Seymour's
claims.
The Boston Post pushes its zeal still further.
1t not only insists that its candidates war
record is satisfactory, bat it represents the
Republican indictment against him as consist
ing of but two Insignificant charges.
Two points of attack have been singled out
by the managers of the Opposition. One is that
Governor seymour in his Fourth of July ad-
dress in lN63, placed himself as the Governor of
New York in an attitude of quasi hostility, If
not nc ual hosillity, TO his couGtry, then strug-
Cling almost hopelessly with armed reoellion.
The other is, that in addressing the New YORK
rioters, and the excited populace VINO followed
In their train, during the same month, he gave
Them assurance of his 'friendsnip,' by apply ing
These are the counts in me radical indictm cut
which those who prefer them ex oect TO en- ploy
with success In demonstrating Mr.. Seymour's
untilness for the position TO which he has been
nominated"
Ii these were the only or the main points of
attack, Mr.. SeymOur's position would be much
stronger than it is. The Fourth OF July speech
is indeed, a1ink in a long chain OF evidence
proving the spirit which actuated him; but to
this, or any single speech, We attach compare
lively little Importance. SO, also, with the
well-worn statement about ''my friends" Its
impeIt has always been exaggerated, and we
should be content to see the canvass carried
on without any reference to phrase which, of
itself, indicated neither completely with the
! rioters, nor approval of their course.
Our opposition to Mr.. Seymour rests upon a
much broader basis. The indictment against
| him is founded on his general conduct in re-
lation to the war, both in and ont of office.
! We can dispense with this or that speech, and
still find ample reasons for condemnation in
lis notorious hostility to the means en-
| ployed for the preservation of the Union, in
the obstacles he helped to- place in the path Of
| the government and the succOr he indirectly
but effectively rendered to the Rebel cause
He was ''peace Democrat" from the start
He never acknowledged the right of the Fede.
! raj Government to prevent disruption by
force. His utterances and action encouraged
the South; for though, as State Executive
he responded to calls for troops, 1t was in the
performance of an inevitable duty, while his
whole moral weight was tn rown into the Op-
poste scale. Hence he is chargeable with
having fostered the Copperheadsm which
eli baTTassed the Government, aud stimulated
the passions which had expression in the
New York riot. Hence, too, the mistrust
with which all but the Copperhead element
of the party has since regarded Mr.. Seymour,
and his failure to carry the State when lasj
nominated for the GovernOrship,
Moreover, the present supplies all thai
should be necessary to defeat Mr.. Seymour
Argument about the past is well in its way
but the strongest argument is that which is
derived from his position in regard to the
great questions before the country. He ha;
made himself a party to the revolutionary
programme which enabled Mr.. Blair to dis
lance competitors, and is the exponent of &
Pollcy which menaces the country with strife
ana dlshonor. His oraoular utteraucss on the
dered his Endorsement of robbery aud quasi