The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-08-01

case of New Jersey the revocation was ex-
pressed in terms of such unqualified wrath
and denunciation that the paper, pronounced
''scandalOus and offensive, +" was refused a read
ing in Congress. Nor have we yet heard the first
syllable from any quarter in the Democratic
camp in recognition of this amendment ''The
constitution of our fathers" is the campaign
cry of Wade Hampton; and, according to his
own testimony, he had as much to do in the
shaping of the Democratic party's war plat
form of 1868 as had Mr.. Vallandigham in the
building Of its peace platform of 1864. But IL
we are to go back to "the constitution of our
fathers" we must go back to the regime of
Buchanan, and of slavery and the South
ern slaveholding oligarohy, and the Fugitive
Slave law. and Southern Lynch law, and the
Dred Scott decision that 'negroes have no
rights which white men are bound to respect"
The Democratic Tammany platform recognizes
the abolition of slavery y''the voluntary action
OF the States concerned. This would imply that
by their voluntary action they may re.estab-
lish slavery. The simple truth is, however,
that slavery was abolished in the slave States
by compulsion, by war, by the bayonet and
the result leaves nothing to the voluntary
action" Of any State against the sovereign au-
thority of the United States.
is the war-approved as success by the
people of all the States participating in the
election of 1864, except New Jersey, Delaware,
and Kentuclly-to be pronounced by the peo-
pie in 1868 as failure ? The position of the
Democratic party and it's restored Southern
leaders, including Henry A. Wise, the Rhetts,
| Wade Hampton, Toombs Cobb, Stephens,
! Semmes and Forrest, against Grant, Sherman,
| Thomas, Sheridan and Admiral Farragut, and
against the results of the war, Southern recon-
! struction, and this Constitutional amendment,
means the "Union as it was" before the war
and State sovereignty, and that the '1ittle un-
| pleasantness' of the Rebellion and its cOnse-
| chan ha uyirNa fNplu Airrr tha
national debt and faith, and that the old
| Southern oligarchy like the Bourbons by the
| Holy Alliance or the Stuarts after Crom we'll,
| shall be restored again to power. Such is the
| attitude of MIR. Seymour as the candidate for
| the Presidential succession against General
| Grant, the conqueror of the Rebellion. In
| other words, the campaign has assumed the
! sharply defined lines of an appeal from the
results of the battle fields of 1861, 1862 1868,
| 1864 and 1865, to the ballot-box for a iudg-
ment between the cause represented In battle
| by General Grant and the cause still upheld
| with the "stars and bars" by General Wade
Hampton.
| War Democrats and Conservative Republic
canS-Their Position in the Canvass.
| From the ~. y Times.
1t is admitted that the Democratic party can
have no chance In the campaign unless all
| shades of opinion are merged in support of the
| nomination. The more candid of the organs
| have conceded the necessity of obtaining the
help of conservative Republicans; and all sec
| tions have acknowledged the hopelessness of a
contest in which intestine divisions shall be
perpetuated. War Democrats must unite
with Copperheads to secure even glimpse of
victory.
At least one of these contingent sources of
! strength was closed hv tha Naw York Conven-
| ton. The adoption of platform which unset
| 0f W Ia
whole question of reconstruction, and the
triumph of the extreme element in the selec-
tion of Seymour and Blair, dispelled whatever
doubts remained in the minds of dissatisfied
Republicans. moderate, conciliatory and
| honest course on the part of the Convention
might have awakened in them some hesitancy
as to their duty in the election. But there
| could be none when the Convention adopted
the views of Rebels and copperheads as to re-
! construction, and OF repudiators as to finance.
From that moment it became clear that no
parley could be held with the Democracy.
DisapprOval of the temper or policy Of Con-
gress became as nothing compared with the
disgust awakened by the action of the Demo
cratic Convention.
And what is the position OF the War Demo-
Gratis |? The Soldiers Convention spoke for
some of them, in a manner that indicated q
strong desire to resume old party affiliations.
few of them have since declared their adhe-
sion TO seymour ana Blair and the platform
on which they stand. The great majority,
however, make no secret of their aversion to
both. The received the results of the Conven.
ton with an indifference which is rapidly
changing to hostility. They regarded Sey.
mour as an enemy of the Government while
the war lasted, and are unwilling to iutrust
him with power at period hardly less critical
Blair's letter opened to them visions of turbu.
lence and bloodshed, and they could have no
faith in the official conduct of man who, ia
obtain nomination, committed himself tC
views at variance with order and law. Hence
| the remarkable lack of enthusiasm which
attended the adoption of the Democratic
ticket. 1t eXtinguished hopes, and created a
conviction fatal to confidence in the patriotism
and craftsmanship of the party.
This conviction must have been diffused
and strengthened by utterances and incidents
in the South since the nomination. The po
tency of COpperheadism in the Con Tentior
might have admitted of explanation. But the
temperance of Rebel leaders ON the Southern
stage, their bold avowal of the ulterior designs
with which they have Joined the Democracy,
the hostility they proclaim to national autho
rity, and the arrogant dislOyal temper which
animates their plans-are considerations
which must influence every Northern Demo
crat, who, during the Rebellion sustained the
cause of the Union.
While, then, Union Democrats may here
and there be found whose dislike of certain
Republican measures has driven them int
the arms of Seymour and his friends, it is saf
to conclude that the great majority of then
will hold no fellowship with party whose
most notable exponent and advocate has thu