The Plymouth weekly Democrat. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1860-1869, 1868-02-27

that the senator from Massachusetts, might
wear them? Sir, denunciation will not
serve gentlemen. There are not many of
us in the minority here, but, few as we are
we feel that we are standing in the Their
mopyle of our country's history, and be-
| lieye there will not one flee from the CON-
bat.
have been gratifed by one thing in
the debate. Each senator apologies for
the disfranchisement of the whites, and
each speech is an effort to make the num-
Der disfranchised as low as possible. /
have discarded all estimates. When we
were induced-no, when you, l will not
say "we," because ] had no part or lot in
the business-when you were induced 70
vote for these laws, it was under the assur-
ance of the gentlemen having charge of the
propositions that they disfranchised six to
ten thousand Now, you admit the dis
franchisement of about fifty thousand, and
| expect that my friend from Pennsylva-
MIA is nearer the truth than either esti-
mate. But do not think you are author
lied to ask me to credit any more esti-
mates your mistakes are too large. Have
you stopped to consider the number Of
men that are disfranchised under your
Dill? If it applied only to men who held
Office at the breaking out Of the war, the
number would not be very large. If it
applied only to the men who held office
during the war, the number would not be
so very large. But, sweeping the whole
country, you exclude not only all the men
who took an oath to support the constitu-
tion of the United States, but all men who
held Office at any time during their lives.
You exclude all these from the right of
voting. That extends to every neighbor-
hood, a sweeping thing, picking up here q
man and there man, until the number is
very large. am glad to hear senators
say they regret that it is so large. That is
an admission that you know it is wrong.
[ think | hear the senator from California
say in his scat that We do not all admit
that it is wrong.
Mr. CONFESS I said that we do not
all share in that regret.
Mr.. HENDRICKS. The senator says
all do not share in that regret. bly opin-
ion is that in all probability the sena tor
from California would have liked to see
the entire white blood stricken down po-
litically and all the political power put in
the hands Of the negroes. / am against
it, sir.
Mr.. president, say that when senators
try to make the Acknowledgement the
smallest number possible it is an apology
for what is felt to be wrong. My colleague
said that President Johnson's proclama-
' -. IL
and or three hundred thousand white men
When Mr.. Johnsons proclamation did
that he left the political power of the
south in the hands of the balance of the
white people; he did not strike down
part of the white population and then en-
franchise all the negroes
A great effort and strain is made in this
debate to show that you have not establish
ed negro supremacy over the white people
of the south, and when you make that ar
gument it is an apology for your act. Now,
sir, figures show the fact in all the states
of the south. Taking all the registered
voters there are forty-fve thousand nine
hundred and sevcnty-fve more negroes
registered than there are white nlea.
That is the aggregate, excluding Texas,
from which the returns are not yet full.
There are about forty-six thousand more
negroes registered than white men.
Another apology is made for your meas
ures that you feel are not right 1t is
that the white people would not be regis
tered. My opinion about it is, from all
the evidence [ have on the subject, that
in very many localities registration was
most disgusting fraud and for the pur-
pose OF carrying the states negroes were
registered over and over again in different
names and white men wore denied regis
tratlOn. This was q serious complaint.
But to-day saw an account of one of the
Louisiana parishes in which the registra-
tion was disgrace if the statement be
correct; but l do not claim any force now
to that statement, because it is simply up
on newspaper report it may be true or it
may not.
|. This is the fact as we now stand before
the country-that under your law ma
jority Of negroes are allowed to vote in the
southern states, and in FIVE of the states
there is q decided negro majority, and
they could control the states at any time
And in Georgia there are but few hun
, dred difference between the two, and
with the white men who, for the sake of
Office and to control the entire solid ne
gro vote, will go with them they can car
ry Georgia.
Mr.. president, by what authority do
you control suffrage? want to read my
colleagues statement on this subject, as he
is defending this reconstruction policy!
He said in his argument in the senate the
other day that if it becomes necessary for
congress to enfranchise new class of vo-
ters it is proper to do so, the whole matter
depending upon the necessity for it in the
! judgment of congress. Now, sir, l will
| read what he said in his message to the
legislature of Indiana in 1865, in the
month of November, upon that subject,
while the reconstruction policy of Mr..
johnson was being carried on. He then
said
The subject Of suffrage is. by the ma
| tional constitution, expressly referred to
the determination of the several states,
and it cannot be taken from them without
a violation of the letter and spirit of that
instrument 1t is fact so manifest thar
it should not be called in question by any
that people who are just emerging from
| tba bo rho rion, of cavarv ara not ouali-