The States and Union. [volume] (Ashland, Ohio) 1868-1872, 1868-09-16

pose to abuse power, the same censerv
| ative force which now gives them vic
| tory will then insure their defeat.
The real question, then, for our con
sideration, the decision of which ought
to control our action as reasoning men
is this: Do we approve the political
action of the Republican Congress
since it has had full control of the Gov
ernment? If we do, we ought to sc
assure them by our approving votes, as
sumo the respon sibility of their acts
and cheer them and speed them on.
ward with renovated powers. But il
We deem their policy questionable, aud
their headlong pursuit of it dangerous,
we ought to bid them pause, and take
to ourselves time for observation and
reflections; and instead of full and alb.
solute, leave them with limited and
divided powers take from them the
power to do.mischief; in the meantime
leaving them what can not be taken
from them-the power to prevent it II
attempted by the adverse party. But
it is gravely asked If you can trust
the Republican Senate to prevent
Democratic mischief, why not trust
them with the whole power, that the
Government may be harmonious
This objection is almost plausible, but
not profound. The concentration OF
all power in one man, or body of men
makes despotism it is that under
which the nation has suffered for the
past two years; and while there is
danger in trusting party with the
continued possession of power which
they have abused, you may safely rely
on them to check their opponents, if
they attempt to commit like excess
on the other side. They will retain
the absolute veto power over leeisla
ton, aud there is no danger of their
permitting too much. change in the
laws which they have themselves enac-
ted. So far. we may rely on them
safely. They may prevent. wise and
salutary- Legislation, tending to relieve
which they have brought upon it
This we cannot avoid, but we can take
from them the legislative power which
they have abused. IF, then, on exam
ination, We find little to approve and
much to condemn in the action of the
two houses of Congress for the past
two years, during which time they have
held control of the Government, it will
be safe and wise to suspend their pow
er and arrest for the next two years
their onward, and. as L think, down
ward progress.
IF we look to the action of Congress
for the past two years we can not fail
to perceive striking change. in the
code of political morality by which
they are governed, and that generally
acts arc done and means are now re
sorted to to effect political objects which
few years ago would have been con-
demned and rejected. as iflcgitimate
and dishoucrabie. This new code of
political morality is not merely acted
upon, but was recently avowed and
characterized as new, by Senator Nor
ton, one of the ablest, and heretofore
esteemed one of the most conscientious
of the Republican leaders in Congress.
He spoke of it as something which was
just taught him by the war, and he
likens those who have not learned the
lesson, but adhere to the old opinions
of faith and morals, to emile posts on
a deserted road" Under this new
teaching it is learned to teach, as OBJ
solete errors, certain inconvonient rules
of political action, which were hereto
fore received and roverenced as the re-
straints of truth and honor. Indeed,
much of this new teaching has extend
ed to the walks of private life. Men
learn, and teach each other to despisc,
those moral restraints, once held sa
cred, which stand in the way of the
largest freedom Of action. But there
is this difference between the demoral-
ization of legislators and of men-the
one acts en- individuals in limited cir
clcs merely, the other disturbs the
Leace and harmony of nations, often
ruins and enslaves them.
I.need cite but a few examples, nor
go back beyond the current year to
show the practical effect of the code of
political morals, newly taught and
adopted in our two houses of Congress.
And first, as the most prominent in
public estimation; will consider their
action in the late effort to impeach and
remove from Office the President of the
United States and I will cndeavor to
show how far. generally, and in its more
important details, they have conformed
to or departed from that conscientious
regard to personal truth and political
justice which were heretofore looked for,
not in vain, in our legislative bodies.
When the rebellion was fully and
effectually put down, and there was no
longer any organized resistance to the
authority of the Union-Johnson, who
was suddenly called to the Presidency
now in the Office and having about
him the experienced Cabinet of Mr..
Lincoln, did, as might well have been
expected, adopt has and their already
initiated policy of restoring, as prompt,
ly might be, the States lately in rebel
lion to their former position in the
Uuion. He issued proclamation of
pardon comprehending most of those
who had borne arms in the rebellion
good in itself, but damaged by excep-
tions of numerous classes, which SEEM
cd to me ill-judged, and, as 1 then
thought, dictated by an unpatriotic
spirit, and arising from the rcmem-
brance ofpersonal wrongs. So thought
tho public at large, but many, perhaps
most, approved; and at the time heard
pious men express the opinion that tho
assassination of President Lincoln was
a special .dispensation of Providence
that the government of the nation
might fall into the hands of one who