Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1868-05-22
The Negro Suffrage Question.

Inc Anti Slavery Standard expresses the
hope that "the Times will not lend its in
duence to those who seek either to deprive
the negroes of the South of the ballot al
together, or to make its use dependent
upon tests of education or property" We
certainly would not treat negroes differ
emily from white men, under the same
conditions. Both are men both as men
have rights-a status as citizens, and q
claim to that degree and form of self gov
ernment for which provision is made In
our Institutions And we know no possible
ground, in political ethics Or in the consti-
tuition and law Of the country, for making
color line of distinction between citizens
those of one color being admitted to the
enjoyment and exercise of political or civil
rights from which those Of another color,
all other circumstances being equal are
excluded. We never have accepted. OF
supported or countenanced the doctrine
that this is exclusively 6 white man S
government" AS President johnson said
III one OF his speeches to the negroes of
Washington, cit is yom' government as
much as anybody's."
highest form in which political power can
be exercised ; and its exercise involves a
corresponding responsibility. There has
never been time when the idea of voting
was separated from the idea of being quail
fed to vote Some qualifications always
have been deemed essential. Intelligence
knowledge of the questions involved, some
sort OF acquaintance with the duty and re-
sponsibility which go with the ballot has
always been held to be indispensable. Now
from the very nature of the case, it is i'm
possible that the great mass of the South
ern negroes should have any sort of quail
fcation. They know absolutely nothing
of the subjects which their votes are to help
decide. They do not, i'll voting, exercise
their own judgment, act upon their own
opinions, or exert their own free and in
dependent will. There is no pretence that
they do anything of the sort. They vote
i'll direct implicit obedience to the will OF
safe, as just to the people who are to be
affected by it, or as in harmony with the
principles and interests of republican gov
eminent. 1t is not because they are black,
but because they are ignorant-necessari
inevitably and densely ignorant-that we
doubt the wisdom and the justice of put
ting the supreme power of the ballot at
once into their hands.
We think Congress and the country gen
orally hold the same opinion with our
selves on this point. A majority of the
Republicans in Congress more than once
decided not to enact universal, unqualified
suffrage for the negroes and very large
majority of the people throughout the
North were opposed to such an enactment
on it's merits. But they yielded finally to
what was deemed political necessity
They gave universal suffrage to the blacks,
not because they were qualified to use it
wisely, in general, but because they aCould
use it in accordance with the loyal senti-
ment of the country in the reconstruction
OF the Southern States-and this was be-
lieved to be the one thing needful, above
all Others, at this particular juEcture. And
political power has been put into their
hands to meet a special emergency rather
than permanently to control the Legislation
of the country.
This matter of reconstruction is in its
nature temporary. Its object is to get the
Southern States reorganlZed and back into
the union. When that is done the people
of the State resume the right of self gov
eminent. They can then amend their
Constitutions, reform their laws, prescribe
new qualifications of suffrage if they see
fit, and in all respects become masters of
their own affairs. And we cannot help
hoping that all parties, all classes, and
both races will sooner or later come to the
conclusion that impartial suffrage suffrage
which shall exact qualifications for it's ex-
ercise, by both blacks and whites, will con-
stitute the safest and wisest basis for Re-
publican government.
New York Times,