The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1868-02-12

law Oh emigrants. If Mr. Gladstone him
self were to remove to New York, we
would not let him vote until he had first
solemnly declared his intention to become
q citizen, and then lived among MS enough
years to know something about the duties
and responsibilities of citizenship.
We have thus addressed our remarks to
the suggestions of our correspondent
There are numerous other points of great
Importance which should be regarded in
this discussion. We have space onl y to
note them.
owe hear great deal about justice to the
negro, bnt those who are most earnest fol-
what they conceive to be that justice, are
obvious of the justice due to the other
part of the human family. Is there no In
justice i'll introducing irto the splendid
fabric of American Union a series of
States, created by force, governed by a
semibarbarons, wholly uncducated race OF
men, to WELD vast power in the Senate
and House, to govern New York as well as
South Carolina? With all respect to the
sincere believers in negro suffrage, we pro-
nounce it gross and unparalleled injustice
to make this negro race our governors,
regulators ofthe financial, commercial, and
political interests of the city and State OF
New York, whatever may be the argu-
ment for giving them local Suffrage. So
glaring is this injustice that we venture the
assurance that even our intelligent cor
respondent would not dream of advo-
eating it's propricty. He would, at the
most, advocate only his idea Of justice
to the negro and add his regret that in
accomplishing that, lie would be COM
PEELED to do injustice to othcrs-a case i'll
morals long ago settled by the law, Nev-
er do evil that good may come Sever
the question for the sake of seeing it in its
proper light by giving the negroes suf
fiage We place in their hands two kinds of
power, the one local within their State.
the other national over all the land. Sup
pose these two powers severed, so that
one grant can be made without the other.
Now let it be proposed to grant TO the
negroes of tle South the right of suffrage
in all matters affecting Northern States
and national subjects, but not for local
purposes in their own State. Is there any
man so insane as to imagine any require
ments OF justice Which commands MS of the
North thus to make this negro race our
governors IL would he worse than tol
", it would be a stuperdous crime against
every principle Of justice and prudence.
Does the crime become less, the injustice
any less g!aring, because yea add local
power to your grant of general power:
This is too plain proposition to need ar
gument. 1t is uuanswcrabic.
g But there is remaining consideration
which is of paramount importance. What
right have VIC at the Nor,iltodo anything
about tl.is question of negro suffrage at the
South? None whatever. IT we plead
the law of force we reject the Constitution
which is our safcguardhcre at home. The
unconstitutionality Of these measures is
now confessed in the broadcast light of day
by the revolutionary efforts of Congress TO
prevent decision of the Supreme Court
on them. No one prctcnds now that they
are constitutional. Therefore these negro
suffrage laws are to be regarded as wrongs
to the whole country, as wrongs to the
negro himself; fatal i'll their effects on the
welfare of the black race, and likely to be
more deadly in their effects on libert! in
general, since they are leading TO the de
struction of the Constitution, the noblest
monument of freedom hitherto devised by
men,