The Louisiana Democrat. [volume] (Alexandria, La.) 1845-1918, 1868-08-05

native channels; that the Industrious ofthe
country are not encouraged, but, on the
contrary, they are kept in that disturbed
condition, that investments dare not be
made by capitalists, and that labor is afraid
to make an effort, even if capital should be
| invested. The people will ask one further
question: What has been gained by this
controversy? Like the question that in
former times was asked by the grandchild
of the grandfather in relation to the great
| battle-what has all this been about ?
Senators know very we'll that when the
'ihlrty-ninth Congress met, work of resto-
ration, according to the policy of Mr.. John
son, was almost completed. Constitutions
had been adopted in the Southern States
aboishing slavery or declaring it abolished
| forever repudiating the Southern debt, and
making every pledge to the Federal Union
| which Northern sentiment demanded: but
Congress interviewed against that policy
and interposed it's own, and now the peo-
pie, after two or three years of delay, of dis
traction, of the disturbance of trade and
commerce, want to know what has been
gained by 1T.
When you come to answer that question
to the people you can not show them a
single Southern constitution which any
Republican mind can say is better con-
stitution than had been adopted under the
johnson policy, unless you say it is q bet
ter constitution, because the negroes are
enfranchised and part of the whites dis
franchised, and the power in great sec
ton OF the country taken from the white
men and givenNto the colored. The people
will want to know why it is that after the
close OF the war, after there was no longer
rebel soldier with gun in his hand, after
the South had amended it's constitutions
and changed its laws according to the de
mands of the North in every particular;
after it had declared slavery abolished, Sc
cession fallacy, and the rebel debt not
to be collected, why, then, in one-third of
this country, did the party in power break
down State governments and establish in
their stead military governments? Why
was it in that work you made the civil law
subordinate to the military law, the judge
upon the bench subordinate to the com
handing officer, and gave to military Of
ficer the power to drive the legislators from
the halls of legislation, and to substitute
men of his own selection in their place, and
subvert all the principles of free government
recognized, honored and reyered in this
country, and established in their stead a
system of government that finds no parai-
lei in any of the countries of the world since
the days ofpro consuls? To that question
it seems to me it will be difficult to find
suitable answer.
Mr. President, the two parties, into
which the people of this country are now
divided have declared their platform of
principles. They have put their tickets in
nomination, and it is for the people to de-
eide which set of principles they will adopt
and which set of candidates they will elect.
Upon this subject have but very few re-
marks to submit. In my opposition to the
ticket that was nominated at Chicago, ]
never expect to place it upon personal
ground. recognize the gentleman at the
head of that ticket as an eminent military
man, and his associate distinguished civ
ilian. Against them, personally, expect
their election because they have been, by
acquiescing in their nomination, the re-
representatives. of the sentiments that have
controlled Congress for the last three years,
and because they stand upon platform
which is Objectionable in part and equivo-
cal in part The convention at New York
has expressed its views on a platform
which, in no section, can be misunder-
stood. The man that runs may read and
understand. The plainest as we'll as the
most learned will interpret it alike 1t de-
clares our views and our purposes distinct
ly and emphatically that the people are not
and cannot be misled.
The contest between the two platforms
struck me with great force as I listened to
the Senator from New Jersey tMr. Ere
linghuysen), some minutes since, as he read
one>of the sections of the Chicago platform
declaring that the public debt must be
paid in accordance with the letter and spirit
of the law. What does that mean My
colleague would say, I have no doubt that
it means one thing, and the Senator from
New Jersey would claim that it means
another, very different thing. Many Sem
ators claim that the spirit of the law is
that all the bonds shall be paid in gold,
while other Senators, eminent and clear
headed, say that it means, they shall be
raid in greenbacks, if Congress chooses to
pay them. The resolution of the Demo-
cratic Convention is as follows:
$ Payment of the public debt of the Uni
ted States as rapidly as practicable all
money drawn from the people by taxation },
except so much as is requisite for the ne
cessities of the Government, economically
administered, being honestly applied to
such payment, and where the obligations of
the Government do not expressly state
upon their faces, or the law under which
they were issued does not provide that
they shall be paid in coin, they ought, in
right and justice. to be paid in the lawful
money of the United States.
The resolution declares that unless the
obligation issued by the Government or
the law authorizing its issue, expressly
provides that it is to be paid in gold, it
may be paid in lawful money. The law1
authorizing the issue of five-twenties provi-
ded for a lawful money, and declared Treas
ury notes with the legal tender clause to be
lawful money, and neith% the law nor the
obligation provides that these bonds shall
be paid in gold. Gov Seymour stands
upon this platform, and, I claim that the
platform explains itself, and standing upon
the platform his position is not and can not
be misunderstood. st53.h Hs
With a platform explicit and direct upon
all the great questions that now attract