The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-09-03
The 9 I,.lnese Treaty with America.

which neither the Times nor any other daily |
journal has degned to honor with comment. |
Indeed, it would be difficult to define the par
ticular talue which ought to be affixed to a
document which on the 6rst blush d,scloses
nothing to arrest attention. Did not the ma
nGuvres of political parties and the intentions
of political demonstrations IN the United States
battle the ordinary lutelli1euce OF Europe, we
might jump to the conclusion that Mr.. Burlin-
game had achieved great diplomatic triumph.
Certainly the trumpeting of American
journals and the language of the PTesi-
dent succeeded in inspiring, II they were
not intended TO inspire,. the belief th9t he
had done something very great aud useful on
behalf of his country in her Relations to the
Flowery Empire. As Americans are not gene
ralyaccused either ofnot understanding or ofnot
appreciating their o. wn interests, European stu
pidlty may De pardoned if it rashly infers that
SO much tall talk was not expended for nothing,
Additional curiosity is challenged both for the
treaty and its author, when 1t is remembered
that the latter person is on his way TO England
as the Minister, not OF his own country, but
Of the Court at which he had represented the
interests of the United States. II Is not an un-
precedented thing for the subject of one mower
TO represent another power at friendly Court,
though IL is OF rare occurrence. But this is the
first time that great Oriental 20 ger has dele
gated diplomatic functions TO an alien aud a
barbarian. 1t augurs either very little for
MIR. Burlincames kno Wedge of Coma or very
much Tor his phllo. .ophy, that he has undertaken
functions which the Mandarin class regard with
unaffected and unconcealed contempt. The
results of two wars and two humiliatiOns have
are beyond the pale OF recognition, They still
look upon Europeans as u servlle race, with
whom communication should be held only
through the medium OF cards. or course
Chinese op nion may be safely disregarded both
by Americans and by Europeans; or perhaps
MIR. Burlingame may, after some years residence
in China, still be completely unlcquaiuted with
1t. Otherwise, he may not unreasonaoly be sus-
| peCted of having undertaken an office which IS
| without honor, because 1t may be attended with
| profit. 1t is his twofold mission which gives
n hptWppO
| China We cannot be far wrong in surmising
| that the cOncocter of two treaties has a common
| object in both; and American patriotism would
| spurn the suggestion that an American would
| not use his opportunities for coaXiug eXtort-
ing some advantage or his country.
| rapid nerusal OF the new treaty reveals
| nothing new or startling. 1t is only when one
| looks narrowly into it that purpose is dis
| covered. 1t is quite possible that the Chinese
have conceded, and meant to concede, nothing
| to the insinuauons or the demands OF Mr.. Bur-
lineame. The shrewdness of their race may
have satisfied them that busting and ambitious
| politician, hungry after New York popularity,
| might be put oil with diplomatic wares OF the
| stalest and trashiest kind. The articles of the
new treaty are, many Of them, the articles of the
| old treaty. The document is one-half plati
| tudes, and the other half surplusage. The first
iclegravelyenunciates the prorositon that the
| Emperor OF China is OF opinion that in conced-
ing to strangers the privilege of residence in his
dominons, he has not parted with his own
| jurisdiction. The eighth article is the head and
scope OF the whole treaty. For this alone, after
minute examination, we are convinced, the
treaty has been made; and consideration of
this clause will give the best idea Of the craft.
ness OF the American negotiator. 1t
| seems TO US to exhibit that curious in
| felicity Of language which betrays con.
| scious attempt at cajolery. 1t begins by super
| fuous but suspicious disclaimer on the
| part of the American Government OF any desire
to interfere with that of China in regard to the
construction of railways and telegraphs. Such
a disclaimer reads very much like Parliament
| ary disavoWals of the same kind. After this it
| proceeds:-"But if at any time his Imperial
thaif feEafscter, and s6s et.5 works OF
the United States, the United States will desig-
nate and authorize suitable engineers to be
| employed by the Chinese Government aud will
! recommend to other nations an equal COM
| pllance with such application" There never
| perhaps in the whole history OF diplomacy, was
| penned or read such clause as this in treaty
| between two great nation. tits redolent of the
| smartness of the provincial attorney and the
| buckstering of the provincial shopkeeper. Itin
effect says:-''We don't wish to dictate to your
Chinese Majesty any policy about rail ways and
! telegraphs-ce1talnly Lot; we kno WHAT'S
manners too well for that; but telegraphs and
railways are the outward signs OF a civilized
| and enlightened age, and your enlightened
| Imperial Majesty would not ike to see the
Celestial Empire deprived Of such privileges.
| And should your Majesty decide on their
| construction, we will undertake to have the
| work done for you in the tidest manner and at
| the cheapest rate. Don't send to those Euro
| pean nations--no, don't. The great American
people invented rail ways and telegraphs and all
| the appliances of modern civilization, and they
will fix these things for you in the cleverest and
| cheapest way possibe." That is the gist OF the
article. Mr.. Burlingame wants to get a footing
for his countrymen in China, similar 10 the foot.
| ing we have tor some time held there. As the
trade which the United States carry on with
| China is to the trade of England with China
only in the proportion of TO l9, it is tolerably
clear that a considerable period must elapse
| before the Ordinary progress of commerce places
England and the States on an equality. But the
race is not always to the swift nor the battle to
the strong. The influence which arises out OF
| commercial wealth, may not easily be attained;
| but another influence, that which ARISES from
Court favor may be rapidly acquired.
! OF the treaty between the two countries, as it
! is published 1t is not tor this country to COM
! plain. There is in it little, save the last clause,
! which has not been sanctioned iu pre- yous trea-
! ties. America and China have a right to make
any compact with each other. We do not
know however, il there be not another and
| secret treaty which has recently been con.
! cluded between the Empire and the Republics;
and II there be, it may possibly become a cause
I OF future trouble. But there is one subject to
! which We may and must attend. The author of
! this treaty comes here in the character of
! Chinese Minister, accredited Tor the express pur.
! pose of recommending changes in our existing
! changes we have formerly spoken. They are
| ON their face needless, insidlous, and damag ing
! to our interests. They would destroy all the
! f1uits OF our wars and our negotiations. The
! purport oithis American treaty reveals the par.
! pose OF its author; aud If our own relations
with the Empire are TO be modified in spirit of
| unworthy concession to an arrogant rival, we
/ shall afford another sad and humilia.ing in
! stance OF the weakness which lows a bold
diplomacy TO hlch from US advantages which
we have gained by a lavish outlay of men,
money, and labor. VIII Lord Stanley venture
4 10 dis card cOsmOpOlitan liberality and daom