The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-08-14

nave uau llJtle respect 1Or tne SINCERITY OF OO0-
victions which could be altered by the mere
fact of failure. Our adversaries were unwise
in expecting, on the other hand, that we
should show the same want of sincerity in the
justice of our cause by oontentng ourselves
with an empty boast of military victory. Our
watchword from the beginning had been not
conquest, bui peace. The war was not a duel
it settled the claim ESQ far as armed force
could settle it) that the nation has right
to the sovereign allegiance Of all its citizens
But settlement thus made by a war might,
by another outbreak of hostilites, be jeo-
pardized, and perhaps annulled. Some
thing more, then, was required. The laws,
which during the war had been silent, must
now speak again and ratify and secure the
results gained on the battle field. But ordi-
nary legislation might be repealed; hence the
necessity of incorporating in constitutional
amendment the legal conditions of a
more perfect union and permanent peace
1t is true that a resort to arms having
once been determined upon, it is easy to throw
aside constitutional enactments. But, then,
we all remembered that the war through
which we had passed was made possible only
through misunderstanding as to the exact
meaning of our Federal Constitution in regard
to the claims entertained by the two great par
ties in that struggle. Was it not important
that any such ambiguous construction should
be henceforth prevented AS a rule, our peo-
BILE abide by the laws. At any rate, the least
we could ask was a constitutional guarantee
securing what had been gained at so great
COST and preventing future difficulties.
In a great measure the result has been
achieved through the fourteenth amendment.
But the people cannot shut their eyes to the
fact that this has been accomplished in the
very teeth Of the former Secessionists, and
that the means through which it has been ac-
complished are pronounced unconstitutional
and invalid by the Democratic party. The
feeling of insecurity, therefore, as to this
most vital element in the restoration of peace,
still remains. 1t has still to be decided by the
popular vote, whether the war had any real
significance, whether it accomplished any
thing of permanent value for the nation.
Admit that the prominent secession leaders
acqui seed in their defeat, still the people
remember that they did not cordially partici-
pate in the work of restoration. They looked
upon the allegiance to which they returned as
being precisely that which they had repudi-
ated. They entirely ignored all conditions
which the results of the war imposed and
made necessary. They looked upon the war
itself as a simple test of physical forces in
which they had failed. When it was over
they deemed it myth, and regarded its re-
suits as empty shadows.
And here is the great mistake which the
Democrats are now making-namely, in adopt
ing their hopes of success upon the idea that
the people at large adopt similar view. 1t is
a mistaken confidence The popular senti-
ment has not thus essentially altered what
it was in 1864 and 1866 it remains to-day
and what it demanded then, and now de-
mands, is absolute security and permanent
peace. Vituperation directed against either
Mr.. Seymour or General Grant effects nothing.
1t is impossible to create a diversion by direct
ing attention on the one hand to the war
record of extreme Democrats, or to the Incl.
dental abuses connected with the Congress
sional plan of reconstruction on the other.
The popular thought, as we said at the first
goes down far below these surface eddes to
the one great argument-to the grand idea of
the conflict which cost us three billions OF
money and half million of lives, and to the
realization of that idea. Two years ago this
idea might have been realized but for the
Opposition. If this had been the case ther
to-day, instead of joining issues upon the old
questions, the nation, having fairly passed its
tremendous crisis, would be divided upon
other matters relating to it's industrial develop
ment.
AS it is, the danger is not yet passed, the
fever is not over. The Republicans, in view
of the critical situation, have acted wisely il
nominating General Grant. But the Demo
Gratis have insisted upon their old and favorite
ideas that the war was essentially failure
that the puDllc debt is national disgrace, anC
that any plan of restoration which insists upor
securing the nation against future disturbance
| is ridiculous humbug.
Thus the Republican party stands upor
an essentially just platform, and seeks tt
identify itself with the sentiment of the peo
pie; while, on the other hand, the Democratic
party has learned nothing from former de
feats, and insists upon its old ideas more thar
once repudiated by the people. 1t, moreover
appeals to the most ignorant aud inveterat,
prejudices of the past, ignoring the progress
made during the most important decade il
American history. Making vain pretense tt
conservatism, it seeks to disturb, to agtate
and to cOnvulse the nation.
Is the Republic to be Mexicanized by the
success of this disturbing element? That il
the question for the people to decide. We ar,
not 10th to leave the question with them
They see on the one hand settled plan o
restoration already established in seven out o
the ten lately Confederate States. They Sc,
the Legislatures OF those States taking promp
steps TO remove disabilities from the disfran
chised whites. On that side they remark tn,
disposition toward Cancellation, harmony, anC
peace. From the other side they hear only
defiant mutterings, threats of violence and o
continued discord. Can We doubt what thei
decision will be