The Evansville journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ind.) 1866-1870, 1868-11-02

the discontinuance of the Freedmen's
Bureau, the withdrawal of troops,
the self-government OF each State by
its own citizens, and under such a
rule of suffrage as its own separate
sovereignty shall prescribe. He styles
the uprising of the South a rebellion,
but he is in favor of restoring the
stats quo ante beLlum. In the same
connection appears the most useful
sentence of the letter. He con-
siders himself a party to the
platform, which Is. in his opin-
ion, IN the nature of a contract with
the people. That platform, as our
readers understand, treats all the
steps of the so-called reconstruction,
by the multitudinous acts of Congress,
az revolutionary, and not simply un-
constitutional ."-C Cincinnati We stand
South.
LETTER TO THE MILITARY AUTH0RI-
TIES J~UsTIFYING MODS.
The day Meade whipped tie rebels
at Gettysburg, Seymour was thus talk
ing treason in New York. Our
armies were in sore need of reinfore-
| ments, and a draft had been ordered.
Volunteering failed to fill the require
ments of the service. The draft was
a matter of necessity. Horatio Sey-
mour said:
We only ask that you shall give
to us that which you claim for your
selves, aud that which every freeman
and every man who respects himself
will have, freedom of speech, the
right to exercise all the rights con-
ferred by the Constitution upon.
American citizens. CGreat applause.
Can you safely deny US these? Will
you not trample upon your rights If
you refuse to listen? Do you not Gre
ate revolution when you say that your
persons may be rightfully seized, your
property confiscated, your homes en-
tered? Are you not exposing your
selves, your W interests, to as great
a peril as that with which you threaten
us? Remember this, hat the bloody
and reasonable, and revolutionary
doctrine of public necessity can be
proclaimed by a mob as well as by a
government. Applause.
When men accept despotism, they
may have a choice as to who that
despot. shall be. The struggle then
will not be, shall we have constitu-
tional liberty? But, having accepted
the doctrine that the Constitution has
lost its force, every instinct of per-
sonal ambition, every instinct of per-
sonal security, will lead men to put
themselves under the protection of
that power which they suppose the
most competent to guard their per-
sons.
MORE REBEL SYMPATHY.
In the Fall of 1862, a Triennial
Episcopal Convention was held in
Trinity Church, New York. Murray,
Hoffman, DIR. Vinton and others NOV
ed ard advocated patriotic resolu-
tions; and the eloquent DR.. Goodwin
delivered an exhaustive speech on the
subject, in which he earnestly pressed
their adoption. The next day the
subject came up again, the question
being on Judge Carpenters (Of New
Jersey calling On the Bishop for a
form of prayer in relation to the
wicked rebellion now prevailing IN
the land, for the safety of our country
and the success of our armies. Ho-
ratio Seymour took the floor and made
a long speech In opposition. He
was opposed to pronouncing an opin-
ion against our Southern brethren.
The measure seemed to him like the
Pope's bull against the comet. He
begged them to pause before condemn
ing the absent, condemning thousands
and hundreds of thousands of breth-
rem, not a man of whom was there to
speak for himself"
MR.. SEYMOUR BY AN IMPARTIAL FOR
EIGNER.
Gen. De Trobriand is the highest
French authority on military matters.
In his history of over five years oper-
atoms on the Potomac, he has a word
to say on the attitude of the Governor
Of New York in the dark days of the
Union-the Summer of 1868:
The Governor, Horatio Seymour,
whose attitude and conduct toward
the National Government had been
of a character to encourage rather
than to prevent the riots; had
no thought, except in concert with
his party, to make capital out of them
in order to hinder the enrolment.
Under the pretense of ascertaining
whether some error had not stolen
into the reckoning of the States con-
tingent, and of waiting until the ques-
ton of the constitutionality of the
law could be submitted to judicial
tribunals, he demanded of the Presi-
dent the indefinite postponement of
the draft. The object ofthis attempt
was plain. 1t was to dry up the source
of the relnforcements necessary to
the army, In order to lesson, If not
destroy, the result of the victories of
Gettysburg and Vicksburg, and while
the Confederate Government should
renew its forces by universal conscrip-
ton, to reduce our forces by stopping
the draft and discouraging volunteer
ing. These were the can by which
the Peace Democrats of the North at
tempted to obtain either the final
recognition of the Southern Confed-
eracy, or the establishment of a new
Union, founded on the subsection of
the Free States to the supremacy of
the old Slave States"
PROOF OF THE ABOVE.
Governor Seymour appealed to
President Lincoln TO stop the draft,
as though it were an act of wanton.
needless, tyrannical exaction, and not
a stern necessity. required for the
national safety, saying:
1T is believed by at least one-half
the people of the loyal States, that the
CONSUMPTION act which they are called
upon to obey, because it is on the
statute book, is in itself a violation Of
the supreme Constitutional laws.
| do not dwell upon what
[ believe would be the consequence
of a violent, harsh policy, before the
constitutionafity of the act is tested.
The temper of the people to-day you
may easily learn"
or AuEpV nrnCr --r1 -