Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1868-02-07


course would cut on nine hundred and
n1netysnine cut Of every Thousand col
ored men IN the South The eoloFed
man cannot vote unless he has a free
noto OF S15os but the white rebel, who
was never Forth twenty-five cents, who
never paid poll tax in his lie, never
paid an honest debt, is to be allowed
vote. To cut Of such q large part Of the
cOloreo vote as to leave the rebel white
vote largely in the ascBndency, to put
Lnese new State Governments there to
De formed again in the hands of the
time upon that.
M. zioRTolzas RECORD.
Ny friend yesterday alluded to my
Endorsement of the Presidents policy
IN speech in 1868 never Endorsed
what is now called the Prssident's polf-
cy. In the sumner Of 1855, when saw
a division coming between the Presi-
dent and the Republican party and
when I could not help anticipating
the dirstuI- consequences that must
result nom u. made q speech, IN
that had been made against the Presi-
dent, and denied the charge that by is
suing MS proclamation of May 20, 1860,
be mad thereby left the Bepu bltcan par
ty. / said that he had not left the Re-
publican party by that act. I did show
that the policy of that proclamation was
even more radical than that OF Mr.. Linz
coin. j did show that it was more rad
ical even than the Winter Davis bill Of
summer Of 1854. But, sir, it was all up
on the distinct understanding that,
whatever the President did, that his
whole policy or action was to be submit
ted to Congress for its consideration
and decision and, as I before remark
ed, If that had been done all would
have been wen. I did not then adv0-
cate universal colored suffrage IN the
South, and have before given my rea-
sons for 1t, and In doing that I was act
Ing in harmony with the great body Of
the Republican party Of the North. It
was nearly q year after that time when
Congress passed the constitutional
amendment, which still left the ques-
ton Of suffrage with the white people
and IL was not until q year and a half
after that time that Congress came to
tine conclusion that we could not exc
cute the guarantee Of the Constitution
without raising up new class Of loyal
voters.
And, sir, nobody concurred in that
result more heartily than myself. I
confess land / do it without shame) that
[ have been educated by the great
events Of this war. The American peo-
pie have been educated rapidly and
the man who says he has learned moth
ing, that he stands now where he did six
years ago, IS like an ancient mlepost
by the side of a deserted highway. We,
Mr.. President. have advanced step by
step. when this war began we did not
contemplate the destruction of slavery.
1 remember well when the Crittenden
resolution was passed, declaring that
the war was not prosecuted for conquest
or to overtufn the institutions Of any
State. I know that was intended as an
assurances that Slavery should not be
destroyed, and it received the vote,
believe, of every Republican member
in both Houses of Congress but in a
"a q rat IT,
by the events of the war that we could
not preserve slavery and suppress the
rebellion ;Eand we must destroy slavery
not pEOseeute the war to destroy sla-
very, but destroy slavery to prosecute the
war. Which was the better2 To stand
by the resolution and ietth Union go, or
to stand by tlIs Union and let the reso-
luton g02 Congress could not stanG by
that pledge, and it was s'uOre honCred IN
the breach than the observance Mr.
Lincoln issued his proclamation Of
emancipation, setting free the slaves Of
rebels. 1t was dictated by the stern and
bloody experience Ofthe times. Mr.. Linz
coin had no choice left him. When we
began this contest no one thought we
would use colored soldiers in the war.
The distinguished Senator sitting by
me here, EbdE. CamerOnl when in the
winter of 1861 he first brought forward
the proposition as Secretary Of War, to
use co1or6d soldiers, was greatly In adj
NdUC6 OF anu W a4a IAAlAA AAg
to be visionary; but as the war progress
ed it tbecame manifest to all intelligent
men that we must not only destroy slav-
cry, butwe must avail ourselves Of every
instrumentaliby in our power for. the
purpose Of putting down the rebellion,
and the whole country accorded in the
use of coSored- soldiers, and gallant and
glorious service they rendered. In 1864
a proposition was brought forward In
this body, to amend the Constitution of
We do not think that is very radical
now, but it was very radical then it I
was the great measure Of the age, and
almost OF modern tines and it was ti-
free every human being within the lime
its Of the United States. But, sir, we
were very far then from what we are
now. Al viii remember the celebra- I
ted Winter Davis bill, passed in June, I
1854, which took the power of recon /
structioR out Of the hands of the Presi-
dent, where it did not in fact belong.
l refer to Mr.. Lincoln; but if that bill
had passed, it would, perhaps, have re-
suited IN the destruction of this Govern
ment- We can all see it now, although
it was then thought to be the most rad I
icaI Measure Of the times. what did it
propose9 Itproposed to prescribe plan, 1
to take effect when she war should end, 1
by which theserebel states shOuldbe re- [
Stored. Irefer to that bill simply to show |
nOW We AAasNG eAAA u q ND4N-- ~ ~
quired but one condition or guarnty on |
the part of the South, and that was that I
they should put in their Constitutions a /
provision prohibiting slavery. it re-
quired no other guaranty. It required I
no equalization of representation; no Sc I
cUrity against rebel debts, or against 4
payment for emancipated slaves; and 1
it confined the right of suffrage to white !
men. But it was thought q great step in 4
advance at the time and so 1t was but I
the President came forward with his i
proposition, and / am stating what is
true from an examination Of the docu- /
ments when say that, but for the want /
of power with the President, his scheme /
in itself considered was far more radi- /
cal than thai of the Winter Davis bill (;
but events were rapidly teaching the
statesmen of the time that we could not |
reconstruct upon that basis.
FoRBEARANcE OF CONGRESS.
SIN, Congress was not prepared to !
take a forward step until the summer of
1866, in the passage of the Constitution /
al Amendment; which we now regard 1
as a halfway measure, necessary and /
vital as far as it went, but not going far 4
enough. That was rejected and we I
we're then compelled to go further, and /
we have now fallen upon the plan of re-
construction which have been cOnsid-
ering. It has been dictated by the logic 1
OF events. lt oVerrtdes all arguments, u
overrides all preiudices, oyerrides all 4
theory, in the presence of the necessity \
for preserving the life of this nation;
and if future events shall determine /
that we must 20 further, I for one am
prepared to say that viii 60 as far as
shall be necessary to the execution of
this guaranty, the reconstruction of this
Republic upon q right basis, and the /
successful restoration of every part of
this Union.
Mr.. President, the column of recon
struetion, as before remarked, has ris-
en- slowly. 1t has not been hewn from
a single stone. 1t is composed of many
blocks, painfully laid up and put to-
gether, and cemented by the tears and
blood of the nation. Sir, we have done
nothing arbitrarily. We have done
nothing for punishment; aye, too little
for punishment. Justice has not had
her demand. Not a man has yet been
executed for this great treason. The 7
arch-fend himself is now at liberty up-