The Columbian. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1910, 1868-01-03

and indefinite sense of public duty un.
: der "the Constitution" to assume the
vindication of a law which, under the
solemn obligation of public duty, i'm
posed by the Constitution itself, he adj
vised me was violation Of that Con-
stitution. | make great allowance for
a.change of opinion, but such change
as this hardly falls within the limits of
great indulgence. Where our opinions
take the shape of advice and influence
the action of others, the utmost stretch
of charity will scarcely justify us in
repudiating them when they come TO
be applied to ourselves. But to proceed
with the narrative. was so much struck
with the full mastery Of the question
manifested by Mr.. Stanton, and was at
the time so fully occupied with the pre-
paration Of another veto upon the pend
ing Reconstruction act, that | requested
him to prepare the veto upon this Ten
ure-of-Oflice bill. This he declined to
do on the ground of physical disability
to undergo, at the time, the labor of
writing, but stated his readiness to fur
nish what aid might be required in the
preparation of materials for the paper.
At the time this subject was before the
Cabinet it seemed to be taken for gran
ted that as to those members of the Cab
met who had been appointed by Mr..
| Lincoln, their tenure of Office was not
fixed by the provisions of the act. ! do
not remember that the point was dis
tinctly decided; but | well recolect
that it was suggested by one member of
the Cabinet who was appointed by Mr..
| Lincoln, and that no dissent was ex-
pressed. Whether the point was we'll
taken or not, did not seem to me of any
consequence for the unanimous express
sion of opinion against the constitution
ality and policy of the act was 50 dec-
ded that felt no concern, so far as the
act had reference to the gentlemen then
present that l would be embarrassed in
| the future. The bill had not then be-
come law. The Limitation upon the
power of removal was not yet imposed,
| and there was yet time to make any
changes. If any one of these gentle
men had then said to me that he would
avail himself of the provisions of that
bill in case it became me law
l should not have hesitated
II moment as to his removal. No
pledge was then expressly given or re-
quired. But there are circumstances
when to give an express pledge is not
necessary, and when to require it is an
imputation Of possible bad faith. felt
that if these gentlemen came within the
purview of the bill it was, rs to them,
dead letter, and that none of them
would ever take refuge under its pro-
visions. | now pass to another subject
When, on the 18th of April, 1868, the
duties of the Presidential Office devol
we'd upon me, / found full Cabinet o
4 seven members, all of them selected b,
Mr.. Lincoln. | made no change. Oh
the contrary, shortly afterward rati
fed change determined upon by Mr.
Lincoln, but not perfected at his death
and admitted his appointee, Mr.. Har
Ian, in the place of Mr.. Usher, who wa
in Office at the time. The great duty o
thetme was to re-establish government
law and order in the insurrectionar,
States. Congress was then in recess
and the sudden overthrow of the rebel
lion required speedy action. This grav
subject had engaged the attention of Mr.
Lincoln in the last days Of his life, ant
| IN IN " I
> be managed, had been prepared, ant
was ready for adoption. 4 leading
feature of that plan was that ii shoult
: he carried out by the Executive author
ity, for, rs far as | have been informed
neither Mr.. Lincoln nor any member o
: his Cabinet doubted his authority to ac
. or proposed to call an extra session o
Congress to do the work. The first bus
iness transacted in Cabinet after be
came President was this unfinished
business of my predecessor. a plan or
scheme of reconstruction was produced
= which had been prepared for Mr.. Lin
: coin by Mr.. Stanton, his Secretary o
: War. 1t was approved, and, at thu
earliest moment prao ticable, was ap
, piled in the form of IL proclamation Il
the State of North Carolina, and after
e w rds became the basis of action il
+, turn for the other States,
. Upon the examination of Mr.. Stanton
c before the impeachment Committee, III
D was asked the following question:
I Did any one of the Cabinet express
, doubt of the power OF the Executive
. branch Of the government 10 reorganiz'
State governments which had been il
rebellion, without the aid of Congress
He answered:
None whatever. | had, myself, en-
= tertained no doubt of the authority O
, the President to take measures for tn
: organization of the rebel States on tn
plan proposed, during the vacation q
Congress, and agreed in the plan speci
i fled in the proclamation in the case O
p North Carolina.
There is, perhaps, no net Of my al
: ministration for which l have Oeel
| more denounced than this, Ii was no
y originated by me but l shrink from N
t responsibility on that account, for til
!. plan approved its elf TO my judgment
i anu tlu not lesitlle 10 cHrTy IL NV
e effect Thus far, and upon this vita
i policy, there was perfect accord betwoe
= the Cabinet and myself and | saw II
i necessity for Il change. As time pas
;. ed ON there was developed An untortr
= nate difference ofopinion and policy b,
o tween Congress and the President upo
c this same subject and upon the ultina'
G basis upon which the reconstruction {
y these States should proceed, esperiall
y upon the question Of negro Suilrng
o Upon this point three members of II
Is Cabinet found themselves to be in syn
d pathy with Congress, They RENAME
q only long enough to see that the diile
II ence Of policy could not be reconcilet