The New Orleans crescent. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1866-1869, 1868-04-09


The petition, mentioned in yesterday morn
ings dispatches, Of three thousand negroes
asking aid from Congress to enable them TO
remove to Liberia. concurs with other develop
ments in sustaining views which the CREs-
CENT some time since expressed on the sub
ject Of negro migration from the United
States to Africa The tendency in this direc-
ton already manifested is evidently sponta-
neous. 1t not only has no encouragement
from the party now controlling the govern
ment, but it runs counter to the glozing wiles
and the glittering promises with which the
freedmen are piled as the forlorn of the radi-
calls in coming elections. II, in such circum-
stances, it is not wholly repressed, there can
be no question that it is destined hereafter to
become much stronger much more conspicu-
GUS, and much more fruitful of consequence.
For, it is entirely safe to assume that the
present unhealthy stretch of anticipation and
hope on the part Of the mass of the freedmen
will end sooner or later in dreary and bitter
disappointment If the Republican party is
not wrecked in the approaching presidential
election on account of its coalition with
packed vote Of negroes and carpet bag vaga-
bonds, it certainly cannot long survive VIC
tory obtained by SO opprobrious an expedient;
and the storm of reaction before which this
party must at length go down will utterly
dissipate the irrational expectations with
which, for partizan purposes, the minds of
the Southern blacks have been infamed As
for those politicians now adhering to the Re-
publican party, who may try, after this
catastrophe, to continue their political career,
there is little doubt as to what position they
win then take on the negro question. 1t may
be assumed with abundant reason that they
will endeavor to adapt themselves to the
changed complexion of public opinion by adj
vocating the general deportation of the blacks
in the United States to the shores of Africa.
And they could refer to high Republican
precedents in support of such policy. Presi-
dent Lincoln, and, at one time, all the men,
bers of his cabinet, we believe, were in
favor of joining the colonization with the
emancipation of the Southern slaves. With
out reserving this condition subsequent, it
does not appear that Mr.. Lincoln, who never
was for abolition per Sc, could have been
persuaded to issue his emancipation procla-
nation, which he did at last issue simply and
expressly as wsr measure. To what extent
this idea pervaded the Republican party at
the close of the war was indicated by a re-
markable message of Gov. Cox, of Ohio, in
which he distinctly denied the possibility of
the whites and the freed blacks inhabiting
the same country peacefully together and he,
therefore, urged the separation of the two
races in the most convenient and speedy
method that could be adopted. The minds
of the Republican leaders were not then be-
sotted with the radical after thought of using
the federal bayonet in manufacturing negro
votes in the South to offset opposition major
tiles in the North.
Moreover, the opinion of Thomas Jefferson,
whom Greeley and Phillips are fond of in
voking as one of the founders of their radical
philosophy, could be adduced in support of
the policy of separating the two races after
both were free. In such case, which Mr..
jefferson predicted as certain ultimately to
come, he saw no escape for the American
negro from the alternative of deletion or de-
portation. Senator Trumbull. who now keeps
step-rather awkwardly to be sure-with the
radical line, quoted and Endorsed this predic-
ton, in speech which he delivered in 1857,
in Chicago; as will be seen in the following
extract from that speech:
When we say that all men are created equal we
do not mean that every man In organized society
has the same rights. We do not tolerate that in
Illinois know that there is distinction be.
tween the two races, because the Almighty him.
self has marked it upon their faces, and, in my
Judgment, man cannot. by legislation or other
wise. produce perfect equality between those
races so that they win live happily together.
trust that the Republican party will make IL
some region of country, not far distant to which
our free negro population may be taken. / fear
the consequences which Jefferson so eloquently
prophesied unless that is done. | agree with the
sentiment of Mr.. Jefferson, that two races cannot
live peaceaby together without one domineering
over the other, especially when they differ in
color. The free negro population Of this country
is the great evil now.
There is a distinction between the white and
black races made by the Omnipotence himself.
de not believe these two races can live happily
and pleasantly together, and enjoy equal rights
without one domineering over the other, and,
therefore, advocate the policy Of separating
these races by q system which shall rid the coun
try OF the black race as It becomes free.
When Mr.. Trumbulls party shall have gone
to pieces, it is not to be doubted that he will
be found trying to save himself by scrambling
on the platform of Africa for Africans. Every
other Republican politician who does not
despair of bis future, will resort to the same
eIpedient No party of national pretensions
will venture to enter into a negro coalition;
and the platform of Africa for Africans will
reflect the prevailing sentiment of the
country.