Delaware tribune. [volume] (Wilmington, Del.) 1867-1877, 1868-02-06

clcnt c0ucatlOn to read the Constitution G
the United States and to subscribe his nam
to an oath to support TIE same; whereas h
permits rebel white man to vote who neve
heard of A, and does not know how Il
inakc his mark even to note given 70
whisky. daughter.
Again, sir, he proposes that the coore,
man shall not vote unless he shall be sezet
in his own right or in the right of his wifi
of freehold of the value of $3.50, a provi
sion which, of course, would cut off min,
hundred and nnety-nine out of every thou
sand colored men in the South The coloret
man cannot vote unless he has q f'reeholt
OF $3.50, but the white rebel who was neyel
worth twenty-five cents, who never pait
poll-taX in his life, never paid an homes
debt, is TO be allowed TO vote. Sir, VIVA
would he the inevitable effect of the adop
tion Of this amendment? 10 cut off such ,
large part Of the colored vote us to leave the
rebel white vote largely in the ascendency
and to put these new State governments
there to be formed again into The hands o.
the rebels. Sir, l will not spend Longer
time upon that.
My friend yesterday alluded to my en-
dorsement of the Presidents policy in a
speech in 1865. never endorsed what is
now called the Presidents policy. In the
s"hiiNi W. io'', w hCi l. odW u COUl-
ing between the President and The Repubii-
can party, and when could not help an
ticipating the direiul consequences that
must result from it, made speech in
which repelled certain statements that had
been made against the President, and denied
the charge that by issuing his proclamation
OF May 20, 1865, he had thereby left the
Republican party. said that he had not
left the Republican party by that act. | did
show that the policy of that proclamation
was even more radical than that of MIR. Lin
coin. | did show that it was more radical
even than the Winter Davis bill of the SUM
mcr Of 1864. But, sir, it was all upon the
distinct understanding that whatever the
President did, his whole policy or action
was to be submitted to Congress for its con-
sideration and decision; and, as before re-
marked, if that had been done, all would
have been well. did not then advocate
universal colored suffrage in the South and
have before given my reasons for it. and in
doing that was acting in harmony with the
great body of the Republican party of the
North. 1t was nearly a year after that time
amendment, which still lett the question of
suffrage with the Southern States, left it
with the white people; and it was not until
year and half after that time that Con-
gress came to the conclusion that we could
not execute the guarantee of the Constitution
without raising up new class of loyal
voters.
And, sir, nobody concurred in that result
more heartily than myself. l confess (and
l do il without shame) that have been edu-
euated by the great events of the war The
American people have been educated rapid
ly; and the man who says he has learned
nothing, that he stands now where he did
six years ago, is like an ancient mile-post by
the side of deserted highway. We, MIR.
President, have advanced step by step.
When this war began we did not contemplate
the destruction of slavery. / remember well
when the Crittenden resolution was passed,
declaring that the war was not prosecuted for
conquest or to oycrturn the institutions of
any state. know that that was intended
as an assurance that slavery should not be
destroyed, and it received the vote, believe,
OF every Republican member in both Houses
OF Congress; but in Il few months after that
time it was found by the events OF war that
we could not preserve slavery and sup
press the rebellion and We must destroy
prosecute the war to de-
stroy slavery, but destroy slavery to pro-
secutc the war Which was the better?
70 stand by the resolution and let the
Union go, or stand by the Union and let the
resolution go! Congress could not stand
by that pledge, and il was .'more honored
in the breach than the observance" Mr..
Lincoln issued his proclamation of emanci-
patton, setting free the slaves of the rebels.
1t was dictated by the stern and bloody cx-
perience Of the times. Mr.. Lincoln had no
choice left him. When we began this con-
test no one thought we would use colored
soldiers in the war. The distinguished SEN
ator sitting by me here Mr.. Cameron when
in the winter Of 1861 he first brought for
ward the proposition, as Secretary Of War,
TO use colored soldiers, was greatly in ad-
vance of public opinion. and was thought
to be visionary; but as the war progressed it
became manifest to all intelligent men that
we must not only destroy slavery, but we
must avail ourselves of every instrumental
ity in our power for the purpose of putting
down the rebellion, and the whole country
accorded in the use of colored soldiers-and
gallant and glorious service they rendered.
In lS64 proposition was brought forward
in this body to amend the Constitution of
the United States by abolishing slavery.
We do not think that this is very radical
now, but it was ve-y radical then; it was
the great measure of the age, and almost of
modern times, and il was finally passed; an
setting free every human being
within the limits Of the United States. Bui,
sir, we were very far then from where we
are now. All will remember the celebrated
Winter Davis bill, passed in June, 1864,
which took the power of reconstruction out
OF the hands OF the President, where it did
not in fact belong before
revere Mr.. Lincoln; but if that bill had
passed it would perhaps have resulted in the
destruction of this Government We can
all see it now, although it was then thought
to be the most radical measure of the times.
What did il propose? 1t proposed to
war should end, by which these rebel
States should be restored. | refer
to that bill simply to show how we
hays all travelled. 1t required but one con-
dilion or guarantee on the part of the South,
and that was that they should put in their
provision prohibiting slavery,
1t required no other guarantee. 1t required
no equalization of representation no secr-
rity against rebel debts, or against payment
for emancipated slaves; and it confined the
right of suffrage to white men. But it was
thought to be great step in advance at the
time; and SO it was. but events were pass
ing rapidly, and in 1865 the President came
forward with his proposition, and | am sta
ting what is true from an examination ofthp
documents when say that, but for the want
ofpower with the President, this scheme in
itself considered was far more radical than
that of the Winter Davis bill but events
were rapidly teaching the statement of the
lime that we could not reconstruct upon
that basis.
Still, Congress was not prepared to take
u forward step until the summer of 1866, in
the passage of the constitutional amend
ment, which we now regard as half way
necessary and vital as far as il
went, but not going far enough. That was
rejected, and we were then compelled to 20
further, and we have now fallen upon the
plan of reconstruction which l have been
considering. 1t has been dictated by the
logic of events. 1t overrides all arguments,
overrides all prejudices, overrides all theory,
in the presence of the necessity for preserv-
ing the life of this nation and if future
events shall determine that we must 60 fur
ther, for one am prepared to say that /
will go as far as shall be necessary TO the
execution of this guarantee, the rec0nstruc-
tion of this Republic upon right basis, and
the successful restoration of every part of
the Union.
Mr.. President, the column of reconstruc-
tioa, as before remarked, has risen slowly.
1t has not been hewn a single stone 1t is