Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1868-01-08
TnE RAFTsMAn's JouRnAl,

costs but little more than that of one that is
empty. In the matter of passengers alone, 1t
Is reasonable to suppose, that the lower the
rates OF fare, the greater will be the num-
Der OF persons to avail themselv es of the
privilege OF railroad transportation The
same is true in regard to freight for the en-
gine that draws half dozen cars, can with
nearly equal facility propel a larger number
Moreover, the road that is worked to its ut
most capacity must necessarily, at very re-
duced rates, acquire greater profits than
one that transacts but a small portion of the
business for which it is competent. The
adoption of system OF uniform rates for
passengers and freight, so graduated as to
be profitable to all Immediately interested
in the use and conduct of such works. would
be productive of decided benefit in lessening
the prices of food, clothing, fuel and ali
the necessaries of life, to. every citizen of
the Commonwealth.
NATIONAL AFFAIRS.
A brief reference to the condition of the
country will be proper, and will doubtless
be expected by all who were earnest in their
desires and cooperation for the suppression
| Of the rebellion, and who are now equally in
| earnest in their wishes and endea vors to Sc
cure an early, final and permanent settle
ment of our national difficulties, upon the
basis of loyalty and patriotism.
Contrary to the hopes OF the great mas
ses OF our people, that portion of the coun-
try which was lately In rebellion has not
yet attained complete tranquility. And
this seems to have been inevitable for all
history teaches us that people who en-
gage in the perpetration of high crimes
cannot entirely nor Immediately escape
their consequences. Nor, perhaps, is it
desirable that they should. However this
IL
cannot be secured until the insurrectionary
State shall resume their original practical
relation to the General Government.
Hour, uhea oad through UhOm this can
be best done, is the great question of the
present.
That the views and conceptions of sim
gle Individual however, high he may beac-
c:dently and temporarily exalted, should be
allowed to control or determine this ques-
ton, cannot for Il moment be conceded.
The Constitution provides that the Uni
ted States shall guarantee to every State in
the Union republican form of government;
and. where the will of the people is the ac-
knowledged law of the land. it requires an
extraordinary amount of political etfrontery
to assume that Chief Executive Of the ma
ton, to any degree or under any cIrcum-.
stances, Is the United States.
And yet in effect or substance, if not In
plain terms, this was assumed shortly after
the surren Ter of Lee and his armed forces
by the President; and he has continued to
act on this "a sumption, even In his late an
nual message, in which, while claiming, in
words unknown to our forefathers and our
institutions, to be the 'e.ected defender
of the people, he arrogantly calls on Con
gress TO immediately strike from the sta
tute books its reconstruction laws.
That Congress will surrender its plan of
reconstruction to this manifesLly despotic
demand, cannot be even imag gined or con-
jectued. That plan, carefully matured as
it was, and fully approved when it was a
direct issue before the people. is eminently
just, wise and patriotic. 1t insists that
men who were loyal in acts during the re-
bellion, or loyal in their feelings, should a
lone participate in the immediate govern
ment of the 'insuuectionary districts.
Going beyond the mere surface, 1t rests ul-
timately on the important doctrine, that
the destinies Of the nation can only be safe
''in the hands of its friends ofthose whose
political and moral natures remain suffi-
ciently pure to feel the impulse of patriot
ism and the obligations of oGths.
That policy which antagonizes the Con-
gressional plan, which has obstructed, and
persstently endeavored to defeat it. first
ignores all these important considerations.
Having done this, it consistently maintains
that those who devised the most infamous
measures of war, and for years reIentlessly
perpetrated, in aid of their purposes, theft
plunder, murder, starvation, and assassina-
E tion-the very leaders of the rebellion
+ should be allowed after their involuntary
failure to possess all the rights and privi-
leges of good citizens. That scheme so
: absurd and dangerous should be sternly op-
, posed by every true patriot, ought to admit
of no doubt. The fact that it has some ad-
vocates renders It more important to suS-
, tain the contrary proposition.
In my inaugural address, 1 said, that
while Pennsylvania will confde in loyal
Congress, she will not hesitate to sustain it
by her influence and power" This | re-
peat. Nor can be induced to change this
purpose; nor do | believe the people of the
State can be, by appeals to the humanita-
rianism of the age and the invocation of
F mercy for those whose attrocious deeds
have darkened the pages of our history. 1t
has been we'll said, 1.-THE pity of the magis-
trate which suffers criminal dangerous to
society to escare from deserved punish
ment, is not mercy, but weakness True
mercy inclines us to pity and relieve the
unfortunate and guilty; but only in accor-
!, dance with justice. And it may well be ad-
ded, that 1t is at least weakness, If not a
crime, to permit unrepentant, and only out
wardly subdued traitors. to exercise the
elective franchise, hold Offices or take part
in the deliberations and legislation of the
nation. Its stability and prosperity, the
welfare of the people now and hereafter,
cannot permit these things to be done.
Individual interests, as well as the gener-
al financial condition of our national affairs
would be greatly benefited by the slmplif-