The national Republican. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1866-1870, 1868-11-13
THE SOUTHERN SITUATION.

One of the most perplex!ng questions
which the incoming administration will
have to grapple with will be the South
ern situation. The antagonisms pro-
duced by the rebellion and by the aboli-
ton Of slavery, and the altered social,
economical and legal status of the freed
men, have preciptated questions Of
very delicate nature-questions which
demand the clearest, most comprehen-
sive and far-seeing craftsmanship to
settle and adjust, with the least possible
injury to individuals, at the same time
securing the best good Of the entire
nation.
The first question that presented itself
after the close Of the war was-and it
still is the question-how shall the Gen.
eral Government deal with the great
mass Of the white people Of the South
who were involved in the attempt to
break up the Union? In considering
this fact Of rebellion and the agen cy
the Southern whites had in it, we can
hardly graduate the degrees Of guilt
which may attach to individuals, and
mete out to each that exact punishment
due from the Government to defeated
rebel. There must be some punishment.
Public justice requires it. What shall
it be? The decision thus far has be en-
political disfranchisement Of a large
number Of the white people Of the South.
Against this decree these men, together
with large numbers Of those in the
North who sympathize with them, have
stoutly protested. They have said this
ostracism is unjust; that at the close Of
the rebellion the States which tried to
secede, and failed, fell back to their
original status in the Union, and were,
therefore, entitled to oil Of their rights
under the Constitution. Upon these de-
mands, both in the North and in the
South. there has been q great deal Of
discussion pro aud con.
One single statement places this whole
question, in our judgment, in its true
light, and it is this-some punishment
mast be visited by the Government upon
those who sought its overthrow. No
one can deny so plain truth. II trea-
son be not crime that merits some kind
Of punishment, we do not see how gov
ernments are to be maintained. A sue
cessful revolution, Of course, lifts those
who are its agents above all punishment;
in short, it makes them heroes, but de-
feated revolutionists must be branded as
criminals and punished as such. All the
punishment inflicted by this Govern
ment upon the unsuccessful revolution
lists OF the South is political disfranchise-
ment, and this only for time, till they
show works meet for repentance. We
do not mean that they forswear them.
selves as an evidence of repentance.
We only mean that they submit to the
laws which are to govern men there, but
not that they shall be the makers of
those laws as they claim. Is there any
thing unjust in this?
We know it is said that people like
those in the South cannot be, and should
not be deprived Of all participation in a
Government to which they pay taxes,
and under which they live. 1t is impos-
sible to hold such people for any
length of time in such subsection. We
see and acknowledge the full force Of
this declaration. We admit its truth, its
whole truth, and have to say that it must
not be limited in its application. II
eight millions of white people cannot be
deprived of the franchise in this coun-
try, how then can four millions OF black
people become the subjects Of such pc.
litical ostracism? The rights Of men do
not grow out Of such Fictitious circum-
stances as color, wealth. intelligence,
and birth.
We are anxious to SIZE at the earliest
day practicable the Southern people in
full possession Of all their political rights,
and our co.equals in the Union irrespec.
tive OF what has occurred in the past.
We are willing to let by.gones be by
cones; but the blacks who have stood by
the Union must at least have the same
rights under it that are accorded to the
whites who sought its overthrow. Is
there any injustice in this?
Why not universal amnesty and uni
versal suffrage rather than any partial
compromises which interfere with nat
ural, political, and civil rights? Com
promises upon oil vital questions apper-
tanning to human rights and liberties are
never satisfactory, and moreover they
are dangerous, and almost always in
volve greater difficulties than those
which they are designed to have, or re-
move.
The incoming Administration must
grapple with and settle these vexed ques-
tons, and we feel full confidence that
it will be done rightfully, righteously,
and satisfactorily, and at IN early day.
BREvET BRIGADIER GENERAL HORACE
Books arrived here yesterday morning,
and at once assumed command Of this
military district, in the place Of General
Candy. General Brooks called on the