The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1868-10-29

Sl0UUU,UUO,UUU. LUG ueC Plouueoi t1s -
of a country is estimated at two and half per
cent. upon the whole property of the country,
This would give us $4o0, ,00O, ,OOU as the Value VI
the net productive industry OF the country.
| Now the taxes received into the Federal treas
ury in 1866 amounted to S559, co., ,o0O IN loo1 70
| $50 600 600. Thus, to say nothing OF the taAes
assessed upon the people and wnlcn heSea
reach the pablo treasury, estlmat@ca @ III IN que que
wear year at from s25O, 900 900 to $500, ,OOO. 700, we
have the figures to show that the taxes uramh y,
from the oeop!c exceed the net productive IN IN
dustry of the country by more than SlUO,Ou0,-
600. Now, can any country flourish wnere the g
taxes thus exceed its net productive lnoussiy -
II is utterly impossible. Tine state OF anai[s =.
indicated is enough to destroy the Industries 8 OF
the land. and to parayze the energies OF the
people. Again: Look at tho enormous eA,
pcnses OF the government since the hadlcal
| party have had control of it. L nave seen ~
estimated that they have expended Ia s Gigho .iiS
wears more than the whole expenses VI .no
government for eighty years down 10 tno WA
And. in addition, observe the large sa,,is mG the
pended for the Frcedmen's bureau anu III, GIe
army-sums rendered necessary by the pohtl-
cal programme of the Radical leaders. ihese
| enormous taxes, loo, let 1t be remeIlocIsu,
como almost exclusively from the lao0rl1e
classes. According to the policy OF the haqio Il.
exempt from the burdens OF taxation, anu
these burdens are to be transferred 10 tne N
shoulders OF the toiling masses. NoW, ~ ~. re
estimated that the amount invested IN tne ne ooo
| ern,ncnt bonds reach the sum OF 81 O,OUu,UUV.
Tho Democracy propose that these pono7
be taxed equally with other properly. -.
The Radical party propose Ar 70 1hurcI vHgHipf pf
New York, has well said, the Radical party,
which set out rs the party OF great moral
IDEAS of free soil and free principles, nave
come 10 be Lut 'bottle.holdcrs TO the Dond-
| holders" ,
z. The last charge that I propose to estab-
lish is, that the Radical party is one OF mon
strous corruption. I affirm that more cor
rupt corps Of officials never -disgraced lhe
country than those in place under the present
Radical req,nlf. Some, no doubt, are good ano
| true men. I refer to the majority OF the set'
| A prominent leader of the Radical party mas
himself honestly borne testimony to the ras-
cality and corruption Of many OF the ofhclals OF
tho country. might cite numerous facts and
illustrations bearing upon this point AS de-
sire to be brief, let one illustration suffice. 1t
is estimated that 90, QUO. 900 gallons OF whiskey
were made in this country in 1867. Ihe tax
upon this article was two dollals per gallon,
and hence the amount that ought TO have gone
from this source iuto the Federal trco sury was
$50, ,0OO,000. But low much actually was re-
ceved into the treasury of this sum! Why
only $50 000 0OO leaving s15O 0Oo, 600 to 60 into
the pockets of the thieviDg scoundrels whom IL
is the mission. Of the Democratic party to
sweep from power. And we have taken but Q
single item of taxation. But, fellow-citizens, l
have said enough on this branch OF my no,
dress. Ihave completed my arraalgnmcnt OF
the Radical party. T have made gooi my
charges. This only have L to add, when
consider the wrongs and outraSes heaped upon
the country by the Radical party. or moro
truly by its leaders-when consider the er-
rors .hhe crimes, the foiiies, tho extravagaucrs
and the co1ruptions of Radicalsm, it seems TO
me that it stands represented and cmbodlcd q
in the person of Catallne, the Roman lncen-
diary and traitor, and the words OF cll SIC
author occur to me: "How long, q Catalina,
wilt thou abuse our patience? How !onS Shall
thy madness outbraye our justice 10 wnat
extremity art thou resolved to push thy unDr-
oled insolence OF guilt"
proceed next to consider the matters de-
cided against US in the late war, TO revlow the
course of reconstruction IN tho South, ana
thus to state the issues that we meet to-day
under the banner OF the National Democracy.
Ever since the establishment, in 17S7, OF our
Federal Constitution, two great parties nave
ever divided the Union, and this division mas
been Lased mainly upon difference OF opin-
ion as to tho true character OF our complex
system of government. The one party, under
Mr. Jeffeison's lead, asserted the State rig hts
theory; tho other, under Mr.. Hamilton, advo-
Gated The national view. The one soeinS dan-
ger in consolidated, centralized power, pro-
claimed tho rights and sovereignty OF the
States, and regarded tins theory as alone con-
sistcnt with the grandeur OF the country ana
the liberty OF the citizens; the other appre-
heLdins anarchy from excessive power III the
States. favored strong central government.
Amid all the party changes that have taken
place in tho country, this issue has always
stood out in bold relief, and drawn the line OF u
demarcalion between contcndin5 parties and
conflicting theories.
On account of their traditional conservatism
and comparative weakness, the Southern States
naturally adhered to the Jeff;rsonic view OF the
govcrnmo t. Ihe question OF State rights be-
came the subject OF debate, and the statesmen
of the South and those Of the North rose 10 the
height Of the great argument, and brought TO
bear upon this point all the resources OF NINA
and oratory, of genius and learning. Dus the
point remained unsettled. We had grown
great and prosperous: had eX' ended our UNITS
from the Northern lakes to the Mexican Gun:
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and still the
true relation between the States and the Gene
raj Government remained unsettled. Finally,
py tho secession Of the Southern States III
1861, the matter was submitted TO the arDltfa-
ment OF the sword; and rs the contest adYanc-
ed, the question OF the continuance OF inc III
stituton OF African slavery WAS submitted to
the slme arbitrament. The lato great war
cnsued.
I do not intend now to enter into the details
Of that gigantic struggle, attended as it was
with displays Of valor. genus and devotion on
both sides, that have compelled worlds ad-
miratior. But 1 will say thnt the loyalty due
to the government we now acknowledge is moi
inconsistent with our fidelity to the memo
ries of the Confederate cause. It may be prem
ature 10 deck with laurels the brows OF the Nv
ing. but not too soon is il to s,rcw with gar-
lands the graves of the dead in the cause.
Though DO monumental pile may rlso to
mark the gratitude or their cOuatrymcn, yet
the pen OF the impartial historian Will record
their virtues and embliZon on Ills pages their
matctlcss hcroism. Yes, VIII say 1t, and
every generous heart will respond to tie senti-
meuI: Honor. uadynG honor to the men who,
in tho lost cause" ful in the detcnce OF their
principles, and in the Inc of their duty.
Upon fame's eternal clmpnS grou.d
Their silent teuts are spread,
And honor guards with sIieun round
I be bivouac Of the dead
But, my friends, our Confederate cause is
lost. The sword of the peerless Lee rests idly
in its scabGard, and tic sabres OF our dashinS
Generals arc rusting III their scabbards. We
stand by the grave Of our lost cause and high
aspirations, and the tendency is TO losc our
selves in vain regret and 10 grow nerycless III
painful reflections. But the Claims OF the lly-
ing-thc demands OF the hour-arc pressing
upon w., and it becomes us promptly and
bravcly 10 meet the duties and tho RESPONSE
bllities OF the present.
For one, am not disposed to take dead
issue from its grave. | accypt the results OF