Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-07-21


destiny In peace and war, to determine
It's relations, foreign and domestic, and
70 stand before the American people as
the greatest guarantee for the future pre-.
eminence, glory aud prosperity Of the
repuohc.
And which, my friends, which Of these
two assertions shall we believer If we
believe that the negroes are not able TO
make their own contracts, we have the
twoihirds vote of the Congress OF the
United States as the authority for our
belief. IL we believe that the negroes do
not know the value of their own labor, we
have the same authority for our belief.
Ii we believe that the negroes are not
able to take care OF the dependent, the
aged, the in6rm, we have the same au-
thority for our belief. II we believe that
the negroes are not able to take care Of
their own education, we have the same
authority for our belief. And II, relying
upon this authority, we do believe these
things to be true, and then believe that
people that is not able TO make its own
contracts, that does not know the value
OF its own labor, that does not take care
sf Che dependent, the aged, the in6rm,
that does not attend to its own educa-
tional interests; if we believe, / say,
that such a people, so degraded, is not
able to govern itself, we have the COM
mon sense of all mankind the world over
as the authority for our belief Now
then, in the name of this belief, and the
common sense upon which it is based,
can we regard negro suffrage and su-
premacy in one.third Of the Republic as
guarantees of safety and permanence to
our Government How can we increase
our strength by increasing the elements
of weakness?
But perhaps it may be partisan preju-
dice that blinds my understanding and
leads me to these conclusions And yet,
/ did not create the Freedmen's Bureau.
| did not issue the orders fixing the price
of labor for free American negroes in the
years 1865 &C CT and '68. / did not
raise steam from the sweat of free Amer
lean white men in the boilers of any
Southern railroad, to carry free Ameri.
can negroes as public paupers, free of
charge, to any point of the compass in
the length and breadth of the land. |
did not erect hospitals and boats out of
public moneys, without law and without
authority, for the maintenance of idle
and starving free American negroes. /
did not rob New England of its old maids
to instruct free and Independent Ameri
can negroes in their A B Cs, at public
charge. did not do these things. And
how can / shut my eyes to these facts
when / am called upon to make up my
judgment with reference to the individual,
social and political capacity of these free
and independent American negroes, and
thence Estimate the effect of their politi.
cal action upon the peace, permanence
and glory Of my country No, my
friends, my prejudice did not create these
facts Black as the objects to which
they refer, and blacker than these in the
eyes of the outraged law, the violated
Constitution of our country, in defiance
of which they exist, they are, neverthe-
less, facts. Silently they gnaw the vitals
of the republic. Lawlessness in Con-
gress, idleness, thriftlessness and prosti.
tuition of every virtue among the degraded
objects of the national bounty, these are
but few of the gigantic evils that cast
their shadows deep over the horizon of
the future. / cannot see safety. | can
not see permanence. cannot see glory
and prosperity for the future of my coun-
try in these laws.
But if such is the irresistible conclu-
sion from these premises and facts, how
is that conclusion affected by con-
sideratien of the concomitant measures
1.-THE disfranchisement of the political
intelligence of the South ?" If the addi-
ton OF four millions of people, hitherto
slaves, to the active political citizenship
of the country be in itself measure Of
extremely doubtful value, when viewed
in relation to the future strength OF the
Government, what shall we cay when we
consider that it is not merely an addi-
ton. but substitution Not merely
clog of ignorance added to the existing
intelligence of the land, but an absolute
substitution Of that ignorance for intelil-
gence-of the clog for the wheel. Intel
ligence, brains govern, says Wendell
Phillips, and so do believe. But is it,
therefore, wise to knock the brains out OF
ten States of the Union in a Govern
ment where the people must govern
themselves, or not be governed at all 7
The poor fowl at the block with its head
severed evinces abundant action; but
when the galvanic capacity is gone, it is
a mere spssmodic, convulsiye flutter. In
this behold the counterpart to the poiti-
cal action of these ten States during the
last two years. But, perhaps, you say,
while it is true that in accordance with
the nature and theory of our Govern
ment the disfranchisement of intelli-
gence, and the enfranchisement of igno-
rance, are to be deprecated, and cannot
be regarded in any sense and under any
circumstances AS a guarantee OF safety
yet, may it not, be that the particular
intelligence under consideration has
become so vitiated by corrupt principles,
so alienated in its affection from the
principles upon which the republic is
founded, that its disfranchisement be-
comes a necessity
The answer to this question depends
upon the view we take of the object OF the
war. Ifthe object Of the war was to destroy
the republican form of government, and
to erect in its stead q monarchical or kin
dred form of government, then the leaders
of the war, or rather the leaders of the
entire political movement, have sinned
against republican institutions. If this
was the object Of the war then they have
shown themselves unworthy to be trusted
with the elective franchise-the lever of
political power in the hands ofthe citizen.
If this was the object of the war, then
they have shown themselves bastard sons
of the Republic, who should be cast forth
into theI wilderness never to inherit with
the legitimate sons ofthe Safe. Ifthis was
the object Of the war, then their affec-
tions have become alienated, their prin-
ciples and minds corrupted, and never