New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1868-09-04
Nv EpLSrLE TO GOOD PEOPLE.

We have been asking answers for week
mast. if not longer, how good man can posi-
bly, vote the Democratic ticket at the approach
ing Presidential election, and the question
seems precisely fitting one to put to the good
people themselves. We want it understood
that we are not denying that there are honest
and even pious men among the Democrats
our query only touches the chow" We are
anxious TO know the mental and moral pro
cesses by which genuine goodness reaches a
position on the Democratic platform; and IL
our honest friends will give us moment or
two in private, and allow us to use little
cpistoary directness, we will state our troubles.
If we have now come together, and you are
honest and good, and we are candid inqulrers,
allow us to believe that you hold in adherence
the system of Slavery which the late
war swept away. We must take this
for granted. as we do your honesty.
I'm the light of these days, we are sure you
would not reanact the horrors of the past, and
put back Slavery into the heart of the law,
whose idea is mingled of justice and purity,
and whose prOudest Office it is to maintain the
rights Of all, especially Of the weak. Do not
tell us we are reviying dead and buried issues I;
that TINS style Of talk belongs to the past. We
thought so, too, till quite lately; but we were
clearly mistaken. 1t seems that even the most
fragrant wrongs when once grown into mems
passions and prejudces and interests, have
even more lives than a cat--are harder to Kill
than the snake, which, however perfectly slain
early in the morning, will, it is said, persist in
moving its tail till sunset. The giant blows of
Grant at the head of the Union hosts, have
stretched Slavery on its back throughout the
length of its recent domain but the day is
long-the sunset delays to come.
To vote for Seymour and Blair is to vote for
Slavery-not indeed, as a thing actually exist
ing in due form, but in spirit and in the alb
stnct This "sum of all yianies,' alarmed
for its life, kndled the fires of revolution, and
gave It's myriads of citizens to Moloch. 1t
supped on horrors, and rose from every repast
with a lleener appetite; but the waiting victims
proved too numerous, and it fell n sacrifice to
its own crimes While il had formal exist
ence, tho Democratic party loved it we'll
waited on it, sung its praises with ecstacy, and
knew no higher authority. At that time how
ever, it was able to pay for its honOrs, and the
worship rendered it found its justification in
self-interest. If it kicked its yotaries about as
it liked, as suited its mood, it made cOnpensa-
ton with golden corn from the official crib, or
with some Office provided with separate crib
of its own Devotion to Slavery under such
circumstances was only irvrr;d form
of selishness Bat 10 love it now. when
it is little more than shadow or
a memory, when its head has been mashed and
it can only shake its defiant tail to indicate
lingering life, is TO give it the heartto love its
idea, and to honor it for iS own dear sake.
Is not this the precise position of the Seymour
and Blair partyf Is not that party made up of
the disciples Of Peace, with every genuine War
Democrat counted ont, and the actual Rebels
the men who for the sole sake of Slavery, ven
tured their allY Yes, the Convention of the
Fourth Of July was n gathering of mourners
for Slavery. It's platform said " LET us restore
80 the lost cause the cause whose chief beau
:" ties were the auctiOn-bloc and tho fierce red
{" lash let us tear power from the clutch of
{" the foes of Slavery; let us undo the work Of
" reconstruction, u product of malignant hos
" tility to Slavery; lie us repudiate the debt
"made In crushing Slavery; let us restore to
"power the beaten friends of human bondage
"let us remand the wickedly Ienfranchsed
Blacks, who dared to sympathize with their
"delrerers, and TO bear arms against their
Town sacred bondage, to the tender mercies of
their old masters rf..fr
Dear brethren, honest and earnest, are not
these words tiuef Are not the intent and
quality OF the Convention precisely the same rs
those of the Rcbellionq Have Wade Hampton,
and Forrest, and Semmes, repented of their
crimes against Libefty2 Do they not rather
glory in their infamy, 'and insist on converting
it into fame, by means of their Democratic
allies7 Is not this pride and this purpose most
cordially met by the Democratic party of the
North9 Was not the spirit of the shareholders
Rebellion the ruling and characterzing spirit
of the Conventions Did it not seem to be a
Convention OF ex-Rebels with their Northern
brethren simply present and aiding7 Is not
such movement an effort to stop and even to
reverse the progress Of Civilizations reaction
in favor of political philosophy which gave
laboring men the name of mud-sills" which
declared it essential to good Government
that capital should own labor, whether White
or Black1 Honest men! good men and true
ye who put morality and justice as much above
the claims of party as heaven above earth
ye who pity the oppressed and glory in turning
slaves into people can yOu bring yourselves to
accept the spirit OF this Convention, and, along
with Hampton and Forrest and their Demo
cratic followers, vote to honor and exalt, OF
even to pallate,ithe crimes of the Rebellion 7
Our question is not how an honest Southern
man can vote the Seymour ticket. His whole
life has been colored by Slavery, and his
prejudces hold him in thrall without his
suspecting it. We are not puzzled by the
course of men who know nothin ne higher