Nashville union and dispatch. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1866-1868, 1868-01-09

iAE O8 tlEuaiOI AAhAstAdT NIaAA
man Of the Senate Military Committee, Ci
the case of Stanton's suspension from th'
Office Of Secretary OF War, was made 4
the Senate on the 7th inst. Its extrem'
length-coyering more than one hundred
sheets of foolscap-excludes il from ou
columns. We present below a synopsis
giving the principal points made and dis
cussed:
After reciting the circumstances Of the
suspension of Secretary Stanton by th'
President on the 18th Of August, and tbs
appointment Of Gen. Grant as Secretary o
| War, ad interim, the report cites the se'
eond section Of the tenureof Office bill, il
order to show that Congress intended tC
prevent such a removal except for miscon'
duct in Office, or on account of some phys
ical or mental ineapacity, or some legal
disqualification. The act requires that
before the President can order such sus-
pension he shall have evidence satisfactory
to him that some one of these causes exists
he must be satisfied by evidence, and the
evidence must be such as tends to establish
the existence of some one of these distinct
ly enumerated causes, and not merely
that there is a difference of opinion be-
tween him and the incumbent, or of mere
mutual dislike Both are, by the oonstitu-
tion, but officers of the law, bound to per-
form for the people the duties imposed by
law, and one is bound to no greater extent
than the other. Their duties may greatly
I;ae,, : ~ y,,blfc ;r,rorta,,oa IN,,t fha phli0a
tion is exactly the same. 1t is to the law
that each is responsible. The frst princi-
pie Of constitutional government involves
this responsibility, and no official, how
ever high, is above the law, or entitled,
under our system, 10 claim for himself i'm
peccability or immunity that monarchical
principle finds no place in the republican
system under which we live, and he who
seeks to resort TO il, seeks 10 destroy lib
erty.
The committee say they do not propose
TO discuss the constitutionality ofthe tenure
of Office act, but contend that the President,
by his proceeding now under consideras
tioD, has recognized its binding force. He
has adopted it as a rule Of his conduct by
actually using and employing a power
created and existing only by the act itself,
the power Of suspension, and it only ren
mains for the committee TO give their views
of the suficiency of evidence and reason
upon which he relies to justify his action.
The report then proceeds to analyze the
Presidents message to Congress on the sub
ject of Stanton's suspension, and adds, the
fact was already made public by Mr.. John
son himself, that in the Cabinet council
proceedings in June, Mr.. Stanton had dis4
sented from the opinion of the Attorney
General in reference to the true meaning
and effect of the reconstruction acts of
March I'd and March 23d, 1867, which
opinions Mr.. johnson had adopted and
acted upon. The whole country had seen
that if these opinions were carried out in
practice, az Mr.. johnson proposed they
should be, and as he had instructed his
subordinates to carry them out, the plain
intention of Congress in regard 10 the re-
construction of the Rebel States would be
defeated.
Mr. Stanton had expressed his dissent
from these opinions, and refused to cOun-
tenance an artifce which had occasioned
the assembling of Congress on the Sd of
July. Congress, 10 the exclusion of all
other business, passed, at that meeting, the
third act of reconstruction, setting aside
the dangerous interpretations, by the At
torney General, of the second of the pre-
Yioua acts. As he had done TO the former
bills, Mr.. johnson vetoed this bill. Also,
il was as notorious as three elaborate Vetoes,
aided by his speeches and conversation and
the corps Of presses working in his interest
conld make it, that he was strongly OPP
posed TO everything Of the kind, and
that he intended to render all such legisla-
tion abortiYe. He had net only used his
influence and patronage to that end, but
had strenuOusly opposed, denounced, and
endeavored to defeat, and even vetoe, the
amendment to the constitution, known as
article fourteen, passed in June, 1866, and
intended at the time as basis of recon-
struction. His whole course Of conduct
was VIGOROUSLY in open and violent an
tagonism 10 the will of the nation as ex-
pressed by the two Houses Of Congress.
Mr.. Stanton, on the other hand, having
in view the faithful execution of these acts
while they were laws of the land, he would
net seek to defeat their object by any
means, direct or indirect. He had good
reason to believe, and did believe, that il
he resigned his post, Mr. Johnson would
Gil the vacancy by the appointment of
some person in accord with himself in his
plan Of obstruction and resistance TO the
will Of Congress. Such an appointment,
by the constitution, would have remained
in force ill the end of the session of the
Senate.
The report continues: 1t was undonbt.
edly the aim Of Mr.. johnson, if we may
Judge from his previous conduct, to avail
himself if practicable, Of that lapse of time
to carry ont his scheme of obstruction, and
by every means in his power, and they
were many, to hinder and thwart the in
tended operation and effect of these statutes /:
and then, when bluntly asked TO resign.
under pretext of public consideration of
high character, Mr.. Stanton refused TO
yield his assent TO such consideration. and
strongly and manfully opposed them. The
duty was incumbent upon him TO resist
their accomplishment, by remaining at his
post and seeking TO execute those statutes
faithfully and efectually. The report saws
that if the President is TO become the final
and infallible Judge Of what public inter
ests require Congress and its laws are
nothing, and however wanton and wicked
he may be, il becomes official misconduct TO
differ with him in opinion and make known
to him this difference.
The committee then ask, is Mr.. johnson
serious in this most arbitrary assumption
Can he no longer brook TO be told that his
course is wrong? Does he regard mere
difference of opinion as to the propriety of
carrying out the Legislation of Congress
official misconduct II would seem so
from the position he takes; but we can't
coun;enance a doctrine so absolute and des-
potic. 1t is not merely a step towards
tyranny, but is itself the essence oftTranny.
The report enlarges upon these points,
and then pays warm tribute to Mr. Stan.
ton, as follows
We recognize in his refusal no miscon-
duct, no fault but, on the contrary, we
are Oi opinion that in so doing he con-
suited both his duty and the best interests
Of the country. During the late bloody
civil war his eminent talents, his patriots
ism, his vigilance, his untiring devotion 10
the country, and his unhinching determi-
nation TO put down the rebellion. had lust
ly entitled him 70 the gratitude and admi-
ration of the country. In the worst oftimes
ne was true and faithful. When many
others seemed TO despair, his fortiuude was
unshaken; when defeat and DISCOURAGE
ment darkened the land he was not an
palled. hut his Oenius pierced the rloor,