Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1868-05-01

proposed, so has he, IL that were possible,
more strongly opposed the second plan Of
reconstruction, now 10 process Of execution,
in defance Of his personal and official hos
tility. This general aspect Of his course, in
setting himself up against the will OF the
nation-ior we say there is no other political
nation than Congress, where two-thirds of
that body are 10 unison projecting his
personality, his Viilfulness, his peryerseness,
his defiant oDstiaaey, IN resistance to the
public veal, and in behalf Of a conquerd but
still hostile and rebelliOus population-this
general political aspect of his conduct, we
say, lifts the question Of impeachment far
above the fogs which rurround the technical
treatment of its details-details confusing TO
the Judgment OF many minds, and which,
however important in their place, arc really
wholly subordinate to the main issue In the
case. Tht great leading fact which history
viii regard and posterity interpret as the
true and Just cause Of President johnson $
removable he be removed, the Justification
for his condemnation if he be condemned, is
the faetthat he went over 20 the side Of the
Rebels m the final contest rs to the terms
on whith their hostility should cease and
they themselves retake their place in the
Government Of the country. On this vital
question the voice Of the nation was one way,
and tie voice Of Andrew johnson of Tenn
essee was against that way. And because
thatopposition took the form Of active
hostility and obstruction, preventing the
FIRST and imperilincthe second act Of restora-
tiop. and needlessly and dangerously pro-
longing our civil disorders, he was re.
moved.
AS to whether Mr. Stanton falls within
tho scope of the Civil Tenure act; as to Mr..
johnson s pleadings that be and his Cabinet
held that act tobe unconstitutional; as 10
whether Mr.. Wade will make a perfect
President, or viii appoint good Cabinet;
as TO whether an inpeachable offense must
be penal oiiene; rs to whether Mr. John
son cannot, by aiy ingenious possibility, be
supposed to have lad no bad intent in what
he has done; ano whether a variety Of other
minor considerations cannot be raised to
poster and befoe 0vereareful and dainty
minds-we must hold them to be things soon
to be consigned Il fhe limboof forgetfulness
They will be hereafter overlooked by the eye
Of history and craftsmanship under the
illumination of be one great historic fact
that Andrew johnson substantially Joined
the Rebels at a catical period; that he resist
ed the will of hebountry, and opposed all
its various terms and proposition OF the re
construction of tlk rebcllious States. This
constituted his gleat and moral oiFense. To
be sure, be perslnally &isgraced his high
Office by shamefulharang ngues, and he claimed
the right to defy the laws when itsuited his
pleasure, and did sustain his defiance by
force, and did dvioate them in a conspicuous
instance, so declared with great unanimity
By the Senate; but lis greater ofense was
that he undertook tGmake himself an oh
struction, and did oEtruct in a most in
furious manner thj paciGeation Of the
country after bloody aud desolating war,
during long period of time, when the
urgent interests of place, and justice, aud
national prosperity dsmanded the pacihca
ton
These are the solid grounds and foundation
for impeachment nowtand forts justification
hereafter. Ifconvicion fails, as we believe
it should not, and vii not fail, it must be
because few minds Will have conceived their
conclusions from catain legal, technical,
perhaps preirdieed, aspects Of the case, un-
known it even may De 10 themselves. and
that thus its failure viii have TO be imputed,
not to the motives ofi eonsiderate statesman
ship, but to those more contracted views
from which every consideration Of public
utility, and every high reason Of state
imperatiyely demand the subject should be
freed. - ~ T. Tribune