New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1868-03-07
THE IRISH QUESTION.

The vote in the House Of Commons, renew.
ing the suspension of the Habeas Corpus in
Ireland, on application of the British Ministry,
is formal declaration by the English Govern
ment that Ireland is still in q state of chronic
instruction. The Saturday Rerier, 10y way of
proving that the suspension is a mere matter
of form, assures us that during the past year
"only 205 persons were detained in custody un-
:. a. a.. - - ----
"ment. and, if the arrests caused by the out
"break in March are deducted, there remain
"154 OF the whole number of 2Gj, fifty have
"been prosecuted to conviction, and there
"must therefore, have been evidence on winch
&" they could have been apprehended III the OF
| culinary course of law The number OF those
Z" who have been acquitted is not stated, but at
"present only 9G prisoners are detained under
"tbe actr simultaneously with this left
handed demonstration that Fenianism is not
80 much of a deluge after all" two pamphlets
on the Irish Question are published-one, 10y
ally blind respectfully stupid, and conserva-
lively weak, by Earl Russell and the other,
vigorous, profound, and falling barely short of
yindication of Ireland's claim to nationality,
by the most radical of English Refomers, as
we'll as the most esteemed of her publicists,
John Stuart Mill. Both the pamphlets agree
in representing the Irish question as one of
imminent danger and difficulty. Earl Russell
prefaces his few and feeble conclusions by
long, desultory, and not very forcible selection
of facts and assertions relative to the history
of England's course toward Ireland, which may
satisfy those who are predisposed to be con-
WINGED Of the infalibility of British statesman
ship. In the main, Earl Russell thinks that,
while the generations of Englishmen now dead
were rather disposed to Cypress the race OF
Irishmen now modering in the dust, the course
of the present government and people of En-
gland toward Ireland has been distinguished
by all the beatitudes that shine so luminously
in the characters of British n0blemen
and gentlemen. Since the years of the
potato rot and the famine, in which the pOpu-
lation of Ireland diminished about two millions,
OF one fourth of the total, and still larger
number required poor relief, Earl Russell
thinks the condition of the Irish has improved.
He objects to abolishing the Established Church
in Ireland, because if this be done the farmer
will find no demand for his eggs and butter
" from resident Protestant clergyman; the
peasant will have no charitable assistance
+" from theIwife and daughters of the clergy
"mann OF all the reasons which have yet
been adduced why the Irish people should main
tain church which imparts no religious in
struction whatever to Dineteen-twenteths of
the people, none can compare with this given
by Earl Russell, viz: the ability Of the Protest
ant cergymcn to consume the eggs and butter
of the Irish farmers, and the willingness of the
clergyman's wife and daughters TO disburse in
charity to the people who are compelled to
support them paltry pittance of the enormous
revenues which they have done nothing to
earn. Earl Russell distinctly declares that the
Irish people can afford to pay something to
have here and there gentleman live in their
country. After such an argument we are not
surprised to read Earl Russels statement that
he will not condemn Mr.. Disraeli if lie shall
fail to do what he believes TO he required
for the relief of Ireland, since he
(RusselD, during the many years of his long
connection with the British Government in
various capacities declared and believed many
things to be necessary for the same purpose,
but had never attempted TO put any of them
in practice. Earl Russelrs pamphlet may he
regarded as the strongest justification of Fe-
nianism yet published, since nothing better de-
magistrates The right Vi tue IEish 70 rule lgela4d
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