New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1868-01-30
THE ALABAMA CLAIMS.

Notwithstanding the assurance recently made
both from Washington and from London, that
the discussion of the Alabama claims has come
to final stop. in consequence OF the failure OF
Mr.. Seward and Lord Stanley to agree upon u
basis of arbitration, We by no means despair
of speedily arriving at settlement oi this Nex-
atious controversy. 1t will be remembered that
the British and American Governments agreed
upon all the points to be submitted except one
They were both ready to leave some neutral
power to decide whether Great Britain had
been guilty of such negligence III allowing the
Alabama and other Confederate vessels to leave
her ports as to be morally responsible Tor the
damages committed by them; and should the
decision be against the British Government,
they were both willing that the amount
of indemnity should be settled by a mixed
commission. So far all was well; but Mr.. Seward
insists. beside, that the conduct of Great
Britain in prematurely recognizing the Con-
federacy az belligercnt, thereby filling the
Rebels with encouragement, and enabling their
cruisers to find rights OF shelter IN foreign
ports. was also a grave wrong to the United
States, and must be- taken into consideration
as a part of our case. Here tie difficulty
arises. Lord Stanley positively refuses to adj
nit this point lie ia reminded that We do not
require a decision of this question 10y the court
of arbitration. We do not ask him To allow
a foreign Power to pronounce upon the pro-
pricty of the national policy of his country.
We only insist upon the privilege OF submit
ting that policy az part of the argument iii
our favor. We want to lay it before the court,
not as a point ut issue, but simply as evidence.
Ia uO
only he must hear the whole story before he'
pronounces his decision. But Lord Stanley is
obstinate. No, he says j am sure that we are
right; therefore | will have no reference OF
this point to an arbiter
Mr.. Stewards position is undoubtedly sound
one, and if the British Government should
prove resolute, there would be small prospect
of an amicabe settlement. But we cannot be-
lieve that ministry which has shown on sew
eral occasions disposition to be Just toward
the United States will persist in being unjust
in this instance. Government in Great Britain
is the creature of public opinion even more
absolutely than in the United States; and the
current Of opinion is setting strongly in favor
of an acceptance of the American proposals.
Lord Hobart has written "A vigorous letter to
The Times, urging Lord Stanley to recede from
his position, and limiting at the calamitous
consequences which may follow from
his obstinacy; and The Saturday Rerier,
never one OF our friends, shows how
inconsistent the conduct of Great Britain
in recognizing the Confederacy was with the
precedents Of her own history, aud argues that,
whether right or wrong, that conduct ought by
all means to be submitted TO arbitration
Whether it was right or wrong is precisely one
of the principal subjects in dispute and If such
subjects cannot be referred to the friendly
Judgment of neutral power, then arbitration
| il delusive, and when nations fall out there is
! nothing left for them but iron-clads and Par
| rott guns In other words, Great Britain as
sumes to decide material part of the contro-
versy in her own favor, and is willing to take
the risk Of war, reprisals, OF permanent un-
| friendliness, rather than accept our frank offer
| to leave the whole matter To n disinterested
umpire. That the British public have perceived
the illogcalness and danger Of their position
| is an indication of returning reason which in
spires us with great hopes. We make little
doubt that Lord Stanley will be compelled to
yield, and dispute fraugbt with great peril
to both countries will soon be put at rest.
y