The Hancock Jeffersonian. [volume] (Findlay, Ohio) 1857-1870, 1868-08-07

Ss
believed that this glorious fabric
reared by the wisdom of the fathers
existed at the mere will of such bad
men as chose to overthrow it. That
lis the first contrast. AS the war
progressed, men wererequired. Gen.
Grant invoked re-enforcements for
himself and for the army of the North.
He recommended voluntary enlist
ments. He recommended the draft.
He had no doubt about the power of
the Government to draft men and
compel them to fight for the protec-
ton of the Government which pro-
tected them.
How was it with Mr.. Seymour ?
Mr.. Seymour held that the draft was
Unconstitutional He so declared.
He held that the Government had no
power to compel the Involuntary ser
vice. of the people, and that, if vol
untary enlistments ceased, the Gov
ernment must perish, or must make
terms with those who were in arms
against it. Who was the wisest man
there2 After some time it was dis
covered that the policy of the war
widened and deepened. 1t was dis
covered that the Institution of slavery
stood in the way and must be de-
stroyed as q means Of overthIowing
the rebellion, and upon that the op;n
ions of both these men are upon rec
ord. Gen. Grant expressed his opin-
ions, and he declared tnat slavery was
standing in the way of the restora-
tion of the Government-I read as
printed. During the progress of the
war, and even in advance of the
craftsmanship of Lincoln and his
Cabinet, Gen. Grant foresaw the
necessity of emancipation, not only
as a means of suppressing the re-
bellion, but as q means to the future
peace the the country, and on the
Both of August, 1862, he addressed
q letter to Mr.. Washburn of Illinois,
in these words:
"YICKsBURG, MISS, Aug. 80, '62.
"DEAR SIR: The people need not
quarrel over the institution of slave
Try. What Vice President Stephens
acknowledges as the corner, ,stoneof
the Confederacy is already knocked
out. Slavery is already dead and can
not be resurrected. 1t would take a
standing army to maintain slaveryin in
the Soulful we were to makepeace to-
day. q / never was an Abolitionist-
not even what could be called anti-sla-
very; but try to judgefairly and hon.
estly, and it became patent to my mind
early in the rebellion, that the North
and South could never live in peace
with each other, as one nation, with
slavery. lam anxious to see peace
established, As anxions as am for
peace, would not therefore be will
ling to see any settlement until this
question is settled"
Just about the same time Horatio
Seymour made speech upon this and
other subjects. He says: ''If it is
true that slavery must be abolished
to save the Union, then the people of
the South should be allowed to with
draw themselves from the Govern
ment which can not give them the
protection guaranteed by its terms"
i This is the language of Seymour.
Lincoln declared after Grant, that
il he could save the Union with
slavery, he would save it if he could
save the Union by partial destruc-
ton of slavery, he would save it; but
il necessary to the preservation of
the Union, he would overthrow slave
ry altogether. And is there patri-
otic man here, whatever might have
been his feelings as to slavery, who
does not feel to day that the institu-
ton of slavery ought to have per-
ished rather than that the Republic
should be dissolved and broken up?
But Horatio Seymour says 'If
it is true, as Grant says; if it is true,
as Lincoln says; if it is true, as the
great body Of the American. people
state, that slavery must be abolished
to save the Union, then the people of
the North should be allowed to with
draw themselves from the Union"
He says if the Union can not be
saved without slavery, then perish!
Let the South go! There is another
contrast between the craftsmanship
and patriotism of the two men.
That is not all. AS the war pro-
lgressed, Gen. Grant insisted that
there WAS but one way of terminating
lit; that there was but one way OF
saving the Union. and that way was
to slight it out on this line, if it took
him all Summer" Cheers.
| What was the opinion of Mr.. Sey-
mour? twas compromise, concess-
lion, and supplication! Horatio Sey-
mour, the nominee of the Democratic
lparty for the Presidency in 1868,
4 was the President of the Democratic
National Convention in 1864. Ineed
not call up to your mind the resolu-
Ition passed by that Convention, that
as the war had failed to restore the
Union we must resort to negotia-
/. tions. Ineed not call up, either, to
the minds of those men who were
! then wearing the uniform of the
country, what q thrill of sorrow that
: craven declaration carried in the army
t where it was read. That's so! ]
: was there! The representatives Ol
. the great Democratic party Of the
: country assembled at Chicago, and
!, confessed that the nation had not the
8 power to put down the rebellion
9 Confessed that the only hope of saw
o ing the Republic was to withdraw
), these men to the north line of th,
Ohio, and get down upon our knees
; and beg rebels to live with us again
r Horatio Seymour was the Presiden
s 1of that Convention. 1t spoke hi
yjsentiments. And that is anothe
:. contrast. One says, This Union mus
y be saved! Perish slavery! Th
d other say, II the Union can't b
) saved without destroying slavery
o perish the Unioni The one says
1--we will fight this out on this line
y it takes us all Summer Yes, an
!, all Winter The other says, W.
q can't pnt down the rebellion by fore
If Of arms let US pray! Prolonge
n cheers and laughter. In these cor
trssts you have the character of thes
two men and the character of thei
# craftsmanship, irrespective Of a
% other considerations.
nj ur