The Hancock Jeffersonian. [volume] (Findlay, Ohio) 1857-1870, 1868-09-18

son why We should not borrow money
on terms equally advantageous as
those on which the monasteries of the
Old World-now tottering on. their
neither foundations-are, and have
been, able to borrow. We shall, as
we have right to do, by deferring the
payment of the principal of our debt
for forty years, leave it to be paid by
a people numbering not less than
l40,0oo,0Oo, Taking the nation in
the aggregate, its population has in
creased as follows:
In 1870 We had 3.929. .s27 Inhabitants.
la lsD0 We had ,3O5 1857: ratio of increase
l36 45-lOO per cent
]" Is2O we had 9,6ss. .lsl; ratio of increase
33 - loo per cent
In 1880 We had 1896 G10: ratio OF Increase
80 49 100 per cent
f, In lS.O We had IL .OS9 453; ratio Of increase
| q 67-l00 per cent.
1 ln ls50 We had -, l93 SID; ratio Of increase
| IS S1-I00 per cent.
In 1850 we had 81 ,43I 200; ratio Of increase
| 5S loo per cent.
Average decimal increase; $500 100 per
lent.
As>uming that this ratio will continue: ip
$50 we should have 42.S25.8I1
L la lSsQ, So 9oo.1ih
| I'm 1880. Is.67T.s79
| I'm 1900, los 1ea. AIS
In 1910, 133.eiS SIG
This brings us about to the period
when the forty years bonds will be
,ayable. We may safely assume that
5he wealth of the nation will increase
1t n still greater ratio. To such a
people, with the immense wealth they
will have accumulated, the national
debt will be but a bagatelle. The
present generation will not be in debt
to the future, when all things are con-
Iidered. We shall hand down to
them a heritage of freedom, of reli-
zion, liberty, law, science and inven-
tion,, which the gold of GOlconda
would be too poor to buy.
l would here close my argument,
but l have yet said nothing upon what
is termed the lnair issue, if, indeed,
one issue such as we now have before
us can be more important than anoth-
er. The issues of the war are seeking
their solution, and let me congratulate
you, my countrymen, that this solu
ton may be drawn from the ballot
box rather than the cartouch box. ]
cannot help thinking that the disa-
sreement between the Executive and
Legislative branches of the Govern
ment has originated, not so much OF
what should be done, as in that OF
who should do it. At the close OF
war we all agreed with the President
that by their rebellion, the insurgent
States had lost their civil governments.
The President positively forbid,
through his military officers, their
Governors and Legislators exercising
any official function, under penalty of
arrest and imprisonment. There
were the old geographical boundaries
of States-there were communities OF
of people, but they had no civil gov
ernments. BY the fourth section of the
fourth article of the Constitution of
United States was requested to give
them governments republican in form.
They could only be regarded as ter
ritories having the requisite population
to become States. The former prac-
tice of the government had been to
pass enabling acts to bring in such
new States. Michigan and California
had come in without such acts, but
under Congressional Legislation ad-
hitting them as States.
In this state of things the President
most unfortunately must have conceiv-
ed the idea, that under his military
powers as commander-in-chief of the
army, he was authorized to reconstruct
these broken-down corporations whose
protection had been forfeited-not
only by violation, but by nonuser.
This he attempted during the inter
mission of Congress. The result was
that, upon its rcassembling, many of
the most bitter rebels, unwashed of
heir crimes, were returned to Con-
yress. Among them were Alexander
Vice President of the Con-
ederacy &c, &C., Herschel V. John |
ion, ex-rebel Senator, William Ora
lam ditto, Coole of North Carolina, al
,ebel Legislator, Perry rebel Judge,
Manning a volunteer aide on Beau
regards staff, served in the assault on
Sumpter and at Manassas; Alcorn,
IN officer in the rebel militia Battle,
, rebel General Foster, an ex-rebel
Cook and Wolferd,
rebel Generals; Reynolds and Pin
sar, rebel Colonels; Harrison and
Fuller, rebel Congressman; Turner a
rebel Colonel; Brown, who voted
for the secession of his State, as
member of the Convention Kennedy
a rebel Colonel; McGowen rebel
General; Farrell a Congressman !;
Stuart and Conrad, members of the
Secession Convention of Virginia.
Indeed it was remarkable, in this first
effort at Reconstruction, disloyalty to
the Government had stood at high
premium. The President informed
Congress in his message that the
work of Reconstruction would be
completed by the admission of these
representatives. Copgresssaid, "Where
are your back seats? These men are
neither fit for pit nor gallery-much
less for the dress circle. You have
brought us in delegation of men
who are neither legal themselves, nor
do they represent legal constituency.
We thought you had seats reserved
for them somewhere in the back part
of the house. These are traitors-con.
spirators fresh from the house of Mar
Gus Lecca. Bsnish them from Rome
or the Republic is not safe. Their
coming here is foul insult to the ma
ton.
The President had dictated the
The terms upon which these communi-
les might rehabilitate themselves with
he garments and functions of sover-
,ignity. They were required to abolish
slavery, to repeal their ordinances of
secession, to adopt the l4th Amend
nent to the Constitution, to ignore
heir debt and pledge themselves to
he payment of the National Debt. |
They were even advised to give a
qualified franchise to the colored man.
Congress has never required an essen
ial beyond this. The quarrel then
las been, not what shall be done, but
Who shall do it. The President has
10 Legislative or Judicial power. The
queen of England, in her Priyy Coun-
il and in her Cabinet. to a limited ex-