Nashville union and dispatch. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1866-1868, 1868-01-24

I
COngress-sEilitary Governments In
the sOuih-ReVOIufiOnar Course Of
the RadfeRIs-The President viii dO
his Duty-i .l..La.. ..t,...... i.
The Washington correspondent of The
New York World had a fnll and free talk
with President johnson on the situa~
ton Of affairs on the 18th inst, and he
gives the following as the result of that
interview:
| observed, "The Radicals in Congress
/ appear 20 take precious little warning from
| the Northern reaction. One would think
from what they are now doing, that their
pressure was increasing"
The President smiled grimly, 'The Rad
icals in Congress are desperate. They have
made of that body political monstrosity.
While they still seek to hide their deformi-
ties with the cloak Of patriotism, or strive
to distract public attention from them by
specious maneuVers, they are becoming
more and more convinced that the people
see through II ali. Having gone further
than they intended, 50 far they have over
leaped all bounds save those of party and
personal ambition, retreat would be equiv
alent to hari-kasi. They keep on now,
hoping to obtain by a conquest in the South
this year, power more than equivalent to
their loss of prestige in the North. Pers
haps they trust by such a conquest to awe
and subdue majority in the North whom
they are failing to lead. This extreme
party, which is represented by such men
like Mr.. Bingham, Mr. Boutwell, and Sena.
tor Sumner, is in a worse dilemma than ever
party was before in the republic. its vacil-
lating legislation in respect to many vital
matters, and the character of lis late strug>
gle for impeachment, prove gross lack of
principle. What kind of disposition and
estimate of human nature was shown by
the person Ashley and those who assisted
him in getting up the assassination charge?
They had simply TO seek in their own
natures for ample support Of their theory
that human nature is corrupt. They re-
collected the suspicious which attached to
the Vice Presidents under Harrison and
Taylor, and derived from those and from
their partisan enmity to au Executive who
had consistently thwarted their unholy des
signs vague excuse for accusing me. How
did they proceed to obtain their so-called
evidence2 By ransacking brothels and
slums, and accepting statements from the
| lips Of felon. After employing such
means TO compass the removal of Presi-
dent it is not surprising that, banked as
they are, they are capable of employing
any means, constitutional or unconstitu.
tional, 10 get rid of him or shear away his
powers" tfH ttHA
"Well, sir" | suggested, "now to con-
slider what Congress is actually doing"
"Why," responded the President, "ttess
measures are Of course revolutionary. The
arguments used to defend them are as
clearly fallacious as the assertion that
| black is white would be. A proposition to
deprive, by mere act Of Congress, the Pres
ident of the United States Of any portion
of the authority vested in him as Com
mander-in- Chief of the army and navy, is
a proposal TO do direct violence 20 the con-
| stitution. There are three separate but
coordinate branches of the United States
government 1.-The Legislative, the Judicial,
! and the Executive branches. Each of
these branches, or departments, has its
| special functions, which the constitution
| rigidly defines, and the provisions of that
| instrument are so framed as that no one or
| two of the departments obtain any power
TO subtract from the functions of the other.
Yet, for a special and despotie purpose, the
bill submitted by Mr.. Bingham is being
forced through the House TO place in the
hands of military subordinate to the
President, independent of the latter an
executive privilege which can only be law
fully removed from the Presidents hands
by the people themselves voting the TeQni-
Il - -, IL
bill assumes the right of Congress to do
away with the President altogether, if it
chooses and make itself executor of az
well as legislator for, the government.
Could any assumption be more arrogant
more dangerous and destructive in its ten
dency2 Could any assumption so CONS
pletely annul the Indictment against the
President that he ia in position 10 thwart
the administration of the law2 Truly
enough, the fallacy was not needed 10 prove
that the Executive is not, though it clinehes
the proof that Congress is, the aggressive
one of the three governmental depart
ments. When our forefathers framed the
constitution, the great aim of the majority
in the Convention was 10 avoid whatever
there was obnoxions in kingly govern
ment BY carefully delegating TO Congress
many legislative powers which the King
of Great Britain had been accustomed
| 30 exercise without consulting Parlia-
| menf, they rendered the Executive merely
| an executor of the law, without the
right TO originate measures except in sud-
den emergencies and in defense OF the con
stitution. Congress, vested with such ex-
elusive prerogatives, and composed ofnum-
i lo-s a t,,Is suiH Hn oil ~ HiyilaI int
between whom there were always general
and specific differences of opinion, has
ever had a tendency TO encroach outside
Of its proper functions The attitude OF
the Executive has ever been one of defense
OF resistance. 1t is his plain, simple office,
while seeing that all laws are put in force
that conform to the constitution, to see
that no law obtains, 80 far as his veto or
authority can prevent it from obtaining,
which does not conform to il. | repeat
that he is obliged by his solemn oath ia
defend that instrument from any and
every assaiIant. DO / make myself under.
stood ?'
Perfectly, air."
"Well, now, TO proceed in this connec-
ton little further. Congress, or at least
the present Congress, claims TO be the only
national representative of the will of the
people. Yet the President is elected a:
directly by the people, and is therefore al
directly their representative as Congress is
But Congress claims to be nearer to the
people than the President. Yet, while
members of the House of Representative
are chosen every two years, Senators ar,
elected once in six years, the President ii
chosen every four years. The President II
chosen oitener 10y two years than Senators
are chosen--a fact which seems virtually
20 equalize the respective nearness of the
Executive aud the Legislature to citizeni
at large. This point is not Of so much inn
portance as it would be il the functions o
the Executive we're less arbitrarily defined
or, let us say, more subject to the huctn
ating demands Of popular sentiment thar
10. the stable requirements Of the constitu
ton. Ii II be said that member of Con
gress IL nearer TO a particular constituency
or that a Senator is nearer to particular
State than the President, because each ha
been selected 90 represent the citizens o
dominant party Of that particular conslit
uency or State, IL may be said Of the Presi
dent that he is selected by broader con.
stitnency than either-thai Is, by the peo
pie or dominant majority in the Union
who in selecting him are presumed TO subor
| 1 l.. - hNaa NJ qhs