Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1868-09-11

Obeyed il. No faction, however reckless,
dared 10 touch with impiOus hands the
ark of our liberties, or sought to destroy
The ancient form and substance of our
freedom. Amid the utmost antagOnism
of views, and with the utmost boldness of
inquiry, each OF the eontending parties
strOve one with the other, in virtuous
emulation how best to preserve its
eonsecrsted franchises. The con-
fiict of this hour is not thus noble
and generous. It is not even the con-
test between the MONTAGUE and CAPU-
LET. II is not even as innoxious as a
! question between rival dynasties, an
I tagonised by an honorable ambition,
! whose divisions, though rugged even
/ to blood, did not contemplate the eX-
| tinctiOn Of the State, nor include neces-
/ sArily the oppression and dishOnOr of the
/ citizen, however inc0nvenient aud dis
| turbing to the general peace may have
/ been their feud. 1t is not the mere ad-
| versary array Of popular factions, in
duced by those rival interests which un-
der free government may legitimately
aggregate men into opposing organiza-
tioDs, without jeOpardizing,the liberty OF
the people or subvertipg the common
wealth.
THE NATURE OF THE PRESENT CONFLICT.
On the contrary, it is again in this
year of grace, eighteen hundred and
sixty eight, and in the ninety
second year of American independence,
the same struggle, in principle, which
engaged the intelligence and energies of
our fathers during the ten years that
preceded the armed conflict of 1776 |
Again are presented the same questions |
of taxation without epresentatiOn-Of |
an unequal distribution of public bur- !
dens-Of oppressive levies to sustain |
wastefuI and Illegal expenditures-of |
partial and class legislatiOn-of the sub |
ordination Of the civil to military ad-
thority-Of ruling by the sword, instead |
of by law and justice-Of holding one |
part of a common country in the condi- |
ton Of conquered provinces, to be con- |
trolled alone by arbitrary power, while |
gradually encrOachipg on the liber-
ties of all. On the one hand is the |
same demand for ancient and con-
stitutiOnal methods of RdminlstrA-
tiOn-fOr ancient and constitutional
rights eoeval with magma chGrtd, and
incorporated into the colonial fOuuda-
tioHs on which our States were reared.
On the other, the response to this de-
mand is the same brutal threat of force
the same claim of uDquestiOning obedi-
eDee to arbitrary power, that was en-
bodied in the truculent order Of PITCAIRN
at Lexington, when he shouted to the
patriot bands there assembled, "dis-
perse, ye rebels, disperse." Now, as
then, technical authority, installed to q
large extent in Office against the will of
the people, and almost entirely retain
ing place in opposition to that will, seeks
to perpetuste itself by depriving the citi-
zen daily of some right or privilege,
whereby formerly be might protect him.
self and the State against usurpation.
Now, as then, official incumbency bold
ly strives to relieve itself from
responsibility to the people, and
on their prostrate liberties to
erect again the fabric of absolute power.
Now as then, under the power of
doubtful legitimacy, one branch of the
magistrscy Of our nation seeks to con-
centrste in itself all the powers Of gov
ernment, and in the name of law, viO-
lates all law as the Partisan mob in the
name Of liberty violated all freedom.
Now az then, the external forms Of mu-
nicipal freedom are with a refinement
of cruelty converted into the most facile
instruments Of oppression.
EFFORT TO SUBJECT THE MAJORITY TO
THE MINORITY, AND BY FORCE TO CON-
troll THE ELECTION.
The protests OF freemen against all !
this are met by the insoIent boast, that !
these courses are approved at the ballot
box, from 10jticR these freeDIea are eIclu-
ded; while new measures are proposed
TO still further render vain and futile the
elective franchise as 3 restraint
on arbitrary rule--snd to subject in
The nstion the majority of its citizens Z
10 the will of minority, as has already
been accomplished in eleven States.
With the h8ughtiness of TaTquins, the
masses are told that they must c
endure their present tyrants until these I
are changed, in due course, by elections,
White eyeTy deUice Of fraud, MegaLitu
md .fOTee Is piled TO prevent, clrtaH or Z
postpone q fair oppression at the polls of L
he popular 90Ut. Though apparently ?
now entering on free elsction, and os- L
.ensibly submitting to general vote '
heir policies for = verdict, yet we find Q
schemes projected, canvassed and dis 8
,ussed by those now in control of the 8
Government, whereby hostile suffrage 2
nay be either excluded or inundated. q
Many wise patriots even apprehend that q
he sword will yet intervene to render D
,ur coming election NAPOLEONIC, and b
transform the ballot-bOx into the mere 8
egister Of Rutocratio will, while few Il
'eiieve that their revolutionary audacity 9
n thig direatlen VIII be limited by any \
other than their fears.
This is the complexion of the contest Il
low pending in the Republic. It is Ger. 8
ainly grave and momentous, beyond v
my parallel to be found in our history.
HE CONSEQUENCES MORE IMPORTANT Z
TO NORTH AND SOUTH THAN THE LATE y
CIVIL WAR. GENERAL FoREBoDINGS. :
The consequences that hang on its is 1
ne involve the prosperity alike OF the !.
gorth and South. In is result there is ',
or each almost an equality Of misery or y
happiness. However pregnant the late =
rmed strife between the SECTIONS may =
ave appeared TO each of the beliigerents, y
Owever essential each may have re- !"
arded SUCCESS, or however disastrous !,
ach may have held defeat ~ affecting -
lie, liberty or property, while the ARRAY q
moved along to its bloody climax, it may =
ow be easily seen how far below the pres =
Mt contest 1t really was in significance -
nd importance. The NORTH might have :. =
ailed and still have preserved constitu- =
oDal freedom, which, with the utmost =,
lccess, she has not retained. hecertain- -
? would not have declined in material -
TIE SOUTH might have ac- - y
entire triumph and lost in ie
narchy her liberties. Thus success did
Unnecessarily assqre to either shat great
st boon for q Republic, and without
'hich it must and ought soon to perish
stable liberty. fr
Not 90 the present cpnaict The in d.