Nashville union and dispatch. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1866-1868, 1868-04-29
LATEST T'ELEGRAMS.
MIDNIGHT DISPATCHES.
THE IMPEACHMENT TRIAL,
Speeches Of Mr.. Williams and
Mr.. EVarts.
CONGRESSIONAL PROCEEDINGS.
Senate.

NoNNhESSAONAL PROCEEDINGS.
Senate.
WASHINGTON, April 2S.-Mr. Sumner
offered an order that on the final Judgment
Of the Senate, all questions arising there
upon shall be decided by the majority. II
was objected TO, and laid over
Mr.. Williams then resumed his argu-
ment. After recapitulating his position of
yesterday, he took up the subject of the
Presidents alleged justification by reason
of advices given him by his Cabinet. He
held that the President could not shield
himself behind the opinions of his own
creatures, whose sentiments were prompted
by fear of losing their positions. He char
acterises the Cabinet in the newly assumed
functions as fungus growth, which sought
to make itself directory. He argued that
if the members of the Cabinet we're intend
ed to advise the President on questions of
general policy, and shield him from respon-
sibility for his action, they would have
been made independent of his control. He
claimed that the President had failed to
show any sufficient cause for his desire to
remove Mr.. Stanton. True, he was a
thorn in his side, but 50 was Congress, and
Mr.. W. held that the wanton removal of
a meritorious officer from motives of per.
sonal dislike, is of sufficient warrant for
impeachment. He referred TO the Presi-
dents failure to commence legal proceed
ings, which he mentioned would not have
suited his purpose to have an interregnum
wherein his own will would be supreme.
He then gave satirical and humorous de
scription of the conduct of Gen. Thomas
on the 2lst and 22d of February, including
his appearance at the masquerade. With re-
gard TO the defense set up by the President
that he has a right to resist and bring to
judicial decision the laws he considered
unconstitutional, Mr.. Williams main
tanned that no provision of the Constitution
required such a confirmation, and that the
extreme cases of unconstitutional laws
were not supportable. He would admit
that the Senate is now sitting as
a court, but it vas court holding ex-
elusive jurisdiction which could decide this
whole matter according to his own ideas,
guided but not bound by precedents and
laws.
Mr.. Williams then argued that the sus-
pension of Mr.. Stanton was made under the
tenure of Office law, which the President
thereby recognized. He then maintained
that the avermeDt of evil intent was neces-
sary IN this case as in all others, it was in
ferred from articles. Comparing the con-
duct of Mr. johnson with that of James H.,
he said it only now remained to see
whether the parallel would be completed.
He contended that the safety of the people,
of the Supreme Law, was the only law by
W hIah fhiS ebn,,II ko ,orox,orI,-
1T was belittled by trivial legal technicali-
ties and he besought the Senate to take the
large view in regard to the eleventh article.
lie had not the heart to dwell on the dis
graceful conduct which formed its subject
If the President, like his counsel, made
merry over ii, he could only say that it was
Nero hedled, while Rome was burning, and
one culprit would find in the Senate a
censor more stern than Cato
In conclusion he said, the result Of the
trial would determine whether the Presi-
dent or the Senate would go down, and de-
plctlng series of fearful consequences that
would follow from the acqulttsl of the
President, he cOntrasted it with glowing
picture OF peace, prosperity and happiness
TO result from the President's conviction.
Mr.. Evarts then addressed the Senate
and Chief Justice in behalf the President.
his opening remarks had reference to the
grave character of the case. Congress was
also attacking the other coordinate
branches of the government, and said the
people looked to this trial for decision
which would restrain that aggressiy
branch within its proper limits. The oath
OF the President was not merely the COM
mon oath faithfully TO discharge the duties
OF his office, but it included the unique
and sublime obligation to preserve, protect
and defend the Constitution of the United
States. The people have formed, and will
adhere to the determination that that oath
shall not be taken in vain. They are con-
Verts to no theory of Congressional ON
impotence, and when they hear that this
sword OF impeachment is drawn they wish
10 Know what the crime is with which the
President has been charged, and for
which 1t is sought to depose him. They
understand what treason and bribery are
IN all their ramifcations, but on going
through with all their list, they are told
that his crime is having removed a MEM
Der oil his Cabinet, and are told that 1t be
comes a crime, because Congress, for the
hrst time 10 the history of the government
has made il 80. He undertook 10 make an
ad interim Secretary of War, and now in
consequence they are TO have made for
them an ad interim President. They also
ascertain that no force was employed, and
no removal was made except on paper and
that for the purpose of procuring decision
OF the Supreme Court, to prevent which
vigorous action was at once taken by those
who bring the accusation; in short, said
Mr. Eyarts, the people see that it is
question of supremacy between Congress
and The Constitution. They did not hold
to the idea that the Constitution was made
only for our infancy, but that it was to be
the guide and bond Of our maturest man
mood, and were determined that law should
continue to be the guardian of liberty.
heierring then 20 the position assumed by
The managers, that this tribunal is not a
court MIR Eyarts said it was the first time
he ever knew a prosecution to make the
assertion, thus his case was coram non
JUDGE, but they probably felt that the only
way TO prevent their case being turned out
Of court, was to turn the court out of the
court. As TO the English precedent ad-
duced TO show that this body is not court,
hesaid Parliament was the Supreme Courtof
that nation, and that impeachment was only
part Of itsjudicious functions, which view
He was supported by authority of Chan
celloE Thurlow. If this is not an altar of
justice, it is merely an altar Of sacrifice.
He said the managers had taken no pains
to conceal the party spirit and party hate
which hurried the preparations for this |
procedure, and read some declarations on
the subject made by the managers in the |
Peck trial. He called attention to the |
words Of one of the managers who spoke |
of the Senators as headsmen standing on |
the scafold with their swords ready, they |
having tried the culprit on the night of |
February Dist assertions which he charac-
terized as insulting to the court, cruel and
He read from the debates |