The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-09-22
How Not To DO It.
from the ~. Y. Tribune.

Everybody mas near0 OF tne unfortunate aQ-
venturer who drew in rattle an enormous
elephant, with an appetite corresponding to
its proportions. The acquisition of this beast
would have been exceedingly delightful to its
new proprietor, only he could not afford to
keep it; and could neither sell it nor give it
away. The Democratic ex Shareholders seem
to be mostly in this perplexing predioament.
They would like hugely to have the colored
vote for Seymour, but even if it were to be
had for the asking, their attempts to ask for
it are ludicrous in the extreme. Under the
circumstances this is not an easy thing to do;
there being great deal of human nature in
the bosom of the Patriarch, some OF it is apt
to get into his mouth and his experiments in
adjusting his organs Of speech to seek for
favors from his late bondmen result pretty
often in the most remarkable contortions.
The ende avors of the ex-masters, in this de.
partmept of public duty, to hit the exact line
between the most sublime oondescension and
the friendliest familiarity, give to all their
addresses, and speeches, and leading articles
the same duality of tone which characterized
the vocal organs of Mr.. Orator Puff. These,
as the reader will remember, were sometimes
to "B alt, and instantly sunk to sc below"
Good Lord" he exclaimed In his ne and she tones,
Hep me out! help me out have broken my
'He,p you out" said Paddy who passed. "what
The, TWO of you therm can't you help one anotherP
The consequence of this extensive vocal
register is that these Southern Democrats
sometimes sigh, and sometimes swear; some-
times, by way OF suitable gesture, they snap
the fingers of those hands which anon are
raised in the attitude of petition; now they
are ferocious, and now fascinating; and so they
60 on vibrating between threats and promises,
until the puzzled freedman, finding it impos-
sible easily to decide whether they are friends
or foes, will hardly give them the benefit of
the doubt. That blacks should vote at all,
they hold to be an insufferable grievances but
il blacks must vote, let it by all means be
upon their side The vote in such inca
pable hands is utterly worthless unless they
can secure it-then, indeed, it becomes
at once and incalculably precious. In
word, if they can convert voters into moral
slaves, to do their bidding, to sustain their
opinions, to become their unquestioning and
convenient instruments, all will be serene and
they will be content. On the other hand,
freedman who will not vote for Seymour is a
rascal, an idiot, an migrate, lunatic, an in
cendiary, and a knave So they offer him
glasses OF rum and eleemosynary breeches,
houses and employment, groceries and boots;
but if these Establishments are disregarded,
the Patriarchs relapse into the old fury, and
threaten nakedness, hunger, houselessness,
and every other form of the most fearful des-
titution. . -
These vibratory emotions we have already
the "Address of the Democratic white voters
of Charleston to the colored voters of the State
generallyn-a document excessively smooth
and saccharine in spots, but which ends with
a promise of "wretchedness and ruin" to all
blacks who are base enough to cast Republi-
can ballot. OF course, the animus of such
production Is logically evident. The express
stOn of hatred is always more sincere than the
wheedlipg of an affected interest, and men do
not bully those whom they are anxious, from
disinterested motive, to persuade. These
past-patriarchs must learn to control their
tempers-a very difficult thing for them to
leaIn-if they would convince the freedmen
that Seymour is their warmest and most trust
worthy friend-feeling for them, praying for
them, planning for them by day and affec-
tionately dreaming of them by night. The
freedman may not be learned in American
politics, but bitter experience has sharpened
his faculties of observation, as they would
have been sharpened If he had been no more
than mere animal, and he knows we'll
enough that he might have waited long indeed
Tor his liberty of voting, or for liberty of any
description, If he had waited for Horatio Sey-
mour TO VI dertake, in the dark drama of the
day, the benevolent part OF a Moses. He
knows that the men who talk thus smoothly
TO him have ten thousand times announced to
the world that his bondage was perpetual,
that it arose from the nature OF things, that
1t was based upon the Holy Scripture, was
established under the Old Dispensstion and
confirmed under the New and was as perma-
nent and immutable as Christianity itself.
He knows-he knew long ago-that he was
purposely kept in condition of ignorance
and degradation. He lnows, text and
margent, the whole OF the old slave code,
for the commentaries upon IL were constantly
written In blood and scars upon his back.
He understands alike the cursing and the
cosxipg. He estimates at their full value
the temptations which are extended to him;
and If lie is frightened into apparent aoquies-
cence for moment, he will ere long, by the
force OF instinct, reason himself back to a iust
com prehensiou of the situation Anv oIasa of