New-York tribune., 1868-07-03
OUR PACIFIC RAILROADS.
THE FRENZY FOR GRANTING GOVERNMENT
AID


We have tbs authority of very ancient book that
the labOrer is worthy of his hire The question OF
price is purely arbitrary, and must be settled bya
mutual agreement between employer and employed.
That is so far as the laws OF trade, the laws of
supply and demand tcHl permit such settlement. That
the actual remuneration for labor performed viii
always vary so long as our present system of trade
continues is most certain. Mako an article scarce
and you increase its value The diamond worth
$1,000 to-day would not be worth 1000 cents tomor-
row. if "a cartoad of diamonds were to be discovered
somewhere down Broadway. Bring 1000 bakers into
New-YOrk, aud bakers wages would 60 down, PROB
ably, to S2 per week instead of rising 10 $40 Cease
to grow cotton three four years. and dresses maze
of that material would become almost as expensive
as silks This rule is absolute and unchanging' IL
has many apparent but no real exceptions
This being the case it becomes question OF the ut
most Importance how far does such law operate Tor
the good of The human species Does the uncertainty
of human prosperity tend toward the greater deVel-
opment of man. and the consolidation of the Slater
BY some IL cOntended that it does they argue that
if YOU place man above the fear of poverty, you
engender ideness. which is the parent of vice, and
that the best way to keep good is to continually
have him under the influence of this social goad'
They have cited the fact that where the earth yields
her store with the greatest spOtaneity the lnhaoi-
tants are deprayed and warlike while those who
dwell where the earth is subdued with the greatest
difficulty. are the most intellectual. vrtuous, and,
consequently, the happest Others say, that OF all
the causes Of human degradation none can be found
so destructive as the one cause OF poverty ana
the fear Of it; that it harrOws the SOUL
blunts all human sympathy, stultifes all
laudable ambition and that in condition of poverty
even religion becomes a farce or deluson. amin
clned 10 believe that there truth in both POSITIONS
for the progress of man from the simplest forms OF
savage life to the exalted and sometimes overgrown
state of civilized refinement, rest of body may be
svnouvmons with decay of mind; but it may also
ba2pen that too great activity of body may imply
even more certain and deadly depreciation OF intel
lectual power l am convinced that while the pres
ent relationship of master and man Is sustained men
win never live in peace and security. and with that
good win toward each other which ought to prevail
Tho system is founded in error. 1t belongs to the
civilization Of POO years ago. it has served its time in
this Quarter of the globe. Some other and more
eotabe plan must be substituted to bring those two
interests more closely together. 1t is significant
fact when our newspapers begin to show symptoms
of dissatisfaction among working men, when strikes
for higher wages threatened, and when re-
srictions upon the introduction OF men into certain
trades are attempted. am aware that they are IN
tended as proecre measures and that their very ex
istence implies the prior existence OF an actual at
tempt to deprive them of fair share of the profits OF
their industry. 1t is protless speculation to at
tempt to keep up the rates of wages by such combl-
nations. as the painful history of every civilized
country can testify. Such efforts as those of the
London amalgamated trades, the north country iron
workers, and the ANAL gamated engineers have done
more to drive trade altogether out of England than
all other known cases put together. 1t is no longer
secret that manufactured iron can be shipped from
Belgium and sold in England for less than
the cost of production in England; despite
the disadvantage of having to send to England for
Goals to work it, And this result has been effected
by the unwise action of the coal and iron trades
combined. The miners demanded higher wages and
some other triiing alterations in the coal trade.
They heedlessy launched into strike. Their EN-
ployers either could not would not cOncede what
the workingmeR demanded. The wOrkingmen called
upon miners of other sections to support them The
coal owners combined also and locked out every man
who attemped to support the strikers. The breach
WAS widened until 10000 men were thrown out OF
employment. Goals became scarce, the price natur-
ally rose the blast furnaces could not be supplied or
could be supplied only at ruinous rates. contracts
were broken iron-wOrkers were thrown out of en-
poy; the orders had to be executed and were trans
ferred from English shops to Belgian. lrOn-workers
wages we're reduced They in turn struck for an ad-
vance at a time when fourth of their services
could be conveniently dispensed with They had
the modification of going to work at less rates than
they had struck for after struggle OF 30 weeks; as
also did the miners after struggle of 40 weeks
Meantime it was ascertained that the Begians were
actually sending into England manufactured mate
rial for railways cheaper than it could be made at
home and of as good quality.
The Belgians are las compared with the EngGshl
an uHtared people. They simple in their habits;
it takes but little to support them, and that little is
within their means. The advocates of trades unions
may say that they the only protection which the
men have against the greed of their employers; that
union is strength that they thousands and their
opponents only units that it requires only united
effort to effect almost any change which may be
deemed necessary. l reply that when demand IS
made of an employer, it should be known to DO in
his power to concede what is demanded; for if he
cannot though you may injure him by insisting upon
it, you also nure yourselves by running him. Again,
gour numbers are an encumbrance rather than an
advantage You may secure united action with
limited number; it is almost impossible with null
titudo especially when selhshness is at war with
principle When we were conducting the reform
agitation in England, it was suggested that if we
could institute a simultaneous holiday for one week
of the whole of the workngmen, could secure our
object the theory being that such step would par
slvze commerce frighten the Government, and force
capitalists to give, through fear. what they would
never otherwise yield. 1t would have this effect,
donbtless; but then we could not get that simulG-
menus action and il never can be secured The broad
and manifestly false position of trades unions may
be summed up in few words They attempt to limit