The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-11-19
General Grants Cabinet.
From the N. Y. World.

From, the N. Y. World.
General Grants political opponents, as we'll
as his political friends, have an interest in the
success of his administration. Deeply as they
regret his election, they are obliged to accept
it as fact; and there is no large class of oiti-
zens who desire to see the country misgoverned
for the long period of four years.
The strength and efficiency Of the nsw ad-
ministration will depend so much on the
Cabinet, that the country, without much dis
tincton of party, feels an interests in its
selection. Our President stands very much
in the same relation to the Government as the
Prime Minister does in England, the first of
whose duties is what is there called the for
nation of a government. There have been
repeated instances in that country of a states
man being called by the sovereign to form an
administration, and failing from inability to
command the services Of men who sufficiently
enjoyed the public confidence, and were will
ing to act together, and act under that leader.
This proves that successful administration
does not depend upon one man, however able,
but requires the cooperation OF a number;
who, besides special qualifications for their
particular posts, also possess influence with
the country or, what is the same thing, with
Parliament.
An American President never fails to form
Cabinet, and neither he nor it can be put
out of Office by mere vote of Congress-. But
if his Cabinet is badly selected, and his ad-
mnistration consequently weak, it would be
better for his credit if he had never been
elected. And he is liable to fail Just where
all English Prime Minister would fail, that is,
by inability TO command the confidence of the
| legislative branch of the Government. 1t is
not at all true that the Executive has nothing
to do with measures until after they have
been passed by Congress. This is not the
| theory of our Constitution, and has never
| been its practice AT the opening OF every
session the President sends in a voluminous
message, containing an exposition of his
views and recommendations relating to
every branch OF ths public service that
requires additional legislation. 1t is his
J province to take the initiative aud
| give the cue to Congress. His Secretaries also
make elaborate reports and argue at length
in favor Of recommendations. Our Presidents
and heads of departments have always been
| in the habit Of watching the proceedings ot
Congress with keen interest, with view ia
promote the passage of favorite measures; aud
many Presidents have taken particular mem
bers into their confidence and made them, as
it were, their organs in the two houses. Silas
Wright, for example, held this relation to
President Van Buren,, ana Senators Forsyth
and Benton to General Jackson, The great
source of President Johnson's weakness has
been the fact that the members of his Cabinet
| did not possess, or did not choose to exert
any innuenoo WIN Oon6iees III i"'oi vi LIE
policy.
General Grant needs to select his Cabinet
with reference to this important eonsidera
tion. We see it intimated in certain quarter:
that he will prefer his army associates to civi
liaDs, or, as they are oontemptuously termed
by this school of parasites, political hacks
But he will make great mistake if he doei
not prefer men Of large civil experience. HI
must MAINTAIN a moral ascendancy over Con
| gress, or his administration will be misera
bic abortion, like that OF his predecessor. /
is not his business to fight Congress, but, tC
some reasonable extent to manage it. Thii
can be done only by the aid of Cabinet com
posed in great part of statesmen of Congress
sional experience and legislative tact, who are
good judges as to how much it is necessary Il
coDcede, as we'll as what to ask. There are
to be sure, some officers that served in the
late war who are not noyices in politios-Bat