The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-07-30

strous deformity, unlike the reality as those
old pictures of the Last Supper, in which our
Saviour is depicted as sitting at table gar
nished with all manner Of modern cutlery
glassware, and dishes.
In the days when the plantation aristocrats
had possession of the general Government,
the Southerners delighted to represent the
negroes as ga simple, dependent, affectionate
race" yet the master was constantly on the
alert against slave Instructions. Amid the
grim realities of war, the chattel was boasted
Of as a model of attachment and fidelity, full
of admiration for his manacles. 1t was not
until the black man refuted by his conduct
the theory of his character so long presented
to the world by his owner, that he was hated
and despised. 1t was the unwelcome lesson
of his patriotism, his love of freedom, his
prowess, and his unbending independence of
thought, taught on hundreds of battle-felds,
in many bold charge that scattered dsmay
and death throughout the Rebel ranks, that
made him an object of supreme aversion to
his former master, and precipitated upon his
almost helpless head the weight of an impla-
cable, yet unreasonable resentment. His
enemies fully comprehend his power Of self
protection involved in the possession of suf-
frage. 1t is to disarm him. and place him
completely at the mercy of his foes, that the
cry of "negro supremacy" has been raised.
None better understand the fallacy of the
slogan than those who shout it loudest.
refined, nor rich, as class yet they are
making signal progression in each of these
directions. AT their present rate of improve
ment, not many years will be required to
make them, in all respects of intellectual
capacity and of property acquisitions, the
equals of the whites, taken in mass. Even
the lsraelites, delivered from bondage, do not
appear to have advanced so quickly as these
emancipated blacks, in all the elements of
mental elevation and material prosperity.
Had the Angle-SaXon race been enslaved for
centuries; been kept in forced ignorance;
been reduced to drudgery and toll; been
| degraded IN caste, and restrained of the
power of selfamelioration been deprived of
| the right to acquire property; been sold
| from hand to hand as so many horses or
| swine; been doomed to unavoidable prostitu-
! tion been burned at the stake, or hung TO
| gibbet, in punishment for resisting the autho-
rity of the master; been beaten with many
stripes on small provooation; been separated
! for life, at will of the owner, from wife aud
children; and been hunted down with blood
! hounds, and consigned to unmercful chastse-
ment, or to outright torture for the attempt
to escape from grinding and almost intOlera-
| bic despotism-had such calamities befallen
for ages those who now are ex-masters, then
| they probably would not have exhibited, on
| being set free, without home, land, plough,
| horses, money, trade, or education, nobler
progression, within three years, than have the
eX-slaves. Yet we might have had, after the
manner of now, senseless cry about "white
supremacy"
| The Way Mr.. Seymour Supported the Gov
eTnment in 1868.
From the IoutS6urg CoantsrctuL
In 1868 Seymour's great anxiety was to
| have the draft stopped. Had it been done it
would have given the Rebels the victory. As
the most effective way to assist them he set
himself at work to have the draft stopped
stimulated the mob to resist its execution
and backed by his own personal application
| the demand OF this description of his
"friends" that the law should not be
executed. What makes the matter all
the worse for Seymour, and shows con-
clusively where his heart was, is the fact
that it was when men We're more needed
and loyal men were striving hardest, that
he piled his efforts most vigorously to prevent
enlistments and the execution of the draft.
He interposed all sorts of quibbles, and finally
interposed the plea of unconstitutionality,
which usually takes longest to decide-the plea
which lawyers hopeless of gaining their case
but anxious only to stave off decision as long
as possible, frequently fall back on. Seymour
knew that what the Rebels beaten at Gsttys-
burg and hard pushed al many points, wanted
was time. This he undertook to gain for them
by attempting to have the draft suspended
until the question of the laws constitution
ality could be taken into the courts and there
tested-a process which might last six months
or six years. Such proposition he addressed
to Mr.. Lincoln, who replied to him under late
of August s, 1868, as follows:-
"Your communication of the Sd instant has
been received and atGentively considered
cannot consent 10 suspend the draft in New
York, you request, because, among other
reasons, TIME is too important"
After suggesting explanations of the alleged
discrepancies in the calculations for the draft,
and expressing readiness to have all real
errors corrected, Mr.. Lincoln continued, in
response to other propositions of the Gov
ernOr:-
81 do not object to abide a decision of the
Uniteo States Supreme Court, or of the Judges
thereof on the cOnsti Il tiunallJy of the draft
law. In fact, / should be willing to facilitate
the Obtaining of But cannot consent TO LOSe
the time lOhfte IL is being obtained We are con-
tending with enemy " no, as i understand,
drives every able bodied man he can reach intO
| his ranks, very much as n butcher drives bul.
locks into slaughterpen No time is wasted,
| no argument Is used. / his produces army
which will soon turn upon our own victorious
soldiers already in the field, If they snail not be
sustait ed by recruits as they should be. 1t pro.
duces an army with a rapidity not to be
tched on our side, If we first waste our time
TO re- experiment with the volunteer system
already deem ed by Congress, aud palpably, in
fact, so far exhausted as to be inadequate; and
then more time to obtain a Court decision as tC
whether "a law is constitutional which requires
part of those not now in the service TO go to
the aid OF those who are already in il; and still
more TO determine with absolute certainty that
we get those who are TO go in the precise lega
|, proportion TO those who are not 10 60 MY pU
pose is TO be in ma action Just and constitutional
, and get practical, in performing the important
duty with which / am charged, of maintaining
the unity and the free principles OF our common