Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-03-18
Radical Views Of the Impeachment Trial
and its Probable Length.

less ones2 VIM. FARRIs.
Radical Views Of the Impeachment Trial
and its Probable Length.
Agate" is once again the Washing
ton correspondent of the Cincinnati
Gazette. He writes we'll and forcibly,
albeit an extreme Radical. His last let
ter, in which he gossips and speculates
about the impeachment trial and its
probable length, we subjoin:
There is, l suppose, no possible doubt
as to the result of the great State trial
soon to begin. The charges relate to
matters of public notoriety. The evil
dence is conclusive; and, for the most
part, is of official record. The case may,
indeed, be said to be made up almost be.
fore il has begun; and the opinions of
the Senators as to whether the acts
charged upon the President are sufficient
cause for removal from Office, have not
been concealed. Unless extraneous cir
cumstances, therefore, are likely to in
fuence the judgment of the Court, its
verdict may be anticipated.
But what extraneous circumstances
can influence the matter2 They must
arise either from considerations of indi-
vidual interest, or of party necessity, or
of public expediency.
1t is only just to party of partisans
called suddenly to perform the gravest
judicial functions, to say, that the last
consideration is the only one likely to
have much weight in the decision of the
Senate. There are, indeed, many Sena-
tors who look thoughtfully to the effect of
this action upon the future welfare of the
country who have hitherto hoped that
the extreme measure of removal from
Office might be avoided; who have feared
lest an act of public necessity might be
made easy enough to be hereafter imi
tated on grounds of party necessity who
have believed that, under the power
granted by the Constitution, Congress
could so hedge about bad President.
as to make it expedient to delay his i'm
peachment long after his overt acts had
made it justifable.
Such undoubtedly has been the view Of
Mr.. Fessenden, of Mr.. Grimes, of Mr..
Sherman, of Mr.. Anthony, and of several
others. But these were their views as
legislators and Republicans. They come
now to act as judges. 1t is no longer a
question as to whether impeachment is
good policy, either for the party or the
country. The House of Representatives
have chosen to decide that point 1t is
left for the Senate to pass verdict on the
charges presented by the House. On
these charges, is Andrew johnson guilty
or not? That is the question for the
Senator's; and on it there can, as has
already been said be no doubt of their
opinion. They may hesitate still as to
whether it is expedient to remove the
President from office but they can not
hesitate as to his guilt on the charges;
and having decided that, it is scarcely
possible that Under the circumstances
which such decision would bring about,
they could believe it any longer good
policy to spare the criminal.
Any expectation of the operation of
other influences than this of public ex-
pediency in the Presidents interest, in
the minds of his judges, may as well be
dismissed. 1t is very true that the pur-
chasing power of Executive patronage
is enormous, and that the terms of nine
teen Senators, out of the fiftytbree now
composing that body, expire within less
than a year from this date. Mr.. John
son would doubtless be very glad to send
in the names of each gentleman for any
good life office or fat foreign places they
might desire, and the Senate might find
it a little difficult to refuse to confirm
good Radicals. But he would be a very
small man who could afford to be bought
Just now at any price And besides, the
Senate is likely to adopt a policy which
considerations of public decency demand,
to-wit: that, pending the impeachment,
no further nominations from the Presl-
dent shall be considered. Even on the
supposition, therefore, that any Senator,
under the sanctions Of his oath as
Judge. could he bought by an office, the
Thought of influences Of this sort may as
we'll be dismissed from the reckoning.
In fact the pressure of public opinion
il too great for any tampering with their
duty by Senators. Since the fall of Sum
ter there has been no sign here of equal
unanimity of views. The whole country
demands impeachment. Original I'M
peachers demand ii, because Of the Pres
idents whole high handed course. Orig
inal anti-impeachers demand il, because
of the Presidents hagrant violation OF
law. To suffer him to remain in othce,
they say, would be to make hira dicta-
tor.
Such are the potent Influences hedging
up Senators-if there are any who are
doubtful-to the discharge Of their du-.
ties There is another motive likely to
prove a sufficient Offset TO any questions
Of expediency in the minds Of men like
Fessenden and Grimes The success OF
impeachment has now become a matter
Of party necessity. Defeat. of impeach-
ment Is the practical dictatorship Of
Jobnsop. and the destruction Of the Re
publican party. Considerations men, en-
tertaining Their views ss to the necessity
Of the triumph Of Republican ideas 70
the welfare Of the country, may hnd N
this fact ample proof nor Of the expedi-
eucy as well ss the justice Of imFeaeh-