The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-12-12

to man, thus surrendering the doctrine of
the equality Of the sexes on which the woman
suffrage movement is based, and accepting the
doctrine on which its opponents rely most
firmly, that the very peculiarities of woman s
moral and physical constitution, which SO
often in life place her at mans mercy, make
it improper to throw open the professions and
the ballot-box to her. Moreover a demaud
was made by some speakers that Hester
Vaughan should be tried by female Jury
that is, by jury selected from the class of
the community least accustomed to weigh evi-
dence, most strongly moved by its passions
ana preJudlces, and in case appealing with
peculiar force to these passions and preiudicss
We 40 not say that cases of this kind should
never lie tried by female iuries, but we do say
That we hope the experiment will not bs tried
I'LL women have acquired experience in the
art OF drawing inierences and greater
control over their emotions than the
great body of the sex now dis
play. Moreover, they accused the oonvict's
counsel, without q particle of proof, of having
betrayed and deserted her, and, TO cap the
climax, sent of deputation to Philadelphia
in such complete ignorance of the facts of the
case that, when it got there, it found that
everything they wanted to have done had
been done already on the motion of benevolent
people in that city, who had gone to work in
a silent, Christian, and efficient manner, with
out hall, gaslght, or speeches or Commit
tee on resolutions" The New Workers. now
owe the Philadelphia lawyer public apology,
which we trust they will make, aud make
handsomely; we hope they will not initiate
too many of the reformers by pretending that
they never heard of his vindication, or by
treating his denial of his guilt as simply a
fresh proof of his depravity.
The sum and substance of the whole mat
ter is thiS-and it is as worthy the attention OF
male as OF female humanitarians-that the ex-
pertinent they seem disposed to try of the
direct application of the moral law-as evolved
at public meetiDgs-through legislation to the
regulation OF society, without regard to the
disturbing elements introduced into all politi-
cal and social problems by human nature, by
habit, tradition, prejudices, weaknesses vices,
and ignoraDce-ln other words, without regard
to the lessons of history and the facts of
human life--is sure to fail. 1t has been tried
in various ages and amongst various races,
and has always ended in confusion and dis
aster. 1t is but another form of the theocratic
government over which everybody now laughs
or mourns. What Providence clearly intended
the politician for is to take men and women as
they are-their vicss along with their virtues,
the things in which they differ as we'll as the
things III which they are alilSe-and having
made himself thoroughly acquainted with ths
history and results oilegislative experiments in
OIhel aBeo abu PlaCes, uO WllaJ uS can, not 10
recast their character, but to place their char
acter under favorable influences while leaving
free play for their individual tastes and ener-
gies. For instance, when he comes to legis-
late on the relations of the sexes, he must not
Tx the position of woman as If she We're simply
weak man, and as if he had never heard of
such ofenses as seduction or rape or bigamy;
and then when such ofenses are committed
begin to rave against those who commit them
as if they were unheard-of monsters, for the
possibility of whose existence, like the pari-
cldes at Rome, the lawgiver was not expected
to provide.