The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-07-23

sequence, and there could be none If the Presi-
dent were resolved in good faith to uphold the
work of Congress. For the right OF the newly
installed Governors to invoke the assistance Of
the Executive, on the occurrence of serious
trouble in their respective States, constitutes
ample provision against all probable emergen-
cies.
But Mr. Johnson's last veto message re-
veals source Of complications Of the grGvesV
character. The proclamation declaring the
ratification of the fourteenth amendment by
North Carolina and Florida, made apparent
his uuwiliDguess TO recognize authority
created under the Reconstruction acts. The
veto of the Electoral College resolution
brings out the same fact in a shape
which il were criminal to overlook. II is not
merely that Mr.. Johnson bates and insults
The reconstructed Governments he denies
their legitimacy, and is prepared to treat rs
invalid everything done by or uuder them,
His language is emphatic. "All The State
governments organized in those States under
the acts of Congress for that purpose, aud
under military control"-writes the President
fare ilegitimate and Of no validity what
ever" "The only legitimate authority" he
declares in the same document, "un3er which
the elg ctiOn for President and Vioe-President
can be held therein, must be derived from the
governments instituted before 1th March,
1867. That is TO say, Mr. Johnson repudjates
as bastard and unlawful the Governments
formed under Lis own orders, which Congress
for good reasons refused to sanction.
What follows If, alter the withdrawal Of
the military from the reconstructed States,
their respective governments, or any of them,
be confronted with peril TO order and local
authority it is plain that any application to
the President for succor would be disregarded.
Suppose for example, Governor Holden, Of
North Carolina, in the presence OF difficulties
which be is unable, uuaided, TO overcome,
appeals to the President for assistance in
maintaining the law: what must be the
Presidents response He will acknowledge
the receipt Of "a paper" transmitted 'by
and under the name Of W. W. Holden, who
therein writes himself Governor Of North
Carolina" and he will brusquely inform the
said Holden that his Goyernorship and his
Government are 'illegitimate and of no
validity whatever" The succor solicited will
be refused. On the other hand, Mr.. Johnson,
following the logic of his clearly expressed
opinions, must acknowledge the authority OF
Ex-Governor Worth, whom Congress dis
placed, and sustain the authority of his Gov
erumeut, whose title Mr.. Johnson still pro-
claims valid, notwithstanding its termination
under the law. The result will be that the
power of the Federal Government, so far as il
is controlled by MIR. Johnson. will be exerted
against the existing Governments, and i'm
favor Of combinations formed to give effect to
the Governments set aside by Congress. For
the time, the President will be on the side
Of the revolutiOuists, and against the Coy
eTnments under which the States have been
restored.
It cannot be said that we dwell on an imagi-
nary danger. Nothing is more certain than
the determination of the disafected whites, if
possible, to take into their own hands the
voting for the Presidency. They mean to
make it "a white mans election, " unless re-
strained by superior power. Wade Hampton
has confessed so much and his views and pur-
poses are echoed by every shade of the South
elm opposition. The who'll question .uvns
uDou LIE ability of the existing Governments
20 enforce their authority and to secure the
holding of al election in conformity with the
laws. And these Governments may be uu-
equal 10 the task, unless assured beforehand
OF Federal help, II necessary. Such an assu-
rance would, perhaps, be sufficient for il
would teach the IeVOiUtiOnsts the hopeless.
ness of their schemes. At present the assu.
rance is on the other side. The Blair5 aud
" ade Hamptons plot and threaten with the
| knowledge that the President is with them.
Now, the obvious duty Of Congress is in
some way to provide for these contingencies
How and with what means they should be
guarded against it is the business of Congress;
TO decide; but the country NAV we'll ask that
the method shall D5 oAeCtual. There may be nC
actual necessity Tor Federal lnterpOsitlOn; but
il there is not it will be because 3 readiness
to uphold the recognized State Governments il
too palpable to be misunderstood, Thus
! Congress may, by timely precautiou, aver
serious difficulties between the period of III
adjournment and the period of reassembling
or by negligence invite them.
The DUTY extends further. Whatever in thu
remOtest degree affects the smooth working o
Reconstruction, if yet incomplete, should b
/ finished. Nothing can with safety be left t.
chance 1t will not do to trust, however slightly
to the good faith or the good will of the Presi
! dent, whose hostility to the work of Congress
and the governments of the South, is to,
dangerous to be treated lightly. Congress
must do for itself all that the requirements o
| an eventful interval may render expedient
and it will imperil the peace Of the South, an,
of the country, il it leave any part Of this duty
unfinished. The tim- will be we'll spent tina
is employed IN fnruiying the results of recon
struotion against los enemies, open or con
Cealed.
pan,iyilut EnllV-