Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1868-09-24

danger of their permitting too much
n change in the laws which they have
A themselves enacted. They may pre-.
Q vent wise and salutary legislation
tending TO relieve the country from
I some of the evils which they have
brought upon it, This we cannot
avoid, but we can take from them the
legislative power which they have
abused. II, then, on examination. we
! find little to approve and much to
condemn in the action of the two
houses Of Congress for the past two
years, during which time they have
held control Of the Government, it'wiII
be safe and wise to suspend their pow
er and arrest for the next two years
their onward, and, think, downward
progress.
If we look to the action of Congress
for the past two years we cannot fail
to perceive a striking change in the
code of political morality by which
they are governed, and that generally
acts are done and means are now re-
sorted to to effect political objects
which a few years ago would have
been condemned and rejected as lille
gitimate and dishonorable. This new
code of political morality is not mere
/ " acted upon, but was recently avOw-
ed and characterized as new, by Sen
ator Morton, one Of the ablest, and
heretofore esteemed one of the most
conscientious of the Republican lead
ers of Congress. He spoke of il as
something which was just taught him
by the war, and he likens those who
have not learned the lesson, but adhere
to the old opinions Of faith and morals,
TO smile posts on a deserted road"
Under this new teaching it is learned
to teach, as absolete errors, certain
inconvenient rules of political action,
which were heretofore received and
reverenced as the restraints of truth
and honor. Indeed, much os this new
teaching has extended to the walks of
private life. Men learn, and teach
each other to despise, those moral re-
straints, once held sacred, which stand
in the way of the largest freedom of
action. But there is this difference
between the decentralization of legis-
lators and of men-the one acts on
individuals in limited circles merely,
the other disturbs the peace and har.
mony of nations often ruins and en-
slaves them.
l need cite but few examples, nor
90 back beyond the current year TO
show the practical effect of the code
of political morals, newly taught and
adopted in our two houses of Congress.
And first, as the most prominent in
public estimation, l will consider their
action in the late effort to impeach
and remove from office the President
OF the United States; and | will en-
deavor to show how far, generally,
and in its more important details, they
have conformed to or departed from
that conscientious regard to personal
truth and political justice which were
heretofore looked for, not in vain, in
our legislative bodies
When the rebellion was fully and
effectually put down, and there was
no longer any organized resistance
to the authority of the Union-John-
son, who was suddenly called TO the
Presidency-now in the Office and
having about him the experienced
Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln, did, as might
well have been expected, adopted his
and their already initiated policy of
restoring, as promptly as might be,
the States lately in rebellion TO their
former position in the Union. He is
sued a proclamation Of pardon com
pretending most Of those who bad
borne arms in the rebellion-good in
itself, but damaged by exceptions of
numerous classes, which seemed to
me ill,judged, and, as | then thought,
dictated by an unpatriotic spirit, and
arising from the remembrance Of per-
sonal wrongs. SO thought the public
at large, but many, perhaps, most APP
proved aud at the same time | heard
pious men express the opinion that
the assassination of President Lincoln
was a special dispensation of Provi-
denee that the government Of the na-
tion might fall into the hands Of one
who would be less merciful and more
stern as an avenger. But they were
mistaken. President johnson soon
forgot his private wrongs in the high
er consideration of his public duties.
He invited, aud aided in, the reorgan
ization Of the State governments on
their ancient basis, modified to accord
with the changed condition Of things
and he acknowledged them all States
Of the Union with all their ancient
rights.
Congress, when II met, angrily re-
iected these corciliatory measures
refused TO admit the Senators and
Representative from the ten States
framed in their absence, and while
these States were wholly unrepresen-
ted, n now constitutional provision
especially to control and bind them
and endeavored to compel them to
adopt il by threats of severer penal
ties, and prescription more sweeping
and intolerable than it involved. The
President did not esteem this the prop
er mode Of framing or amending con-
stitutions; indeed, he had many sup
pOrters in his objections who had wit
messed, and denounced as atrocious,
the attempt to force q constitution on
Kansas against the will of the people
and he opposed its adoption so far,
aud so far only, as his expressed opin.
ion could oppose it. This made the
breach between him and Congress
complete. He was attacked with vi.
olence, accused Of drunkenness, Of vi
olati0n of pledges, aud of political
apostacy, aud he was unwise enough
to engage himself alone, 10 war of
words with two or three hundred Sen
ators and Representatives, controlling
three or four thousand presses. The
situation of 0 spirited horse tied in a
yellow, jackets nest, or nervous man,
"whipped and scourged with rods, net
tied and stung with pismires," were
enviable compared with his. He