The Carson daily appeal. [volume] (Carson City, Nev.) 1865-1870, 1868-05-22
GREELEY ON THAD. STEVENS.

The Tribune characterizes Thad. Ste
vens' argument before the Impeachment
Court as perhaps the most logical and
effective speech yet made in the trial, y
and, in one of Mr.. Gree'ey's strong edi-
torials furnishes forth the following ex-
tracts and comments
Mr.. Stevens, with his large knowledge of
human nature, finds an authority, more for
chile than could be derived from musty
books, in the thrice-repeated votes of more
than two-thirds of the Senators themselves,
| in favor of the Tenure-of-O Office law, before
it was passed; added to which was fourth
vote Of the same Senators, restoring Mr..
Stanton to office after the President had
suspended him, followed still by fifth vote
of the same Senators for the resolution con-
demning the removal of Stanton and the
appointment of Thomas unlawful. acts.
Mr.. Stevens says truly that any Senator
who now, wi hOut cause, with no fact devel-
oped which was not fully known to him
when each of these five votes were cast,
should stultify them all by vote for the
acquittal of Andrew johnson. would abe
tortured on the gibbet of everlasting obloquy.
How long and dark would be the track Of
infamv which must mark his name and that
Of his posterity."
Mr. Stevens calls to mind that all the
later and minor usurpatons of the President
have grown out of his first great usurpation
of the Legislative power to reconstruct the
Union and impose terms OF peace upon the |
conquered Rebel States. His one consuming
ambition was so 10 reconstruct the Union |
as to impose eternal political slavery on that |
race whose social slavery had rent the Union |
asunder, and thereby to obtain the political
control of the late Confederate States. This |
would have caused the mantle of Jefferson
Davis TO fall upon Andrew Johnson; and to
grasp and wear this he spurned and tram
pied under foot the descending mantle of
Lincoln, and entered on his career
of pertdy to the loyal States and contempt Tor
the lawful Congress. Mr.. Stanton disap-
proved this course, and therein lay his sole
offense. His career as Secretary Of War had
been the most brilliant and successful this
Or any country had ever known. More than
Carnot, he had organized victory. He had
-aised and distributed a billion of dollars
annually without being charged or suspected
If the mal-appropriation of dollar. This
officer, against whom no
charge could be brought, was to be removed
n defiance of the Constitution, Of express
aw, and of five successive votes of the Sem
tie of the United States, and all this by a
whose career was 4 continued crime.
Mr.. Groesbeck's physical weakness doubt
ess enlisted for the time the sympathy Of the
senator's, and aided rather than injured the ,
feet of his argument. But on 4 critical
urvev of his positions, most Of which are the
sldest assumptions, his address only brings :
Ut more clearly the irremediable weakness
es of his case. He is pleading for Presi- Il
entail prerogatives, which would surrender Y
congress, the laws, the Constitution, and
he country. bound hand and foot, to the will
I an absolute monarch. No sophistry can
bscure, no ingenuity can unmake, this fact.
+ TIE Senate OF the United States could, by
ny faulty, sustain these usurPat!ous then
ne great Republic is already like dream ,
nat is past. History will say Of Us that not -
ven genius, popularity, craftsmanship, or
liitary prestige were needed to subdue US.
W that we bowed our nccks to the heel Of {
lie first despot who attempted our suojuga-
on, though he was ignorant, despised,
icked and weak. 7