Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1868-07-01

/ just rlgnts.
o lame and impotent conclusion, wOr
thy Of Captain Bobadil, Bob Acres snC
Ancient Pistol. The President shall
report to Congress ?" What if Congress
were not in session, nor to be so for si1
months An American COmmodor,
once protected Koszts, who was no
even q naturalized citizen, with Amer
lean cannon, without waiting to ere
port" to anybody; and a Secretary o
State justified the act but that wal
when we had Democratic government
and South. HOstuities with foreign
power would seriously damage govern
ment bonds, you know, and YANKEES
bondholders Better sneak out Of thl
affair, and trust to the good fortune
which the Devil gives his own, to secure
| the vote Of the naturalized citizens. By
INDUCING in what it was supposed would
be & profitable rhodomontade as to the
rights of naturslzed citizens, the Radi.
Gals in Congress have got themselves in
a net" SIGH net" in the words o.
Chawls YelloWplush, "As 1 never yet
see set to ketch a roag In" On one side
are threatened complications with Eu.
ropean nations, none Of which are bound
to abrcgste that which has been their
law and the law of all the civilized ma
tions of the earth from time immemorial,
and to recognize the reputation of ale
glance at pleasure by their citizens, on
the demand of the United States, and
because we choose to make e new law
upon the subject. The first arrest of a
British or French subject, under the bill
of the House, if it should become q law,
will bring a British or French fleet into
our hsrbors; for such an arrest would be
reprisals for the exercise by the foreign
Power of a right which we cannot deny
to it or take from it.
On the other side the wrath of our
nsturslized citizens threatens Congress
and the rotting body of Radicalism, if
these do not secure to the foreign-born
citizen, every where in the world, all
the rights of the Hative-born, according
to the sacred pledge of the nation, in
vOlved in the act of naturalizing, and
Of claiming the allegiance of the person
nRturalized.
On one side were bOldness and danger,
manly good faith and promise of war !:
on the other, cowardice and treachery
and safety, with only the danger of losing
the foreign-born vote. On one side is
honor, on the other shame. Sumner
and his fellow-radicsls prefer the shame
and the safety, the welfare of bondhoId-
ers and the humiliation of the country,
to msgnanimity and honor. If ROME
had naturalized barbarians or Greeks in
the days Of her glory, and guaranteed
them the rights Of Roman citizenship,
the Consuls would have needed no Sena-
OF PIebiscitum to urge
them 10 launch the indomitable Legions
Of the Republic against any nation on
earth that had dared TO assert by arrest
and imprisonment its continued right to
the allegiance OF those whom Rome had
crowned with the high prsrogative Of
The Sumnerian process is
that the President shall report to Con-
gress, in order that it may act at its
leisure. In other words, it is proposed to
enact by formal law, that the Presi-
dent shall do just what ne could do,
ought to do, and would do, without the
law, to the end that Congress may do
something or other, when all the re-
Of circumlOcution have been ex-
nausted.
The National H1telligencsr thus sabres
the proposition of the Committee on
Foreign Relations:
Under this sort Of legislation our citi-
zens might rot in foreign dungeons be-
fore they could De reached by relief.
By such . continuance their chains
would be effeetually riveted, and the
Executive crippled in the authority /
which he ought 10 possess for i'm mediate |
and energetic Intervention. He can
lOw 90 all that Mr.. Sumner now pro- /
POSES, and therefore it furnishes no /
'emedy for the admitted defects of the |
laws.
The President must reportU to Con-
yress before he can act, and this very /
Dill illustrates what the course would be |
here, when the Committee Of the /
Senate have taken over two months /
o report it back, and then relue- |
antly, with full knowledge that /
Iumbers Of American citizens have 4
'sen outraged and illegally imprisoned /
Z Ireland. 1t cannot be doubted that
he substitute OF Mr. Summers commit
ee must be acceptable to foreign gov
rnments, If it was not inspired BY their
uggestions. A more complete surrender
4 the whole principle Was never before
proposed for it divests the Executive of
he power which he ought to exercise,
md refers it to the capricious and dila-
DRY temper Of two-hundred. and-fifty-
leaded Congress.
When examined practically, this
dodge becomes more apparent and
Let US suppose that any num-
er Of naturalized citizens might be ar
ested after the 4th of March next in
germany and Ireland, upon such false
reteXts rs have heretofore deprived
theirs of their rights and liberty. All
he Executive could do would be to de-
nand their release, and to g. report all
be circumstances to Congress'' ia the
December. This is the prompt
ction" which Mr.. Sumner proposes
congress shSli take. Nine months of
would probably end the ,
with many OF the victims of
1eh Congressional proDptitnde; aud
'hen their widows and orphans applied
II redress, the dainty Committee of ;
oreign Relations would dismiss them l
18th neglect equally cold, cruel and
eartless.
This proposition is fit to have ema-
ated from the British Legation, because /
Is conceived in the interest of the '
ritish Government, and worthy to have !
)me from representative Ct church,
turner's and proscriptive Radicals, who
ave no sympathy with the principle C
Mich protects the naturalized citizen. 7
heir mock philanthropy expends it. +
II In putting the negro above the Ger
an aDd Irishman, and making him a
ave to their own selfish interests. '
How will our Irish and German citi- i
ms, to whose aid Radicalisua owes all
} power, as the country owed the vic
ries won under the Union flag ia civil
ar, Ike tbs kind of protection