The central Presbyterian. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1856-1908, 1868-05-13

of loyalty to Caesar. Its most ardent
advocates, on both sides, belong to a
class of men who seek, in ithe name OF
Christ, to identify all the iaterests aud
sanctions of our holy religion with the
fortunes of political. .partygor, at least
with the propagation of certain political
opinions; a class of men who claim to
be in their ecclesiastical capacity, the
special guardians of "the stars and
stripes" and seem disposed at the same
time to prove their love to God and to
their country, by keeping all the stars
for themselves and bestowing all the
stripes upon their opponents. These men
are constantly reiterating the assertion,
that the abolition Of slavery furnishes a
reason and a ground for the reunion OF
the Old and New School bodies. And
why? The eStatenee of slavery had moth
ing to do with the division, as every one
knows who is at all familiar with the
facts in the case. But then, the passions
excited by the great contest which cul-
minated in the triumph of dbOhtionism,
and the ambition to attain certain ute
rior objects, for which abolition has open
ed the aoay, have brought the two bodies
nearer together, not in theological opin-
ions, but in political sympathies and in
secular interests. The most earnest
and intelligent advocates of reunion,
the men who are most keen to discover
providential indications on the subject,
know very well that, though the slavery
qu, stion be dead, the negro question is
still alive, and is daily assuming greater
and more difficult proportions. 1t
touches larger interests and lays hold
upon deeper passions. 1t involves con-
test not merely for the equality of two
races, which are by nature and social
condition unlike and unequal; but, in
the Southern portion of our country, it
is struggle for the supremacy of the in
ferior over the superior race. In such a
contest, according to our judgment, the
Church of Christ, as such, has no right to
interfere. "Synods and councils ought
to handle nothing but what is ecclesiasti-
CAL" But then, both the Old and the
New School bodies, through their highest
church courts, have claimed and exer-
cised the right to handle and conclude
political questions, whenever in their
judgment such questions ''rise into the
sphere of morals" See our Assembly s
answer to DR.. Hodges protest in 1861.
We cannot go back on that record, unless
we are prepared to repeaI ar pViisi
cal deliverances for the past six years.
And, if we adhere to it, let us see whith-
er it will lead US under the auspices of
the reunited Assembly. The New
School body, exercising right which we
claim equally with themselves, and ap-
plying a principle which we have solemn
ly recognized and endorsed, have taken
an advanced position on this negro ques-
ton. The circumstances under which
this position was assumed are very sig
nifcant. While the memorable Old
School Assembly at st. Louis in 1866,
was preparing to make the first advances
towards reunion, the New School Assem-
bly, sitting at the same time, in the same
city, almost unanimously adopted the fol-
lowing resolutions, and "their adoption, p"
says the report before US, "was greeted
with clapping of hands and demonstra-
tions of qualification"
81. Our most solemn National trust con-
Germs that patient race, so long held in un-
righteous bondage. Only as we are just to
them can we live in peace and safety. Freed
| by the National army, they must be protected
in all their civil rights by the National power.
| And, as promoting this end, which far trans
cendS any mere political or party object, we
rejoice that the active functions of the Freed
mems Bureau are still continued, and espe-
cially that the Civil Rights bill has become the
| law of the land. In respect to the concession
of the right of suffrage to the colored race this
| Assembly adheres to the resolution passed by
our Assembyof 1868 Minutes, p. 42:) That
the colored man should in this country enjoy
the right of suffrage, In connection with all
other men, is but a simple dictate of justice.
The Assembly cannot perceive any good rea-
son why he should be deprived of this right on
the ground of his color or his race. Even if
suffrage may not be universal, let it at least be
impartial.
%. In case such impartial suffrage is con-
ceded, that we may still reap the legitimate
/ fruits Of our National victory over secession
and slavery, and that treason and rebellion
may not inure to the direct political advantage
of the guilty we Judge it to be simple act of
| Justice, that the constitutional basis Of repre-
sentation in Congress should be so far altered
as to meet the exigencieS growing out OF the
abolition Of slavery; and we likewise hold it
to be the solemn duty of Congress to adopt
| only such methods of reconstruction as shall
! effectually protect all loyal persons In the
States lately In revolt.
"S. As loyalty is the highest civil virtue,
and treason the highest civil crime, so it is me-
cessary for the due vindicatiOu and satisfac
ton Of National justice, that the chief fomen.
tiers and representatives Of the rebellion
should by due course and process of law, be
visited with cOndign punishment.
We quote these resolutions, not for the
purpose of discussing the political doc.
trines they embOdy, but simply to show
into what vortex the consummation Of
reunion will carry US. The New School