Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1868-09-02

/ whose promise it eInbodies, to secure
/ these rights IN case the disfranchised
whites shall be enfranehised by the ne
| gro vote. II this should not be effected
I by but against that vote, Is there any
/ pledge given to those negroes, who, not
numerous enough to be mejority of their
race and color, nevertheless vote for our
| enfranchisement, and do all they can to
restore to US our rights? II IL was In
/ tended to guarantee to these, however
! few, the right to vote, will not the Radi-
/ cal orators ask, why was this not plainly
said in so many words Why make the
! guarantee to any dependent on the vote
/ Of all or OF majority? .-. 5.,i..l.
do not think that any large number
Of the negroes of this city will vote for
| Seymour and Blair or Leftwich. Very
few Of them, think, believe a word of
that which Democratic orators say to
them. They understand the Brownsville
resolution in the sense which their r adj
cal leaders impute to it. The large mass
/ of them stand imnaovable, sullen, stub
born and stupid, malignant and revenge
/ full, under the Radical banner, and be-
lieve in the gospel of JacobinisEa and the
apOstolste Of Mr.. Barb8uE Lewis. Some,
more shrewd, meet with duplicity what
they deem dupiieity, pretend to be Dam
ocrats, talk Democratic doctrine as far as
| they understand it, collect all the money
they can from those whom they csj0le
and at whom they laugh in their sleeve
and give private assurances to those of
| their own race and color who are too
thoroughly identified with Rsdicalism to
be able to play the same game SUCCESS
| fully, that when the election morning
comes, they will be found voting all
right" We will not believe the contest
! As,L H.. =
| of chicane and smbidexteritY between
them and the negroes; but IL It were, the
white American would prove no match
for the black African in cunning, reti=
cence and deceit.
! The result in the neighboring Province
of Mississippi upon the question of
| adopting or rejecting the Constitution
| dictated at Washington, and whose
| adoption Was endeavOred to be enforced
| by Federal bayOnets, has greatly eneour-
aged q large number of Conservatives
here in the expectation of being able, by
means like those adopted there, to con-
| troll the negro vote, and by its aid regain
/ the rights of which a usurping Legisla-
! ture has deprived them. But know
/ that by many men Of intelligence and
foresight in Mississippi it is believed that
| the victory won there was SO obtained,
! by means of such pledges and commit
ments, as to make it certain that it will
in the end prove worse than defeat.
A year ago, negro delegates were taken
/ by the Conservatives of this city to
Nashville, and the Convention which
sat there expressly guaranteed to all
adult male negroes the right to vote.
The attempt so 70 win the negro vote
proved a signal failure, and seemed to be
generally Iepented Of At least. when
Mr.. Leftvich was elected Mayor, negro
suffrage was expressly repudiated, appa-
rently by all Conservative white men.
believe that the present attempt to win
the negro will prove quite as signally
failure; and that many of the negroes
who now profess to be OF the Democratic
party, will play us false, while the great
mass of them will continue to form the
armed militia of Radicalism.
What the effect of the policy now
adopted will be in the North or in the
South, is perhaps not at present sscer-
t2inable, and can only be matter of opin-
ion. L think that, here, it will lose Us
more white votes than it will gain US black
ones; and that in the North it will do us
immense injury, since it o5literates one
OF the great Issues on which the Damo- |
cratic party was likely to win the votes |
of Republicans. All that, time alone |
can determine.
But as to the evil consequences of the
policy adopted, on the future of Tepues- |
see, do not think there can be apy |
doubt. By a fair construction of the |
BroWnsvlue resolution, to vote is one of |
the rights now possessed by the negroes,
anu Lne aSI0vuIUIG II tO uIaiutaIu JIIrTIi
in this right, if they will vete to enfran-
chise US. To acknowledge that they are
invested with the right, is to admit the
constitutionaiity and validity Of the leg
islation that assumes to confer upon them
that right; and that admission not a few
OF US cannot make. I believe the fran
chise laws to be utterly null and void.
To place negro speakers upon the plat
form with white men, is to admit their
ntness to exercise the elective franchise,
and the equality of the two races. How,
after that, can we take from them the
right to vote, on the ground that they
are unfit to exercise it, or that this ia
white mans government, in which none
of the African race are entitled to have
voice
am not in the least disposed to make
factious opposition to any msasure which
the majority of the party Of which sm
a member, may Judge expedient. But
when believe that q measure or q policy
is big with incsleulable and perpetual
mischiefs, that it is terrible mistake,
that 1t yields up every thing, comedies
the Justice and wisdom of the Congress
sionaI legislation, and leaves US no van
tage ground to stand upon, cannot Weld
these opinions to those of others, how
much soever | may respect how much
soever may sincerely regret to differ
with them. ..r. -..-'.
1t Is said that, having gone into
the Convention, am bound by its ac-
ton. Undoubtedly; 80 far as its action
was legitimate. We were sent there to
nominate candidates, and not to make a
platform. The people who sent us had
given no instructions and expressed no
opinions for our guidance on the ques-
tion of negro suffrage. 1 held that they
had given US no right to commit them to
il in any way and hold so yet The
resolution expressed only the Individual
opinions OF those who voted for It, and is
in no sense binding on those who oopposed
Ii. ,1- sfssgHE Es
It Is web known 10 those who have
read the APPEAL that I have all the
time, consistently and upon principle,
been opposed to negro suffrage; and that
have again and again, as frankly and
forcibly as L could, stated the reasons on
which that opposition was founded. 1 II
de not believe that any one can exagge-
rate the mischiefs and evils certain to
flow from it; 1 believe that it
will prove the utter and irreme-
diable ruin Of the South and that
1t would be far better to endure our
present ills and bear our present bur-
thens for years, rather than to consent
TO negro suffrage rs the means of procur-
ing relief. Others think differently, and
neither eeDsure or malIgn them. Per-
h2ps they are right and am wrong.
But it seems to me that this one thing
is worthy to be considered by all. It Is
more than three years since the war
closed. About twelve thousand five hum
dred young men Of the wnite race come
OF age annually in Tennessee, and the
great majority of these are Conserve
dives. When the war ended there were
few young men in the military service
OF the Confederacy, who had not at
tanned the age of eighteen, and very few |
who were then under that age are or
can be disfranchised. Those who were
then eighteen, are now of age; and in
five years more, all who were then be-
tween the ages Of thirteen and eighteen
will be voters. II We have only the pa
tlence to wait and endure, these will, in
five years more, enfranchise US: and it
aaQu0a ma fhrf r.-fIl 1