The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1868-11-16
ENGLAND.
MIR. Bright and the Minority Vote.
IRON the London Times, November 81


What MIR. Bright said al birmingham may be very
briefly dismissed. lie repeated with scarcely a
variation the vehement invective OF last year. The
wisdom loreathers, tie practice Of six centuries
the time honored usuages OF the consttuion-these
are the phrases, strange in his mouth, to which he
fecurs. II is not necessary TO say single word In
answer to these appeals. Let Us rather proceed az
once to state what Is the direct intention
OF the minority clauses; we will discuss
10 "three-cornered constituencies" where no
voter 10 allowed to vote for more than two
minority Ia constituency amounting TO two-hiths
OF the whole should be certain securing one OF the
three members In the same way the intention Is
that in the clty OF London il the minority be three
Sevenths 1t shall be certain OF one representative
this were once unprecedented, and it Is fortunately
true that much OF the opposition to the minority
clauses springs from misrepresentation or their i'm
port, ian guage such as been used IN London and
birmingham could not be repeated; Liberal cand
dates boast that the clauses will .iail" or win
be defeated" through the excellent organ
plete mistake. II the liberals in Birmingham
be to any apprecable degree more than tnree.fths,
she clause would "fann II three candidates were not
returned. II in London the liberals exceed four
seventies they ought to fulfil the design OF the clause
and return al four members 1T Is quite right; 1t
v the duty OF the liberal committees in these and
other places similarly situated to return many
members as they can. aud, II there be any doubt
polling booths; but We must in the Interest Of the
Ensl.sh language AZ well as III defence Of accuracy
o. thought, protest s against the notion that the
SUFFICIENT preponderance OF voters OF one mind they
secure that all the members elected shall be OF
the same party. And now what Is the policy OF the
minority clausesf We have stated 1t often enough
before but are prepared TO state as often again rs
Secyre better House Of COMMONS and the real mar
ucpation OF larger nnmoer OF citizens in the cleo
ton OF the House Of Commons. Each reason s suifi.
Client 70 warrant their adoption. rake the second
reason hrst. IL 1t can be shown that or two cleo
toral methods one engages a greatr number OF
electors IN the election VI members OF the House
tLan The other that method Is be preferred, and
this because IL will make the government more
free and stable, and must IN It's operation prove
powerful Implement OF political education. We are
told, indeed, that the end Of the House Of Commons
s to govern. but this Is only half the truth. Repre-
sentative government Is an end as well as q means;
and were II not 50 there would be no reason to pre-
fer II 10 Imperialism II Imperialism promised to
grant the same. or ~ 1t sometimes might, better,
kind OF legislation. That as matter OF fact the
minority clauses Will enlist larger number OF elec
tors In the act OF election Is true on the authority OF
MI. Brgnt lie said last week at birmingham that
were II not for the minority cause three liberals
would be returned Tor that borough without
conservatives Of the place To activity, and they
are making struggle according to their
mons. But, again the minority clauses win tend TO
produce better House OF Commons. 1t Will
Of course be understood that IN the extent 10
which they are now applied their effect must be
very small, but ~ do not with Mr.. Bright, look
upon Lord Derby and Mr.. Disraeli as statesmen
whose yerd ct cannot be reversed, we anticipate
Q considerable extension OF their operation when
the redistribution oil Is next taken In hand.
The minority Clauses will tend to make better
Of Commons because they viii bring new ele-
ments into At and make Is a better informed House
We are told by way VI addition 10 the old error that
the Cnd OF the House OF Commons rs to govern, and
that government ID matter OF lorce In al its FORMS
These are truths. but again only half truths. Let
them be ilust rated by trial In court OF law. The
object Of such trial Is the application OF the force
OF The majority TO cons;ian one who wishes TO do
wrong TO 40 right, or 10 punish him for having doneS
wrong IL IS matter of force. But think IL
desirable. In order that the force may be integently
and justly applied, that the process should be pre-
sieeu over Dy the man OF The greatest ability and
experience we can discover; that all persons who
able t0give testimony affecting the question In dis
puie should he summoned and examined; that
everything which DE said both sides should be
exhausted 10y persons framed 10 this Junction. and
that In vast number OF cases twelve Indifferent
persons snail be summoned 10 lsten to consult and
~ help one another 10 right conclusion. Is II
pecessary 10 apply the parable 10 the House Of Com
mons No adyOc u OF the representation OF minori-
ties has dreant that the baance OF force Is TO be
reversed or turned backward through It's operation;
this IL an due 10 Its opponents; but Its ad-
vocates contend that II will enghten the ninistra
ton or force making 1t swifier 10 redress what IL
wrong, more intelligent 10 separate good from evil.
They make effort TO neutraize the majority which
must govern, but they try all II AZ wise men win
attempt TO 90 10 make II hear reason, 10 instruct,
and, necessary, to tame IL.