Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1868-04-01


impeachment. 1t seemed well to avoid the
agitation of that question, and to make sure
OF such motives as the conduct of the Presi-
dent would continue to furnish, to arouse the
| people from the dangerous tendency to reac-
ton shown IN some recent elections. Now,
however, that the same body, which 80 lately
refused to entertain Impeachment, have voted
with so great unanimity to impeach, | accept
their judgment on the fact especially in view
of possible designs upon the war office, fraught
with the utmost peril to the country.
/ L could wish, however, that the trial were
to be for the violation of some law already
established in the confidence and affections of
the people. and not a law passed by the pres
ent Congress, and whose constitutionality is
somewhat in dispute for, Mr. President
our honest judgment must admit that it is
always doubtful legislation to change the
fundamental laws for passing exigency in
the temper of the times, or in the character
or doings of an individual. But, wise or
unwise, the act which the President has vio-
lated is the law of the land, and by the law
he must be judged.
The first of these resolutions declares our
confidence in the mass of the American peo-
pie, that they will deport themselves with
calmness and judgment under this new trial
of our institutions. That confidence is well
put. The mass of the people not only
merchants, bankers, brokers' the men of fl
nance, the men of higher education, lawyers,
statesmen, but the working g-men, the bone
and sinew of the nation-those whom Mr..
Lincoln was wont to style the plain people
these have shown us in years of bloody trial
and disaster that they could be trusted
trusted to read trusted to think, trusted to
act, trusted to stand by law, to maintain and
defend the institutions of the country.
They showed again in the fall elections
G 10 +lot IL l. L.
save the country could be trusted with the
issues that the war had entailed upon them.
And they will justify our confidence now.
Notwithstanding the intrigues of demagogues
and the inhammatOry appeals of partisan
and malicious press, they will read, they Will
think, they will Judge according to truth
they will stand by the law, even though these
measures bring damage to trade which cuts
them to the quick.
1t is eminently proper that such body as
this should declare this confidence, for having
the confidence and declaring it will help to
produce the result.
The second resolution expresses like con-
fidence in Congress. Many of this Congress
were in Congress during the war, and proved
their patriotic devotion to the country and
though they men Of like passions with
ourselves, and subject to prejudice and parti-
san feeling, yet who can doubt that the mem
bers the Senate--gentlemen of legal learning
and large experience in affairs, sitting under
oath in so grave a trial-will Judge each for
himself. according to the fact and the law
We already see that the weight of this meas
ure stea dies those who have undertaken it.
and that party clamor bows TO Justice
The third resolution declares our confidence
that the nation will abide bv the verdict of
the court; and by this we commit ourselves
in advance, to accept the decision, though it
shall prove contrary to our expectations,
judgments or desires.
Effervescence there may be in the popular
feeling, but assuredly the nation will bow to
the decision of this, its highest tribunal.
And here the occasion rises to an awful
sOlemnIty. 1t is not Andrew johnson alone
who is on trial. The Senate of the United
States, the people of the United States, the
Constitution of the United States are on trial
before the civilized world and at the bar of
impartial history. The result cannot be
doubtful. The nation that has proved itself
the mightiest in history by the resolute deeds
and the stupendous sacrifices of war, shall
prove itselfalsO the greatestin history through
the dignity of Justice and of law. The con
stitutiOn which sustained for years the terri
bic strain of civil war, Will bear without a
flaw or the breaking of fibre this greater
strain upon its most vital point
I seem to see the historian of the future
r 1
see him record the names Of generals, who,
having led victorious armies through bloody
fields, and won for themselves the honors Of
the service, instead of courting political
power, or pervcrting the republic to a mill
tary despotism, disdained the temptation of
official bribcs, that sought to make them the
tools of disloyalty and dishonor. | see him
write the name Of one, whom none will sus-
pect of ambition for Office, and whose integ-
rity none dare asperse, who was willing to
stand alone in a position of discomfort and
odium, that he might guard the rights and
fest the laws Of the country. | see him write
the history of Il Senate transmitted into
arena Of party strife into the serene atmos-
phere of Justice, and there administering the
law upon the Executive head of the nation
that the constitution might stand supreme
see him write admiringly the name of a
nation, capable of governing its passions and
bending its will to the law And now | see
him pause, lay aside his pen, and gaze upon
the two majestic forms of Law and Liberty
emerging together from this conflict Liberty
bowling to Law that Law may be evermorc
the guardian of Liberty. You have seen at
Wcimar the twin statues of the two great
poets of Germany, Goethe and Schiller, hand
in-hand Goethe with the scroll that bespeaks
his Immortality, and pressing upon Schiller
the crown, which Schiller modestly disclaims
So shall we now lift upon the highest pedes-
tai Law and Liberty Liberty, with the dec
laration of independence, her scroll of I'M
mortality, crowning Law as her defender
hand-in-hand upholding order, freedom, jus
tice. union, peace, for all the coming ages