Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-10-12


found il to require such careful conside-
ration that have withheld my answer
until now. My first impulse was to
accept your invitation at once, and has
ten to respond to your appeal upon the
instant; but a moments reflection and a
review Of your letter restrained me.
am as anxious as you can be to see
kindly relations and fraternal feelings
replaoe the sore and angry suspicion
which prevails upon both sides of our
land, nor would any labor daunt me IN
such cause; but am more powerless
than you are to promote such q result.
You greatly exaggerate any influence OF
mine, misled, doubtless, by the accident
of an historic name. represent nothing
in Massachusetts, but a comparatively
small and very unpopular minority and
am regarded as hardly less Objectionable,
though far more insignificant, than your
selves by the majority Nothing that
| could do or say, if L visited you,
would be likely to receive fair or candid
construction. My action would be at
tributed to silly or unworthy motives, and
yours to the inveterate luminosity which
is still believed to animate the South. 10
spite of any protests of ours II will be
insisted that we had some disloyal"
intent in our meeting. l do not surge
these apprehensions as reasons for an
absolute refusal, for I should try to face
my share of the obloquy with such forth
tude as could muster, if | saw fair
chance Of aiding the two sections. But
as you seem to anticipate an important
effect on the North from the reception
which you might offer to me, l think it
right to disabuse you of the error. Nor
do I think can say those things to your
people which would be delightful to them
to hear, or pleasant for me to speak
Your fate has been for the present ia
volyed by the memorable logic of events,
in a most bitter political struggle. The
interest, and | doubt not the convic.
tiona, of the dominant party will prevent
any dispassionate consideration OF your
case until after the election.
1t is declared, and fear it is widely
believed, that the spirit Of secession still
fires the Southern heart, and works
through the Democratic party. A mass
of honest men are taught and believe that
the success of that party means the po-
litical re-establishment of the genius OF
revolt, and the elevation to power OF the
Southern leaders in the late war. Now,
while do not believe that if the wide
spread suspicion of intent could be dis
charged from the minds of our people
here. there would be great difficulty in
obtaining fair hearing, it is too potent
a weapon of party warfare to be relin-
ouished during this contest for the Presi-
dency. If the Democratic party is de-
feated in this canvass, it will be because
the people fear its success would leopard
ize the substantial sesults of the war.
Now. upon this point the Northern mind
is absolutely determined, and no party
could maintain itself which should re-
pudiate the war, or surrender its acqui-
sitions
For my own part think 1T would be
very difficult to get rid OF the logical and
legitimate results of the war, if we tried
to ever so hard; but still our people are
very sensitive on that point. cannot
see, for instance, of what value your pet
dogma of the constitutional right to Sc
cede would be to you. even If we granted
you a dispensation to proclaim 1t on the
house.tops. Constitutional or not, IT Will
never again be practicable, except IN the
form of revolution, and that is an extra
constitutional right which cannot be
taken away from any people. Slavery l
take to be stone dead, for the reasons you
yery clearly and ably state in your letter
to me. 1t would never again be OF any
value to you if you had it back, and the
ghost of it, which is SO much dreaded at
the North, the phantom of involuntary
servitpde for poverty and color, as pun
ishment for vagrancy which haunts SO
many well-mesning men among us,
would speedily become burden SO odlous
and SO intolerably expensive that, If TOR
no better reason, you would be glad to
drop it. But at the same time you must
yourselves be well aware that the hasty
and inconsiderate legislation upon this
subject in two or three of your States
lately in rebellion did more to fasten
universal suffrage upon you than any
other one thing.
The North is well aware that there is q
wide distinction between civil rights and
political privileges, nor were our wisest
and more practical statesmen of the
Republican party at first inclined to
adopt the dangerous experiment OF Plsc-
ing power in the hands of your poor,
ignorant field hands upon a mere fsnci-
ful theory Of the natural equality Of man.
Doubtless, citizen of Massachusetts,
who is utterly illiterate, may be my su-
perior in all manly qualities, but unless
be can read the Constitution in the Eng
lish language, be is not my equal politi-
callv. The principle is here admitted
that we may and must temper theoretical
equality with practical tests Of fitness
for public duty. Now, this was ignored
in your case, because ii was urged and
believed that thus slone could the blocks
protect themselves, and il was said that
any admitted qualification would be
abused By you TO the total exclusion
from the franchise and consequent help
lessnesL
The Northern people. having freed The
slaves and left them still mingled With
their former masters, could not, With
decency or humanity, abandon them
naked 10 the savage enmity which they
we're taught to believe you felt 10 them,
nor could they calmly look on 70 see
those opt8ssed Of whose comfort and
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