The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1868-01-31
,,ts-es.inx Debate--A Capital Speech
by Mr.. Buckalew.

.o-es.inx Debate--A Capital speech
by Mr.. Buctalew.
:, ,be Senate on Wednesday, after Mr..
pomeroy had concluded, Mr.. Buckalew,
.,e Pennsylvania statesman, made an able
sneech. The following report gives the
,,are outlines of it, yet shows that it was
such:
ur BUCKALEW commenced by de-
scrbing the existing organization of the
governing power of the United States in
me legislative department, quoting statis-
.;cs Of elections in past years, from the
srerage Of which he deduced the fact
that in order properly TO represent the
sc,pal power of both parties the majority
should have twenty-eight senators, the
minority twenty-six, instead of the former
having, as at present. forty-three, to ten in
the minority. 1t was to be expected in
s1ch maiorities that the result would be
what it is-that extreme and violent men
would rule in their councils. This great
evil could not long exist without some
crisis, such. as dictatorship or anarchy.
With a fair representation there would
have been, during the war and since,
different condition of things. The debt
would not be half the present amount, and
the country would not be disunited. The
six States east of the Hudson, with an
aggregate vote of 3,l35, 2S3, had twelve
senators-six more than they were entitled
to, with proper distribution. In 1864
the new western States were attempted to
be introduced-in the case of two success
fully-and now representatives from Colo
RADIO were about the lobby urging admis-
sion. Had there been anything like
balance of power, such an idea would have
been hooted. In neither of the Terrific
ries admitted by political pressure were
there more than ten thousand electors,
while other Territories in the Union (Utah
and New Mexico) had double the popula-
ton.
Mr.. STEWART said Nevada had vote
of 1900.
Mr.. BUCKALEW, after abiding to the
exclusion of q senator elect from New Jer-
sey by political vote, thus swelling the
majority, said twas now proposed to organ
ize State governments in the South by q
party holding four times the political
power it was entitled to. 1t was an en-
deavor to maintain the supremacy in the
Government of the United States, which
it had held since 1860. He had once sup
posed that this was Government OF the
people. But now it was proposed to make
reconstruction Interchangeable, thought had
never been submitted to q vote OF the peo-
pie, North or South. No rule was better
established than that Constitution was
changeable only by the authority that
formed it. When the amendment was
submitted in 1866 it had been said that it
was to be submitted to each State, which
proposition large majorities were obtained.
But upon the proposition recently to place
unon the people of Ohio the same mea-
sure now to be thrust upon the people OF
the South, they had repudiated it in tones
resounding throughout the land. The Sc
cretary of the Senate, who published two
newspapers" both daily "-had said that
Mr.. MORToN's speech was q triumphant
and unanswerable vindication of congress
sional reconstruction, both as matter OF
policy and as a matter of right. He
quoted from Mr.. MoRToN's speech, and that
of Mr.. TRUMBULL, the assertions that IN
every State but two the number OF white
voters exceeded the number of colored
voters, and then referred to the Tribune
and World AlmanacS, and other authori-
ties, to show that in Mississippi, Louisiana,
Florida, Alabama, and South Carolina, the
black vote exceeded the white, while IN
Georgia it was about equal.
Mr.. SHERMAN asked whether that was
not caused by the fact that the white citi-
zens refused to register.
Mr.. BUCKALEW said that was not the
point he was arguing; and went on to say
that only in Arkansas was there such
preponderance Of white registration that
an election would certainly be determined
by the white race. He therefore held
that between the full registration and the
black vote, and the partial disfranchise-
ment Of the whites, negro supremacy was
the inevitable result.
Mr.. SHERMAN said the first recon-
struction act supported by him disfrau-
chised no whites, and he had always re-
GREETED that any man was prevented from
voting, being convinced that when the suf-
frage was extended to all the negroes it
should have been extended to all the
whites. Every Republican in the Senate
had voted for a proposition to enfranchise
every male citizen in the South, but the
Democratic members Of the House of Re-
representatives. united with majority OF
the Republican members in voting down
that liberal proposition, or resortiDg to
political tactics to prevent vote, thus
forcing Congress to the adoption of the act
IS it was passed. After reciting the SUBJ
sequent action of Congress he said that
but for that combination between the
Democrats and portion of the Republi-
cans doubtless there would be majority
of white voters in those States. If, how
ever, they chose to forego registration
rather than share with negroes, it was
not the fault Of Congress, and they could
not complain. There was no doubt that
they could step forward in every State
even il. South Carolina-in view of their
superior intelligence and capacity for poll
tics, and control the majority at any time.
Mr.. BUCKALEW said the point he
made could not be covered up By words.
The question of responsibility for the acts
of the period referred to by the senator
was discussed fully at the time. What
ever differences there were in the ranks of
the majority, the Democratic members
had opposed all their propositions. BE had
told them all they had to do was to join
the Democratic party in rejecting the
amendment; but the idea was to pass the
House bill, and hold the minority respon-
Sble in the same way. True, the senator
had then opposed disfranchisement, but
afterwards yielded to the dictation of the
master of the House, as others had
done before and since. Disfranchise-
mant had haan crantad hv fha nnlitical