The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1868-04-16

to be completed. but called for resolution tC
which no practical effect could avowedly be
given, and about the details of which its sup.
porters would inevitably disagree the moment
message of peace to Ireland, would it be SC
received in the North On the contrary, il
would produce bitterness and animositv, and
ne denied that it would concliate the Roman
Catholic peasantry, who regarded as OF greatsl
importance the land and the education cues.
tons. Lord Stanley concluded by defending
his amendment, the meaning OF which was that
the work OF the session was sufficient for the
session. Whenever action was necessary, the
government would not be unprepared for it.
but now action was impossible, and the gov.
ernment objected to pledging in any way the
judgment OF the next Parliament.
On Tuesday evening the debate was re-
newed. We present below an abstract Of the
speeches:
Mr.. Secretary Hardy, who began by remark
ing that the question had been treated by the
speakers in support of Mr.. Gladstone g resolu.
lions not merely as one that affected the
church in Ireland, but the ministry. 1t was,
therefore, an attack at once upon the church
and upon the government. But this was not
all; for ministers had to meet attack both on
their front and on their flank.
| He did not mean to say that the Reform act
oflast year was all he could wish; but where
was the man who, sitting in public assembly,
had not been obliged in some respects to conl-
promise his opinions, and to give wayto those
with whom he was associated IN order that
they might act in unity together? That was
all he himself had done. He had sacrificed no
principle, and the whole question OF reform
had been brought before the house as one OF
degree and not Of principle. They were called
upon, he said, at special and peculiar mo-
ment, to go into committee on matter OF the
| rr1,i iol, ho
tied neither in the present nor the next Parlia-
ment, nor probably for many years to come,
aud this had been met by an amend
ment of his noble. friend (Lord Stanley,
which laid down that, pending inquiry, any
proposition that tended to disestablishment or
disendownent ought to be reserved for the
decision OF n new Parliament. Tho question
was one CT time, of occasion, and OF opportuni-
ty, and it would have been an absurdity on
the part OF the government to have assented
to the appointment of a royal commission, had
tLey not been prepared to endeavor to amelio-
rate the state of things reported upon By the
commissioners. The ground which he took
then was this-that at an advanced period OF
the session, with little progress made IN
supply, with the settlement on the Reform
question for Scotland and Ireland still remain
ing open, and with the necessity Of calling for
dissolution of the present Parliament as
early as possible, ministers had right to say
that that was not the time for coming forward
with an abstract resolution-for the first was
distinctly and solely an abstract resolutlon-re-
specting which they could not pledge the new
Parliament, and which Mr.. Gladstone himself
admitted could not be carried into effect by
legislation in the present Parliament. In
short, the question had been suddenly started
upon the country, and taken people by
surprise; and if it had not been afforded
by the recent debate on the state OF Ireland,
were these resolutions not produced, so that
the House might have had time to consider
them and approach their discussion at an ear
Ger period. 1t was admitted that the scheme
Of Mr.. Gladstone could not be carried into
effect for thirty years; yet it was now made
question Of hours, though it avoided the diff
culties OF the subject, and brought before the
House only those parts of it on which they
could get united opinion, whereas if it went
on to full development of the plan OF the
right honorable gentleman they would have
split asunder into score Of fragments. Had
the government met the resolutions with q
direct negative, which, so far as he was con-
cerned, he was quite prepared to do, it would
have been said, "You object even to entering
upon an inquiry or going into committee, and
are not ready 10 admit that any reformation ls
necessary in the church," whereas by the
amendment, ministers declared that if it were
shown by the report of the ommission that
reformation was necessary, they would be pre-
OF the Irish Church establishment would be
practical wrong, and 1t was not for ministers
TO throw overheard those with whom they
had united by the ties of religion and
blood, Of treaty and compact for the purpose
Of reconciling those who were hostile to them.
The preservation of vested rights was spoken
OF, but this was question that concerned not
simply the clergy but the laity, and how were
they to be compensated for their vested inter-
ests? One argument in favor of the resolu-
tions was, that if carried they would tend to
tranquilize Ireland; but this was not the opin-
ion entertained By influential agitators in that
country. for they proclaimed that nothing
short Of the repeal of the union would give
satisfaction. Then came the question rela-
tive to which Mr.. Gladstone had offered no
explanation whatever-namely, was it mean
to secularizc the revenues Of the Established
Church, and what were the purposes 70
which they were to be applied? We're there
to be parsonagcs for Presbyterians, Roman
Catholics, and other denominations as we'll
as Episcopalians? Why, SO far from that
being likely to produce content, 1t was more
calculated to give dissatisfaction, for accord
ing to pamphlet written by Roman Cath
olic member OF the House, it appeared that
if the parsonage. houses were left ID the posr
session of the Protestant clergy it would
produce nothing but discomfort and irritation.
That surely must be a doubtful prospect for
the right honorable gentleman to contemplate
as the result Of adopting his proposals. Alter
all, then the main question OF principle was
what was to be done with the funds If secular
lied; and in the absence OF an answer to that
he had right to say that both on the question
Of time and Of principle it was not enough TO
vote on one part of the subject without having
an idea as to what the other portion was to be.
1t seemed to him, indeed, that they had now
arrived at this point-that the unscttlement OF
everything was clear, and that the settlement
of nothing was also clear. Ii he saw that the
sacrifice of the Irish Church establishment
would secure harmony between various classes
and creeds in Ireland, and that justice and the
interests of the empire required it.. he for one
would at least 60 out Of his way and let others
carry measures which he felt would be for
the general benefit; but not feeling thls, and
sitting where he now did, advocating the
principles which he had advocated when
on the other side of the house, he declared
that the stab should not. be given by his
hand, and that it should not be by those, the
ministerial benches, the change should be eI,
fected. The government had been challenged
to state what they were prepared TO 20. HIS
answer was that, if in spite OF the objection
which they took on the ground OF tine, the
amendment was overthrown, then their course
was clear, and the resolutions themselves WOULD
be opposed. Next, if they we're asked what
they would do, not in the present but Ill M
ture Parliament, he replied thai they would
give no pledge other than this, that they would
act in accordance with the former part OF the
amendment of Lord Stanley, and If it shou d
appear by the report OF the commissioners
that reformation changes were required 1or
the benefit of the Irish Establishment and for