The New York herald., 1868-03-17
ALEXANDER H. srfpHrHs.

ALEXANDER n. srfpHENs.
--~~~~~-,~~~~
*e''~ .~aEpeNnencs Of THE knln
Con -.srsaalon with Alexander II. Stephens
sth View. ON the Tendency Of Eveuts-Thc
tsonrre.uioual Policy Iniusscal - the Liber.
dies ef the PcopIe-xncvitable Rnects Of tho
Enfranchiscment Of ahe Nesro-Hepeless
Prospects Of the Whates Of the south-Mr.
Stephens Resolved % s.sink with tho Ship"
-. WASHINGTON, March 10, 1858.
Alexander H. Stephens the ex-vice President OF
the ex-conederacy arrived here the day BEFORE yes
terday en- route TO hts home in Augusta, Ga. Last
evening your correspondents paid him visit at his
temporary residence and spent pleasant half hour
In conversation with him on subjects OF national
character rs well as on the social and political
condition OF the South. He received MS In his
bedroom and apoogized for wearing his hat on the
Of suffering from an attack of neuralgia In the
head. Mr.. Stephens looked In better health than we
anticipated but there is visible feebleness In his
frame which would seem to be chronic intlrmty OF
his existence. His manner Is exceedingly kind and
interesting, and In conversation there are few men
who are more engaging. Mr. Stephens is singular in
appearance, tall, excessively thin, stopped at the
shoulders, with small, boyish face bright glitter
ing eye silvery hair, falling with natural careless
ness on either side, and dressed In that
peculiar fashion in vogue at the South,
soft felt hat worn neggently on the back
Of the head, careessly tied cravat
under rolling collar and swallow tailed coat
making up the general characteristics Of his attire.
He lit small well seasoned meerschaum as we went
In, and at intervals during his conversation pufed
away with incessant vigor. He exhibited good
deal Of nervousness as he spoke swinging his leg to
and fro and standing up and sitting down at frequent
intervals.
We asked him what view he took Of the tendency
Of events as regards the preservation OF the liberties
OF the people and the maintenance OF that necessary
diffusion OF the powers of government by which our
constitution has designed to provide against usurpa
tion and Capitalization.
He replied:-lt Is apparent that we are tending to
GENERALIZATION. Both in the light Of philosophy and
the precedents Of history this is seen. From the
federative system established by constitution we
are approaching Asiatic government, which is the
concentration OF all the functions OF government in
one and makes all the others subservent and moved
only by the dctation OF the power In the ascend
ancy. We recognize in the G0dhead trinity which
combines three essentials which nature seems TO
Is recognizable in man the image Of divinity and the
nature was created Man is himself trinity There
is the physical the intellectual and the moral, three
as man would be impossible. The same exhibition
Of triune organism existed in government. There
is the executive the legislative and the judicial and
without these, acting independently yet In
harmony, perfect government cannot exist
The great conflicts OF nations during more than
three centuries, or since the dawn OF constitu-
tional governments, have been to dissolve this con-
centration OF power this Asatc theory, and disen-
tange the web which ages OF darkness and oppression
had woven around the web Of governmental power.
Divine law dictates that diffusion of power be made
and kept separate In order properly to answer GER
divine law by human law without experiencing the
convulsions incident TO such violations, though
wants wants OF mankind by by making them Yield to the the
imperative operations OF the higher laws. Although
repeated attempts have been made In the Old World
TO establish government according to the liberal prin
cipe of division Of powers, every effort has been
attended with but partial success to say the least
In England the controversy has been more marked
and attended by the most natterng results. When
Lord Coke was questioned how he would decide on
question which involved the establishment OF
the judiciary upon an independent footing he
replied. ~ shall decide as it becomes a
Judge to decde.n The great English jurist
widely adverse to the demands OF the crown; but
being sent to Parliament he Mt once used every effort
inangurated The contest was prosecuted with great
energy and determination, and led to the celebrated
nineteen propositions. This was the first substantial
step in dividing the powers which had hitherto been
centred In the crown Mr. Stephens went to say
that Mr.. Webster probably as figure OF speech, de-
clared that the American Revolution arose out OF
tax on tea, but this Is not strictly the case Massa-
chusets, in that instance, was the only party ag-
grieved through the first movement to organize u
plan OF opposition started In Virginia. The
involved the interests OF the whole colonies,
and TO keep apart from such an exercise OF power
as contemplated by the crown OF centrallzing the
control OF American affairs In the royal head led to
union as arrayed against such an encroachment and
in a complete and perpetual separation. the govern
ment established by the colonies when thus In y
condition to act for themselves. was upon the
principle which actuated the opposition In the
nrst instance. They recognized the federative
system. and formed constitution einbody-
to enforce the laws legislative to enact laws and
judiciary toproect construe and interpret the laws.
The efficacy Of this system, which then became prac
tcable, II not an American dea certainly then be-
came an American institution. and TO all the nations
In modern times that have been struggling for the
regarded the universally OF the exercise OF these
powers as o franchise OF the masses, the utility
q the system as wen as It's tendency yoca S
condition OF q people has been well demon
strated. But the events Of the past few years
have assumed reactionary tendency, and In the
legislative body Of the nation very palpable dspo
sition is shown to Capitalization, and not only
as controversial question Of the relative powers
government, but direct usnrpation OF the
freedom and isolation OF the executive and judiciary
freedom Of the judiciary Ia fatal blow to the justice
or the force OF the laws. by controlling the exercise
responsible duty, II would bc impossible to have
any other than decision such as the legislative In
the enactment OF laws, contemplated should be the
purpose OF the law. Therefore, no matter how d.
recty in violation Of every sense Of justice or const
tutionality, the law would stand unopposed and the
decree OF a single power unchecked In It's exercise
and uncompromisng In its effects. The safeguard
which the constitution placed upon the legislative
protects the people In the justice OF their laws and
In the enjoyment OF rights untrammeed by partisan
or other motives. He said, further, impeachment had
the same tendency Though the constitution provides
for impeachment, the question OF crime or misde-
meanor IL one which involves In the present case an
ntermnable inquiry into the legitimate scope OF the
legislative OF the government, into the consttu
tionality OF the laws which II IL alleged have been
violated, and whether the franchise OF citizenship
freedom OF opinion s suppressed for the time being
during the investment OF the high official functions
Of President But one thing Is certain, he remarked
the precedent established will be equivalent to an
aggression which might be at any time repeated
If the absence OF subserviency on the part OF the
executive should give rise TO q division with the
legislative. In this view the projected measure is
inimcal to the independence, the dignity, the inyio