New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1868-07-20
r,yrrpJYG THE CONSTITUTION

|
for the Constitution as framed by our lore
fathers by the failure of the recent Demo
cratic Convention to nominate the actual
" choice of the people," has thrown the weight
of his vast influence with Congress in favor OF
| four new amendments of the Constitution, all
apparently designed for the better protection
of Office seekers. A mere amendment like the
XVIII. which secures only the liberty OF four
millions of people, whose race were slaves
when the Constitution was adopted, ana the
peace of forty millions Of people who nave
been convulsed with civil war to settle the
condition Of this race, seems TO fresiueht
johnson to display a dangerous irreyerence
for the infallbe perfection OF our charter Oh
liberties. But the failure of the Democratic
Convention to nominate him, and the fact that
he is practically deprived of the privilege OF run
ming as a candidate, while his ardent admirers
the people arc "by the manipuatlons OF the
Convention" debarred from voting Tor the
man of their choice, convince him that the
Constitution is imperfect in respect to the
mode of elccting President.
The end of his torn of Oflice-now, alas ap-
preaching all too speedily for the welfare OF
the cOuntry-admOnshe him that tho Presl-
dents term of Office ought to be six years IN
stead of four The patriotic heart OF the
President is grieved within him at the thought
of the disasters which may Overtake the coun-
try for want of two years more of his invalu-
able Chief Magistracy. This suggests his
second amendment, making the Presidential
term six years.
His narrow escape from conviction and
removal on, his Impeachment trial, and the
happy thought how impossible and needless
would be all efforts to remove any Presi-
dent, if he were to be succeeded by those
very members of the Cabinet appointed
by himself, who advised the acts for which he
was jmpeachcd, have suggested the third
amendment. 1t purposes to prevent all future
mpeachments of President, by providing
that in the event of his removal he will be
succeeded by the members of his Cabinet, be-
ginning with the Secretary of State and end
ing with the Attorney General. The President
omits to state whether members of the Cabinet
pro tenn. would be included in the order of
succession but as such a measure would aid
the President in designating his successor, it
would doubtless add so much TO the value of
impeachment a. a political remedy for misrule,
that the President would be pleased to have
As Mr. johnson finds, on preliminary can
vass of the Legislature of Tennessee, that that
body is indisposed to elect him to the Senate
of the United States, he is SO deeply sensible
of the mischief wrought by this inadvertence,
not to say criminal oversight, on tho part of
the trainers of the Constitution, that he recon-
mends that the Senators, like the President, |
shall be chosen by the people. His last
amendment provides that the Judges of the
Supreme Court shall hold for twelve years in
stead of for life.
The most important of these purpOrts to pro- |
vide for the election of President directly by |
the people, and aims to abolish nominations
by party conventions. But we doubt If the |
means proposed would tend in the slightest
degree 20 accomplish the end sought Party |
nominations originate in the determination of
each party and of all voters not to throw away |
their votes by scattering them on twenty can
didates but to make them tell on the result
by concentrating all that are of one political
faith on the one candidate who best represents |
that faith, and will poll most votes in favor of
it at the polls 1t is based on the truth that
all important political questions may be best
decided by the people on a square issue-to |
which there can be only two parties. Shall we
extend Slavery shall we subdue the Rebellion
shall we abolish Slavery shall we grant uni
versal sufrage7 These are the great, square |
issues on which the people want to vote, and
on which they can vote in two parties, one |
party voting substantially no and the other
yes. The great mass of voters care more for
the success of their party on these great issues
than what Individual may be selected to repre-
sent them. SolOng as these motives preponderate
there will be the same temptation to con-
centrate votes on one candidate the same
increased chance of electing the nominee of
a National Convention over any and all indie
pendent candidates, and therefore the same
certainty that two three National Conven-
tons will meet and nominate their candidates,
and that the whole people will vote for them,
after Mr.. Johnsons amendment had been
adopted as before He proposes that, instead |
of the people of each State en- mdsse voting
for electors on a general ticket, the State shall
be divided into as many districts as it is
entitled to electoral votes, and that the people |
of each district shall choose, not one elector,
but one VOTE. e., for whatsoever candidate
for President or Vice-Presdent the highest
number of popular votes in district shall be
given, one electoral vote shall be counted on
behalf of that district for President or Vice
President. The President would still be
elected, not by the votes of the people |
directly, nor yet by the solid votes of States
as now, but by the votes of districts of which
each State would have as many as it now has
of electoral votes. This would divide the
votes of States, SO that one district, comprising
certain Counties in State, might vote for the
Republican candidate, and other Counties in
the same State for the Democratic But it