The Wheeling daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1865-1903, 1868-11-24
AmENDme TnE CoNsrIIUTIoN.
From Raypey's Weekly.

luton as an almost 'tinspIred" docu-
ment and work OF miraculous wisdom
ought, at least, to make themselves ID
miIiar with the circumstances OF lis
origin, ard TO remember that no part
of II is more to be reveTed than that
which provides for its amendment
The state of public feeling at the time
of the formation of the Constitution
made the instrument purpOsely OBJ
scuTe upon Joints that experience has
shown TO be vital. Although the fear
of a central power has parsly zed the
Con federation, and brought the coun-
try into the most humiIiaIiDR position,
the Constitutional Convention met and
acted in The shadow Of that lear, and
by leaving the relation of the States to
the Union a half open question doomed
the country to settle 1t by civil war.
The Constitution sketches a noble frame
OF government, but 1t is by no means
an .'iuspired" work, and nothing IS
more stupidity perilous than supeTstt.
ton about it. The system II proposed
WAS wholly uDtTied. Experiences has
reveSled serious defec,s, and the duty
of wise aud patriotic citizens Is to ease
the system wherever friction has ap-
peared.
In nothing did Hamilton chow him
self wiser than in the perception that
the peril in our system would never be
the assumption OF the Union but OF the
States; II would not be centraliz4tion
bnt State rights. His view has been
curiousIy confirmed by experiences.
While the instinct of Nationality has
been deepened, the Interpretation OF the
fundamental law and OF the local State
Law has been hostile TO real national
-ity. No moment SO suspicious as the
present was ever offered for doing what
ought to have been done at first; name
lyI authorizing the nation itself to de-
Iermine who shall share 10 its govern
ment. II there be no nRtlon-e1cePti in
a vague and formal Way-if the U0iOn
be- a mere leagne of sovereign and in
dependent States, each State must be
lett to determine for itself whom IL will
authorize TO take part for il in the gem
eraI deliberations. But il we are an
actual nation, we ought ourselves TO
determine the question. This can be
done without cRvil by an amendment
TO the Constitution. which we are glad
10 know will be submitted to Congress,
and which we hope will be ratified by
the proper u um Der of State Legislatures.
Such an amendment would settle one
long and Angrily contested question
lying at the very foundation of the ma
lional peAce-and IL would settle IL
fiually and beyond the pretense OF quib.
bling
Such an amendment must be con-
ceived Ia the most generous spirit; but
generosity Is compatible with wisdom.
Nothing gained by the war ought TO be
seriously Imperiled, II wOnld be a very
poor compliment to the sincerity or to
the teuacity of the Southern leaders to
suppose that General Grants election
as President has done beyond all ques-
lion what General Grants victory over
Lee failed to achieye.~ 1t has this effect,
of course, that 1t shows Wade Hampton
and his friends the intention of the PEG.
pie to maintain the consequences OF the
war by all lawful means-and 1t COM
pels those gentlemen, for the present,
10 use no o.her than lawful means for
their own purposes. But we need NOT
deceive ourselves. Those gentlemen
are not in the ascendant. But they are
Democrats; they are the men o64ndomi-
table purpose in the Democratic party!
as subalterns or as chiefs they will
work TO restore thatSpartY to power,
and should it come into power they
would rise tpfts head and control its
policy. They would not, perhaps. at
temptto restore slavery. But they are
not lovers of liberty. Neither by ira
dillon nor by faith are they in sy mpa-
Thy with American ideas. and their pow
eF would be, as 1t always has been, dis
astrous to real national progress.
Whatever is done, therefore, must
be done in a way which will not ne
CfEAhEllS ueIp lub ECOeLueH Vi tut5e per-
sons. Look, for instance, at LOuisi-
ana and Georgia. Georgia, as recon
struc'ed State, Instantly expels from
the Legislature ciIizens lawfully elect
ed and uuHccused of crime, thereby
giving the power to the men of whom
We speak. Louisiana, reconstructed,
falls prey TO anarchy; and iu the city
of New Orleans The men of whom we
speak take absolute possession OF the
polls. The fault is not the reconstruct
ton policy, it Is in the sympathy orthe
Executive with the late rebels. If,
when Louisiana WINS threatened with
domestic violence. Governor Warmoth
could have Invoked the aid of d Presi-
dent who WAS not hostile TO loyal men
in that State Mpssrs. Rousseau and
Steedmau would not have represented
the National Government there, and
loyal men would have voted. Thus, II
the ExecutiVe-of the United States Is
favorable to domestic violence in a
State, the clause OF the Constitution
authorizing the United States to pro-
teot tho State becomes Imperative, as
we have Just seen in Louisiana.
Orsuppose that there had been uni
versal enfrHnchisement, and Mayor
Monroe had been Governor of LOUISE
ana, what possible protection would
loyal men have had In the STATE? Just
whit they had in South Carolina in
1850. when Governor and State author
ities aud United States judicial officers
in the State all wentinTo rebellion. As
the case now stands under the Consti-
tuition, whom the authorities OF State
do not invoke assistance against domes.
tic violence, theTe is no remedy except
the remote process Of a suit in a court.
which Is no remedy at all; and IL the
authorities OF the State do demand that
aid ola President who refuses to giveit,
there is also no remedy. Isthere any
necessity of such a ridiculous dead
lock Is II not clear that the constitu-
ttopal provision needs TevisIon7 1--we
take care TO increase the political power
OF the dissdecied element, let us at least
not diminish the security OF loyal elf.
izans.