The Fremont weekly journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County, Ohio) 1867-1877, 1868-04-03
NJ E Mt!
opening of the Court Monday.
GREAT SPEECH by Gen. BUTLER

misdemeanor to be one in its nature or con
seque noes subyersive Of some Fundamental
or es sentisl principle of government, o.
highly preiud'ciai to the public interest
and this might consist of violation of tbs
| Constitution, Of law, of an official oath, ol
Of duty, by an act committed or omitted; or
without violating a positive law, by the
abuse of discretionary power from improper
motives, or for any improper purpose.
Mr.. Butler then recited the Articles o.
| Impeachment, aud said the House of Rep.
resentatives and the people have joined issue
with Andrew johnson ss to his right TO &C
as he has This bill which he has violated
received the requisite sanction of both the
! Senate and House of Representatives after q
| full consideration of his objections. If he is
| to be allowed to exercise this dangerous
power of removal, where is it to end? Does
the constitution invest the President with
all the executive power which is enjoyed by
the kings and rulers of other nationsf Ifs
it has been much more liberal to him than
10 the Legislative branch of the government.
The executive power of appointment is clear
ly limited by the words of the constitution,
which renders the consent of the Senate ne
cessiIry. The power which he has assumed
to exercise is kingly. The power of remov-
al was very elaborately debated in the first
Congress on the bill TO create State De-
pal tment. 1t was debated four days, and
in7lly was so framed as to imply the power
of removal in the President. But the tri-
urnph of its supporters was short-lived.
When it came to the House, on motion Of
Mr.. Benson, the provision implying the
power of removal in the President, was
stricken out. 1t went back TO The Senate,
but as the debates there were 10 secret ses-
sion we have no means of knowing what
did take place. But we learn from the jour
nal that this provision, implying the power
of removal, was retained by The casting vote
of John Adams, the Vice President. Alasl
most all our woes have come from our Vice
Presidents. Notwithstanding this the facts
show that the President made no removal
without notifying the Senate.' None of the
early Presidents had ever attempt, d TO exer-
else the power of removal now assumed by
the present occupant Of that chair. Con-
gress has slwaS asserted legislative pow
er 10 reference 10 removals from office. Upon
the whole never until now has the exclu-
sive control over appointments to Office been
exercised by the President. In 1896 the
powers of the President were canvassed in
Congress, end a committee was appointed
on the subject, who reported that it wss me-
cessary to trim down his power BY statute
ry enactment, aud reported no less than
eight different bills ON the subject. One of
them vacated within acertaiu time all offices
pertaining to the collection of revenue. Here
was Tenure of Office Act reported by one
of the greatest minds of the country. 1t did
not seem to occur to Congress then that it
had not power TO regulate appointments to
and removals from office.
Mr.. Butler cited further acts of Congress
in support of his position, and after stating
the events of February-the removal of
Stanton, appointment of Thomas, the inter-
view with General Emory, DC, concluded
his argument as follows:
Who does not know that from the hour the
President began his usurpation of power be
every where denounced Congress, the legal
ity and constitutionality of its actions, and
defed It's l. gitimate powers, aud for that
purpose announced his intention, and carried
out his purpose, as far as he was able, of re-
moving every true man from Office who sus.
tanned the Congress of the United Safes.
And it is TO carry out this plan of action
that he claims the unlimited power of remo-
val, for the Illegal exercise of which he stands
before you to-day. Who does not know
| that in pursuance of the same plan he used
his veto power Unfortunately to prevent
the passage of wholesome laws enacted for
| tn pacitcation of the country? And when
laws were passed. by the constitutional ma
| iority, over his vetoes be made the most
determined opposition, both open and covert
to them; and for the purpose of making that
opposition effectual, he endeavored to array,
aud did array, all the people lately in rebel
| lion to set themselves against Congress and
against the true and loyal men their neigh
| bors, so that murders, assassinations and
massacres were rife all over the Southern
States, which be encouraged by his refusal
| to consent that single murderer should be
| punished, though thousands of good men
have been slain And further that he at
tempted, by a military order, to prevent the
execution of the acts of Congress by the
military commanders charged herewith
These and his concurrent acts show conclu-
sively that his attempt 10 get control of the
military force of the Government by the
seizing of the Department of War, was dore
in pursuance ofhls general design, if it were
possible, to overthrow the Congress of the
| United States; and now claims to control,
by bis own will, for the execution of this
very design, every officer of the army and
navy and civil and diplomatic service of the
Unit Sta'es. He asks you here, Senators,
| by your solemn adjudication to confirm
that right, to invest him with that power TO
be used with the intent and for the purpose
he has already shown. The responsibility
is with you. The safeguards of The Consti-
tuition against nsu patton are in your hands.
The interests ard hopes of our institutions
wait upon your decision. The House of
Representatives has done lis duty. We
have presented these facts in a constitutional
manner. we have brought the criminal to
your bar, and demand judgment at your
hands for his great crimes. Never sgaiD, if
Andrew johnson go quit and freq this day,
can the people Of this or any other country
by constitutional checks and guards stay the
usurpations Of executive power. l speak,
therefore, not the language of eEaggeration,
but the words of truth and soberness, in
saying that the future political welfare and
liberties of all men hang trembling upon the
decision Of this hour.
During the delivery of Gen. Buffers
speech the Senate was filed, both on the
floor and in the galleries, to hear il, and the
attention given it by the Senators, and ssin
fact by all, is almost unprecedented. The
Presidents counsel, and especially Mr.
Stanbery, seemed very uneasy under much
of it. The counsel were also evidently an
noyed with the riddling Butler gave the
Presidents reasons, as set forth 10 his au-
swer to the tenth article. The rapid success
sion of keen thrusts made were recognized
by the whole house. The effect upon the
members is better shown by the action of
the House on returning 10 it, chamber, when
by vote of so to 20 the rules were suspend
ed, and 40, 900 copies ordered to be printed.
At the conclusion of the speech,
Mr.. BIxeHAx, of the Managers rose and
said Mr.. Prcsident-The Managers, OH the
part of the House, are ready to proceed with
the testimony to make good the articles
of Impeachment exhibited by the House of
Representatives against the President of the
United States, and my associate, Mr.. Will
son, will present the testimony.
Mr. WILSON, wish TO state in behalf Of
the Managers that notwithstanding the
meaning of the documents which we deem
important 10 be presented in the evidence has
b en- set out in the exhibits accompanying