New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1868-01-27
UHAT IS TIE ISSUEY

paper IN the country, IN discussing inc dCiS vi
Congress, makes this demand upon THE TRIB-
UNE:
What is the necessity for them-for certainly 1t is
only in extreme emergency that such measures as
these could be deemed wise or even toerabe 2 TIE
TRIBUNE strongly urges them upon public favor; VIII IL
be good enough tell why they are required Nhat
crisis in our national affairs demands resort TO remedies
so extreme and desperate these Nhie the war was
ragng-yyhile Rebellion of formidable proportions ana
mower menaced our Government with overthrow, many
things were done for which the plea Of necessity was
urged and admted-for then the plea at least intel
ligible But what does it now In what quarter
does any such imperative necessity for extreme meas
ures exist The Rebellion is The Government Is
safe No armed hostility threatens it with overthrow
No public peril overhangs the nation which can only be
averted by the EXTREMIST measures which desperate
states ever dream OF resortng to-
- In brief, we contend that the new meas
ures Of Congress are required to save four
millions of our people from virtual Slavery.
ten more States from the condition of Ken
lucky and Maryland. and the Union from
triumph of the principles of the men Of the
Rebellion. We shall reply to Tie Times by
giving our reasons for this faith.
Letus suppose that the johnson "policy" had
been adopted. That policy meant to return TO
power tie leaders Of the Rebellion. Certain
classes were DISTINGUISHED, but the disfranchiSe-
ment was speedily removed by Presidential
proclamation. No provision was made for the
negroes. The Freedmen's Bureau bill was
abolished, and the negro was to be denied civil
rights. He could NOT vote. He could not sit
upon jury. lie did not have the right to pc
titOn. lie could not educate his children
Local laws were made which virtually re-
lnanded him TO SlavcTy-aws of apprentice
ship which kept him in bondage. While the
Republicans cOntended that the negro was the
ward of the country aud that we should aid
him as much as possible in rising above the
blghting and polluting influence of his former
thralldom, the President insisted that the
" States" had absolute power over all such
questions. and that Congress had no business
to interfere.
As this argument was the fata one, and we
think the cause OF Mr.. John~n's most unioru-
nate blunders let us consider it moment.
What are the States according to the Prcsl-
dents deinition9 His proclamation OF Septem-
Der s. 1867 restored all the white men Of the
South to the franchise, with perhaps thousand
exceptions-so trivial Indeed that they do not
affect the argument The States then, as he
called them, amounted to about five millions
anda half of people. With few exceptions, these
people were Rebels. They had the electoral ma
chinery Of eleven States-With thc.powcr OF put
ting eighty Rebels in the next Electoral College,
and sending ffty-eight representatives, to
Congress. To make it palmer these five
and half millions Of people would
have rs much power in the Union as the States
of Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin, Connecticut,
Maine, Massachusetts, Ncw-Jersey, and Yer
mont, containing population of over seven mil
lions. They were to vote not only for themselves,
but for nearly four millions of negroes, who were
to have representation in Congress without
political power. We imagine these ffty-eight
gentlemen in gray taking their seats int the House.
They would find forty nine Democrats to well
come them, and not a good Congress for wei
coming Rebels either! Forty nine in this Con-
gress with Mr.TJohnsOn President. His Excel
lency would have been supreme Every measure
of relief to the South would have been vetoed,
every bill or resolution guaranteeing justice to
the negro destroyed. Another rcyulsion takes
place, change like that which came over the
North when Seymour was chosen Governor,
Twenty Congressman gained, let Us say--and
10! the whole Congress passes into the
hands of the Comprehend Rebel alliance,
With a President who has never yet
done an act as President to offend
either Rebel or Copperhcad, we can imagine
what would follow. First, bill to equalize
the State Notwithstanding all the State
debts into a general loan; thus tapping up and
revivifying the war debts OF the South. Then
4 bill to make good certain claims" upon the
citizens of the Southern States A new loan,
let us call it Compromise Loan, for five
hundred or a thousand millions, five per cent,
perhaps, with which the Secretary of the
Treasury might redeem the obligations known
as Confederate bonds Then another loan,
TO be called the Compromise Indemnity
Loan, to make good certain losses incur
red by the Emancipation Proclamation" Then
new Army and Navy BILL restoring to
their positions in the army such officers
as had resigned, but who, by an act of
grace and amnesty, had been relieved frcN the
pains of rebellion. Then certain Compromise
Appointments Lee as General alongside of
Grant and Joe Johnston beside Sherman, and
Beauregard with Sheridan. Why not? If the
sight OF Orr and Couch marching arm-in-aIm
into a Philadelphia mob to hear Mr. Raymond
read an essay on politics could make the Presi
dent shed tears, what balmy, gushing, heavenly
Drops would pour from his gracious eyes at
the sight of Grant and Lee. on horseback, uni
formed as Generals, at the head of the Ameii-
can army, all so happy and so gay.
And of course the South would have
TO be cultivated. 1t would be pretty
hard to get the niggers back to Slavery, but
certain iudc;ous laws could be passed There
might be a general system Of apprenticeship
for all nggers under twenty-One, and another