The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1868-08-29

ku9k1N ON INTEREST AND PROFIT
The following exsracs h RON tie New
York Tsmes Of ths Oath Of August:
"Ws givs elssuhers soupls d rather curl
Qua lesssn which John Raskln n writing 70 .
London joarnAl. on he principles that ought to
regulate labor, profit aud capital or what are
ordinarily called the laws 81 political economy.
We fear ahat neither Mr.. Stewart. Mr.. Astor,
Ne. Vanderbilt, nor Gen. De Peyster, would
agree 70 the following remark: An rates of In
tersst or modes of profit on capital which rem
der possible the rapid accumulation OF fortunes,
are simply forms Of tAxation, by individuals, on
labor. purchase, or transport; and are highly
detrimental to the national interests, being, in
deed. no means Of national gain. but only the
abstraction Of ANAL gains from nay to form
the large gain Of ONE"
John Ruskin Ia right In his conclusions.
All the labor movements now convulsing the
civilixed portion Of the world, have but one
object it 10 to secure to all producers their
just share in Cor rightful exchange tory the
proceeds of their tolls. But this simple and
honest reform cannot be effected without .
great revolution. No great amelioration Of
the condition Of the laborers Chat 10 the
masses) Of mankind can be looked for under
our present Law, money and land syssems.
Our complicated Law system TO which Justice
is stranger, has grown (chiedy during the
last three centuries) out Of the money sys-
tenn, and the money system is based upon
the iniquitous and impious wrong, which
permits money value to be placed on, and
sanctions permanent sales Of, our common
farm. But il 10 manifest both In Earope and
America that these systems. Slapped BY the
vices they themselves have generated, are
tottering to destruction.
John Bright and the lamented Richard
Golden finding all hope Of further reform
stopped by the land system in great Britain,
were forced to face the proudest aristocrscy
on the globe, and, in spite Of laws OF entail,
to declare to it that--'the land must be sold
in small quantities" As to the money ~ s.
tenn, do not the gambling dens Of the money
changers, and their bowling orgies, stink in
the nostrils of the community With re-
gard to justice between man and man, have
we not arrived at that pass when the wit of
an advocate 10 more potent than right " aen
money overbears honesty, and man can
say unto his neighbor, show me your purse
an an tell you the lawr
| If these systems are great evils in Des-
potisms, they are greater evils in Republic.
Our Democratic form Of government cannot
endure the classifcations they generate.
The height Of an aristocracy Of wealth OF
birth, bears an exact proportion to the depth
Of human misery out Of which it grows and
which il exists. Riches are not now gained
by superior labor, bat extracted by superior
craft. The community commonly obtains
no equivalent for such accommodations. Prob
ably the richest draper in New York has
not added the value Of quarter Of yard
Of cloth to the wealth Of the nation. He is
merely distributor Of that article. But to
distribute wealth is to do something COM
pararively useful. Many obtain vast for
tunes whose lives are positively pernicious,
Spectators in 1esh and grain, who exist by
creating fictitious famlnes, and money and
stock gamblers, who live by robbipg their
neighbOr legally. These latter are the Dick
Turpins Of modern sOcic-y. Men Of great
great wealth are rot the enemies of the
workingman, but the systems which create
such are his deadly foes. No laborer, how.
ever ill-rewarded be his toll, has q right t.
denounce q man as q monied aristocrst, I'm.
less be himself would refuse 10 accept for
June. He has. however, a right to condemn
the systems that rob him-to encourage idle
ness and generate wastefulness and crime
1t is well for US to carefully attend to th'
distinctions, in fighting the great Labor bat
tie for the common good of all human be
iDgs, whether they be rich or poor.
R. w. HCxE.