Dodgeville chronicle. [volume] (Dodgeville, Wis.) 1862-current, 1868-02-14

nination ell would have been well, and the
present state of things would not exist.
But he undertook finally to execute the
guarantee himself, without the co-opera-
ton of Congress. The speaker then re-
ferred to the Presidents proclamation of
| May 80, 1865, as follows: ?
mo person shall be qualified. as an elector, or
shall be eligible as member of such convention,
unless he shall have previously taken and sub
scribed the oath of amnesty. as set forth IN the
Presidents proclamation of May 49, A. D. 1865, and
Is voter qualified as prescribed by the constitution
| and laws of the State Of North Carolina in force
i'm mediately before the 10Th day of May, A. D.
1861
The person having the right to vote
must have the right to vote by the laws OF
the State, and must, in addition to that,
have taken the oath of amnesty. The
President DISTINGUISHED in voting for dele
gates to the conventions from two
hundred and fifty thousand to three
hundred thousand men. His dlsfran-
chisement was far greater than that
which has been done by Congress, which
does not extend perhaps to more than
forty-fiYe thousand or fifty thousand per-
sons at the furthest.
The provisional Governors appointed
by and under authority of the President,
were to call conventions; they were to
hold the elections, and they were to count
the votes; they were to exercise all the
powers that are being exercised by the
military commanders under the recon
struction acts of Congress After those
constitutions were formed the President
went forward and accepted them as being
loyal and republican in their character.
He authorized the voters under them to
proceed to elect Legislatures, members of
Congress, and the Legislatures to elect
Senators to take their seats in this body.
In other words, the President launched
those State governments into full life and
activity without consultation with or c.
operation on the part of Congress.
Now sir, when it is claimed that these
governments are legal, let it be remem-
bered that they took their origin under
proceeding instituted by the President of
the United States in the execution of this
guarantee, when it now stands confessed
that he could not execute the guarantee.
But even if he had the power, let it be
further borne in mind that those constitu-
| tons were formed by conventions that
were elected by less than one-third of the
white voters in the States at that time that
the conventions were elected by q small
minority even of the white voters, and
that those constitutions thus formed by
very small minority have never been sub
mitted to the people of those States for
ratification. They are no more the cOnsti-
buttons of those States today than the
constitutions formed by the conventions
now in session would be If we were to pro-
claim them to be the constitutions of those
/ States without first having submitted them
4 to the people for ratification. How can it
| be pretended for q moment, even admitting
that the President had the power to start
| forward IN the work Of reconstruction,
that those State governments are legal,
formed by a small minority, never ratified
by the people, the people never having
had chance to vote for them? They stand
as mere arbitrary constitutions, established
not by the people of the several States, but
simply by force Of Executive power.
| Were those States admitted to represen-
tation in Congress under those constitu-
tions, when they were fully restored to
their political rights, they would rise up
and declare that those constitutions were
not binding upon them-that they never
made them, and they would throw them
OIL, together with those provisions which
were Incorporated therein, declaring that
slavery should never be restored and that
their war debt was repudiated. Those
provisions have never been sanctioned by
the people of those States, and they will
cast them out as not being their act and
deed as soon as they shall have been re-
stored 10 political power in this Govern
ment. Even if the President had the pow
er, which he had not, to start forward in
the execution of this guarantee, there can
still be no pretense that those governments
are legal and authorized, and that we are
bound to recognize them
The President of the United States, in
his proclamation, declared that those gov
ernments were to be formed only by the
loyal people of those States.
Extracts, to this effect, were here read
from the proclamation
Now, sir, so far from those State govern
ments having been organized by the loyal
people, they were organized by the dis
loyal; every offce passed into the hands
of rebel; the Union men had no part or
lot In those governments; and so far from
answering the purpose for which govern
ments are intended, they failed to extend
protection to the loyal men, either white
or black. The loyal men were murdered
with impuuity; and will thank any Sen
ator upon this floor to point to a single
case in any of the rebel States where d
rebel has been tried and brought to pun
ishment by TIE civil authority for the muir
der of Union man. Not one case, I am
told, can be found. Those governments
utterly failed in answering the purpose of
| civil governments and not only that, but
they returned the colored people to con-
dition of quasi slavery they made them
the slaves Of society, instead of being, as
they were before, the slaves Of individuals
Under various forms of vagrant laws they
deprived them of the rights of freemen,
and placed them under the power and con-
troll of their rebel masters, who were filed
with hatred and revenge.
Time passed on, Congress did not at once
annul those Governments. Mr. Morton
here spoke Of the Constitutional amend
ment, fourteenth article, brought forward
in 1866, with tacit understanding, though
it was not embraced in any law or resolu-
ton, that if the Southern people should
ratify and agree to that amendment, then
their State governments would be accept
ed-which amendment was contemptu-
ously rejected by the Southern people,
counselled and inspired by the Democracy
of the North. By that amendment it was
declared that all men born upon our soil
were citizens of the United SJates-a thing
that had long been recognized by every
department of this Government until the
bred Scott decision was made in 1857.
The second section provided that where g
class or race Of men were excluded from
the right of suffrage they should not be
counted in the basis of rspresentation-an
obvious justice that no reasonable man
for moment could deny The speaker
insisted that the Justice of the second clause