The New Orleans crescent. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1866-1869, 1868-05-26

particular candidate, except for grave rea-
sons" And after this sentiment comes the
noteworthy context, "that the recollection OF
Grants general order of December, 1852, is
likely to deter many Israelites from voting In
his favor, we can not deny" The Messenger
further continues: This much we all know,
that the Hebrew citizens of this republic are
not to be dragooned or made tools of for po-
htical uses. They are not compact body for
political purposes. Their commercial, social
and political affairs are thoroughly distinct
from their religious interests. There is no
national Hebrew vote. In the coming cam
paign Hebrews VAL work, and talk, and vote
precisely according to their convictions as
citizens, and in no respect viii their political
action be dependent upon their religious
character as body"
No intelligent person can compare the tenor
of the expressions above quoted from the
leading organ of Jewish opinion in the United
States, with the nature of the obnoxious or
der referred to, without concluding that, apart
from all other considerations, the Hebrew
citizens of this country will have grave rea-
sons, resulting from this order, for voting
against Gen. Grant as a presidential can
didate. That order was directed, not against
contraband traders and camp. followers in gen.
eral, such as might interfere with the plans
OF campaign; it was aimed especially at all
the Jews within Gen. Grants command, and
stigmatized and prescribed them as people
belonging to distinct and odious nationality
This is an imputation, as the Jewish Messenger
signifies, which every Israelite who respects
himself or his race must Indignantly repudi-
ate. According to every authorized spokes-
man for the Hebrews in the United States or
in Europe, they claim no nationality separate
from their citizenship in whatever country
they may be citizens, whether by birth or by
adoption. For example, the nationality of the
Jewish citizen of England, is English; of the
Jewish citizen of France, French; of the jew
ish citizen of Prussia Prussian; of the Jewish
citizen of the United States, American; moth
ing less, nothing more.
But, beyond the particular reasons, above
indicated, why Gen. Grant, the radical candi-
date for president, should be opposed by the
general vote of Jewish citizens, there are facts
of broader and more permanent character
from which the logical conclusion is to be
drawn that Hebrew sentiment at the present
day is antagonistic to political radicalism in
this and every other country. Mr. Disraeli
has written nothing more philosophical or
more interesting than the Argument in which
he undertook to show, and did show conclu-
sively, that the Jewish influence in modern
politics was not, as petulantly charged
by devotees of some of the effete feudalities
and royalties of Europe, revolutionary and
subyeTsive; but that it was, on the contrary,
essentially conservative, while, within the
limits of circumspect conservatism, practi-
cally progressive. The very fact that the
Jew adheres to a creed and a race which are
wholly outside of modern nationalities and
churches places him, in some sense, what
ever may be his native or adopted country, at
a cosmopolitan point of perspective with ref
erence to surrounding politics. 1t is not
difficult to perceive how this species of in
herent cosmopolitan, qualified by citizenship
and localization of personal interest, is cal
culated to prevent him from being, in regard
to politics, either fanatical partisan or an in
different spectator, either radical destructive
or an impractieable conservative. This is
scarcely to be said of any other creed or race.
When the Jew takes part in the politics of the
country he introduces nothing of his creed,
and nothing of an extraneous nationality.