The Valley Virginian. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1865-1895, 1868-02-12
: Tile Jol,nson-- Grant Difficulty.


rusal Of the extensive correspondence between
our Chief Magistrate andthe unreliable u
lyssus-but give the opinions Of the leading
papers Of the country, ofboth sides, for which
we are indebted to our invaluable exchange,
the Washington Express, which fully explains
the existing state of affairs
The N. Y. Herald says the Grant-Johnson
correspondence andthe facts and circumstan-
ces connected with it, make up a amentable
case of political dcmorallzation wholly unpre-
cedented in our history. Stanton says he is
discharging the duties of his Office without
any personal or written communication with
the President This is an extraordinary state
Of things, and it wQarsan ugly and forbidding
conntenance. It breaks up the Executive
Department into two divisions-one division
under the President and the other entirely
detached from him, but in full communion
with Congress and this conflict is now ap-
preaching solution 1t reviews the cores
pondence, and thinks General Grant let the
cat out Of the bag. by saying he accepted the
post of Secretary Of War ad interim to pre-
vent the appointment of some one who might
embarrass the army in the performance Of its
duties under the reconstruction acts, and not
for the purpose of enabling the President to
get rid of Stanton. Grants charge that the
President has been guilty Of an attempt to
involve him in resistance to law may be work.
ed up into a>case Of impeachment for the
urgent than ever to the Radicals.
The New York Tribune intimates that the
GrantJ ohnson correspondence has brought
impeachment again before Congress. It
makes sport of Mr.. Doolittle's proposed quail
ifcations for the negro, and thinks the per-
versity and weakness Of mankind is shown
by the persistent gullibility of the people in
regard to gift enterprises.
The Times says that those who have COM
planned Of General Grants rcticence must
admit that for once he has spoken out fully
and unequiyocally. There can be no misap-
pretending the statements Of his letters TO
President johnson, or the tone and purpose
which inspire them. The correspondence is
characteristic, too, as an illustration Of what
proyokes General Grant into explanatory wri-
ting. He is not easily driven into controyer-
sy. The ordinary SANDER Of newspapers and
politicians has no more effect upon his nerves
than the struggling shots Of the rebel enemy.
The antagonism between the statements of
General Grant and the President is too mark
ed to be explained away. An almost incon-
| prehensible blunder must have been commit
ted on one side or the other; or there must
somewhere have been desire to fix or divide
a disagreeable responsibility. Mr.. johnson
was anxious to have General Grants counte-
nance and cooperation in fighting Mr.. Stan
toms battle as against the Senate. Not less
certain is it that from the beginning to the
end General Grant acted under an imperious
sense Of duty. ia
The New York World says when the Chief
Magistrate Of the United States and the high
est officer of the army have the curtain lifted
upon them by Congress, and they are exhib-
tied as engaged in controversy involving
their personal veracity, the honor Of the ma
ton and the dignity Of the Government suf-
fer by SO unseemly spectacle. It is too late
to prevent this scandal, and public opinion
must decide on the merits Of SO indecorous a
controversy. President Johnson's statements
are supported by the testimony Of five other
witnesses, while General Grants denials arc
corroborated by nobody. Six witnesses
against one is great preponderance Of evil
dence against General Grant, whose charac-
ter for honor and yeracity is lost unless he
finds some door of escape not yet apparent.
| But fortunately for truth, though unfortunate
ly for the reputation of General Grant, he
has disclosed his motives in his last letter to
the President His impudent confession as
to the reasons which induced him to accept
| the post Of Secretary of War ad interim fur
nish clue to his conduct. With a dupilci-
| ty which must disgrace him in the eyes of
honorable men, he assured the President
| that if the Senate undertook to restore Stan
ton, he would either retain the Office pending
judicial proceedings, or else give the Presi-
dent timely notice to enable him to appoint
another Secretary al interin. General
Grant knew that if he failed to give this as
surance at that time the plan he had formed
in collision with Stanton ard the Radicals
would be frustrated. He therefore did not
scruple to hoodwink the President by hold
ing out promise he did not attempt to keep.
In his insoence to the President the General
parades his own infamy, by virtully pleading
| to the Presidents charge. There is no way
in which the President could have put the
responsibility on General Grant, if he had
told his intention when the President asked
him. General Grants reputation must al
ways wear the blot Of wilfully deceiving his
superior officer respecting an intention that
superior had an official right to know.
The National Intelligencer has two col
umn editorial on ''the Grant Imbroglio." It
is impossible to read the correspondence of
General Grant with the President without a
deep sense Of modification and regret. Nor
LITIGATION that man suddenly elevated from
obscurity, as he has been, and most literally
rewarded for all the service he had rendered
to the country, should be ignorant Of or viii
ling to forget the prophecies Of intercourse
due to the Chief Magistrate Of the Nation,
and regret that he should have placed him
self in position whereby the supposed can
dor of a soldier is subjected to something
worse than suspicion, and his credit as a man
is most materially damaged. The whole cor
respondence of Gen. Grant proves that it was
political continuance, designed to produce
rupture with the President to put himself
in complete communication with the revolu-
tionary chiefs in Congress who were not sat
isfed with his position, and to employ the
power of the regular army to resist the con-