Sunbury American. [volume] (Sunbury, Pa.) 1848-1879, 1868-05-23
EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE.

say unusual anxiety. Around the bulletin
boards of the Tribune, Herald, and othe
leading papers, crowds were gathered wait
ing for the news from Washington. Th'
result of the impeachment was not, how
ever, entirely unexpected. The detection Of
Senators Fessendcn, Trumbull and others
was known, and it did not require proPhetic
inspiration to foretell that the necessary
nineteen votes would be forthcoming, when
they were wanted. The game was the Dig
gest ever played in this country, and the
stakes immense. Notice had been sent from
New York. a month since that il votes for
acouitta could be had for 100000 piece,
the money would be forthcoming. This
wa, a current rumor in Washington, several
weeks since. To convince any one that 1t was
not mere idle report, l need only mention
that the New York World, the organ of the
johnson Democracy in this city, openly and
impudently recommended the expenditure Of
seven or eight millions Of dollars in buying
up sufficient number of Senators, to insure
acquittal.
do not pretend to say that such men as
Fesscnden were influenced by exactly such
considerations. Judge Chase is an anxious
aspirant for the Presidency, while Fessen-
den was equally anxious for the Vice Presi-
dency. The elevation of Wade, their rival,
as President of the Senate, they could never
forget or forgive. That the Democracy, in
their extremity, have been making advances
to Mr.. Chase for some time past, was too
evident to be mistaken. Some of their pa
pers openly favored the proposition, though
well aware Judge Chase always had been
as ultra and extreme in his views on the
abolition of slavery, as Garrison or Wendell
Philips. If Chase should be adopted as the
opposition candidate to Gen. Grant, Fes-
senden and other Johnsonised Senators
would, no doubt, expect lucrative and hon
orable situations, as cabinet or foreign min.
listers. rr. .
What consideration changed the vote of
Mr.. Fowler, of Tennessee, so suddenly, will,
perhaps, never be fully revealed, but no one
can doubt it's wonderful effect. Only few
weeks since, he was one of the most unre-
lenting of the impeachers of the President.
No woader he was for time speechless
when called to vote, as described by the
correspondent of the Tribune, who says
"Mr. Fowler rose slowly and with reluc
tauce. He heard the question, and was
silent as the thousands who leaned forward
to catch his answer In that long pause
perhaps he remembered his own words, SO
lately spoken, GAS long as we shall fail to
do orr duty, and to impaach and remove
Andrew johnson from Office, the blood of
the loyal men slain in the South will rest
upon our souls" Something 1T least, held
him mute; for, though he moved his lips,
no sound came from them. "We do not
hear the Senator" said Mr.. Sumner, dis
tinctly "Not Guilty" said Mr. Fowler,
with difficulty and no judgment upon that
vote can be as severe as his own words
Tennessee will not forget the vote, nor the
terrible condemnation that preceded it. If
the omission of duty, in Mr. Fowler's opin-
ion. made Congress responsible for the
death of Union men, what responsibility
does he ATTACH to deliberate sanction of
Andrew Johnson's course' The Eleventh Ar
ticle charges that the President attempted to
defeat the acts for the government of the
Rebel States. Mr.. Fowler has hundred
times accused him of that attempt The
Eleventh Article declares it to be q high
misdemeanor. Mr. Fowler has repeatedly
declared it to be crime. Now he affirms
that it is neither. 1t would be easier to
reconcile the Pope to Garibaldi or Mr.. Fcs-
sender to his conscience, than to bridge the
gulf between the Fowler of JAN 10 and the
Fowler of May l6."
The detection of Senator Ross was, how.
ever, even without shadow of an excuse.
His course is thus described by the 7ri-
bunG:
sit must be evident that the immediate
responsibility os the defeat on Saturday
rests upon Edmund r. Ross, of Kansas.
Trumbull, aud Fessenden and Grimes, and
Fowler gave at least brief notice of their
intention to vote for the acquittal of the
President. Even Mr.. Van Wrinkle, who had
written an opinion in favor Of the eleventh
article, has made it perfectly plain that he
can argue one way and vote another, and
that he had so much contempt for his own
intellect that he held it moral duty to vote
against its convictions, on the ground that
they must inevitably be false but Mr. Ross
played the part Of Stanley on Bosworth
field. He promised fidelity almost up 10
the moment that he broke faith. have il
upon unquestionabe authority that Mr.
Ross cn Friday night placed his name on
tho list of Republican Senators who held q
consultation at Mr.. Pomeroy's rooms
promising to vote for the fourth and eev.
enth articles. On Saturday morning the
rumor was current that Mr. Ross would play
false; but it was hardly credited. How ht
would vote was not positively known to the
Republican Senator's until after II O'clock
when he announced his intention to vote
for acquittal. Who could foresee or pre-
vent such shameless treachery as this I'm
.peachmcnt had the law on its side, the facts
ON its side; it had the conscences of thirty
five Senators; but it had not Mr.. Ross
This gentleman was sent from Kansas tc
the Senate, not because of his great mind
or his great learning, but because he was
willing to serve the railroad Interests OF
that State, and could be depended upon tc
act as the agent of these powerful Corpora
tions. He was the weak point in our
lines weaker because it had been thought
shat his constituency would keep him strong
Impeachment was thus lost by an accident
Tor MIR. Ross is nothing more"
a large amount 0f monay uaa M Enuht