The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1868-06-04
Conservative Views Upon tho Cues
~. ton ofHuffraRe.A

n tAOh hOE6uMTABesA
We Commend sto the attention of
our readers the series, of articles, six
in all, which, we shall publish upon
this important question. We have
extracted them from ON able letter,
written to Mr.. Sumner, by the Hon.
Daniel R. Goodloe, of North Caro-
lima. The views announced are
calmly set forth, md will be found
wise. polite. just and statesmanlike ::
THOUGHTS UpoN SUFFRAGE, FROM a
LETTER OF DANIEL r. GooD1oE, OF
NORTH CARoLNA-No. ii. STUART
Mill ON SUFFRAaE.-I have seen
nothing on this subject, in this
remote and secluded part of the
world, from another great English
man-the greatest of them NIL,
indeed, d,-wbo, like Mr.. Bright and
Mr.. Goodwin Smith, is, I believe,
your personal friend. I allude, of
course, to John Stuart Mill. But lie
need not speak directly on it, to
assure the world what he thinks. In
one of his latest works, his " Consid-
e,utious on Representative Gove,n-
ment," he has devoted o long and
lucid chapter to the discussion Of the
question of suffrage. You have,
doubtless, made yourself familiar
with the book but, for the informa-
ton of others, and in consideration
of the high estimation in which you
hold the author, will make a few
citations. He is the friend of uni
vcrsal suffrage, but he would first
prepare the people, by education, for
the exercise of the high function.
He inculcates the idea that the privi-
lege of voting tends powerfully to the
education and elevation of the people,
but he holds, as indispensable, that
there should be competent degree
of education to begin with and lie
carries his theory of educational suf-
frage so far rs to insist that scholars,
professional men, and others, who
become eminent for knowledge,
should have plurality of votes-two,
three, or four,-in proportion to
merit. With these brief e1plann-
tlOuS, L queue uB 1OliOWS:
II regard it as eohoNy inadmissi-
ble," says Mr.. Mill, "that any one
should participate in the suffrage
without being able to read, write,
and, I will add, perform the common
operations of arithmetic. Justice
demands, even when the suffrage
does not depend on it, that the means
of attaining these elementary nc
quirements should be within the
reach of every person, either gratui-
tously, or ut an expense not exceed
ing what the poorest, who can earn
their own living, can afford. If this
were really the case, people would no
more think of giving the suffrage to
n man who could not read, thnn of
giving ID to child who could not
speak; and it would not be society
that would exclude him, but his own
laziness. When society has not per-
formed its duty by rendering this
of instruction accessible to
all, there is some hardship in the
case; but it is a hardship MM ought to
be borne. If society has neglected to
two solemn obligations, the
more important and more funda-
mental of the two must be fulfilled
first; universal toaching must pre-
cede universal nfranchisement. No
one but those in whom an a priori
theory has silenced common sense
will maintain that power over others,
over the whole community, should be
impaired to people who have not
the commoncst and most
requisites for taking care of
themselves-for pursuing Intelligent
ly their own interests and those of
the persons the most nearly allied to
them. This argument, doubtless,
might DO pressed further, and made
to provo much more. It would be
eminently desirable that other things
beside reading, writing and arithme-
tic could be made necessary to the
suffrage; that somo knowledge of the
of the earth, its natu-
raj and political divisions, the ele-
ments of general history, and of the
history and institutions of their own
country, could be required from NIL
electors. But these kinds OF know
ledge, however indispensable to nm
intelligent use of tho suffrage, nre
not, in this country, nor probably
anywhere savei in the Northern United
States, accessible to the whole peo-
pie; nor does there exist any trust
worthy machinery for ascertainipg
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