The New Orleans crescent. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1866-1869, 1868-01-31
THE NEGROES MUST VOTE.

Mr.. Doolittle has impaled the senatorial
radicals on tri-cornute dilemma In the
course of debate on the new reconstruction
bill, he offered the following amendment;
"Prouided nevertheless, That upon an election
for the rstihcaton OF any Constitution, or Of Off
GERS under the same, previous TO its adoption in
any state, no person not having the qualifications
Of an elector under the Constitution and laws Of
such state previous to the late rebellion shall be
allowed 10 vote unless he shall possess one of the
following qualifications, namely:
81. He shall have served as q soldier in the
federal army for one year or more.
20 BE shall have sufficient education to read
the Constitution of the United States aud to So b.
scribe bis name 10 an oath 70 support the same; or
"S. He sball be possessed in his own right or in
the right Of bis wife, of freehold Of the value OF
S25O.n
Mr.. Doolittle denies the right of Congress
to prescribe a rule of suffrage within the
States, but he does not intend to let the radi-
calls escape from the logical application and
consequences of the arguments by which they
urge negro suffrage upon the country. 1t is
claimed that because negroes fought for the
North, therefore negroes ought to be permitted
to vote in the South. This argument is for
mulized in the favorite and convincing allite-
ration of "the bayonet and the ballot" 1t is
true that " brooms and ballots, and "virtue
and votes discover, alliteratively considered,
an equal congruity, and that, therefore, all
virtuous women and good housewives ought
to be enfranchised; but this application of the
argument would not suit the political exigen-
cies of the times. Admitting, however, that
to have fought in the United States army
makes man good voter, it does not follow
that others, who did not fight in the United
States army shall be made voters likewise,
simply because they happen to be black
"Hence," says Mr.. Doolittle, eff you will
usurp this power, limit the reward to those
who, on your own theories, deserve it."
Again, it is urged that many negroes can
read and write; and, therefore, are possessed
of sufficient intelligence to exercise the cleo
tive franchise discreetly. "Very WE'LL" re-
plies Mr.. Doolittle, =" if knowing how to read
and write is a test Of voting capacity, let those
negroes vote who can read and write; but do
not extend the privilege to others, who have
no such claim, merely because they are black"
Finally, it is commended that some negroes
have money, or other property, and conse-
quently, having given this proof of thrift and
industry, they ought to be allowed to vote.
Every well" answers Mr.. Doolttle, eff
thrift and industry justify this usurpation,
then let every negro vote who is possessed of
a freehold of $3.50; but do not say that every
negro shall vote simply because negroes are
black"
To sum up, these qualifications or con-
ditions cover all of the arguments advanced
by the radicals in favor of negro suffrage, ex-
cept two-the "loyal" argument, and the
"natural right" argument-and these may be
subsequently disposed of. That is to say
they would admit every negro possessed of
those qualifications urged by the radicals as
constituting a valid claim to the elective fran
chise. But the fallacy of their argument is at
once made apparent when we consider the
manner in which it is applied. They de-
clare that to have been soldier, to know how
to read and write, to possess a certain amount
of property, should entitle a man to vote.
They then argue thus: The negro-meaning
some negroes-was in the federal armies:
the negro-meaning some negroes-knows
how to read and write; the negro-mean-
ing some NECROSIS thrifty and industri-
Gus; consequently all negroes ought to be
permitted to vote. This is a palpable
absurdity; yet it is just the absurdity
committed by the radicals. Senator Doc
little, by proposing his amendment, has ex-
posed, not only the fallacy of their arguments,
but the hypocrisy of their pretences.