The national Republican. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1866-1870, 1868-08-26
FOR PRESIDENT,
ULYSSES s. GRANT,
OF ILLINOIS.
THE COLORED RACE

II IL too much to expect that equal and exact
justice should be done to this race BY the
"superior race" which has so long oppressed
them. It IL natural for US to trample upon Il
those beneath US, especially when We have
been accustomed to do 1t for many years.
When, for generations, . people have been |
crushed we are not In the habit Of letting |
them up at once. 1t In a sort Of pleasure to us
to keep down those we have abused. We say
these things are natural. The fact has many
illustrations in individual instances, and also
on broader scale. These facts are the lesson
Of history, and we have seen them illustrate ID
10 every age, and among all nations, especial ly
among all nations calling themselves civil
ized.
We need not wonder, therefore, that Il lere
is an extreme reluctance to admit the col ored
race In this country to its political and civil
rights. To acknowledge the man who m we
have oppressed and degraded to be our equal
In any sense, 10 to confess that we havtj done
wrong, and 1t IL not In human nature to do
this In hurry. Humility and honest confess
sion are not born ofvanity, self-sufciei ICY. an
human conceit. We may be willing to let a
man whom we have treated badly alon, ;, and to
forego all further ill-treatment iowa rds him
still, we are not disposed to narrow the social
and political distances between u ., nor to
IL
man whom we have wronged an equal staiu,
with ourselves. .HEauF o. 81 -... .r.
We say, therefore, that this r.nwillingness
which 10 observed in this countr to recognize
the negro, grows out Of that T. .ndency Of the
human mind to ignore the rights of those
whom we consider to be below us; condition
In human affairs which has been SO frequently
illustrated throughout the world and in all
nations by the rise, fall, and development OF
races.
There is one phase which this question, In
its application to the colored race, assumes to.
day, which we should not let pass without a
remark or two. Just now we are told that
there 10 great danger Of p war of races. This
too serious q question to be treated flip.
PANTY or by an inasmatory style Of argument
While we do not see the immediate danger
and are firm In the conviction that there Is nc
necessity for 1t, we will not undertake to say
that 1t will not come. What we do say Is thai
II 1t come the colored race will not be tn,
guilty party in precipitating 1t. The best wa,
to silence these arguments that this race will
commence in any violent way even to asser
and maintain their rights, is that the histor,
of this people In this country, under all thei
disabilities and oppression for two hundred
years, has demonstrated this, that they ar,
too docile, too obedient, and too long SUFFERING
and patient, to enter, now that the hour Of lib
erty dswns upon them, upon any violent out
break, unless there be given them great provo
o,tion.
Tho conduct Of this people while the wa
was going on, when their masters and owner
and almost every able bodied white man wa
doing soldiers duty In the South, Is suficien
argument for their defence. Did they the
make any demonstrations OF . violent natur,
looking to insurrection In behalf OF liberty
Nothing Of the sort. They waited patieptl
for the day Of jubilee, and It came. Such l
this people as a race, and we say again tha
they will never attempt without great prove
cation to get up a war OF races. II such
state Of things ensue the blame will rest else
where.
That there are bad people among them, an
men who would make mischief, there IL n
manner Of doubt. Our remarks only apply
them as race; and now, what we say In cor
clusion Ia, give them their rights as speedll
as possible. Let them have the protection O
life and property and personal liberty unde
the law, that they may live and do like othe
people, and all will be well. Try 1t.