Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1868-09-24

| boiOfc the phhhhge Oi tnc tenure q
Civil Office law no man doubted tina
the President had a right to rcmov,
the Secretary of War. The amend
mept to that act, according to the cx
pnssod opinion ofmany leading Sona
torsS acqniescedin in by the whole Senate
reserved to him still that power. NJ
man who reads the act can doubt it,
so clear was the case that though the
House made it their first article Of
impeachment, the Senate passed II by
and declined TO put il to vote. Stan,
ton, therefore, was lawfully removed
he WIS out of office but the President
ofths Senate told him to "stick." SO be
entcltd and held il for months in
open contempt and defiance of the
President, certainly with no more
rigiz there than any stranger who
walked the street For thisimpudent
and lawless act, he received vote OF
thanks Of the two houses OF Congress.
Nor was this ali weeks were spent
on the impeachment trial, in an effort
to get proof that the President had at
tempted to oxpel the insolent intruder
by force which, if proved, would have
been convincing to the ethics Of the
two houses, high crime or misde.
meanor. for which the President should
be removed from Office. To the Of
fense ofexpelling by force, a trespas-
ser from an executive Office, would
have been added, in this case, contempt
of the presiding officer of the Senate,
who had bade the intruder TO "stick.
Proof Of an intent TO use force, fneces-
sary, to repossess himselfof the depart
ment failed, and with it the articles OF
impeachment charging it,
If the President had been in the ao-
tual possession of his constitutional
powers, he ought TO have been i'm
peiched for suffering the intruder to
remain a single day in possession Of
the demartment. But he was not.
The two houses, backedand supported
by the General-in- Chief had left him
utterly powerless, and incapable even
Of selfprotection. If robber had
eniered his mansion, by night or day,
hecould not have expelled him, espe-
cially if be had been told TO "stick. +"
That the General was in full accord
with the two houses, and that he had
learned something Of their new sys-
ten Of morals, widely different from
whit is taught in military schools, is
proved by his last letter to the Presi.
dent, in which hetells him that he did
not intend 10 surrender 10 him the de-
patment pursuant TO the conditions
on which he received it, lest the Pres
ideht should so use it as to defeat the
action Of the Radicals in Congress.
In truth, he not only surrendered to a
mere trespasser the department, with
its papers and seals, and all the muni.
ments of office, which the President
had confined to him, but he gave the
intruder q guard, detailed for the pur-
pose from the army of the United
States, which was kept up, day and
night, for months, TO protect him
against possible attempt, on the part
OF the President, 10 recover possession.
The seizing and holding possession
of Fort Sumter against the constitu-
tiona authority of the United States,
was an overt act Of treason. Is this
less soY Look at il. Is it less soY
The two acts were done under pre-
tense of right. They were equally
illegal; both committed by military
force, actual or monaced-tho fort and
the department each held by an armed
band against the lawful authority Of
the United States.
When the trial of the impeachment
was at length drawing toward a close,
it was ascertained that some of the
Republican Senators held their official
oath binding them to do impartial
justice paramount TO the party man
date to convict, right or wrong. This
caused much excitement in the par
ty il struck leaders with amazement
and most strenuous efforts were made,
by threats and entreaties, TO compel
or persuade a vote of conviction.
Senators who sat as Judges were as
sailed by members who had voted for
the impeachment, and by constituents
who werc waiting TO get office under
the new President. All sense Of pro.
prioty, all respect for the obligations
OF a judicial oath, wero lost in their
eagernoss for success; they had, in
decd, rejected both in their new sys-
TEN Of political morality, and held
that plcdge with the inevitable sane
tiob, Sc help me caucus, was paramount
to an oath with the hackneyed sane.
tion 80 help me God" The latter
was "played out !" "an old milestone
on an abandoned road" Gen. Schenck
chairman of tho Republican commit
tee, endeavored, by a circular, and,
as time pressed, by telegraph dispatch
es, to avert the threatened evil They
were all in the same spirit and all in
the same high tone of political and
judicial morality, in which he seems
TO have been sufficiently taught The
following dispatch will serve as an
example,:
WAsnNoroN d. C., May ~, 1867.
"To n. W. Wilder, or D. r. Anthony;
There is great danger Of the peace Of the coun-
Try and the Republican cause if Impeachment fails.
Send to your Senators before Saturday, public
opinion, BY resolution, letters and delegations.
Ronrur Q. scHEvcE, Chairman.
This was responded to Immediately
by the parties addressed in one in
stance in the following terms;
LrAvFNvonrn, KANSAS, May -, 1865.
10 Robert 9. Schcnck
We hope and pray there will be no division
among The Senators on the conviction Of Andrew
johnson. ns there is none whatever among the
Republicans Of Kansas.
p. r. AyrnoSY. j. w. WILDER,
NJ. J. PAnnorT. Wv. II. Ra1sroS.
General Schcnck communicated this
telegram to Senator Ross, for whom
it was intended, who dispatched the
folio wing answer:
WAsHiSeroS, MAY l6 1865.
To y. r. Anthony and othOrs
Ocntlcmcn--I do not recognize your right 70
demand that shall vote either for or against cou
viction / have taken an oath 10 do impartial
justice. according 10 the Constitution aud laws,
aud trust that I shall have the courage aud homes
" to vote according to the dictates Of my judg-
mcnt and for the highest good Of my country.
H. O.. Ross.