Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1868-09-24

49, VIZ lfthHNN ~ VI WV NhNiN "
Civil Office law no man doubted thai
the President had a right TO remov,
the Secretary of War The amend
m9pt TO that act, according TO the ex
pnessed opinion ofmany leading Sena
torA acqniesced In by the whole Senate
reseved TO him still that power. Nc
man who reads the act can doubt it.
50 clear was the case that though the
Hone made IL their first article Of
impeachment, the Senate passed il by,
and declined TO put it TO vote. Stan.
ton, therefore, was lawfully removed
he was out of foflice but the President
ofths Senate told him to "stick." So he
enteitd and held it for months in
open contempt and defiance of the
President, certainly with no more
rigii thore than any stranger who
walked the street For thisimpudent
and lawless act, he received a vote Of
thanks of the two houses Of Congress.
Nor was this all weeks were spent
on the impeachment trial, in an effort
to get proof that the President had at
tempted to oxpel the insolent intruder
by force which, if proved, would have
been convincing to the ethics Of the
two houses, high crime or misde.
meanor. for which the President should
be removed from Office. To the of
Tense ofcxpelling by force, q trespas-
ser from an executive Office, would
have been added, in this case, contempt
of the presiding officer of the Senate,
who had bade the intruder TO "sticls. /"
Proof Of an intent TO use force, if neces-
sary, torepossess himself of the depart
ment failed, and with il the articles Of
impeachment charging it.
If the President had been in the ac-
tual possession of his constitutional
powers, he ought TO have been i'm
peached for suffering the intruder to
remain a single day in possession of
the demartment. But he was not.
The two houses, backedand supported
by the General-in-C Chief, had left him
utterly powerless, and incapable even
Of selfprotection If a robbor had
eniored his mansion, by night or day,
hecould not have expelled him, espe-
cially If he bad been told TO ''stick. .
That the General was in full accord
with the two houses, and that he had
learned something Of their new sys-
ten Of morals, widely different from
what is taught in military schools, is
proved by bis last letter to the Presi-
dent, in which be tells him that he did
not intend 10 surrender 10 him the de.
paIiment pursuant TO the conditions
on which he received il, lest the Pres
ident should so use it as TO defeat the
action Of the Radicals in Congress.
In truth, be not only surrendered TO a
mere trespasser the department, with
its papers and seals, and all the muni-
ments of office, which the President
had confined TO him, but he gave the
intruder a guard, detailed for the pur-
pose from the army Of the United
States, which was kept up, day and
night, for months, TO protect him
against possible attempt, on the part
OF the President, 20 recover possession
The seizing and holding possession
Of Fort Sumter against the constitu-
tional authority of the United States,
was an overt act of treason. Is this
less sol Look at IT, Is it less So?
The two acts were done under pre-.
tense of right. They were equally
illegal; both committed by military
force, actual or menaced-the fort and
the department each held by an armed
band against the lawful authority Of
the United States.
When the trial Of the impeachment
was at length drawing toward q close,
it was ascertained that some Of the
Senators held their official
oath binding them to do impartial
justice paramount TO the party man
date to convict, right or wrong. This
caused much excitement in the par
ty; il struck leaders with amazement
and moststrenuous efforts were made,
by threats and entreaties, to compel
or persuade a vote of conviction.
Senators who sat as judges were as
sailed by members who had voted for
the impeachment, and by constituents
who werc waiting TO get Office under
the new President All sense of pro.
pricty, all respect for the obligations
OF a judicial oath, wero lost in their
eagernoss for success; they had, in
deed, rejected both in their new sys-
TEN Of political morality, and held
that a pledge with the inevitable sane
tiou, SC help me caucus, was paramount
to an oath with the haokneyed sane.
tion $50 help me God" The latter
was "played out !" "an old milestone
on an abandoned road" Gen. Schenck
chairman Of the Republican commit
tee, endeavored, by a circular, and,
as time pressed, by telegraph dispatch
es, to avert the threatened evil. They
were all in the same spirit and all in
the same high tone Of political and
judicial morality, in which he seems
to have been sufficiently taught. The
following dispatch will serve as an
example
WASHINGTON. u. C., May -, 1867.
NTo y. W. Wilder. or b. X. Anthony
There is greet danger Of the peace Of the coun-
fry aud the Republican cause ID Impeachment fails.
send to your Senators before Saturday, puhis
opinion, by resolution, letters and delegations.
Ronnnr G. scHrScE Chairman.
This was responded to Immediately
by the parties addressed in, one in
stance in the following terms;
LrAvFNwonrH, Kansas, May Is. 1865.
10 Robert G. schonck
We hope and pray there viii be no division
among the Senators ON The conviction Of Andrew
johnson. "a there is none whatever among the
Republicans Of Kansas.
b. n. Avrnoyr. D. W. WILDER.
NJ J. pARnorr. WV H. RAtsroS
General Schenck communicated this
telegram TO Senator Ross, for whom
It was intended, who dispatched the
folio wing answer:
WAsHsGros, May l6, 1865.
To u. r.. Anthony and othors
0onilcmcn-i do not recognize your right %
demand that shall vote either ioT or against con-
riciion. / have taken an oath 10 DO impartial
Justice. according 10 the Constitution and laws,
aud trust that shall have the courage and homes
ty 20 vote according TO the dictates Of my judg-
meni, and for the highest good Of my country.
H. q. Ross.