Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1868-09-02

| they do not lower and degrade the whole
! body CT the people, certainly bring down
candidates to their own level, enable the
| lowest and scUrviest men to crt wi ir D
| Office by appeals to their ignorance aHd
| bad passions, place negroes in stations
| executive, legislative and judicial, and in
no long time make the State unfit to be
| the residence of decent white man.
None of US ought to consent to do any
! thing that shall justify either the wisdom
| or righteousness of the infamous meas
ures OF Congressional reconstruction.
! When we bind ourselves to secure per-
manently to the negroes the right to
vote, and when we place negro orators
| on the stand by the side of white men,
not to address the negroes only, but to
expound the policy of parties and discuss
| the great questions Of the day, for the
| edifcation and instruction OF white men
and white women; and when the
| speeches Of these orators are reported in
! the public Journals, and spoken of in
| terms Of praise, and with disparaging
! conaparisons between their oratory and
| that of white men who speak before and
after them, We justify, not only the
| emancipation of the negro, out the gift
| TO him Of the right of suffrage and of
| holding office; for We most broadly ad-
NIT that he is not only fit to be free, but
| fl also 10 vote and to hold office, and
! that ne is in intellect and eIoquence at
! least the equal of the large majority of
/ the white race. believe that he is mott
| fit to be free, much less fit to vote. That
there are few exceptions in no wise
| proves the fitness of the race.
1 for one, will not admit, for 1t Is not
/ true, that justice required universal suf-
] - fhe-
| frage is no wrong to the white race, pro-
! vided the negro will vote for Democratic
candidates. I will not admit that they
| have any right, on the score OF fitness or
snv other score, to 8 voice in the making
| Of laws or the administration Of the Gov
ernment. To do SO, whether by words, or
/ by actions more expressive than words,
/ is to confess that Stevens was wise and
| ius5 legislator, and that sum neE Is s far
seeing and patriotic statesman.
We have sll denounced negro suffrage
as an unmitigated outrage. We have
cried aloud and spared not against it.
The English language has not sufficed to
supply words in which to express our de-
testation Of the despicable men who have
forced il on the land. IF We now accept
the negro as our equal, and consent that
he shall always vote, if he will but vote
now to enfTancbise US, DO We not admit
that all our elamOr and outcTy against
negro suffrage and negro supremacy were
without foundation in reason; and that
the negro is a marvelously proper person
to vote and hold office, -l0heHh he Uotes the
Democratic ticket? 1t seems so TO me-
The Democratic orators in the North
western States, where the people have
rejected negro suffrage with great indig-
atflI Hanpupainc
ton on the South, as degrading to the
white race in cur States, and as curse
inflicted by malignant mslevoleDce on q
conquered people. Upon that issue we
were gaining Northern votes by thous-
ands. II was the great Issue of the cam
paigu. Upon that only or almost
wholly, we had right TO hope to bring
over to our side the Unien men of East
Tennessee, opposed to negro suffrage.
Now, the B4dical pressea and orators
in the North say TO the Democratic orators
and editors: Why do you cry out clam
OurOusiy against negro suffrage, and de-
nounce it as an infamous outrage on the
South ? Your sllies there do not object to
it. They offer to guarantee to the negro
the right TO vote during all time,-if he
will only vote the Democratic ticket.
They know the negro better than you do;
and they say that ne is fit to vote. They
accept MIN as an equal. They place ne
gro speakers on the stand to speak to
white men aud women. Are yOU more
concerned for their honor and seif-respect
than they themselves are? You COM
plain that military commanders and Rad
icsl legislatures compel the free admission
of negroes among whites On steamb boats
and railway cars. You represent this
forced association Of the races as an in
suit and outrage, intOlerahle to the
white race. Can II be so, when the peo-
pie about whoEl you are SO 5olieitous see
with cOmplaceDcy negroes seated upon
the platforms, by the side Of white men
who are OF the highest consideration in
the States which you so profoundly pity
on account OF negro suffrage? Can il be
so, when a candidate for Congress and
one who was Confederate General pre-
cede, and cne who was Confederate
Senator, perhaps, follows a negro speak
er? These people accept negro suffrage
IS no hardship, no evil, no wrong, while
you protest against it on their behalf"
And men who would have abandoned
the RadiaSl faction and come over to Us,
upon the Single and sole question Of ne
gro suffrage, say, land have they not the
right to ssy), thai If that question is no
longer in issue, il the Democratic party
accepts negro suffrage and guarantees its
perpetuity, they see but little difference,
for them, between Radicalism and De- !
moeracy, because, in all other points,
they agree with the former, and do not
abandon its creed. Have not the Radi. !
cal journals, il We accept negro suffrage, !
and admit the fitness of the negro to |
vote, the right to say that the RECONSTRUCT |
IA rapE "a fo5 I'M hIUf
cessful beyond measure, and successful !
because they are Just and wise? II the |
negro is nc to vote, he is entitled to vote, |
aud If entitled 70 vote, it was q great |
wrong TO deny him that right. |
The Resolution of the Brownsville /
Convention declares that If the white |
men OF Tennessee who are now disfran- |
chised, should be enfrRnchIsed by the 1
negro vote, the negroes 30 voting should (
be secured in the enjoyment Of all the |
rights which they may now possess. |
viii not impute to those who framed or |
voted for the Resolution, any mental |
or intention of paltering ia |
a double sense and making a promise /
only to the ear but the men to whom I
the negroes look for counsel and whose I
words they have 80 far believed, are |
shreWd enough 70 impute the disingenu-
Gus and fraudulent intention, and TO 4
make the impntation seem plansible. /
They have, 10 doubt, already done so. I
They will ask the negroes why, if the |
intention was to promise to secure them |
in the right toVOte that promise was not !
expressed in the plainest possible terms, /
instead Of using an expression st least not |
free from ambiguity. | do not undertake 1
to say GOhGt the understanding of the /
authors of the Resolution or Of those /
who voted for il, as 10 its real meaning, |
was but suppose may safely say, that |
they intended that the negroes should /
understand that it guaranteed to them |
the right 70 vote. For, if it was not so |
intended and desired, it was altogether |
useless thing,
The Radical orator can plausibly say |
that the language was carefully chosen, |
so that it should not have, for those who |
made the promise, the meaning which it |
was meant to have for those to whom It I
was made because It is meant to be said 7
hereafter that it guarantees only such |
rights rs the negroes now possess; and |
they possess no right to vete, because !
they are not lawfully citizens Of ths I
State, and the law that gives them the |
right 70 vote, is unconstitutional, null |
and void.
This is one OF the soundest rules of |
morality and honest dealing: "Bet the /
measure Of thy affirmation or denial be |
the understanding Of the party with |