The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-08-14
Mr., Reed on Revolutions,

From the ~ Y. Tribune.
We are obliged in all political contests to
make large allowance for human intrmity.
And when a gentleman like Mr.. William b.
Reed of Philadelphia writes to the Maryland
Democrats that their party is the party of coin
payments, and that our party is the party of
Reputation, we are bound to believe that Mr..
Reed thinks so and that in consequence of his
absence from political life he has never heard
of an individual by the name of Pendleton. 1t
is little too warm for us to attempt to trace
the intellectual processes by which Mr.. Reed
arrived at these extraordinary conclusions. 1t
is fair to suppose that he read the doings of
the late Democratic Convention, and that he is
not ignorant of its unreserved declaration that
s'when the obligations of the Government do
not expressly state upon their face, or the law
under which they were issued does not provide
that they shall be paid in coin, they shall be
paid in lawful money! i. g. in greenbacks-a
doctrine which leaves the Five-twenties paya-
BILE in notes worth about sixty per cent. OF
their face. We are not aware that the Re-
publican party, as a party, IN any manifesto
promulgated by its authority, has ever So
lemnly indorsed any such doctrine as this;
and yet Mr.. Reed is mortally afraid that if
Seymour isn't elected, all the Government Sc
curities will be good for nothing. Of all the
Democrats who in the Convention voted for
Pendleton, he seems never to have heard,
albeit Pendleton is in favor of paying every
thing in paper, that is if he is in favor of pay
ing anything at all. Moreover, in his hurried
anxiety to make out case which shall be pleas
ing to those theoretical Rebels, the Maryland
Democrats, Mr.. Reed let's out of the bag one
of the most remarkable cats that ever cried
s'mew." 1t is ''the disfranchised, prosecuted
white men of the South" who are to over
throw the public faith unless "the negro is
subordinated, not to slavery, but to the con-
troll of a superior race" And pray why not to
slavery, Mr.. Reed What good is there in
mincing words after this fine fashionP If you
IN can slavery, substantially, as your talk about
ga superior race' shows why don't you say
''slavery' plainly and without coughing +!
Moreover, it turns out that Mr.. Reed is opposed
to negro suffrage because he is afraid that the
ex-Rebels will make desperate attack upon
the public credit, and that they will find in
"the enfranohised negro sure auxiliary"
Now, it is notorious that nine tenths of the eX-
Rebels, whether reconstructed or not, are
strongly in favor of the election of Horatio
Seymour. Singular, isn't it All these good
folks mean (according to Mr.. Reeds admis-
sion) to force repudiatiOn if they can, while
''the enfranohised negro" receiving fiscal
lessons from his late master, is to become
Pendletonian in every fiber, and the ''sure
auxiliary of the most gigantic scheme OF
swindling ever devised by the ingenuity OF
INSCRIPTIONS men. These are deductions
from Democratic premises. These are Mr..
Reeds conclusions, not ours. They are, to
state them plainly
/. The ex-Rebels support Mr.. Seymour.
2. The eX-Rebels will repudiate the ma
tional debt whenever they shall find it conve-
nisnt.
3. Therefore, Mr.. Seymour is presumptively
in favor of repudiating the national debt. @.
Z. D.
1t seems to us that bondholder must be
'bloated" out of all common sense, or the
capacity for thinking at all, if he can be
wheedled or terrified into supporting Seymour
by any such prediction as this. It's natural
tendency would be, we should think, to make
him go for the other man.
In the second part of his letter Mr.. Reed
dilates upon the enormous iniquity of negro
suffrage, which he considers to be the result
OF "the morbid sentimentalsm of New Eng
land" We wonder for how many years re-
spectacle men like Mr.. Reed will continue to
talk after this fashion, without seeing or sus-
pecting that all the "sentimentalitv5 ia upon
their side, and all the hard, practical, naked
common sense against them. "Why,'i argues
Mr.. Reed, "should negroes vote in South Ca.
rolina when they are not allowed to vote in
Pennsylvania 2'' and he puts this query with
an air of confidence which indicates that he
considers it to be an end of controversy.
He does not comprehend that this question is
sufficiently answered by putting another,
viz: "Why don't negroes vote in Pennsylva
niaS" This view Of the case never dawnl