Weekly Trinity journal. [volume] (Weaverville, Calif.) 1857-1972, 1868-02-22

a
A whole year intervenes between our worus
and the next Presidential election. You, there
fore, whom we address, future President
are distant impersonal presence, to which we
can give no name. You remain to us mere
nominis umbra. 1t may be that We are address
ing our most distinguished General, known ana
tried, man whose modesty is only surpassed by
his worth or it may be that the responsibilities
of the Presidential Office will devolve upon our
present Chief Justice, who was prominent
candidate for nomination in the Chicago Con-
venton of lS60 who, while the nation was dis
tracted by an exhausting civil war, succeeded in
establishing our credit upon secure and per-
manent foundation-a work which, considering
its peculiar difficulties, required for its accom-
plishment high order of genius, sublime faith
in the honor as we'll as in the power OF the Re
public, and the most indomitable perseverance
and who is well qualified to become our leader,
not only by reason of his irreproachable purity
of character, but also by his experience as
statesman. But here, and for the purposes of this
paper, we may not venture to speak with c0nh-
dence as to any particular candidate; and, even
if we might, we prefer that our argument should
proceed according to general principles, and in
dependenty of the success of any individual
leader. Our destiny does not hang upon the
fortunes of any single man. The most exalted
popular idol is not exempt from mortal chance.
Once already we have been cheated by death,
and we may be again. Possibly-and 1t would
not be case without precedent-the people may
be defrauded of their especial choice by that
despotic machinery upon which Presidential
nominations too frequently depend. Let US
hope that we may be deluded neither by fate nor
by partisanship but, if we are, our faith still
remains, the great argument still holds good.
Your Excellency, in any event, must in an i'm
portant sense represent the popular purpose.
Shall we congratulate you? Your office and
its opportunities certainly justify that. The
honors which you assume are not empty orna-
ments, such as kings are crowned with, but posi-
tive and substantial powers. You are elected by
the whole people. Senators represent States,
Congressman represent districts but you repre-
sent the whole, the unit. You are bound by no
local interests; you owe not to these your eleva-
ton. No faction can claim you, for no faction
could have elected you. Your fealty is to the
constitution, which you are sworn to defend; to
the laws, which you are sworn to execute; to
the principles which controlled your election !;
to the interests of the whole people-of those
who opposed as we'll as those who supported
you. This position is commanding one, and
in your case is likely to be so in special sense.
For we may assume that your election, following
upon the reputation by the people of the ex
tremists of both parties, will represent the best
sense of the nation. In the constitutional dis
tribution of power among the three great depart
ments of the government, it has been wisely ar
ranged that your endowment is the largest so
long as you retain the popular support, while it
is almost insignificant when you lose that sup
port. By the duty constitutonally imposed
upon you of communicating to Congress your
views on all important national questions, you
become e1 ofcio, legislative leader. You sug-
gest, if you cannot directly originate, laws and
your suggestions only lack force through
your own weakness or want of judgment. Your
restrictive power legislation is large that
it may defeat any Congressional majority less
than two-thirds. In regard to our foreign pol
icy you may-as Lincoln did in the Franco
Mexican difficulty = disregard the unanimous
vote of the Lower House, and need only the
operation of the Senate. You originate all Of
fetal appointments, and here also depend upon
the Senate alone for their confirmation. With
the people at your back, you are more than half
of the government. The issues which govern
your election are so we'll defined, that your very
elevation to office is of itself guarantee of pop
ular support.
Difficulties there in your path, but they
are not insurmountable. The peculiar position
which you occupy, by reason of the circum-
stances which have made you the popular choice
"a position occupied by no President since
James Monroe-wll assist you in overcoming
these obstacles and enable you to secure that
triumphant success which the people anticipate.
For you are permitted to enter upon field of
independent action untrammelled by any pledges
save those which bind you to the principles
which have hitherto governed your public life.
Neither of the two great parties which divide
the nation can, by the prestige OF Its name alone.
elect a President The result of the election
must therefore, be decided by the candi
dates nominated rather than by the politi-
cal organizations which nominate them. The
party inscribing your name upon its banners
will succeed through you, and not you through
the party. This is rare case, and to you 1t at
fords the most important opportunities. We
should have to 90 back in our history to find
President who did not have occasion to refer his
election to mere party strength, or who could
forget his obligations to certain prominent poll
ticians. But with you the is different you
are not the debtor but the creditor, and are
therefore independent, unfettered.
The first great result of this independence is
your opportunity to effect complete and radical
revolution in the system of official appoint
ments. Indeed, it is possible for ysu to restore
to this system, the purity which characterized
it in the earliest years of the Republic, but
which so long since vanished that it has come
almost to be looked back to as the golden crown
of our golden age. But its return is one of the
chief objects of the popular desire. The people
are disgusted with the fragrant abuses of this
SYSTEM which if they are continued must termi-
nate in a carnival of corruption. These evils
have grown out of our republican institutions
The frequent recurrence of change in our presi-
Dental administrations-in itself an excellent
feature of our government-affords an opportu-
nifty for this abuse of official power. During
more than thirty years the political questions
which have agitated the nation have been of
such nature as to give fearful intensity to
party strife-an intensity sufficient to terminate
finally in civil war; and this circumstance has
led each successful presidential candidate to the
unscrupulous use OF every means for the perpet-
uation of the power of his party. Thus the op-
portunity furnished by the rotation of admins
tration became irresistible temptation To
the partialities of party was soon added personal
favoritism so that even where President sue
ceeded to one of his own party, his accession to
power became the occasion for general decapi-
tation of subordinate officials, to give place for
the endowment of personal adherents The
enormity of this evil, of course, reacted upon
our politics, until the latter degenerated into
strife for the mere spoils of Office. The signif-
canoe which should belong to the political
life of great nation, and the larger motives
which should govern our public men, were lost