The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1868-04-16

pretences on which the Church Establishment
could be maintained in Ireland: one was re-
ligious. and the other political. AS a religious
institution, the Irish Church had been
deplorable, and almost ridiculous as an engine
for converting the Catholic population. 1t had
not only not made Catholics INTO Protestants.
but it had made Roman Catholics in Ireland
more intensely Roman than the members Of
that church we're found to be in almost any
other country in Europe. Further, it had
made it absolutely impossible for anybody else
or any other church to convert them. 1t was
one of the great calamltles oil the world that
in many centuries there were millions OF
Catholics who were liable to be directed in
much of their conduct, and ofttimes in their
political conduct, through their bishops and
clergy from the centre Of the City of Rome.
That was misfortune TO the cause OF freedom.
1t was more; it was misfortune to every Cath
Ole Church in every country, for it tended
rather to prevent it from being wholly ma
tioDa,, and to prevent, also, such changes
and such reformations as were. necessary
in the progress OF every church. 10 the
Catholic population Of Ireland were more SUBJ
iected than almost any other people, and he
held that it was for their interest and for the in
terest of the empire, whatever might be the
tie between the Irish people and the govern
ment at Rome, that every obstacle should be
taken away that would lessen in the smallest
degree the loyalty of the people to the impe-
rial crown. Having failed as religious insti-
tuition, how stood the church as a political in
stitution 1t had been established not only
to convert the Catholics, but to secure the
union. We had been defending it by the
sword, and if ever the story of the transactions
of the British Parliament with Ireland, its diff
ferent engagements, coercive and restrict
i've, came to be written, it would form nara
tive that must astonish the world and greatly
discredit us. There was anarchy in Ireland,
and it had to be subdued by force; and after
centuries of rule we had got no farther than
this-that We had not recoDciled Ireland; that
we had not done some things which all the
world SAID we ought to have done; and that We
we're now discussing the question whether it
was possible, by any change with regard to the
Established Church, to bring about o better
feeling between the Irish people and the I'm.
per;al Government. He feared there had
been very little statesmanship and very
take sham, to ourselves, and try to
get rid of some of our antiquated preju--
dices in this matter; to look at it as men OF
sense who saw 1t from distance, and whose
vision was not impaired By the passionate con-
dtion OF things, which in this country had so
often prevailed. Let not the House suppose
that he was one of those who wished to dis
lodge ministers from their seats on the treasu-
ry bench, in order that he might take place
which was now occupied by one of themselves.
He would treat the subject as one far beyond
and above party differences. Let them not.
then, be alarmed at what was proposed. Let
them take the Irish Church not with rude,
but resolute grasp. And if they adopted the
policy now recommended they would pluck up
q weed which polluted the air. and they would
leave free Protestant Church, which would
be hereafter an ornament ald grace to all
who might be brought within the range OF its
influence. Ireland was waiting and longing
for grea. act Of conciliation, and England
and Scotland we're eager to make atonement
for past crimes and past errors. And it de-
pended upon the House OF Commons and the
Imperial Parliament whether chat reconcilia-
ton should take place, and whether that atone
ment should at length be made.