Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-02-17
THE PRESIDENCY.
Military vs.. Civil Prestige
shoulderstraps for the
Chief Magisfracy.
President Malking---An Inter
esiing Chapter of our
Political History.

adds to the strength OF poiitichi canu'-
date. We will examine every case since
the first formation Of parties under our
government and we expect TO convince
all who will attend TO the figures, that
there has never been an instance In
which party has been materially
strengthened by the military reputation
of its Presidential candidate.
Before exhibiting the evidence, we
wish the reader TO estimate the truth OF
this remark--that there has never been
but one instance of the election OF
President who had no other public record
than that of his military achievements,
We lay General Washington out OF
contemplation, because he was never
A party candidate. A long succession
of civilians succeeded him, which was
first broken by the election OF Gen jack
son, in 1928. But General Jackson, at
the time of his election, had had much
longer civil than military career. In
1890, he had been appointed District At
torney of Tennessee, then first formed
into a Territory in 1876, he was the
most influential member of the conven-
tion that framed the State Constitution;
ho was then Immediately elected Repre-
sentative to Congress, the new State being
| entitled to but one; after serving year
| in the House he was elected to the United
States Senate; he afterwards resigned
the Senatorship TO become Judge OF the
| Supreme Court of Tennessee, retiring
from this last position TO private life in
1905. Here were fifteen years Of con-
secutive public employment, beginning
| A l,.t ,lx-i hEnn
tending to his thirty-eighth year-in-
cluding that part of mans life which
usually moulds his character into its final
shape His military career was mere
episode. Including the Florida war, it
comprised but FIVE years. In 1923 he
again entered the Senate of the United
States. IL will be seen from these state
ments that General Jackson had served
twice as many years in other civil offices
as he did in that of President, although
he was President two terms. The apti'
tude for civil Office which raised him to
a United States Senatorship as soon as
he attained the age prescribed by the
Constitution, would probably have borne
him to the Presidency if he had never
won the victory at New Orleans. The
same civil abilities which made him a
Senator at thirty, sufficed to raise him to
the Presidency at sixty-one. Or, at any
rate, it must be conceded that he was
not elected President without any civil
experience, as General Grant will be, II
elected at all.
The next General elected to the Presi-
dency was William Henry Harrison,
| who also had more civil than military
experience. 1t is we'll known that his
military services had no perceptlble in
fluence on the canYass. His election
was owing to the spontaneous outburst
of public discomfort which followed the
great financial revulsion of 1887, from
which the country had scarcely begun to
recover in l840. Log cabins" hard
cider" and Mr.. Van Buren's gold
spoons" made a far greater figure In
that wild campaign than the military
career of the Whig candidate. But be
that as it may, it must be admitted that
General Harrison was not, as General
Grant is, candidate without any civil
record.
We admit that General Tsylor's repn-
tatien and public services were wholly
military but he is the only man ever
elected to the Presidency without con-
siderable previous experience in civil
office.
Having got through these prelimina-
ries, we proceed to prove by an array oi
election statistics, that the military rep
utation of no candidate for President
ever added materially to his popular vote
We begin with General Jackson, the firs
man with a military record that wa'
ever run as party candidate. He is thu
example most frequently recurred to to
prove that military candidates are
strong. If we can dispel the de-
lusion in his case, we may gel
candid hearing for the subse'
ouent demonstrations. General Jack
son was three times candidate,
viz: in 1924, in 1923, and in 1897
Now. whatever political potency there
NAV have been in his military record, II
J ouSbt to have been greater in the first
canvass. when he was defeated, than in
The two subsequent ones, when he was
elected. 1t is as true OF brilliant mill
tary achievements as OF other events,
that the impression they make becomes
fainter with the progress OF time; AS
military candidate, General Jackson
should have been stronger in 1916 and
1920, when he was not thought OF, though
his laurels were fresh, than in 1928, when
he was first elected. IL, as has been
often asserted, it was the battle OF New
Orleans that made General jackson
President, il ought to have elected him
sooner, and his vote on the first trial
should have been larger than at either
of the subsequent ones. But the record
shows that he received only 80 electoral
votes. in 1924, against l62 for other can
+ didates: that in 1923 he received l1s
against SO; aud In 1882 he received Zl9
against 50. II will be seen that his IN
aueace and popularity constantly grew
while the impression made by the battle
of New Orleans was more and more
fading out of the public mind by the lapse
oftime and the emergence Of new events
and questions, to eBgross attention. IL
is absurd 10 explain General Jackson
election by his military prestige, when 1t
is seen how little that prestige dld ior
him the first time he was candidate.
Nobody can believe that the country had
more lively appreciation OF the new
Orleans victory in 1928 than IN 1874
much less that q deepening admiration
made the difference between 30 electoral
votes at the first and lis at the next
trial general Jackson did not owe bis
election . his military exploits, but to
thepeculiarities Of his strongly marked
perhnal character; peculiarities IN
most respccts The reverse OF those ol
General Grant
General Taylor, the only man ever
elected President on bis mere military
record, may be thought triumphant IL