Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1868-01-22
Washington, d. c., Jan. II, 1868.
CONGRESS AND THE FINANCES.


CONGRESS AND THE FINANCES.
Mr. EDITOR II must confess to a slight
feeling of uneasiness sometimes when | see
the action of Congress ON the finances. They
seem to act differently on that subject from
any ether. In reconstruction and all purely
political matters, in dealing with constitu-
tional questions and in establishing justice,
they are at least decided in their policy and
adhere closely to it. Generally, also, they
act with moderation and great wisdom. But
when any branch of the financial question is
touched, there is strange lack of frmness
We can but believe that it is the desire of all
to do what is best, and we must feel that the
great majority know what are our needs and
how to remedy our evils For instance, there
can be little doubt that by far the greater
portion desire and believe that we should
have specie payment as soon as possible, or
that the majority feel that the contract made
by the Secretary of the Treasury, promising
the payment of the fve-twentes i'll gold, is
valid and binding. Still when we are con-
WINGED of all this, it really seems strange that
some move cannot be made by which conf
dence can be given in our bonds. 1t certainly
can be nothing but "a lack of confidence that
keeps our bonds SO ruinously low in Europe,
and gold so ruinously high here. The Euro
peans fear reputation, and that fear is nat
urally greatly increased by agitation Of the
question and no correcting legislation. Gold
is kept at its present figure. and it is predict
ed that it will 20 much higher, because there
is a distrust of the government and fear
only too well groundcd-uhat the volume of
the currency will be greatly increased. On
this last matter Congress has just acted and
under an immense pressure further cOntrac-
ton has been entirely forbidden. There Is
little doubt but that this will be speedily fol-
lowed by large expansion, eventuating IN a
crisis far greater than any that has yet come
upon us. 1t was great blessing that the
crisis of 1861 in politics was then forced on
us. and there is great reason for believing
that if the severity of our monetary crisis
could now be met, and our currency be once
more settled on gold basis, it would be far
better than putting off the evil day till it may
prove far more disastrous and really bring
the country to the brink of RUN. The anti
contraction resolution has Just passed the
Senate nv the decisive vote of twentysix to
four All honor to the minority Messrs.
Morrill, and Edmunds, had they voted, would
certainly have opposed the bill.
There is one thing that seems very strange
to me- and it may have occurred to many of
your readers. Why do men advocate prohib-
itory tariffs which greatly increase the
price of everything, on the ground that they
encourage our own producers, and at the
same time wish to 80 increase the volume of
the currency that the actual gain of these
same producers is greatly reduced by the de
crease in value of the money? There is GER
tainlv one thing to be thankful for, and that
Is, that the great Republican party--the party
of principle that one that is firmly and
clearly committed to n full and honorable
payment of all our debts, and it is only the
Democratic party, headed by Pendleton, who
have in all their past record opposed any act
establishing the public credit. and who now
make its entire destruction one of their main
and their most openly avowed objects. Can
any honest and reasonable man hesitate one
moment on which side right is?
SUPREME COURT.
The supreme Court, for which the Demo-
Gratis have so suddenly become filled with
admiration. and which is so fondly cherished
by them as the guardian of our liberties, is
t. be - rcmodelled that the Will of one man
may not override the votes of two-thirds of
both Houses of Congress-yes, in fact, the
unanimous voice of Congress joined to the
assent of the President \ great cry is made
about the effort to prescribe Il rule requiring
Il twO-thirds vote To declare a law unconsti-
tutonal But if Congress can change the
number of the Judges from time to time, can
prescribe rules for its guidance, in fact, can
regulate its whole practice, why cannot it fix
the number requisite to decide question
Why should it be necessary for two-thirds of
both Houses of Congress to concur in order to
override the objection of one man, the Presi-
dent, and protect the people from usurpation,
and yet the power be given to one man, in
the case of Il mere majority decision, and he
perhaps far inferior to any of those who sup
ported the bill, To make null and void their
action. Such are the arguments on which
the change proposed is based, and they GER
tainly seem very plausible.
The vote in the House on this bill was Il
strictly party vote, which guarantees its final
passage.
SECRETARY STANTON ; CASE.
The Presidents action on Mr.. Stanton's
case was annulled by the Senate, on Monday.
by the large vote Of 81 to e, and the Sccre-
tary is again in his place, in the War De
partment The President is very much
chagrined, and at first inclined to make
great disturbance, refusing to recognize
Stanton, declaring that he would have Grant
court-martialed for giving up the possession
of the department to Mr.. Stanton without
his consent, and in a thousand ways trying
to show his spite. He has, however, cooled /
down considerably, and will, undoubtedly, /
bear the snub as well as he can. Perhaps
he will still refuse to recognize him, and
then we can not imagine what will follow.
though there is very little danger of any vio- !
lent outbreak
SUPPLEMENTARY RECONSTRUCTION.
The fourth Supplementary Reconstruction
bill is under way, and we hope will speedily !
pass This goes To the root of the whole /
matter, and gives General Grant the whole /
power of appointment, and nearly all the |
execution of the law. Now ali hinderances |