New-York tribune., 1868-03-04
THE PRINCIPLE or REBELLION.

There is an argument, seriously Etld OelOIe
the American people in opposition to the I'M
peachment Of the President, which, If it is
good in that case is sufficient to upset all the
grounds upon which ordinary offenders are
punished. 1t is the argument of expediency.
Newspapers, such as The Times, inform lis that
even if the President be technically and lit
orally guilty Of the direct violation Of the law,
it is not incumbent upon Congress to notice or
punish that ofense. blr. johnson, they say,
believes the Tenure-of- Office act TO be uncOn-
stitutional, and his co,Ise sincerely carries ont
that belief. Mr.. johnson misconstrues the
Constitution and the act Of 1895 regulating
the appointment Of chief clerk, and
is. therefore, only to be blamed for
an error of Judgment Mr.. Stanton should
have resigned long ago, and Gen. Lorenzo
Thomas (see Thmlow Weed in The Adr6r-
tiser) would make a superb Secretary OF War
Beside, nothing injuriOns TO the country would
have resulted from a change in the War
Office. Things would have gone on very much
the same. Congress by its restraining legisla-
ton had prevented any dangerous opposition
on the part of the President to the Recon-
struction laws. Behold, he turned out Pope,
and Meade turned out Jenkins. What is the
use then of making this pOther about impeach-
menti Let well enough alone. Attend to the
financial question; reduce taxation; economic.
Wait little longer, and Andrew johnson will
90 out of Office, and then everything can be
made as lovely as possible, and all this horrible
excitement viii be avoided
But this miserable argument is Of kind
upon which the American people have always
ii ,nh mill ffp,,a
to trample as long as they deserve to be ma
ton. Concede, as for argument We may, that
the removal Of Mr. Stanton, and the appoint
ment of Gen. L. Thomas, would not harm the
country, and would substitute good Secretary
for O bad one, the fact remains that the at
tempted removal and appointment were i'll
violation of law. No immediate good that,
under any circumstances, could result from
such an ofense Of the Presidents, could COM
pensate the permanent evil of overlooking it.
For the President introduces into the Gov
enment a principle at war with its existence.
The moment the President deliberately and
officially refuses to obey q law of the United
States, no matter upon what pretense, that
moment the House Of Representatives is bound
to bring him to the bar of the Senate. We
Democratic, pretending to represent the Ameri-
can people, so cowardly and false that 1t would
dare to neglect this duty. Consent TO forgive
the Executive for defying the law, and pre-
cedent is established which would hereafter
work unknown troubles to the Republic.
There is but one way to treat such crime
it is to punish it. Andrew johnson has been
Aercely denounced for his abusive speeches
and violent acts, for his treachery to
the party which elected him, aud his
efforts to evade the execution Of the RecOustruc-
tion laws, and IN the opinions of some these
ofenses are greater than those for which he is
impeached. But bis official announcement,
in aemessage TO the Senate and in orders to his
subordnates, that he had deliberately resolved
to break bis oath to protect aud execute the
laws, is the one transcendent crime OF his ad-
mnistFatiOn. All his other crimes are con-
tanned in this, which embodies the principle Of
rebellion as entirely rs il he had called out
the army and navy to make himself Dictator.