The New Orleans crescent. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1866-1869, 1868-02-29


one which we are now considering presents
basis on which to rest q doubt. Deliberately the
president bias violated a pe1al statute OF the
United Ststes. and thereby committed high mis-
demeanor, which the law says shall be punished
BY fine not exceeding ten thousand dollars. OF
by Imprisonment not exceeding five years, or by
both said punshmeDts, in the discretion of the
court. (Act Of March p, 1857 The circum-
stances attendant upon this case show that the
presidents action was deliberate and wiIfal.
There IL not shade of excuse Daliation in the
case as ii is presented to Us. PerVersely he has
rushed upon his own destruction; obstinately he
has forced upon an issue which we must Join or
prove ourselves unworthy representatives. of
free people. We have not sought this ISSUE but
have resoried TO every legitimate means TO avoid
1t. We have manifested no undue desire to exer
else the mpesching power which is vested Ia this
House exclusively by the express terms of the
Constitution.
Guided by a sincere desire to pass This cup from
our lips determined not to drink il il escape
we're not cut of by the presence of a palpable
duty-we at last fnd ourselves compelled to take
It's very dregs. decent respect for the execu-
tive Office, patriotic effort to avoid collision be-
tween the two departments of the government
ever mshifested by this House, seem to have been
most strangely misunderstood by the president.
Our refusal to abuse the power to resort to it
even while mere doubt as TO the right to exer.
else it could be urged in opposition thereto, seems
to have been construed by him into a license to
tTample on even the penal statutes of the nation.
The result is before us. The president challenges
the supremacy of the law aud dishonors his con-
sttntional obligation to take that the laws be
faithfully executed. Substantially he afirms that
the oath Of Office may be qualified by the conclu-
sons Of his private Judgment he dedantly casts
before the representatives Of the people his
guage and declares that he will decide what laws
are constitutional, and that such only as stand
the test of his Judgment will he respect. enforce
or obey.
This is his case, and be hssalected to base it on
penal statute. IL j. for us 10 traverse this
and put it TO the country. Anything less than
this would be a shameful abuse of nigh trust
and criminal abandonment of duty. To my
charge shall neither Of these offenses be placed.
Mr.. Speaker, il has been urged in this debate
that the presidents sole object is to secure
judgment Of the courts to the constitutionaity
At the act regulating the tenure Of certain civil
officers. Such an intent will not justify the
commission OF high crime or misdemean0r. Sap
pose the courts should hold the act to be consti-
iutional, would the fact that his intent was to
have that question decided be good plea to al
Indictment Tor violation OF its provisions? Who
IL so insane as to assert so prepOsterOHs propo-
siton.? Whoever acts, ia the way, and for the
purpose suggested, does it at his peril. The risk
belongs TO the president in this case,
not to the law. The plea in his de-
| tense was not the result of inadvertence or
| mistaken judgment. Ii is that with calculation
| and deliberate purpose, he committed high mis-
| cemesnor in order 10 secure a Judgment of the
courts Sir. we will crafty his desire by refer
ring his case 10 the highest tri6uoal known to the
Constitution of the republic-the high ooart Of i'm
parchment. To that august tribunal we will pre-.
| sent this case and with it the law and the crim-s
| NAL. He shall have his day in court. and be
brought for hi own good and that of his success.
| sors in Office, and that OF the United ctates.
| Clothed with all the high powers of his official
station, be is as completely subordinate to the
saws OF the republic as the humbest Of its eiti.
| zeDs. The public welfare, the repose of the
nation, the interests OF institutions, the safety
If the republic itself, require that all persons,
cficsl or otherwise, shall oe solmny taught that
| he law of this land is no resPecter of persons
| that The high and low, rich and poor, the public
| officer and the private citizen are each andRall
| alike smeDdable to its imperative demands, sub
| jet to its high command, subordinate to its
| preme authority. The majestyOf the law must be
| asserted, though it strike from his exalted posi-
| ton the chief magistrate of the nation. We de-
| ploIe the necessity but we must obey the voice
4 Of the law.
speak not as a partisan, but as "a custodian
| Of a trust whose sacred character urges me to a
| strict obeIvance of my duty. | will vote for the
| pending resolutions to the end that the law may
| DE indicated by the removal of an unworthy
public servant from an official position which he
has disbonored by his perverse disregard OF duty
and his unjust contempt Of the supremacy OF the
| law.
| Mr. Woodbridge sustained the impeachment
| resolution. He declared his belief that ia no
| other way than by impeachment could the majesty
| Of the law and the future safety of the republic
| be. maintained. If tumult, riot and blo0dshed
would follow, they would not be caused by the
/ execution OF Ln6 laws. he WOuiu assure llo gen
| nan from New York (Mr Brooks) that il such
| would be the result. ten thousand swords would
| leap from their scsbbards a million bayonets
| gsten in the sunshine; brave heroes would fill up
| the ranks; the honor of the old flag would be
maintained; peace aud quiet would be restored,
| and the nations of the earth would again learn
| that The government of the United States was a
| government of law.
peachment resolution. BE said the proceeding is
| as uDwanantable as il is unprecedented. rhe
president has been guilty of no legal or moral Of
tense under the CONSTITUTION andlaws. The ground
ON which the resolution of impeachment ia son gbt
TO be maintained are ell frivolous. technical, aud
utterly unworthy of any attempt at refutation. If
| any branch Of the government has been guilty of
high crimes and misdemeanOrs, it is that whc
| would usurp all power and make the coordinate
branches subservient to its will and its selfish par
| tisan desires. The president has been careful to
maintain bis cath OF Office, which requires him to
preserve, protect and defend the Constitution to
the best of his ability, and this is the extent Of his
| offending and no more. II the Senate shall COZ
summate this proceeding and dsplace the chief
magistrate Of the nation under so slight pretext,
1t will commit an oense greater in effect than that
| attempted by the leaders of secession ia 1861.
Their effort was to accomplish territorial disinte
grafton. This effort is to disorganize the govern
ment itself. If carried through the public credit
receives fatal blow, Because the instability Of
| our political institutions becomes manifest and
this basis upon which rests all monetary aud pro-
prietary interest will he shaken. As a conse.
quence, the great industrial interests will become
paralyZed, taxation will become materially en-
HANGED. the currency further deprecated, trade
and commerce destroyed, and the people, taught
by the example of Congress, will learn to dsre.
spect and disregard the authority OF the Official
powers so necessary for the protection of life,
liberty and property. Thus would social and po.
htical evil follow, alike subv ersive of private and
public good. Will the necessity for removal justify
the probability of such experiments at this time
Is national condition IN that secure position to
warrant an experiment so fraught vita possible
danger? II such considerations hive weight
with the majority OF the House, that party
bear the responsibility it will thus incur! Can IL
take upon itself the odium of all extraordinary
and revolutionary proceedings? Can il escape
from the Consequences incident 10 violent a
lemedy for imaginary wrongs, when no motives
OF public good will sustain II l implore the gen.
temen Of the House. before these impending ca.
lamities, to reflect upon the consequence
| Of the step they about to take. II the danger
to the country and the eountry's existence can
excite no alarm, let them remember their oath Of
Office, the constituency TO whom each must rem
| der his account, and the individual liability thus
incurred. In our position as members of the
| House we are not our own agents. We are here
in representative capacity. Nor do we reflect
4 80 dvf,h At hon