Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-10-16

il not here according to your present ex-
ample, by the right Of the conqueror-
the power Of the strongest 2 If you are
honest In your Qualifications of the cruel
enslavement Of eight millions ofyour own
brethren, why cannot we, then, according
to Radical gospel, reopen the very Atri.
can slave trade itself; yea, and as for
that, lasso in hand, rope Charles Sumner
himself on Bosten Common, and force
him to "labor and service in our own
cotton patch ?" According to this same
Sumner, the want Of power alone would
make this exertion of the power Of
conquest an improper, an indecent and
cruel thing. know, my friends, in this
year OF our Lord, this sounds like levity,
or something worse; ard yet in its ulti-
mate analysis this grand argument is the
gist and cream of logic which places
millions of as noble people as ever ex'
listed in the most woful and hopeless sub
jugation. This Internal spirit (for it is
nothing less) is to-day the inspiration OF
American politics, and we now see a
government that sprung from common
pressure and common peril, and which
was founded on equality as well as fra
ternity, in a space of time but a span 8
length, degenerate into huge inquisi-
ton, which takes account of the thoughts
of ones mind, or the very pulse Of our
hearts Nt
TIE very mission and purpose of a
written Constitution seems to have been
forgotten in this crusade of selfishness
and sectional revenge. Who, what power
of light and darkness gives the Radical
party absolution for this outrage upon a
written Constitution by which eight mil
lions of white people are stripped OF
every right except the privilege Of breath
ipg2 In Russia q trial of some sort or
other precedes Siberia or the knout.
And Mrs. Surratt and the Columbus pris-
oners had paid them the decent respect
of military trial. But we by the sweep
of the pen-a resolution of Congress-
are reduced to slavery by millions. Alas,
alas, for the honor as well as gratitude OF
republics. Who can wonder if hereafter
a universal distrust shall seize upon the
States of our miscalled Union, and men
shall only feel safe in the possession of
their rights when we know it is not in
the power of others to despoil us OF
them.
But it is said we lost liberty and prop
erty by rebellion. Can this be true? Is
this any better than that other twin
relic of barbarism," the doctrine of the
right of conquest2 We do not stop to
discuss the fact how, or how much we re-
belled against Massachusetts,, or how
we rebelled against part of a Govern
ment made up of union of free and
equal States. We let this pass. But we
take this high and impregnable ground,
that in the very nature of things this
Government cannot own conquered ter
ritory. 1t is a political solecism to talk
such nonsense. If we can, what then
goes with the voluntary principle which
is the essence and spirit of our Union.
What becomes of that =" Republican form
of government" which Radicals ring
eternal changes upon when it comes to
/" elevating" or enfranchising the ne
gro? What forced US in our better day
to pay Mexico, captive at our feet, hi
teen millions for California p? What gave
Stephen A. Douglas the pride ofplace
among living American statesmen but
his doctrine of territorial rightY
We spoke of the mission of a constitu-
tional government. If that mission is
not to protect the weak, to give mighty
meaning to the natural right OF man and
secure the enjoyment of those rights
without fighting for them or appealing to
the right of CONQUEST" then we had as
well, it seems to me, be remanded back to
that primitive state when, like the hea-
then. we become law unto ourselves
and illustrate the glories Of society by
living if we can and dying If we must.
No, no. 'Tis useless for American states
men to soil their fingers with such pitch
as this. If ruin and revolution are what
men are really meaning and striving after,
let them at least assume the equlvocai
virtue of Stevens and avow before the
world and in defiance of the world that
they place themselves outside Of all bar.
riers of law which stand before them and
revolution. But if, as citizens, we really
are subject to q written and expounded
Constitution. let us in good faith abide its
behests. and stand ready now end at all
times to accord every right and dis
charge every outy WHICH suc ieseoh enu
spirit of that inspired law epjoins. And,
nv friends, can you see, in this dark
hour, anything better left for us or the
country7 For my part, l am frank
enough 10 say that return to our duty
under the Constitution is the only hope
and solace left us in this evil day.
There is something absolutely horrible
in the merciless sway Of an irresponsible
mob. No people ever did or ever will
endure such rule long, simply because
Il is utterly uncomfortable. Human
nature. If its culture goes beyond
the savage state, must have repose in
the rights Of person aud property,
and IL seems to me that we have
now reached that crisis when, IL We really
mean 20 discard the good old ways Of our
fathers, we must elect between a mob aud
a master. predict that the good sense
Of our people and the Infinite magnitude
Of our material interests will never suffer
us 70 lapse into Mexican anarchy. Stable
Of some sort, the people OF
the country will have; and now, right
nov, We must face the question and an
swer what shall il be. Shall this be
government Of our will as q people, or
Shall Il y the government Of q master.
Who shall save ne an lrouble Of thinking J