Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1868-02-06

show thatithe policy of that proclams-
ton was even more radical than Mr..
Lincoln did show that it was more
radical than the Winter Davis bill OF
the summer of 1854. But, sir, 1t was all
upon the distinct understanding that
whatever the President did, his whole
policy or action was to eb submitted to
Congress for its consideration and dici-
sion and, as before remarked, If that
had been done all would have been well.
| did not then advocate universal color
cd suffrage in the South, and L have be-
fore given my reason for it., and in doing
that was acting in harmony with the
great body of the Republican party of
the North. 1t was nearly a year after
that time, when Congress passed the
constitutional amendment, which still
left the question of suffrage with the
Southern states, left il with the white
people and it was not until year and
half after that time that Congress
came to the conclusion that we could not
execute the guarantee of the Constitu-
ton without raising up q new class OF
loyal voters.
And, sir nobody concurred in that result
more heatily than myself. | confessional
do it without shame) thatI have been edu-
Gated by the great events ofthis war The
American people have been educated
luDlulI anu VIC man WIZ ilN hpo
learned nothing, that he stands now
where he did six Year, ago, is slike an
ancient mlle-post by the side of deser-
ted highway. We, MIR. President, have
advanced step by step. When this war
began we did not contemplate the des-
truetion of slavery. / remember when
the Crittenden resolution was passed,
declaring that the war was not prosecu-
ted for conquest or to overturn the insti-
tutions of any State. L know that that
was intended as an assurance that
slavery should not be destroyed, and it
receive d the vote, / believe of every
Republican member in both Houses of
Congress but few months after that
time it was found by the events of the
war that we could not preserve slavery
and suppress the rebellion, and we must
destroy slavery not prosecute the war
to destroy slaVery-but destroy slavery
to prosecute the war. Which was the
better? TO stand by the resolution and
let the Union go or to stand by the Un-
| ion and let the resolution go? Congress
could not stand by that pledge, and 1t
was "more honoredsin the breach than
the observance. Mr.. Lincoln issued
his proclamation of emancipation, set
| ting free the slaves of rebels. 1t was
dictated 10y the stern and bloody expert
ence of the times Mr.. Lincoln had no
| choice left him. When we began this
contest no one thought we would use
colored soldiers in the war. The dis
tinguished Senator sitting by me here
Nr. Camron when in the winter of
! 1861 he first brought forward the propo-
sition as Secretary of War, to use color
cd soldiers, was greatly in advance of
! public opinion, and was thought to be
| visionary, but as the war progressed it
! became manifest to the intelligent men
that we must not only destroy slavery
but we must avail ourselves of every in
| strumentalty in our power for the pur-
! pose of putting down the rebellion, and
| the whole country accorded in the use
of colored soldiers, and gallant and glo-
rous service they rendered. In 1864 n
/ proposition was brought forward nj this
! body to mend the Constitution of the
United States by aholishing slavery. We
do not think that is very radical now,
but it was very radical then; it was
| the great measure of the age, and almost
of modern times, and it was finally pass
| ed; an amendment setting free every
! human being within the limits of the
| United States. But, sir, we were very
| far then from where we are now. All
will remember the celebrated Winter
Davis bill, passed in June, 1864, which
! took the power of reconstruction out
of the hands of the President, wheI
it did not in fact belong.
| refer to Mr.. Lincoln; but if that bill
had passed it would perhaps have result
ed in the destruction of this Government.
We can all see it now, although ii was
then thought to be the most radical
measure of the times. What did 1t pro
pose? 1t proposed to prescribe u plan to
take effect when the war should end, by
which these rebel States should he re-
stored. refer to that bill simply t.
show how we have all travelled. 1t re-
quircd but one condition or guarantee on
the part of the South, and that was that
they chould put in their constitutions n
provision prohibiting slavery. 1t rcquir'
ed no other guarantee. 1t required nc
equalization ef representation ;nosecuri-
ty against rebel debt, or against pay.
ment for emancipated slaves and it con.
fined the right of suff q 20 to white men,
But IL was thought to be great step in
advance at the time so 1t was but events
were passing rapidly and in 1865 the
President came forward with his pro-
position, and ] am stating what Is true
from an examination of the documents
when sny that but for the want of
power with the President, his scheme in
itself considered was far more radical
than that of the Winter Davis bill; but
events were rapidly teaching the states.
men of the time that we could not recon
struct upon that basis.
still, Congress was not prepared tC
take n forward step until the summer OF
1865, in the passage of the constitutional
amendment, which we now regard ns q
half way measure, necessary and vital
as far as IL went, but not going fan
enough. That was rejected, and we were
then compelled to go farther, and We
have now fallen upon the plan of recon
struction which have been considering
1t has been dictated by the logic ol
events. ltoyerrides all arguments, over
rides all prejudices, overrides all theory
: In the presence of the necessity for pre-
serving the life of this nation; and If fu
turo events shall determine that we mus
go farther, | for one nm prepared to say
that will go as far as shall be necessa
ry to the execution of this guarantee, ths
reconstruction of this Republic upon ,
: right basis, and the successful restoration
OF every part of this Union.
Mr.. President the column of recon
structlon, as l before remarked, ha'
risen slowly. 1t has not been hewI
from single stone. IL Is composed o
many blocks, painfully laid up and pu
together, and cemented by the tears ant
blood OF the nation. Sir, we have don,
, nothing arbitrarily. We have don,
nothing for punishment, ay, too littl,
!. for punishment. Justice has not ha,
her demand. Not u man has yet beer
a ~ I'M