Weekly Trinity journal. [volume] (Weaverville, Calif.) 1857-1972, 1868-02-22

textent OF MS folly 1t needed only the new Ors
leans riot to reveal the danger which lurked IN
the encouragement, which, without either con-
gressional or popular sanction, he had held out
to men who had just been defeated on the battle
fields of their rebellion, to look upon the war as
myth and upon its results as vanishing shad-
ows. These disclosures certainly did not dim
inisk the popular vote in favor of the constitu.
tional amendment.
When the Fortieth Congress met it held Pc
culiaI position. There prospect of a
ratification of the amendment by the Southern
States in their present temper. Some means of
speedy restoration must be adopted. Either
Congress and the people must surrender every
thing, or proceed one step farther. Under these
circumstances the military bill was passed. Its
primary object was to effect restoration through
popular conventions in the Southern States. In
order to accomplish this, all distinctions based
upon race color in the election of the conven-
tons were ignored, and those only were excluded
from a vote who had voluntarily participated in
rebellion. AS to the necessity of the latter fea-
ture there was certainly room for doubt; as to
the necessity of the former there could be
question.
We have taken this retrospective glance, be-
cause the events of the present administration
have enhanced the difficulties and responsibil-
ties which you must meet as our next President.
! You cannot, even if you would, stand where
| Johnson stood in that ever-memOrable month of
April 1865. The conflict of two years between
the President and Congress has had its results,
which you must meet, for you cannot obliterate
them. One of these results has been the mill
tary bill, the primary object of which will be ac-
complished The Southern conventions will
meet and will form constitutions, which will be
| ratified by the Southern people. We may as
sumo that these constitutions, framed by dele
gates thus elected, will provide for universal or
impartial suffrage. The action of Congress re-
specting them will be attended with delay, if in
no other way than by the Presidents vetoes for
it is far from probable that measures against
which there appears to be so much opposition
even in the Northern States, will receive the sup
port OF two-thirds majority in both Houses.
This question of the extension of the suffrage
must then, ir an important sense, be decided
by your voice. In the election both of yourself
and of the Forty-6rst Congress, the people will
decide whether they will maintain the position
assumed by the present Congress in the passage
of the military bill. That they will not with
draw from that position seems to certain as
any political event well be before it trans
pires. You will not therefore be permitted to
shift the responsibility by asking, What ca do
against the people?
| In this connection we do not wish to look up-
on you as the leader of any party-though we
feel sure that you represent that purpose which
| carried the people on to triumph after four years
OF war, in spite of the Chicago Convention of
| 1854 We prefer 10 meet you upon the higher
plane of principles, far above the dust and tur-
l
groEnd we shailAhore clearly discern the popu-
lar purpose, for we shall not be whirled about
in any particular eddy of the tide, or thrown
back by every refuent wave, bat shall see
whittier the great current tends through all these
eddyngs and partial repulses. We must not lose
sight of this current, of the channels through
which it may run, or of the impediments which
| 1T must encounter in one course or another. We
shall gain nothing-for nothing is ever thus
gained-by that sort of balloon "a scension into
90 -
tempted by certain class of our statesmen. 1t
is idle to go forth TO the people from the temple
OF Absolute Justice, where we have caught
| glimpse of the unveiled goddess, and ask them
to be translated into Untopia for they will not
and cannot thus be translated. If we fight in
| the air, we must be satisfied with phantom an
tagonists and phantom victories and upon de-
| scending to the common earth we find that we
have to fight our battles all over again under far
different conditions. We gain nothing by chat
ing at these conditions. History rather teaches
us lesson of patience and of faith. For how
ever slowly, the stream still moves on. Obsta-
cles become only the test and measures of the
strength of the current. AS they tower and
cumulate. it also gathers up its forces in reserve
until some coming storm, when with a convul-
sive effort it breaks through its barriers and,
though its overflow brings momentary desola-
ton to the fields along its banks, yet afterward
1t subsidies within regular and peaceful channels
and flows freely and slowly onward until again
compelled to measure its strength against op-
posing mountains These periods of convulson,
when, either by its own momentum or by the aid
of storms, the progress of an idea triumphs over
prejudice, are the grand opportunities of history.
| 1t was such an opportunity that President Lin
coin embraced when he issued the emancipation
proclamation. The tendency of the national
sentiment has been from the first toward uniyer.
sal freedom. An entire section of the country
arrayed itself in opposition, and interposed a
check. Up rose the obstacle with menacing
front; up rose also the people, and bore down
upon the impediment. Then at length descend
ed the storm of our civil war, invoked at first by
the advocates of human slavery, who were con-
fdent of riding the whirlwind and controlling
the issue. But the magnitude of the conflict
brought us face to face with the necessity of
emancipation. There was, apparently the
strongest prejudice in the North against
this measure. Almost unanimously Congress-
had at the beginning of the war determined
against interference with Southern institutions.
But the necessity imperative and Lincoln
almost reluctantly, obeyed. That he was in ad.
vance of the people seemed clear from the an
tumn elections of 1862, which showed a fallino
off of the vote from the administration. But
this opposition had depth and withered
away it was the last kick before death of North
ern sympathy with slavery. The real sentiment
of the people soon began to develop itself
Thus, under the pressure of necessity, the prin-
ciples of justice and expediency had united, and
slavery was abolished.
The case of negro suffrage is likely to prove
parallel one to that of negro emancipation. If
the Southern people had not, under the effect of
Johnson's policy, refused to adopt the constitn-
tional amendment-if the military bill had not
become necessity-this question would have
been postponed until after restoration Tho
Fortieth Congress was no more in favor of CIV
ing vote to the negro than the Thirty-seyentb
was in favor of giving him his freedom. Since
the close OF the war the subject had been mem
toned only to be repudiated, not simply as an idle
vagary, but as dangerous innovation. But
mere again necessity confronted u.s. As perma
nent union could not be hoped for without eman.
cipatlon, so also it was found that Johpson,s
policy and the defiant attitude of the south
would not admit of restoration and permanent,
peace, unless the negro was given a voice in the
preliminary stage of reconstruction. Congress
ooeyed mandate which was just as obvious and