The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1868-01-10

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nation, that it has not in any legitimate
and proper manner, Investigated, or
attempted to consider that subject
We do not impugn the personal mo-
tiveS of any member of the committee
who differs with us. Our intercourse
upon the committee has been pleasant,
and the courtesy with which we have
been treated, uniform and uninterrupt-
ed.
We entertain none but the most
kindly personal feelings towards every
member, but candor and a sense of du-
ty compels us to declare that we can
find no warrant or excuse for this
travelling outside or beyond the subject
with which the committee was charg-
ed, to censure and condemn the Presi-
dent, except in the prejudice and zeal
of ofoverheated partisanism.
The President needs and can ask no
defense from us upon party grounds,
upon any other than those which spring
from official obligation and duty. He
was not the President of our choice
and was not elected by our votes; nor
is it necessary that we should agree
has done. Neither do we feel called up
Oll w 1SN1SN fAil IllC lIIftco VI
mony taken by the committee, to show
that his censure and condemnation are
not warranted by it, though taken as
it has been, and unchallenged as it
was.
In that regard, we do not, however,
believe the unbiased, the unprejudiced
mind will be able in the testimony to
discover any just or reasonable cause
for condemning or impugning the
motives by which he was actu-
ated. Indeed, differing from him in
opinion, as we have, as to the policy
and propriety of many things he has
done, and many more that he has left
undone, we feel compelled to declare
that the proofs before us will not. war
rant charge that he was in any in
stance controlled by motives other
than those pure and patriotic.
His greatest Offense, we apprehend,
will be found to be that he has not
been able or willing to follow those
who elected him to his Office, in their
mad assault upon and departure from
the constitutional government of the
fathers of the Republic, and that,
standing where many of his party pro-
fessed to stand when they elevated him
to his present exalted position, he has
dared to differ with the majority of
Congress upon great and vital ques-
tions. He has believed in the Consti
tuition and binding obligations of the
Constitution that the suppression of
the rebellion against the Union was
the preservation of the Union and the
States composing it; and that when
the rebellion was put down, the States
were all and equally entitled to repre-
sentatiOn in the Congress Of the Uni
ted States.
Planting himself firmly and immOv-
ably upon this position, he has sriG inc9r7 eur
OpOsitiOn of all those who claim, by
virtue of the alleged conquest of the
territory, and the subjugation of the
people of the lately rebelliOus States,
the power and right to dictate to them
the constitution and laws they shall
live under, and the liberties they shall
be permitted to enjoy. In this differ
ence between Congress and the PreSi-
dent, and the desire of each for the a.
doptiOn by the country of their respec-
tive views, is, we suppose, to be found
not only the cause for the movement to
impeach the President, but of his CEN
sure and condemnation. Out of it has
grown the embittered feeling and viO-
lent hatred of the President by his for
mer friends.
The majority of Congress and Of the
committee have entertained, and been
prepared, to declare at all times, in
Congress and out of it, even more
strongly than is expressed in their re-
port, the same censure and cOndemna-
ton. This opinion was not formed up
on any testimony taken before the
committee, or upon any facts elected
by its investigation. 1t WaSa political
opinion growing out of a difference of
views upon political questions. 1t was
the opinion with which the majority
of the committee entered upon the in
vestigatiOn. 1t was that which in
spired and stimulated all its inquiries
and examinations. But nOtWithstand-
ing these pre-eXisting opinions and
prejudices, the minority of the Com
mittee have been compelled to find, af-
ter the fullest examination and the
most protracted deliberation, that the
President has committed no Otfense
for which, under our laws, he can or
ought to be impeached, and hence
none, as we insist, subjecting him to
the official Jurisdiction of the commit
tee of the House.
The censure and condemnation of the
President, either by the majority or
minority, is without our jurisdiction,
not justified by the facts, or becoming
one department of the government to-
wards the other, and calculated to
bring reprOach upon the committee,
the House and the nation. We cannot
iunOrn the fact that time has been
spent, and testimony taken by thecom-
mittee, endeavoring to ascertain If the
President, in his official capacity, has
spoken consciously or condemnatory
of Congress, with a view to his i'm
parchment. Therefore, can it be more
becoming in committee of this House,
or in the House itself, to go beyond its
Jurisdiction and censure and condemn
the President, than for him to censure
and condemn Congress?
Is not the impropriety of the one as
apparent as the other? If one is i'm
peachable is not the other wrong?
What would be thought of the Supreme
Court, if, after having been compelled,
in case properly pending before it, to
decide an act of Congress uncOnStitutlOn-
al, it should, because it did not agree to
the propriety or policy of the enact
ment, declare its severe cenSure and
condemnation of Congress for having
passed it? Who would hesitate to pro-
nounce this an unjustifiable and even
an unWarrantabe interference with
the rights and duties of Congress by
the Supreme Court calculated to dis
turb the harmony of our governmental
system, and to bring into unhappy, If