The New Orleans crescent. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1866-1869, 1868-11-07
REACTION AND THE ELECTION OF GRANT.

ton in their favor is now in progress. If the
political fallacies, excuses, and profigacies
which constitute the sum of what is known as
Radicalism, fell into popular odium year
ago, it is moral and logical impossibility
that they should, without change of essence,
command popular favor and excite popular
enthusiasm now. And they have not changed,
within that period, in any other way than to in
tensify their bad qualities and aspects. There
fore, the reaction referred to, if it really ex-
listed at any former time, cannot be utterly
null and imperative to-day. Such a move
ment may be temporarily interrupted or de-
fected, perhaps; but it cannot come to dead
halt while still confronted by the cause which
originally provoked it into activity. That is
to say, the provocation continuing, the reaction
must also continue as a vital element of the
political problem. 1t is like the unknown
quantity in an algebraic calculation. AS yet
it does not admit of precise statement; but it
is bound to tell in the final equation.
1t is quite true that the reaction of North
ern sentiment against Radicalism failed to be
concentrated in favor of the Democratic ticket
for the Presidency. But, on the other hand,
Radicalism has failed, we doubt not. to be
indicated in the success of the opposing
ticket. The reaction was, in fact, constantly
present in the campaign; but it operated as
a scattering and unorganized force. Even
thus diffused and weakened, it was sufficient
to compel the supporters of Grant to discard
all strictly Radical issues, and to shape their
arguments on his behalf with the express
purpose of commencing him to conservatives
of both parties. And it was also sufficient to
secure a gain of twenty-seven Democratic
Congressman, besides laying Ben. Wade on
the shelf, suppressing Ashley, and almost
causing the defeat of Butler by formidable
Republican bolt
Now that the distractions incident to the
presidential campaign are removed, it may be
confidently expected that the anti-Radical re-
action will operate with renewed, and, in
some respects, unprecedented vigor. One of
its effects will be an irretrievable split in the
Republican party. Before he has been three
months in Office, Grant will be called to
choose between Sumner and Fessenden, But
Ter and Trumbull. And it is scarcely posi-
BILE, in the nature of things, that he can
avoid collision with the Radical extremists
IN Congress and out of Congress. Such a
quarrel was fomenting for Lincoln; such
quarrel burst upon johnson; such quarrel
will be thrust upon Grant as surely as the
leopard shall retain his spots, the tiger his
ferocity, the viper his venom, and Radicalism
its instincts. Hence it is by no means impos-
sible that these words of the New York Round
Table, though they may sound strangely to
some ears now, viii hereafter prove to be within
the line of historic truth 'But a little while
and there will be no sin so vile, no purpose
go heinous, but the Radical press will impute
it to him. They do not believe it to-day nor
will they believe it in any considerable num-
beers before the 9th of November. But after
the fatal deed is accomplished, when their
discontinue is more thoroughly assured than
by any other means it possibly could have
been, not even by the election of Mr. Sey-
mour, then will the Radicals call upon the
rocks to fall upon and the mountains to cover
them"
We agree with the Round Table that a
strong reason for such an anticipation as thee
above consists in the fact that Grants INTEL
lect, being more military and practical than
imaginative and adventurous, will be prone in
stinctively to reject the fantastic schemes and
rash experiments which will be urged upon
him. But should say that the profoundest
and most immovable ground for the opinion
that his election involves the discontinue of
the extremists is to be found in temperament,
rather than in purely intellectual traits and
habits. As long as a man lives and thinks, he
may change his notions about government
about theology, about cosmogony, about an
thropology, about sociology, about the vari-
Gus physical and metaphysical PHILOSOPHERS;
but with all his mutations, or possibilities of
mutation, his temperament will remain the
same. Nothing humanity speaking, is more
immutable than that. In Grant, as in every
other person, it is part of essential charac-
ter-an element of personal identity. To
suppose his temperament to be different to-
morrow from what it was yesterday, is to sup
pose that he will be no longer Grant, but some
body else. If, then, there has always been,
as Wendell Phillips complains, and as the
Radical journals all admit, wide diversities,
founded in temperament, between Grant and
the extremists, these diversities are not
going to disappear in consequence of his cleo
ton to the presidency. On the contrary, by
reason of his occupying that position, they
are bound to clash in direct and violent
collision. And what then? Simply this,
that Grant must look for party, or politi-
cal combination, to sustain his administration
outside of the Radical leaders and their fol-
lowers that he will find the conservative Re-
publicans in Congress too few, taken alone,
to render him the desired support; and that,
consequently, his only hope of gaining for
his administration preponderance in Con-
gress and in public sentiment, will be to unite
upon some common policy Democrats with
conservative Republicans. OF course, this
could only be done by making substantial
concessions to Democratic opinion with
out FORGETTING the good will of his Republican
supporters. Such Is the problem which he
IL