The New Orleans crescent. [volume] (New Orleans, La.) 1866-1869, 1868-02-06
GRIZZLY PREACHING eU1LLorIN1sm.

the plood-tnlrsty Oreeley. congressional sta
tionery of the liquid sort, working in the veins
of the radical secretary of the Senate cannot
inspire thoughts more dire and desperate than
those which indigested bran bread, raging
through the brains of the radical chief editor
of the New York Tribune, can arouse in the
mind of that intellectual Polyphemus. For
ney has it in his heart to take the life of Mr..
Dickens, or any other man, for making fun of
the radical edition Of the American flag; and
be is ready TO sacrifice all his wifes relations.
and all his needy friends, in the execution of
this patriotic vendetta. Greeley's murderous
nominations are apparently somewhat mar
rover than those of Forney. But, if less
diiuse, his turbulence points specifically at a
more important political victim. This is no
less parsonage than the President of the
United States. president Johnson" saws
Mr.. Greeley, in an editorial letter to Miles
OReilly, ''you knolo is a traitor to those who
elected him. You bnolc that the life of a
President who should treat the Democratic
as he has treated the Republican party would
not be safe for an hour"
There is nothing in the history Of the Dem
ocratic party to indicate how they would have
treated man whom they had elected Presi-
dent on platform to which he subsequently
adhered, while they went wandering after
strange gods. No such rupture between a
party and President of their own creation ever
before occurred in the United States, unless
the quarrel of the Wing party with Mr. Tyler
may be cited as parallel instance. But in
that case, although the old Wings were by no
means lacking in spirit and courage, and as
good haters were unsurpassed, the President
who so bitterly disappointed them escaped
with his life, and it is not known that he was
ever for one moment In personal jeopardy on
account Of their resentment
When the Democratic party, with a Demo
cratic President and Democratic Congress,
came into power, whatever might be the merits
OF their policy, and whether it were satisfactory
or not to the people at large, there was always,
on the part of President, Congress, and
party, at least decent profession of adher-
ence to the platform to which all had pledged
themselves. What, then, can Mr.. Greeley
mean when he says that the life of a Presi-
dent who should treat the Democratic as he
(Johnson) has treated the Republican party
would not be safe for an hour?" There is but
one reasonable way of interpreting such an
utterance.
Mr.. Greeley could not know how the Dem
ocratic party would act in the case supposed,
inasmuch as such a case never happened and
he was never in the counsels of that party.
But he is in a position to know how the ex-
tremists of his party are disposed to punish
a dissentient President, for he is a leader
among them and sympathizes with their ut
most partisan hatred. Wien Mr.. Greeley
asserts that the Democrats would have dis
patched Mr.. Johnson had he been their Presi-
dent, the assert on is one which, to borrow
The parlance of the metaphysicians, projects
subjective fact into an objective form. The |
dea Of assassinating the President is merely |
transferred from the indicative mood to the |
iubjunctive mood. The language which we
have quoted leaves no question that Mr.. Gree |
ey and the radicals of whom he is a journal |
site leader, are at this moment, in moral |
potentially, the assassins of Mr.. johnson. It |
s trick Of rhetoric, as well as of partisan
md military strategy, for men to impute to
heir adyersaries thoughts, purposes, and dis
positions which they themselves entertain.
Mr. Greeley furnishes clumsy example of
his trick when he assumes that the Demo-
rats, placed in the same relation to the Presi-
lent as the Republicans, would not permit
lin to live an hour. ''Our enemies"-so we |
nay construe the argument implied in this
ssumption-"wouldh have killed Mr. johnson
lad he repudiated them, and practically made
common cause with us. Therefore, Justice
and imperious expediency dictates,
hat we should kill him, since he has repudi-
ted us, and practically made common cause
With them. We cannot keep on equal terms
# war otherwise. We cannot afford to fight
With fewer weapons than our enemies"
There is no kind of testimony stronger
han that which, under logical analysis, re-
olives itself into an accusation against the
witness. Herein lies the force of what Mr..
Greeley lets fall about partisan assassination
or partisan disloyalty. The letter in which
t occurs is a violent attack upon the Presi-
lent and a labored defense of radical policy.
The Democratic party was not under discus
ion. The brief and abrupt episode in which
hat party is referred to by Mr.. Greeley when
le says that "the life of a President who
hould treat the Democratic as he (John-
ON has treated the Republican party would
Tot be safe for an hour" can be explained
My upon the theory that the writer desired
hus TO inculcate the idea that Mr.. johnson
lad forfeited his life to Republican vengeance
y his treatment Of the Republican party, and
0 justify in advance whatever measures might
20 taken TO put this vengeance into execution.
The hysterical style of Mr.. Greeley's par
isan writings, and his reputation for personal
,indness and for philanthropy, are apt to de-
er readers from ascribing to his language the
iarsh and proscriptive Specification which it
ogically conveys. But Mysteries may be very
dangerous in politics. BLarats whole political
areer was aprotracted paroxysm of Mysteries.
lie, like Mr.. Greeley, was philanthropist.
lie, like Mr.. Greeley, was in favor of abolish
ng capital punishment But first. rs pre-