The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-11-18
The Moral of Republican Defeats.

The Moral of Republican Defeats.
From the N. y Times.
Our remark that the check here and there
received by Republicans in the recent Con-
eressional elections "bids fair to prove last
ing benefit to the party" is objected to in
some quarters as unsound in theory and dan
geTous in practice. The Cincinnati Chronicle
states the question thus:- s....
"If Republican principles are good, 1t Is q
laudable desire Of Republicans In every Con
gressionsl district 10 be rep esented In Congress
had snid IL is better to be represented by cor
rupt Dc Dtmocrat than by corrupt Republican,
there would be more appearance OF reason In
its theory: but why choose either? And II you
do, why help the Democrat to power and place
for steal ng and mischief, with his vote always
against your own party and principles In addl-
tion The advantage Is not clear.
"Suppose, ON the other hand-as Is untortu-
naiely too true in several cases-that tnis pro-
cess OF depletion for the benefit OF our party
has resulted in leaving at home some OF our
very best men, and in eecling Democrats of the
opposite characer in their stead' Where Is the
prOtit?"
The drgumentum dd hominem illustrates one
of the Inconvenience of defeat, but leaves
untouched the essential question, which re-
lates to the permanent welfare of the Repub-
lican party. We regret the loss of good men,
and regret il all the more because in their
cases defeat has, for the most part, been the
consequence of Democratic fraud. In an
honest encounter they would have been sue
ton of Ashley, the party has suffered the
penalty of an attempt to press upon it an
Objectionable man; while the fate of Donnelly,
in Minnesota, shows how easily district
overwhelmingly Republican may be sacrificed
by personal ambition.
Apart from personal considerations, how
ever, it seems to US that the party may turn
to a profitable account the warnings it has
received in several of the States. The prof.
tableness OF moderation has seldom been more
strikingly exemplifed. The party was for a
time disposed to presume upon its enormous
strength. 1t was assured by some of its lead
ers that it might do as it pleased with i'm
punity; that whatever it might choose to do
would be indorsed by the country; and that
its lease of power might, by its own acts, be
prolonged indefinitely. Had the adherents of
this doctrine acquired control of the Chicago
Convention, the probability is that the national
contest would have ended differently. The
party owes its triumph in a large degree to
its moderation. The blunders of its opponents
helped it somewhat but the aid thence derived
was inconsiderable compared with the strength
arising from the personal character of its chief
candidate and the conservatism OF its platform.
We ought not to forget that of the support
ers of Grant and Colfax not insignificant per.
centage originally belonged to our opponents.
The War Democrats are an element of power
whose cooperation should be remembered with
gratitude, and whose strength we can never
afford to despise. These men are not Repub-
licans in the partisan sense. They will not
vote for the Republican ticket simply because
it is SO called. They separated from the De-
mocracy when that party proved false to the
Union, and they attached themselves to the
Republican party because of its fidelity to the
Union and its devotion to national interests.
This class of voters cannot be relied upon un-
less the party seeking their suffrages present
policy which commends itself to their judg-
ment. They deal with candidates and policies
on their merits. They will do nothing blindly.
And they gave us their help this time, as they
gave it throughout the war, because our
policy harmonizes.with the objects of the war,
while that of the Democracy would have
placed the Government in the hands of its
enemies.
The balance of power, as between the two
parties, is, then, held by the moderate men of
the country. They worship neither names
nor organizations. They are Observant criti-
cal, and in the aggregate influential. The
continued success of the Republican party de-
pends upon its ability to command the con-
tinued confidence of these voters. And it can
do this only by eschewing extreme measures,
rejecting extreme counsels, and endeavoripg
wisely and energetically to restore harmony
and promote prosperity. The local defeats
it has experienced will not be in vain, if they
impress upon it the necessity of justifying
confidence by the excellence of its own
measures, the purity and efficiency of its own
administration, rather than the past follies or
crimes of its opponents.
In addition to these considerations, the
value of an effective opposition in Congress
deserves notice. That is one of the benefits
to which we originally referred. Parliamen-
tary history teaches conclusively the advan-
tages of an opposition which, while unable to
defeat measures, is strong enough to insure
their discussion. The country has suffered
from hasty legislation, and the Republican
party will not be loser il the repetition o
the evil be quietly prevented.
The OnigOipg Administration my. John