The Ottawa free trader. [volume] (Ottawa, Ill.) 1843-1916, 1868-02-29

the whites disloysl," takes up too much space
to enable us, by a brief extract to do it justice
Mr.. ID. shows, however, that two-thirds of the
negfoes were not loyal during the war, and
shows. by extracts from the letter and evidence
of Gen Grant, by reports of Freetlmen's bu-
reau agents, and by letters from the most en-
inent men in the south, that the people there
entertain no feeling of hostility to the Union !;
that they are anxious to return to their allegi
ance to the constitution and live as faithful,
loyal citizens, and evince no hostility to the
measures of the general government except
such as would place them under the domina-
ton of british negroes, u domination which
every northern State would reject with scorn
and rise up in rebellion against if attempted
to be enforced upon them. He concluded
this branch of his argument thus:
What do the great examples of history teach
us in dealing with rebellions if not that, after
force has been subducd by force, nagnanimity
is more powerful than revenge; that love con-
quers what hate never can-the hearts and affec-
tions of the people!
revolted, and the revolt was put down by arms,
the question arose in the Roman Senate, what
shall be done with Latium and the people of
Latium? There were some then who cried,
"disfranchise them" others said, "confscats
their property" There were none who said
Subject them in vassalage to their slaves
But old Csmllus, in that speech which re-
vealed his greatness and made his name immor-
tai, said: "Senators, make them your fellow
citizens, and thus add to the power and glory Of
Rome" In this high place, in this Senate of the
civilization of all the ages, cannot we, Senator's
rise to the height of that great argument!
The third reason "becausc it will secure
party ascen dancy," he dlsposes of thus:
Mr.. President, having considered at some
length the second answer to my question, and
finding that it is not sustained by the facts, that
it is bad in principle and worse in policy, re-
peat the question third time--why press this
negro supremacy over the whites of the South !?
What reason can you give?
The leader of the Radical forces-that inexor-
able Moloch OF this new rebellion against the
Constitution,
"The strongest aud the Aercest spirit
That fought an Heaven, now fercer by despair"
answers with boldness, and in plain English
gives the true reason,. namely, to secure party
ascendancy. This is the third and last answer
which I propose to consider on this occasion
On the I'd of January, 1867, Mr.. Stevens, in the
House of Representatives, used this language,
which | find reported in the Globe.
"Another good reason is, it would insure the
ascendancy of the Union party DO you avow
the party purpose, exclaims some horror-stricken
demagogue? | do"
The party purpose is here avowed in the
House In his speeches and letters elsewhere
MIR. Stevens again and again, in stronger Ian.
guage, ayows the real purpose of this legislation
to them mainly refer. The negroes under the
tutilage of the Freedmen's Bureau, led by Rad.
cal emissaries, or pushed by Federal bayonets,
must take the political control of these States in
order to obtain their votes in the Electoral Col
lege OF i'll the House of Representatives in the
election of the next President. Here is reason,
and just such a reason as the bold Radical would
give. 1t is in keeping with his revolutionary
measures, and in keeping with his own revolu.
tionary history.
The letter Of General Pope, when in command
of one of the districts, recently published, draws
aside the vail and discloses the fact that the
same party purpose seeks to control the bayonet
also.
This argument for party ascendancy, all can
understand. 1t is bold, clear, and logical. It is
the argument of necessity addressing itself to
unscrupulous ambition. One syllogism contains
the whole of it: eve must" says the Radical,
select the next President The negroes, under
the lead of our bureau or the control of our bay
onets, will vote for our candidate. The whites
outraged by our attempt to put the negro over
them, will vote against him. Therefore the
bayonet must place the negro in power in these
States to give us seventy electoral votes for Pres
ident twenty Senator's, and fifty members of the
House." ..rl..u.e' r.l..,
All honor to the Radical chief, the great Com
moner, who, with all his faults, is too great
man to resort to subterfuge or shams, or attempt
to conceal his real purpose in this legislation.
Some who favor these measures do not admit
his leadership. But the truth is, in some way or
other he does lead or drive the Radical party in
the end into the support Of all his revolutionary
schemes. Now and then one shrinks back
More than once / have seen the "galled Jade
VINCE" but neverfail at the last to obey the lash
of her master. Would to heaven it We're other
wise! Would to heaven that the Radical party
could pause and modify its suicidal policy! But
fear the majority have become bound to it
bound hand and foot with chains they cannot
break; that however much some may regret it
or strive to conceal regret, political necessities
compel you to 20 on, and right on to the bitter
end. You have staked your all upon it. You
must live or die by it. ILL rt -f.-.....
The Senator from Massachusetts,, Mr.. Wilson, |
as if by authority, says: I'VE will take no step
backward" Mr.. Colfax, in his recent letter, re-
echoes, "Not hairs BREADTH Such, l fear, is
the fatal resolution taken by the majority.
The result Of the recent elections, showing
that majority in the northern and western
States is opposed TO that policy, so far from
changing resolution from which the Radical
party dare not retreat, is pushing it on to the
madness of despair. 1t sees that its majority in
the North and West is already lost 1t dare not
exclude the South in the next election Tie