Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-11-24
Then and Now.
NO. SO UNION STREET,

The Radicals have been resolute
enough in building up the power of Con-
gress heretofore. But they are now be-
ginning to alter their tune since Grants
election amazingly. The Boston Travel
Ter (RadicaD has the following indica-
ton of returning sanity:
Some OF the comments made on the re-
suit OF the late election show that the i'm
preston is by no means uncommon that
the people decided that Congress is the
governing power in this country, and that
the President of the United States has
no other duty than to execute the will OF
that body. This is continuation OF a
feeling that came into existence while
the conflict between Congress and Presi-
dent johnson was going on, and which
naturally took q strong hold on the
public mind; but it is one that cannot
last, if proper regard is paid to the re-
quirements of the Constitution. The
President of the United States is not q
aonentity, such as the DSge of Venice
popularity is supposed to have been, but
an officer who is clothed with great
powers, and who is as independent OF
Congress as that body is independ-
ent of him. The history of our Govern
ment shows thata President can carry
through measure to which Congress is
opposed, and which are not liked by the
country. Pres ident Washington carried
through the British treaty, negotiated by
Mr.. Jay, though a more unpopular meas
ure never was brought to the considera'
ton of Americ ans than was that treaty
when it was first published. The House
of Representatives requested of the Pres-
ident copies of the instructions to Mr..
Jay, and the correspondence and other
papers that related to the treaty, by
vote of 62 to 81 but Washington refused
to comply with the request of the House
The vote in the Committee of the Whole
on the resolution in favor of the treaty
was a tie-49 to 49-and it was carried
only by the casting vote of the chairman,
who voted again st his party; and finally
passed the Houile of Repres, s,'ntatives BY
a vote of 81 to 49, 1t was the power OF
the President that pushed the treaty
through in face of the hostility of ma
jority of the House of Representatives.
If it be correct to say that the President
is nothing but an officer to execute
the will of Congress, Washington should
have furnished the papers asked fol, by
the House of Representatives; and when
he saw how averBe the Representatives,
were to the tire atty he should have with
drawn it. But Washington, who had
presided over the labors of the Conven-
tion that made the Nations Constitution,
fatty told the House that it had nothing
to do with the making of treaties, and
that he would not comply with its request,
which, it should be added, was very Ike
a demand, and had been made by so
large a majority of the Repres entatives
that it was only four short of t,vo-thirds
of all the members who voted. If wash
ington was right in resisting the House
of Representatives in 1896, is it not going
too far in 1868 to talk as if the President
of the United States was q sort of con-
stable, who can act only by order OF
court called Congress; and who is to
reign for four years only on condition
that he shall never attempt to rule Z
President Jackson exc rcised the veto
power on many important occasions,
and with success, and he was sustained
BY the people. If the new doctrine is
sound he was a usurper;, and should have
been impeached; sut he was nothing OF
he kind, for he nevt IT went beyond the
finding in that instrument
ample warrant for all that he did.
difference of opinion lay exist as to the
wisdom of his action { IN some occasions,
1ut there can be no d. ,ubt that he acted
On all these occasions with strict regard
% his oath. He was a honest man, and
Is incapable of violai ting the Constitu-
ion as he was of beha wing in cowardly
manner.
There is one point il connection with
his subject that ought to be duly con-
iidered before men as rec to the position
hat the President m ust obey Congress,
md have no opinion. chat shall not be ac-
,eptable to that aug u st body. If he Is to
hks law from Co lgi ess, he must do so
inder all political conditions. If he is
o submit to R epui1lican Congress, he
must also submit to q Democratic Con-
,ress and the ls at House OF Represen-
atives of Pres dent Grants frat term
nay contain Democratic majority.
rhe next Hons of Representatives will
contain Rspi Iblican majority, but Its
uceessor may be placed under Demo-
,ratic control Should the Democrats
gain in lS70-al as many Representative
n proportion as they havs gained or Will
yain in 1863 SO, the House must be theirs.
Then the Reconstruction Of Virginia, Mis-
Iissippi aud Texas will be cry favorable
a the way of increasing heir political
Itrength. Now, suppose the House OF
that will come INTO ex-
stenee in 1871 should contain Demo-
,ratic majority, must Grant to~ down
before it, and prepare to execute ITS de-
,rees, whether IIe shall believe them to
be wise or foolish, constitutional or IN
constitutional, legal or illegalR II such
Ihould not be his duty, what becomes OF
he sssertion that Congress rules The
10 man can have the face to
Iay that while the President is bound to
,bey Congress when his owR party con-
rol It, be IS not bound to obey 1t when II
3 controlled by bis political foes fhat
would be 10 assume thst our Govern
nsnt exists for parties, and not for the
,eople. IL Congress is the supreme
power Of the State, il is so without re-
yard 10 it's party character; and If Re