New-York tribune., 1868-04-03
DIR. LoRING ON JEFFERSON AND LINCOLN
From AZ Occasional Correspondent.

From IL Occasional Correspondent
BosroS, March q, 1868
The lecture season in this lecture going COM
munity is nearly closed. All the prominent and lead
ing speakers in the State have been fully occupied
during the Winter, and Tilton Holland, Chapin.
Anna Dickinson, Whipple, Hepworth, Wendell
Phillips, and DR. Loring have been constantly
engaged. And all questions of Labor, Education,
Science, Literature, and Politics, have been fully
discussed l happened to hear one of these pro
ductons night or two since in Lynn-a lecture
by DR.. Geo. b. Loring OF Salem, the careers
of Thomas Jefferson and of Abraham Lincoln.
had heard many complimentary allusions to
the lecture and had seen many notices of it in the
local papers in this State where il has been repeated
many times this Winter. was therefore glad of an
opportunity TO listen TO il and / not dsap-
pointed. The style in which it written is strong
and graphic, and the manner in which it was delv
cred was peculiarly pleasing and impressive 1t was
not easy for me TO see how the two characters of
which Dr. Loring was treating could be brought into
intimate relations. But a. he went on, found myself
agreeing entirely with the striking and ingenious
analogy created in his mind
lie commenced with an alluson to the trials which
surrounded the American people at the close OF the
Revolutionary war; the rivalry of States and the
ambition of the prominent characters OF the day (;
and after a sketch of the Continental Congress, the
Declaration of Independence. and the efforts OF JET
fersOn in various capacities, he discussed at length
ton which il received at the hands of Jefferson and
his friends. The election OF Jefferson in 1850 he con-
sdered the commencement of the first great political
era of our republic. 1t was the introduction of re-
publican simplicity into the administration of our
public affairs and his inaugural address was the
first announcement of the principles on which Our
Government should be conducted as the Declaration
of Independence was our first charter of freedom.
Jefferson has been charged with having broughtfhis
principles from the club-roOms Of reyolnt nary
France but no man can lind them there. In atnce,
government was the origin OF all power the regrll-
tor of ali industry. But jefferson learned from the
history of his own country that all power springs
from the people. He learned his lesson from the lu
ran and the lIuguenOt, and from every assertion OF
individual right made az the breaking out of the
war These rights he wove into the Declaration OF
independence, found them enmaited on the Consti-
tuition, ana he carried them into his whole
theory Of government He had largo sagacity
in public affairs, and, while he gave the highest con-
sderatioE TO the rights of the States he nodded
institutions in accordance with the necessities of the
times. lie felt that an attempt to carry extreme
federal authority into the States, Whllc yet the
OOyeTment was young ana leeDie'Nonidehd ~ rum;
and so he proclaimed the doctrnc OF stare nights at
the same time declaring. when some OF tho States
slow III the payment of taxes, u lho States must
be made to see the TOd-perhaps To feel it," 10
the Union he believed n and were he alive to-day.
the same wisdom which led him to base the work Of
construction on State rights and universal freedom
would now lead him TO base the work OF recOnstuc
tOn on universal suffrage and state equality. At
this point commenced the parallel between Jefferson
and LincOln-the great apostle Of freedom and the
great martyr of freedom. They bad similar natural
charac acteTistcs-humanity, quick understanding of
broad general truths, and great political saacty Is
il surprising. then said the speaker that Abraham
Lincoln should have unfurled the banner Of Thomas
Jefferson in his great campaign III Illinois and have
written that exraoTdnaIy letter 70 the c,tlz9ns OF
Declaration of Independence, and charges upon ITS
opponents desire to perpe6gate soca cassitcatons
they will subjugate as" Then followed an elaborate
and eloquent description Of Lincoln bis habits
Of thought, his devotion to freedom, his power
as an orator, soaring above the accomplished elo
quence of all rivals under the inspiration OF the sub
lime hour at Gettysburg
And here the lecturer was brought, hand in hand
with these two great men, to the question now be
fore the country consequence OF the anarchy and
disruption of the war: Restoration on the basis Of
universal freedom, citizenship and equality, was all
the lesson he could learn from their teachings. This
is what Jefferson would have had, and what Lincoln
prepared the way for. Human equality Is now de
manded it is not moral obligations alone which
require IT, but on the fairness, decision, and courage
with which this is done depend our future material
prosperity. Under the load Of debt and taxation now
upon US we must appeal TO, develop aud protect the
great producing classes of country, North South,
East, and Westwbereyer the application OF indus.
try can enrich people The Eastern, Middle, and
Western States are advancing in wealth with great
rapiditg the South alone is idle. In the great social
revolution goug on there, industry has paused and
of the loyal labor OF that section, VIII Reconstruction
be safe. That reconstruction which will carry mate
rial prosperity with it, must develop Southern indus
try by furnishing an opportunity for labor open the
South 10 free industry let the land be divided and
cultivated and before the theories now advanced for
the bonds of the United States would be distributed
through the South and its currency would flow
through every channel of trade there, and taxation
would fall as an equal burden upon our whole
country
was the interested in this lecture because of
the prominent position which its authOris taking in
the politics Of his State. Remembered his strong and
fervid letter in favor of the reelection of President
Lincoln; recolected his earnest appeal for universal
suffrage a fow days after the assassination of the
President his defense Of Congress against the
President in the Legislature OF Massachusetts, in hIs
speech setting forth the power and importance of the
legislative branch Of the Government in Republic,
and his frequent speeches in behalf Of the best prn
cples of the Republican party. had been much inn
pressed by the enthusiastic support he received from
that party in his election as delegate at large to the
National Republican Convention; and was anxious
to hear the connection no would establish between
the two foremost men in Our histOTy--so similar yet
so different. The political chapter winch he gave
most interesting; and, as strong and ingenious
defense of Republican policy, it should DO heard
everywhere. The impression produced on the au-
dence was profound.
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