Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1868-01-24

x
position that the rich own the bonds
the Wall street men. This is a mistake.
The poor men and women Ofthe country
own the larger proportion Of the bond Of
the country. But let us take for granted
that these Wall street men do own the
bonds. 1t would be a capital thing for
US to Overreach these meD-tO cheat
them a little, to pay them of in de-
preciated currency, in trash which has
lost its purchasing power They ought
to be punished for buying the bonds,
for trusting the Government when it
needed means to crush the rebellion.
We viii admit, to please our Democrat
ie friends, that it is right to punish them
for their loyalty, But do you think we
can do it? Do you think we viii ac-
complish our purpose? These Wall
street men are notorious for their
shrewdness-Wide awake. They read
the papers. They comprehend the sit
uatiOn. They are looking out for Just
such schemes. They viii see the cloud
gathering long before we do, and when
il breaks, and the tornado goes crash
ing over the land, prOstrat1ng you and
me, these men who have long before
exchanged their bonds for gold, viii
look cody down upon the great wreck
aud, shaking their mOney-bags at US,
laugh to end US the duBes Of our own
folly, and victims of our own rascality.
The Controller of the CuFrency SAYS
truthfully: 'fThe doctrine that the en-
tire amount of legRl-tender notes in
circulation is a loan to the Government 4
without interest, is popular fallacY.
This loan is the most expensive one the /
Government has ever made. The lend |
ers exact triple and quadruple interest /
on the price of the commodity yielded /
in exchange" The Continental Con-
gress tried this paper currency scheme |
thoroughly, aud 1t proved to be an en-
tire failure. Other nations have tried /
it with the same result. Shall we try /
it again Had we not better consider |
the matter carefully, before we enlist /
with Vallandigham, Burns and Com |
pany, to make tilt against this wind /
mill, cover ourselves with disgrace, and /
plunge the country into hopeless bank /
ruptcy
The financial question is one which /
requires serious consideration a ques- I
ton upon which the Wisest men of both /
parties differ-a question which should /
be decided without haste and, in my /
judgment, no move in this direction /
should be made until the various plans /
suggested are Lnatured, perfected, and /
presented to the public. Then we viii, /
perhaps, be able to select the best. I'm /
til then I shall oppose, by vote and in +
huence, a further contraction of the /
currency. I favor remaining where we /
are until we can find plan which prom /
ises to lead us safely and certainly out /
of our difficulties, and then settle down /
on this as definite and permanent. What I
this plan may be no man can now state, /
and I can simply say, my interests and /
yours are identical. Whatever would /
iniure you would injure me ; whatever /
would enhance your interests would I
further mine. shall endeaYor to vote /
intelligentIy on this question when the I
time comes, and with an eve single to /
the best interests Of my District.
Not content with their assault upon
the life Of the ration, with thrusting
this national debt upon us, with bur
dening us with taxes, with this scheme
to involve the country in financial
bankruptcy and ruin, the Democratic !
party goes a step farther. As if to
make destruction doubly sure they de-
mand that the Southern States shall be
entitled to the full state Of recognition
and constitutional representation in
Congress and5the electoral colleges given
to all the States. They insist that the
without guarantees, without being re-
quired to accede to the generous terms
proposed by Congress.
Here our friend occupies a hotel. He
has many guests. One of these sets fire
to his house, and commences to murder
and plunder the inmates, but is finally
averD0Wered before he has succeeded /
in destroying all The lives or stealing I
all the property. What shall be done
with the prisoner? Invite him back,
DdIuOn ILAlls uDb oSA Hill 10 IBSbOlG LLB
property he has stolen, pay the loss he /
has caused, or suffer the penalty due
his crime? Shall no guarantees be re-
quired, no security for future good be-
havior? Shall he be made a welcome
guest at the table, and sit down among
loyal and peaceful men? Would it be
safe to do this2 Would this satisfy JUS
tice? Would magnanimity require us
to thus treat him? No. It would be
the sheerest folly; it would be reward
ing crime it would be paying a pre-
MUM for treason, robbery and murder.
This is simply what our Democratic
friends would do, what they propose to
do upon large scale. They propose to
let these rebels come back uncOnditiOn-
ally and Immediately, occupy places of
trust and honor without pledge, without
security for the future, without indem-
nifty for the past. We do not require
indemnity for the past, but we do re-
quire security for the future. It does
not matter whether these rebel States
are out of the Union or in the Union. I
do not propose to split hairs with law
yer on this point. It is enough for me
TO know that the men whom these Dem
ocrats would admit have forfeited all
rights as citizens, that they waged a
deadly warfare against the nation, that
they were subdued at a cost of the lives
of five hundred thousand loyal men
who are tonight sleeping amidst the
the hill-slOpes, under the shadows of
the great mountains of the Snuth-he-
rOes whose only monuments are the
SCARED rocks and shattered trees which /
rise above them. And, so help me God, /
I shall not reach out to grasp tie bloody I
hands of their murderers until they
come back washed, cleansed, YOuehed /
for and endorsed by loyal men until
they have proven by works as well as
promises their devotion to the flag of
my country. I appeal to you as honest
men. is this revenge is this an exhi-
bitiOn of an unchristian spirit? ImpOs-
sIble. It is not only common sense,
common honesty, wise prudence-it is
a stretch of the most sublime magma
uimity.
In conclusion, let me say, am in IA
vor of the Congressional plan of recon /
slrucJiOn, in favor of paying off all I
bonds in the currency which is the legal I
tender and in general circulation among /
the people, except, Of course, the COM +
paratively small amount which have /
gold stipulated in the bond; in favor Of
rigid economy in the administration of |
public affairs in favor Of cutting off |
such Federal taxes as are more annoy /
ing to the people than remunerative to /
the General Government, and render /
the amount thus taken unnecessary by /
a reduction in the expenditures of the !
war department, of the navy and the /
civil service in favor of making the /
Government the hus band ofthe soldiers /
widow, the father of the soldier's chill [
dren, the constant and generous friend /
of the disabled veteran who has won /
honorable scars in his country's service; /
in favor Of standing by the right in /
peace, by the old flag in war, and in ia 1
vor, at all times, whether in peace or /
war, OF striking Loyalty for our country.
We owe now s2.508, ,I25, 100. Eng /
land, with smaller population and a
poorer country owes 81 COS f9A 10, I
France owes 81. $40 029 $50; her dept /
has increased one hundred and thirty |
per cent in thirteen years, and In /