The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1868-08-22

ture Richmond in o Few weeks, ana nau, as |
yet, got only to Petersburg without being able |
to advance another step-lying there foiled
even in his clumsy strategy OF lighting the
enemy wherever he could find him. After Lee
evacuated, in consequence of Sherman's ap-
proach, the task of capturing his flying,
starving army was so easy that any General
in the army could have accomplished it. That
was no great feat; and apart from that there
was nothing in Grants long campaign against
Richmond to glory in.
The Political Situation-1s6s and 1864
Seymour Another Poor Pierce.
From the N. Y. Herald.
History, they say, repeats itself, and the
saying is true. We see it in the records of
empires and dynasties, and in the vicissitudes
OF our own political parties. In truth, the
political contests of the present day, in the
Old World and the New, are the same as those
of the past with some changes, more or less,
in the issues and in the mixing of the elements
on both sides. The terrible deluge of 1883,
which overwhelmed the ancient nobiesSe of
France and swept off her Bourbons, did not
extinguish her pre-existiDg political parties.
So from the wrecks and ruins of the great
American deluge of 1861 our two great parties
of 1860 substantially reappesr to day. South
ern slavery and the old ruling Southern Bour-
bon aristocracy have been swept of, but still
there is striking general resem blance between
the Democratic campaign of 1852, under the
banner of poor Pierce, and the campaign of
1868, under the banner of Seymour.
In 1852 the Wing candidate was General
Scott, chieftain who in his military reputa-
tion stood as General Grant now stands or as
King Saul stood among the mighty men Of
Israel in his day-a head and shoulders above
them all. In the outset the supporters of
Scott supposed that his military renown would
surely give them the victory; but there were
underlying causes at work which brought
about the election of poor Pierce in an over
! whelming ma ority of the electoral and popular
vote, North and South. The position of Scott
was satisfactory; there was nothing alarming,
| though much that was amusing, in his letters
and speeches of the canvass; bat Mr.. Seward
! and the other ruling abolition spirits of the
Whig party that stood behind Scott were dis
| trusted by the people. Those leading spirits,
it was feared, would control his administration
| if Scott were elected, and in upsettng on the
abolition tack the great compromise measures
OF 1850 would endanger the peace and safety
of the country in the reopening of Pandora's
box on the slavery question. Hence the
otherwise astonishing electoral and popular
vote by which poor Pierce and his party were
restored to power. Thus all the military
glories of Scott, from Chippewa and Niagara
to Vera Cruz and Chepultepec were as but
| dust in the balance.
Now, is it not apparent to the naked eye
that there are underlying and overshadowing
causes in this campaign which obscure the
military gories of Grant? Admitting that he
is safe and sound man, and that the people
so believe him to be, are there not reasons for
the declaration that the people distrust the
ruling spirits and managers of the party who
stand behind him |? We have only to look
back to the vote of New York in November
1864, to see that while Seymour was weaker
than Fenton the Republican party was stronger
than Lincoln. We see in 1868 the party in
its confessed weakness, from the elections of
| luiy OF 10Th Of ifc
date; but, on the other hand in the local cleo
tions of the present year, SO far, since the
nomination of General Grant we have 40 evil
dence that his great name has turned the
drift of the popular tide of last year. In fact,
as in 1882 on the national bank question the
parties, so in 1868 there is a possibility that
on the national banks, bonds, and taxes there
may be an equally surprising result.
| We think there is no reason to fear that
with General Grants election the adminstra-
ton will fall under the control of the revolu-
tonary radicals but every reason to believe
that in his quiet way, and more decisively
than Lincoln, Grant will be the master of the
administration and of Congress, and that the
country will be safe in his hands, although his
general policy may bring about complete
reconstruction of principles and parties. On
the other hand, from the popular distrust Of
the revolutionary radical leaders, and from
these important matters of the debt and the
bonds, and the burden of taxes necessary to
meet even the gold interest on the bonds
assuming that there is a probability of Sey-
mours election and possibility that it may
} be as decisive as that of poor Pierce, what
shall we gain thereby From all the lights
before us we shall gain only another Pierce
I administration. The same leaders, the same
tire-eaters, the same heresies, and the same
laundering Influences that controlled Pierce
will, from all the signs of the times, control
Seymour.
Pierce was elected on the compromise
| measure of 1850. He was thus elected be-
l cause on this platform the people believed he
l would maintain the peace and harmony of the
l country on the slavery question inaugurated
l by those great peace measures of Henry Clay.
2 But we all know that poor Pierce became as
l pliable as wax in the hands of the revolu
Q tionary Southern slaveholding oligarchy; we
know that he thus became willing tool in
the repeal of the Missouri compromise, the
h. foundation stone of the adjustment OF 1850,
, and We know what followed. His administra-
t tiOn prepared the way, and that of his sue
3 cessor, Buchanan, plunged the South into the
4 abyss OF the slaveholders rebellion. We see
l now that, as far as they have survived, the
= same elements that controlled poor Pierce
4 controlled the Tammany Convention, and con-
a troll the Democracy in thir canvass, and will
3 control Seymour if elected. We have no re-
, cognitlon from him or them that the war has
} settled anything; no recognition that the con-
7 | stitutlonal amendments resulting from the
I war are binding upon the Democratic party.
) They have left the door wide open, in the
, event of Seymour's election, for falling back
| To Htha Constitution as IL wasO in 1870 and