New-York tribune., 1868-08-27
NOyt SCOTIA AND BRITISH COLONIAL
w. - HLIL

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NOyt SCOTIA AND BRITISH COLONIAL
RULE.
The popular movement in Nova Scotia for
rho reneol of the Union with Canada, and for
the recovery by that Province of the legislative
independence which it enjoyed previous to the
consnmmatiOn of the Confederation scheme,
has had the effect of bringing the Legislature
of the recusant colony into direct collision with
tbe Imperial Government, and has thus revived
a novel question, upon the amicable settlement
of which, not only in reference to this particu-
lar case, but as a general question between
Great Britain and her colonies, will depend
tle preservation in its integrity OF the colonial
empire of England. The question is simply
this: Is the authority of the Imperial Legis-
lature over a colony absolute aud unlimited7
The case of the people of Nova Scotia is
very plain one Against their will they have
been drawn into y confederation with Canada,
through the action of a Legislature which
they protest did not fairly represent their
sentiments on that particular question,
and in proof of this they adduce the
fact that at the first general election held
in Nova Scotia after the New Dominion had
been proclaimed, they rejected, almost en-
,aasSe the men by whom they had been be-
trayed, and returned others in their stead,
pledged to use their best efforts for obtaining
a repeal of the Union. The new Provincial
Assembly, in fuldllmcnt of that pledge, memo
rallied the House of Commons to appoint a
Commission of Inquiry, before which the Nova
Scotians might have an opportunity of making
good their objections to legislative union
with Canada. Such an appeal to Parliament
was the only course, i'm the circumstances,
opcn TO the Provincial Legislature.
But the Commission Of Inquiry was refused,
and they were told in effect, that they must
make the best of a bargain, 10 which they We
hcmenty protested they were never consent
ing parties The Imperial Government will
not allow them to sever their legislative con-
necton with Canada, nor itself take any step
toward bringing about such severance. They
did not seek independence az a separate people;
they did not threaten any disruption Of Brit
ish North America; they simply asked that they
should be allowed still to enjoy the legislative
independence they had always pOssesscd-be
allowed, in short, TO manage their own affairs
in their own way; but they are peremptOrly
informed this cannot be, and That where the
Confederation act has placed them, there they
must remain.
In such a state Of things the old question Of
the absolutcness ofimperial legislative authority
over q colony having its own constitution and
government, is again brought to the surface.
The delegates lately sent from Nova Scotia to
England, while in the mother country, sub
mitted certain questions TO Sir Roundell Palmer,
II q IL. 4 Ii
Administration, and slr. Vernon HarcOurt, the
eminent English jurist, for their legal,opinions.
Among the queries were two rotating to the
powers Of Imperial legislation in q case
like that of Nova Scotia at present and both
Sir Rouudcll Palmer and M. Tarcourt gave it
as their opinion that there is no limit to those
powers" in any such case, and that thc
authority of the Imperial Legislature, being
absolute cannot in any legal sense be de-
pendent on the consent Of the cOl0ny.p This
doctrine the British Parliament has just again
practically asserted in refusing 60 grant the
Nova Scotians what they have asked, and in
compelling them 10 submit 10 an arrangement
which they declare is opposed to their interests
and their inclinations. But this doctrine of
supreme power absolutely uncomfortable is of
the very essence of dcspotism. 1t was its asser-
tion in the case of the thirteen American colonies
which led to the Declaration of Independ-
ence and the birth of the American Republic
Nova Scotia submits to-day but she submits
under pr, est, to coercion which she is not strong
enough TO resist-to a power which it would
not be prudent for her to defy. But how
would it be with Canada, with her population
of three millions, were an attempt mado TO ap-
ply the policy of coercion in her casoi How
would it he with the Australian c0lOnics-the
germs of a future mighty nation-whose people
are already beginning 10 manifest such sem
sitivo jealousy of imperial interference and con-
troll rs regards their local afilirs1 The weak
may be bulied but that gamo cannot be
played successfully with the strong, who are
conscious Of their strength. If England's
colonial empire is to be preserved to her, il
must be 10y the religious observance of very
different policy. She must learn to follow the
sage c0unscls of that school of modern states
men of which the late Sir William Molcsworth
may be regarded as the founder, and of which
John Bright, who has 50 eloquently pleaded
the cause Of Nova Scotia in the British Par
lament, is the most eminent living representa-
tive, renouncing the doctrine of absolute inn
perial authority in the local affairs of the coli
onies, and allowing those colonies the utmost
latitude of self-goverment compatible with
the confessedly paramount claims of purely
imperial interests. ..
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