The Wheeling daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1865-1903, 1868-06-16

I
with freemen, drinking in the spirit of
liberty, existing in our midst deprived
of the franchise, than there will be in
extending it to them, at least in some
prudent manner2 Sir, this Will be the
danger of collision IL there is any col
lision in this country.
But why should there be collision?
Who is to bring about this collision?
Is it the negro? Who ever heard of a
race in any country SO inferior as the
negroes are, numerically and in every
other way, being the aggressorsS No,
sir; the fact is that if we have a conflict
1t will be a conflict brought on by the
proud. overbeariDg Anglo-SaxOn seek
ing to trample the weaker race under
his feet. The conflict will come from
the white men If 1t come at all. The
negro, at least, has discretion and sense
enough to know that in such conflict,
brought on by himself, the white man
must triumph. Wehave these dlthcul-
ties to meet on either hand. But be-
tween the two kinds of difficulties
which shall we select? / have indicated
that. in my opinion, We would be more
likely to encounter less danger by en-
franchising the negro; and am the
more led 10 this conclusion because
entranchisement is more consistent
with the spirit Of our institutions, and
with the spirit of human liberty and
extending equality of political rights to
a race ought to be less dangerous than
policy Withholding it. Is the princt-
pie that all just government is found
ed on the consent of the governed less
applicable to the black man than to the
white man? -
Mr., President, look at the matter.
Here, for instance, are two men-I am
now speaking not figuratiyeiy, because
L have the men in my mind. Here Is a
farmer; he has one hundred acres of
land; he is an industrious. sober citi-
zen; he works on the highways; he
paws his tax; he yields ready obedi-
ence to all the laws of his country. he
sent some of his sons to aid in suppress
ing the late rebellion, one of whom re-.
mains sleeping In death on the field of
battle. Here is another man, also a
farmer, in about similar circumstances.
He has not quite so much land; he had
no son to send to the field, but he is an
obedient citizen; he renders obedience
to all the laws OF his country; he sub
mits himself to all the obligations socie-
ty imposes upon him. He Is a white
man; the other is black man. Why
should the white man have a vote and
the black man not have a voter They
are equally intelligent, equally obedt-
emit to the laws, equally contribute to
the welfare of the country, except that
the black man contributes the life of a
son to its defense and the white man
contributes none. Why should one
vote and not the otheb2 In the name
of common justice, in the name of lib
erty, in the name of all that is right,
why should the extension of the right
of suffrage to the black man necessari-
ly bring on Il bloody conflict between
the races in this country?
Ipropose to notice another objection
which has been mentioned to this bill;
and that is the question of negro SUI
premacy.
Mr.. President, that is the cry; we
hear it on the Senate floor; we hear it
on the mountain sides; we hear it in the
villages; we hear in the cities, NEGRO
supremacy" I am sorry to say that
we hear il even from the lips of some
Senators. "Segro supremacSW What
does that mean? Here we are the white
race, thirty millions strong, having
wealth and intelligence and the social
and moral position. Here are parcel
of poor negroes with their arms still
| bearing the marks of the manacles of
their bondage, just emancipated, COM
paratively ignorant, helpless, three or
four millions strong; and the clamor Is
| Enecro supremacy;" "wilt you make
the negro superior to the white mani"
| "Wiil you place the white man under
the domination and government OF the
negro?" That is the cry. Why, sir; it
Is senseless clamor. There is no pro-
priety in IL. 1t is an appeal to the pas
sIons of the unthinkfng multitude. 1t
ought not to be addressed to an intelli-
gent man. That is not the purpose of
it. 1t is the clamor of the demagogue
and nothing else. Negro supremacy in
this country! 1t is utterly impossible
that the thing should be. 1t never can
be possible,
But, sir, / am happy to say that
have before me the argument of my
honorable friend from Wisconsin,, Mr..
Doolittle, the other day, fresh in our
memory, who takes such proper,
statesmanlike, and national view OF
this subject that 1 propose to read it,
that it may be incorporated In my re-
marks, and that 1t may 20 TO my con-
stituents, that the opinion of one of the
leaders of the Democratic party in the
Senate may be known, who is ashamed
to re.echo the demagogue cry of "negro
supremacy" and who boldly, manful-
ly in his place in the Senate, tells the
be the probable result of negro eniran-
chisement in the southern States. Here
it is:
sMr. President. 1t is not upon any party
ground or party considerations that sm
Opposed 10 the present bill; for, sir, were the
bill TO pass and become law, and the people
of the Southern States-I refer 10 the intel
lIgent while people OF the Southern States
should ind themselves placed IN a position
where IL would be necessary for them 70 e1-
erclse their intellectual and moral power,
not only among their own race, but among
the colored people OF the south, have no
doubt what the result would De In Inc large
majority of the Southern States That the
intellect and moral power OF the South will
rule all races there when you como to the
struggle is lust as certain as the revolutions
The moral power and intellectual power
which the white people possess In the SOUTH
my honorable friend from Massachusetts, will
find will control the half-ctvtliZed negro
element whenever they desire TO do It. And
there Is very noted case arising In the
most numerous negro district in I'll at State,
where the majority OF the negroes was 0DOuJ
seven Thousand"
That, think, is about the correct
view of the case. That imagine will in
evitably be the result to considerable
cious, philosophical, and very proper
remarks of the Senator from Wiscon-
SMITHS idle apprehension of negro
supremacy.
But, then, there is another objection
made even more ridiculous than this;
and that is the fear of social equality.
Why, Mr.. President, that Is the silliest
of all pretensions, the Silliest of all OBJ
jectiOns. Social equality is not mat
ter to be adjusted by law. 1t Is mat
ter of taste; IL Is matter OF choice; 1t
cannot be enforced by legislation; il
always regulates itself. But then, sir,
have in my hand here the remarks OF
a negro bishop who recently went from
this city as a delegate from the confer
euce, then sitting here, of the Methods
Episcopal Zion church to the general
conference of the Methodist Episcopal
church recently convened in Chicago,
with a message OF frateTnaI regards
aud with proposition for a union Of
these two religious bodies; and desire
a, Il "a tn thu