New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1868-12-01
AMENDING THE CONSTITUTION.


own amendment, as circumstances may render
expedient. we propose the following amendment
for the consideration of the people, and the
approaching session of Congress, and of our
State Legislatures:
AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION.
ARTICLE XIV The right OF suffrage In the several States
shall be regulated by the Legislatures thereof subject TO
the following pr0yisos:
That no State shall exclude from the class of electors
of state and National Officers any male citizen OF the
United States OF tho age Of 81 years, who has resided
one year the State, who is Of sound mind good moral
character and has been convicted OF felonious
crime.
O. ANY person who has resided one year In the United
States and makes public oath before competent nags
rae that he intends permanently TO reside here, ana 10
render allegiance to the United States at all times shall
be deemed and held citizen Of the United States ana
shall be entitled to vote such at any time after ne
shall have been six months citizen, but not sooner.
g. Each state shall authorized TO pass such regstra
ton or other may be deemed necessary to protect
the rights Of legal voters. and punish Illegal voting
Whether under our present constitution the
right of the States to regulate the right OF
suffrage is subject TO the legislative power OF
Congress to alter and amend their regulations,
as has been contended by Madison and others,
or whether the power of Congress is wholly
inadequate to such an emergency, can best be
set at rest 10y q Constitutional Amendment.
The amendment above proposed confers no
power whatever on Congress, but only limits
the power of the States. 1t does not give Con-
eress the power to pass national uniform SUI
frage law, but, in effect, tbs such law embodied
in the Constitution. 1t prevents the States from
making suffrage otherwise than UNIFORM anu
with few exceptions universal, as to all male
adults. 1t leaves the States free to make such
changes in their Suffrage laws not affecting
these points as may be called for; as, for in
stance. by giving the ballot to women, which
some States might be prepared to do long In
advance of others. They would also be free
to adopt any system OF cumulative voting
whereby a representation of the minorltles TO
any desired extent might be secured. Nor does
it prevent them from making as many or as
few of their officers elective as they may
deem proper. Ii does prevent the requirement
of educational or property qualifications, or of
n longer term of residence than that mentioned.
IL aboshes the pretended requirement OF
five years residence from foreigners, which we
are fully convinced only excludes from voting
those aliens of character who ought to vote,
while all who have no character vote freely,
within ten days after landing, If need be. In
return for the Democratic connivance which
helps them to vote, they reinforce tho Demo
cratic party with $4,000 new votes per annum.
If this amendment were adopted, they would
no longer be the exclusive property OF the
Democratic party. Possibly, some would desire
an amendment vesting in Congress the power
of passing n national uniform Suffrage law.
But we can easily forcsee that this might, If
the oligarchic element should gain the ascend
ant. become weapon in The hands of reaction
lists by which liberty might be slain, instead of
! being bulwark of popular rights. No benefits
| could be secured by any law to be passed by
| Congress which are not fully embraced in the
| foregoing amendment, limiting the power OF
| the State Legislatures But If Congress were
empowered to pass "a national uniform Suf-
frage law, the Democratic party would only have
10 come into power at Washington to abol-
ish negro suffrage in Georgia, Iowa, and Mas
sachusetts, and even to exclude men from
voting throughout the country, solely on nc
count of their political views. 1t is safer to
leave the power to regulate the suffrage in the
State Legislatures, and to limit it by such
amendments to the National Constitution as to
prevent the Acknowledgement of any large
classes of the people, than it is to intrust so
dangerous a power as that of passing uni
form Suffrage law for all the States to q
Congress whose political complexion may
change with every popular election.
SO much for the mode. The end to be
attained by the above amendment has already
been widely discussed and its wisdom conceded.
1t aims to secure republican governments
not only to the Seeded States, but to Mary
land and Kentucky, and to blot out for ever
the charge that the Republican party proposes
one system of suffrage for the Northern and
another for the Southern States. The result of
the recent elections in Louisiana and Georgia,
as well as the preponderance of tho elements
hostile to impartial suffrage in Virginia, Ar
kansas, and Texas, make it plain that if liberty
and equal rights are to DO assured TO both
races in the Southern States, the perpetuity of
impartial suffrage must be placed beyond cavil
or repeal by an amendment of the Constitu
ton of the United States. 1t can no more be
left to the former ruling element in the South
To decide than we could submit to the same
element tho question of Union or Secession.
The voice of the nation at large must guarantee
union, freedom, and equal political rights, to
both races ut the South, until the present gen.
Grafton shall have passed away. Nor is there
any justification for making political rights less
equal ut the North.