Edgefield advertiser. [volume] (Edgefield, S.C.) 1836-current, 1868-06-24
For the Advertiser.
NumharII
S. E. FREELAND, sec'ry.


frage as q compromise, since they must either
perish as Party, or insist not only upon univor-
sal negro suffrage at the South, but also upon
partial disfranchisement of the whites here and
upon frauds at the Ballot Box beside. Knowing
that it is matter of life and death with their
party, they go for clean victory, or clean de-
feat, and the South should fight the issue with
equal boldness, instead Of continuing to offer a
compromise which has been rejected again and
again with scorn. Several Southern Governors
ington in January, 1887, when the first Recon-
structon Act was pending and offered to accept
Congressional reconstruction, with qualified negro
suffrage as its lending feature The Radicals spit
upon the proposition then as they did when a
self constituted caucus of South Carolinans lately
removed it, and as they will continue to do for
all time to come. When Governor. Orr remem-
bcrs all the torrents of abuse which have been
showered upon him during the last seventeen
months for his half radical course, he must enjoy
with exquisite pleasure the fact that even HaDp-
ton, Perry and other pillars of State are now
standing on his platform ofqualied negro suffrage.
Politics not only mako strange bed fellows, but
the same politician often changes his political
bed in quick and astonishing succession. Short
" after the passage of the first reconstruction
1 Act, Gen. Hampton, Mr.. Arthur and other lead
ing white men about Columbia had great rati6-
cation meeting, accepting absolute negro suffrage
and congressional reconstfuction in all its parts.
At this meeting the niggers attended as we'll as
the whites and the big niger Beverly Nash, as
we'll as sundry other leading niggers, occupied
seats on the same stand with the white speakers
and took the same ground on reconstruction, to
which tho darkies have since consistently ad-
hered. In tho summer of 1867, Gen. Hampton
finding that nearly all the niggers wero going to
vote the Radical ticket, and that the white people
of the South would not stomach Congressitna
Reconstruction, especially as TO absolute negro
suffrage; wrote long letter of paternal advice
to the people of South Carolina, after the E1ecu.
tive stylo, in which he counseed the South to
take no action whatever under the reconstruc-
ton ACTS and went far ms to say that the State
of South Carolina should haye uone nothing
after the surrender-not even have abolished
slavery and he resurrscted letter of his to this
effect, which purported to have been written
nearly two years previous, but which was never
published when the people of tho State most
needed fatherly advice. As Gen. H. kept client
in 1865, when South Carolina lay bleeding at
every pore and calling for the wiseSt counsels Of
her sagest sons, perhaps be had better keep quiet
still if only for his own sake, as notwithstanding
his two previous contradictory positions on re-
construction, we now find that ho has jumped
over Mr.. Orr's hend and is holding up the Pal
metto Banner, inscribed with 0rr's motto of
qualified negro suffrage, and is asking South
Carolina to follow him half way to Radicalism
at leap. It is to be hoped that he will stick to
this middle ground as he has successively occu-
pied the two extremes.
Let South Carolina adopt qualified negro suf-
frage now, and she would soon find herself in
possession of universal negro suffrage. Once
break down the barrier between the races, rs to
political rights, on any qualifications whatever,
and every succeeding election would continue to
demolish moro and more Of the barrier until after
n while there would be no barrier at nil. This is
tho history of the extension of suffrage every
where. At first but few negroes would have
sufficient education or property to obtain the
ballot, but their numbers would rapidly increase
in this sparsely ptopled country where land is
plentiful, where labor is scarce, and wages high.
Their numbers would still further increase by
white candidates, or their friends, bestowing the
requisite qualifications in furnishing the educa-
ton, money oaths, etc., in closely contested elec
tions, Just rs white foreigners are now natural.
lied with great facility in exciting election times.
The small body of colored voters, under qualified
suffrage, would always affiliate cordially only
with that pnrty or candidate who would come
nearest to treating tho niger and the niger
race as social and political equals. In close
contest between white parties, each party would
bid higher and higher for tho Niger balance of
power until finally ono party of'white mon would
declare for letting all niggcrs vote. The two
other political rights, to hold Office and cit on
juries, would soon follow. The history Of the
once small abolition party at the North, as
balance Of power, ought to warn US in time.
There are so many luzy whito men, and women
too who will be willing to sell their vicious blood
to an ambitious and industrious negro, that ANAL
gamation will take place fast enough, let the
State do what she may or care, with such large
FREQ cOlored population in her midst; but give the
negro equal political rights and the near fate of
the South may be read in that of Mexico. Once !
grant negro political privileges. and you in
stantly advance his social status, because be
would be courtod for the power that he possessed,
and the enjoyment of such power by tho cOlored
man would tend rapidly 20 miscegenation. In
fow words, it may be said that South Carolina has
q disease called Generalization, and aome of her
political doctors are prescribing qualified dose
of niger, which if administered will only in
crease tho disease, whom still larger dose of
nigger will be given only yet further to aggravate
the disease, and thus it will go on until the whole
niger shall have been swallowed, and until the
whole body polite shall have become hopelessy
demosalsed by universal negro suffrage, general
mongrelism, chronic anarchy and permanent des-
poti.m. The only difference between absolute
suffrage and qualified suffrage for free negroes
IN South Carolina, is, that the one would bring
quick death to the State, while the other would |
inact torturing, lingering death. Time-thc
test of all things-woud produce like results in
both cases.
1t is said, in apology for the hasty causes that
haya undertaken 10 pedqe South Carolina to quail
fed negro suffrage, that the pledge was not given
in good faith, that it Was not given with any
intention of redsoming it, if the State should be
lef. to herself,-but sas only intended as tub