Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1868-04-29
John Quincy Adams.

York Ledger, brief sketch of the second
President Adams, aud the sixth person in the
Presidential office +; who is charged "without
being dishonest" Of possessing, in an eminent
degree, " the knack Of changing party opin-
ions AZ precisely the moment when such a
change would promote his own advantage
Mr.. Parton has considerable noioriety, if not
reputation, for sketches of historical person
ages but in this case suspect he is guilty
Of iolouious attempt to take the life" of
his distinguished subject and | am disposed
to resent it. If any explanation is required,
give it in the facts that John Quincy Adams
was my first political hero that my first edi-
torlals were in his praise or defense and that
am in some degree responsible for the good
opinion entertained of him by many of your
readers; so it is fit that ! shoud apologize or
defend. ! delcud Moreover IL happened
that Mr. Adams was the first ofthe Presidents
| have known personally. | was introduced
TO him in 1910, when, after his long and brill
liant career IN foreign courts in the Senate,
in the State Department and in the Presiden-
tal chair, found him in Congress, at seventy
three years Of age, the ablest member of the
House, and matching the youngest and most
Jealous working men of the body in the dis
charge Of all the duties and drudgery of his
office. / first met him in the library, at an
hour when the droncs Of the Congressional
bve were summing themselves; aud there
found Z" the old man eloquent pen and book
in hand, noting the authorities he was to use
in debate. have his autograph Of about
that date, which proves a hand tremulous with
aye, but all his movements were brisk his eyes
were foil Of fire, and in debate | found his
intellectual powers were still too keen for even
many younger advorsaries at once--among
them being ! remember, son of President
Monroe. Certainly there has been no nobler
illustration Of the dignity of useful labor than
that Of this great man, dsdaining the pride Of
the highest official stations aud assuming the
laborers tasks; aud hardly sublimer or
more heroic human act than this old mans
defying the threats of expulsion from an angry
majority, and Drawing national sentiment and
prejudice by asserting the rights Of the de-
splsed and helpless slave. Thedebate | heard
fdlly justified for Mr. Adams the compliment
airy part Of the description Of the Duke Of
Buckingham, which Shakespeare put into the
mouth of King Henry
The gentleman is learned, and q most speaker,
To nature none more bound his training such,
That ho may furnish and instruct great teachers,
And never seek for ai out Of himself
But alas | presume Mr.. Parton will
claim the whole
Yet see.
When these so noble hcncats shall prove
Not well dsposd, the mind growing once corrupt
They turn 90 vicious forms. ten times more ugly
Than ever they fair. This complete
Who was enrol'd 'mungst wonders and when we,
Almost with rylshd listning, could not find
M. hour Of speech minute be, my lady,
Hath into monstrous habits put the graces
That once were his. and is become as black
A. if fbesmcar'd ia hell.
Mr. Parton asserts that Mr.. Adams chang
cd his opinions to promote his own advantage
and the only specification is, that he Sustained
Mr.. Jefferson on the embargo question against
the majority of the people of New England" "
On the first charge, to wit a change of opinion
against an embargo, previous to Jefersons,
into favor Of that, Mr. Parton does not give
particle of proof | venture to guess that,
if ever he attempts to do 50, he will demon
strate the absurdity of his accusation The
first embargo was Washngton's in 1894,
when Mr. Adams was Washngton's Minister
to Holland Did the young man Of twenty
seven fly in the face of his patron? and, ifhe
/ did could he possibly hope for any personal
advantage from such conduct The second
occasion was John Adams's non-intercourse
act Of l79S when the son was his Minister
in Prussia is it possible that the son was so
undlal as TO condemn the policy of his father
and if so, what personal advantage was likely
I Nat Ioff - "a
4 1907, when Mr. Adams was in the Senate
and did, | know, unite as committeeman in
recommending the bill, and vote for it as a
Senator: but when was there change OF
opinion? That question was not debated even
for a single day in the Senate, the bill having
been passed and sent to the House on the very
1 day President Jefferson sent in his special
message ON the subject. Outside discussion
followed that event, and the truth unques.
tionably is that Mr. Adams had not, between
1874 and 1907, held two opinions on the sub
iect In 1907 he held consistently to the
previous policy of his party in 1894 and
l79S. Parties had indeed changed but it il
significant fact, that our statesmen, of both
parties, when called to meet the same ques
tion, under like circumstances and like respon
siblites to the country, all adopted the sam,
policy. The whole history of the embargo
and non-interconrse questions develops tn,
line Of pure and consistent craftsmanship il
I Washington, John Adams, jefferson and Mad
ison, and in politicians of either sect the vac
illations that spring from temporary party in
terest. 1t is unjust to drag John Quincy
Adams from the heights of craftsmanship t.
the pit of the slippery politicians aud this
think is what Mr. Parton has done. Indee,
his charge is that Mr.. Adams voted agains
the wishes of the people of New England.
is the only semblance of fact stated an,
yet even that is not quite a fact The yot
of the Senate is not given in the books bu
have the vote in the House. thus: total vote
yeas 81 nays A vote Of Massachusetts, yea
10, nays 6 ; vote of New England yeas l9
nays l5 SO in fact Mr. Adams voted tcit
the majority in the nation, in New England
and in his own State.
There was difference between ''the people
and the ultra Federalists of New England
which Mr.. Parton has completely ignored
If it be said, then, that Mr.. Adams was
Federalist, and on that occasion dissented frOI
the Federal party in New England, it ma
: be well to consider that, from fifteen years O
| age, in 1872, till 1901, he was in diplomati
service in Europe, and could have had no per
sonal connection with political parties at HON,
save in the brief interim between his return i
; 1901 and his election to the Senate in 1905
when the embargo question was at rest. Gen
, tainly he was the statesman rather than tn
| politician He was schooled in statesman
ship, and specially in foreign relations, out 0
: which the embargo grew. Shall Mr.. Parto
say, or any body think that such a man ough
to have gone into the Senate as the mere tai
of political kite, and on that ground con
t denim him for cutting the string2 Shall
Senator, who is conscious of his statesman
ship and of his high responsibilities, have n
/ conscience for his country, Or for his oath o
office Can he never be independent of par
ty, even on the grayest questionsl and