The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1868-08-11
The Revolution Still Pending.

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Ex-Leutenant Governor Stanton, of Ohio radicau,
N o speech delivered at Parkersburg West Va, on
the 9Th instant, spoke respecting the pending revou
tion and the conflict between labor and capital as
follows
This country is now really in state Of revolution,
and the idea that because hosttites are suspended
and there no longer contending armies In the
neld that, therefore the war is over and this con-
troversy is ended is great mistake The history of
into sections and take the history of year. or Of
ten years. and look at 1t separately and unconnected
SerH mas s SH V 20 s
caused it, and from which something else Will here
after originate. Hence, when you undertake to look
ut measures of administration and public poy, as
isolated measures, unconnected with the state OF
thngs that has given rise to them and unconnected
with what Is likely TO grow out OF them in the future,
you can have no correct comprehension OF such
measures OF administration To have any correct
appreciation Of any given line Of policy you must
there was for it. You cannot comprehend II without
you do. Now here we are. Just al the close OF gil
gantic rebellion, engaged In the restoration OF the
country to state OF peace, harmony and prosperity,
possible. TO enable you to understand and COM
prehend fully those measures that are TO adopted
or that you are called upon 10 consider, you must
look back to the causes out OF which our difficulties
have arisen. You have had war, but our demo-
cratic friends generally ignore II. II You were to
hear q dozen democratic speeches you would not
hear from them that there had been any war since
the OF 1872 But apprehend that there are men
here who have not forgotten il. What was the war
aboutY You cannot understand what measures OF
breaches created unless you know what the war was
TIE IRREpaEssIELE CONFLICT
have been for long time convert 10 the heresy,
II be one announced by Mr.. Seward long before the
war began, that this country could not perpetually
exist one.half slave States and the other half free
that there was an rreconcablc antagonism between
free and slave iabor-that the country must be all
save or all free territory, or the country would be
divided into two sections, one slave and the other
free. THIS In my judgment IL the origin OF the war;
and whatever YOU may say about the special occa-
that gave rise 10 any particular acts such as the
Kansas Nebraska bin anu other matters OF egisia
ton, the itself unaN Oidable in this
dit on OF things. II might have been postponed for
few years longer or brought on few years earlier;
but there Is an irrec0nciable antagonism between
free and slave labor winch must forever prevent
them from existing N harmony together. ont OF
TIT grew the war. and tne war Itself was the una.
vodable result OF that condition OF things. undery
ing all political economy and AL social organization
s the quest OF the relations OF capital and labor.
~ so happened-no matter how or why--as in all
countries and In ali ages that large proportion
OF the capital on the country has been concentrated IN
the hands OF q comparatively small portion OF ;he
people, and that the great mass OF the people have
nothing but their labor 10 rely upon. 1t has alwais
been q question in political economy a. TO VIA are
the proper relations OF labor and capital ami the la
horcr and tie capitalist; whether tile capitalists Of
Tie country should own the laborer or whether the
iaborer should be ire own man, controlling his own
earnings, MS own person anu destiny.
Mr.. stanton here contrasted the systems OF free
and slave labor In their relations 10 politics and
capital as they existed before the war, and then
Now, these two systems before the war commenced
were represented IN Congress, and among the powers
oil the national government there were some mat
could be exercised to great extent so as 10 aid IN
the development OF free labor civilization or In the
development OF slave labor civilization For in
stance, as long 1882. recoect the question
arose about the tar IA TO whether IL was not due o
the agricultural and mechanical interests OF this
country that il should have duty laid upon imported
goods 50 "a tn put the labor OF tins country upon
footing with the labor OF other countries. without II
the laboring man was exposed TO tue competition Of
the pauper labor OF Europe. Now the theory OF our
free labor was this:-l belonged to an agricultural
community exclusively, and looked at Il from an
agricultural point OF view. Cur raw agricultural
products need market near home 80 that II need
not be eatenSup by distant transportation. II we
send 10 four wheat. corn and beef TO Liverpool be-
fore II reaches the consumer 0ne-ha OF its value
goes into the hands Of the transportation agents.
and IL feeds the iron men OF Wales, and their rail-
road iron ia imported into West Virginia and laid
down on the railroad from Parkersburg to Bait.
more Now. we said, II you will give US tariff, SO
that we will be able 10 manufacture railroad iron in
leve us of transport alton, we will be able to sell It
for twice as much. We said to them. we have to
sell our corn for twenty-five cents. Give domes-
tic consumers save US the expense OF distant trans
po,tatop aud we will be able to sell at ffty cents
Int Mr. calhoun said we don't want tnat; we want
He didn't want tarif; he didn't want free labor,
well paid, because he had TO pay Tor II. Again,
we said. for the West:--Here vast public
domain, living uncutivated which the government
In selling at 81 rs an acre. IL VIII De great deal
better TO give It away TO every man WHO MAJ IAN
IN Virginia, for instance, who will take wue aud
go out and settle upon a quarter section anu lm-
prove It. THAT was the Homestead law, and we were
IN favor Of such sw wherever free labor preyssea'