The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1868-04-10

that has been given for the prosecution
and upon which the honorable Managers
rely for Q verdict Of guilty Of high crimes
and mIsdemeaners against Mr.. Johnson, and have
drawn their own conclusions.
1t is perhaps safe to say that every person In this
city who is at all familiar with the merits OF the
case and who knows anything Of the requirements
OF law in an attempt to prove the charges in prose-
cution, has read the testimony taken before the
High Court OF Impeachment and has carefully
weighed it to ascertain the precise nature Of the
facts, which the irrepressble body Of impeachers
have led the country TO believe were strong enough
to strike instantaneous conviction in the mind of any
man having at heart the good of his country Among
all classes OF people, Of every shade Of political
belief, eccept ultra republicans, there seems
to exist q general opinion that the Impeach-
ment Managers have certainly not brought
forth all the testimony within their reach,
but are holding back the strongest and
most effective witnesses for decisive blow, to be de-
livered sort OF coup de- grace in the grand tab
leau. The prevailing feeling among men opposed to
impeachment partakes Of surprise at the extreme
weakness of the testimony produced by the prosecu
ton to prove the President guilty and great relief
from the same cause as none but the President him.
self and his most intimate friends and cOunsellOrs
could know that 1t was impossible for Mr.. Johnson's
enemies to prove anything against him that would
show intention on his part to violate either the con-
sttution or the laws of the United States and IL was
constantly feared that some indisputable proof of
such intentions must In the hands Of the Managers
to embOlden them to risk trial.
Those who hold to the radical view OF the situa-
ton, so far as your correspondent has been able to
learn regard the evidence given for the prosecution
amply sufficient to establish their case They do
not seem to attach much importance to the testmo-
ELECTED In SUDDOrt of the articles which chlrpe
the President with conspiring with General Emory
and Others to precpitate an armed conflict and with
degrading the dignity of his high Office by deliver
ing coarse stump speeches and assailng the charac
ter Of Congress they do to that going 10 prove the
removal OF Mr.. Stanton under the Tenure OF Office
act and the appointment of General Thomas as Sec
rotary OF War al interim during session OF Con-
gress.
They think that, having proved these charges no re-
publican Senator can do otherwise than pronounce
the President guilty of having violated the Tenure of
Oice law which was passed by their own votes, and
by which they subsequently declared that the Presi-
dent had no power to remove the head of any de-
partment; and guilty OF having made an appoint
ment, without the advice and consent OF the Senate,
while Congress was in session, in direct violation of
the provisions of the constitution.
These charges, to be sure, are serious enough to
furnish an excellent preteXt for creating a vacancy
In the Presidential Office If they only he proved;
but 1t Is thought that when the testimony for the
fence is heard and the Presidents counsel has closed
the illustrious ipeachers will find that they have
discovered huge "mare's nest" 1t is understood
that the array of testimony the counsel will bring to
overthrow these particular charges of the i'm
peachers is quite formidable; and it will be shown
so clearly as to be within the comprehension Of the
weakest intellect that Mr.. Stanton is no more pro-
tected by the Tenure OF Office law than he is by the
Homestead law, which Is the only other law OF any
Importance which may be regarded as exercising
protection over squatters. 1t will be shown that the
Tenure OF ONCE law no more applies to Mr. Stanton
than 1t does to jeff Davis. II 1t can be established
that the only commission as Secretary Of War that
Mr.. Stanton ever held expired on the 4th of March,
1885, the end OF Mr.. LincOln's first term and that he
has since been nominated and confirmed
Secretary of War for the present term, either by Mr.
Lincoln or Mr. Johnson the law in question has not
been violated, and this 1t is proposed to prove.
II 1t can be established that Mr.. Johnson merely
detailed General Thomas to act Secretary OF War
an interim, and did not appoint him any more than
he appointed General Hancock to command the Mill
tary Division OF the Atlantic, the other manstay OF
the impeachers is Knocked from under their case
The radicals seem, however, to regard the removal
OF the President as settled thing, and are busily
employed in arranging for the succession. They APP
pear to be good deal divided in their opinions to
Magistracy on the removal OF Mr.. Johnson, or the
inability from any cause, Of Ben Wade to act after
he Is duly installed The contest over this important
question promises 10 be quite acrimonious, and will
SOW the seeds of dssenslon In the party before The
The belief is openly expressed by the more bitter
radicals of both houses that the vote of the court on
strictly party They have frequently been heard
to rail at certain Senators because they refused to
promise their votes for convictions; but they reso-
lutey adhere to the opinion that no republican Sena-
tor dare vote to acquft the President The despotsm
established by these party leaders those Sena-
tors who have evinced a disposition towards con-
servatism is such that the latter dare not say their
souls are their own without subjecting themselves
to the suspicious and threats Of their political
tyrants.
The impeachment trial possesses far greater i'm
pOrtance than that involved in the question OF guilt
or innocence OF Mr.. Johnson; the decision to be
reached in this will prove whether the states
men in whom the people trust can pronounce their
honest opinion upon the merits OF the case, as
bound by their oath, whether they to be dra-
gOOned into committing an outrage on justice at the
dctation of INSCRIPTIONS party leaders. fortnight
will decide it.