New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1868-02-24
THE PRESIDENT MUST BE IMPEAcHED.

We do not see how the House can refuse to
artaign the President before the Senate for
high crimes and misdemeanOrs. Impeachment
is not desirable proceeding. 1t is cumber-
some and tedious. 1t may arrest legislation, and
present new issue to the country at time when
new issues are not wanted. 1t is not, perhaps,
wise precedent to make. 1t gives to power
temptation which passion cannot always resist.
1t is high. solemn, sacred trust, only to DO
used, when absolutely necessary for the saliva
ton of the country
We beliOre the salvation Of the country de-
mands the impeachment of the President We
have all along felt that we might submit to
Mr.. Johpson's Administration, evil as it has
sGETksL 8 anttr =. -. 81 1ol4rl
been, rather than force an angry and douDtiui
question upon the country. With the Congress
Overwhelmingly Republican, there was no rea-
son why we should not compel the President
the presumption that it was better to have im-
parchment held over him as a check than to
begin trial that might be as long as that of
Warren Hastings. 1t was debatable ques-
ton. The evidence was far from being conclu-
sive Morally, there was doubt that Mr..
johnson should he impeached. But impeach-
ment is q question of law aud evidence, not OF
moral belief. AS Republican, there were a
hundred reasons why he should be removed
This would be good plea i'll a Re-
publican Convention, not before the Sen
ate of the United States. Until impeach-
ment became an inevitable, overwhelming ne
cessity, without doubt as to the meaning of
| the law and the force of the evidence,
to enter upon it was only to give the Presi-
dent chance TO make himself martyr
before the country Therefore we have
constantly opposed impeachment, although
at times we stood alone among the Republican
press. There is no longer any doubt. The
issue is as clear as it was when Gen. Beaure-
gard opened his batteries upon Fort Sumter.
Andrew johnson, President of the United
States, tramples upon law, deiies the author
ity of Congress- and claims to exercise absolute
and despotic power. Congress must impeach
him immediately.
All other questions sink before the present.
1t would be difficult to have our course clearer.
of the President to consult with the Senate be-
fore removing q certain officer. This law may
or may not be constitutional The President
has no business with that. 1t is constitutional
until the Supreme Court decides otherwise. 1t
is law until the Court interposes and inyalidates
it. The Presidents sworn duty is to execute it
to obey ito see that it is carefully and stu
dously obeyed. He may not like it. But
chief magistrates have been compelled to exc
cute laws they did not prefer. lie may think
it unconstitutional That is of no more conse-
quence than the opinion of any private citizen.
His duty is not to execute laws which he mag
think constitutional, but to EXECUTE THE
LAWS. Ii he had been clothed with
judicatOry power, if the founders of the
Constitution had felt that it was
WISE 10 give tilt any OptiOH III NuC
matter, they would have so expressed it and
declared that he might execute all laws only
when the Supreme Court decided their constitu
tionality. If the President has the right TO
select his laws, and say "This act l will exc
"cute because it suits me, and the other | will
"not enforce because it strikes me to be uncon-
"situtiOnal," then Congress aud the Supreme
Court might as well adjourn without day. For
the right to do as he pleases with any law, to
assume to be its sole arbiter and judge, may
become a tyranny more absolute than that of
the Emperor of Russia. 1t is comparatively
small matter now. Apparently, it affects only
the right of Mr. Stanton to hold the War-0 Office,
and of the President to select his constitu-
tional advisers. This is not the question, but
only the merest incident Of IL. IL the Pres-
dent has the right to remove Mr.. Stanton in
defiance Of law, he may remove Gr Chief