Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-01-29
A State Convention.

we nave fepehleuiy chlltu htttnuon w
the matter of a State convention, than
which nothing can be of more importance
to Tennesseeans. There is no doubt a
convention would do infinite good, there
is no doubt about the right to it, and we
do not believe there are five hundred
white men in Tennessee who will have
the impudence to, deny it-not one hun
dred who have brains in their heads and
the least possible spark Of common can
dor aud honesty in their hearts. The
following communication is taken from
the Somerville Falcon, and is evidently
written by man who is sound thinker
as we'll as thorough reasoner. It COW
ers the whole ground:
EDIroRs FALCON: Permit me, Messrs.
Editors, to call your attention to ques-
ton of first importance, now just begin
ming to awaken public interest, and
which our people must look into-must
fully comprehend and act upon--or sut-
fer themselves, and leave TO their chill
dren an inheritance of shame and politi-
cal bonds worn only by the imbecile and
servile in spirit. / allude to the right OF
the people of the State to alter or reform
their State government, with or without
legislative aid.
That the present so called State Gov
ernment is both theoretically and practi.
cally usurpation and an intolerable
nuisance, no sane man can honestly
deny All true men whose personal ins
terests are not bound up with the present
organization, see and feel and admit the
ne essity of change. But the question
recurs, how is this to be done2 And it
is just that question which l propose now
to answer. There are two modes by
which it may be done. One is by legis-
lative aid, and the other by voluntary
action of the people without such aid.
Strictly the Legislature cannot call a
convention. There is no power given
them to set the sovereignty of the State
in motion and cause it to act All that
it can do is to direct the proper officers
of the State to open the polls, at certain
time and at certain places, and invite the
do so convention meets; if mob then 1t
is a refusal and there is nothing more OF
it. This is decidedly the more pru'
dent and preferable plan, 1t is fair to
presume that convention thus called
together would meet in tier temper
and be better prepared to calmly consider
and act upon the subjects brought before
hit. than when called seemingly in oppo-
sition to those who claim to be in author
ity. In every view OF the case, therefore,
it will be far better sor the future Of our
State that those who now have the power
sh uld at once provide for an election OF
delegates and let the people of the State
act upon the question. If they decline a
convention we will have the satisfaction
of knowing that our people are contented
with the present state of things, and il
they call convention the evils, if there
he any, can be corrected. But suppose
the Legislature should refuse that aid,
what remedy have we? We have the
same remedy which the Barons and peo-
ple of England had, when suffering
under the msrciless exactions OF King
John, and the servile Parliament
of, that day refused redress, to call
that monarch before them at Runny-
mede and exact the great charter, The
same exercised by the descendants OF
these heroic Barons and people in 1888
when they called together the great
Convention Parliament" and under
the supervision Of the Prince of Orange
settled the English Government upon
the broad and liberal basis which since
then have impaired to her her strength
and power. These remedies of the
English people were clearly within the
scope of their constitutional rights, So
is the right of our people to alter or re-
form their State constitution clearly
within the provisions of that instrument,
either With or without legislative aid. In
demonstrating the truth of this PROPOSE
ton it is.propeR to premise that the
distinct features of a government are
always controlled by the depository OF
the supreme power or sovereignty OF the
State. Whatever power gives laws to a
State by an original, underived and in
herent authority, is the sup eme or SOW
ereign power. 4 puro monarchy recog'
nizes this authority in the person
of its chief or monarch. He is
born king and rules by Divine
right" He inherits his crown and dig
nifty as Titus inherits his fathers land
This was the ancient doctrine of the Eng
lish people, and formed their hattle-cry
during the long contest between the
houses Of York and Lancaster known in
history as the war Of the roses. In
more modern times, however, different
doctrine has obtained in the British Is
land. And instead Of the supreme power
of the State residing in the hands of
single person, it is vested, says Sir Will
liam Blackstone. in the King, Lords aud
Commons. The two first inherit their
dignity and power, aud the third, says
Sir William, consists Of representatives
fitly chosen by the people from among
themselves. This modified form of mon.
archial government received its first Off.
cial and public sanction in 1888 at the
hands of the great Convention Parlia-
meut which placed William and Mary on
the throne, and was regarded by the en-
lightened public men Of that day as a
great improvement.
Our revolutionary sires who we're of
English descent and derived their first
lessons in government from the parent
country. conceived that another stride in
the same direction was necessary ITO
promote the general welfare and secure
the blessing Of liberty; and with bold
ness that entities them to imperishable
renown, they took the step and declared
that call political power is inherent
--,fb tha r,aon1a y who have NJ all firnau
an inalienable and an indefeasable right
to alter, reform or abolish the govern
ment in such manner as they mayt think
proper The choice Of language in the
first section Of our bill Of rights has a