The Wyandot pioneer. (Upper Sandusky, Ohio) 1853-1868, 1868-02-13

to subscribe his name TO an oath to supper,
the same; or,
''3. He shall be seized in his own right, or in
Of Of sa55.'' "'s '''' " een0lo 0' 'ns Vai'e
Mr.. Morton-Sir, these qualifica-
tions are, by the terms of the amend
ment, to apply to those who where
not authorized to vote by the laws
of the State before the rebellion-in
other words, the colored men. He
proposes to allow a colored man to
vote if he has been in the federal ar
my one year, and he proposes to al
low rebel white man to vote al
though he has served in the rebel
army four years! He eproposes that
| a colored man shall not vote unless
he has sufficient education to read
the Constitution of the United States
and to subscribe his name to an oath
to support the same, whereas he per
mits a rebel white man to vote who
never heard of A and does not know
how to make his mark even to note
given for whisky Laughter.
Again, sir, he proposes that the
colored man shall not vote unless
he shall be seized in his own right
or in the right of his wife Of a free
hold of the value of $3.50, a provis-
ion which, of course would cut off
nine hundred and ninety zine out of
of every thousand colored men in
the South. The colored man can
not vote unless he has a freehold of
$3.50, but the white rebel, who was
never worth twenty five cents, who
never paid poll tax in his life, never
paid an honest debt, is to be allowed
tofvote. Sir, what would be the in
evitable effect of the adoption of
this amendment To cut off such
a large part of the colored vote as
to leave the rebel white vote largely
in the assendency and to put these
new State governments there to be
formed again into the hands of the
rebels. Sir, I will not spend longer
time upon that
Ny friend alluded to my indorse-
men of the Presidents policy in a
speech in 1865. I never indorsed
what is now called the President S
policy. In the summer of 1865,
when I saw a division coming be-
tween the President and the Repub
lican party, and when I could not
help anticipating the direful conse-
quences that must result from it, /
made speech in which I repelled
certain statements that had been
made against the president, and de-
MED the charge that by issuing his
proclamation of May 80, 1855, he
had thereby left the Republican par
ty. l said he had not left the Repub-
Icon party by that act. Ibid show
that the policy Of that proclamation
was even more radical than that of
Mr.. Lincoln. I did show that it
was more radical even than the Win
tor Davis bill Of the summer of 1864
But, sir, it was all upon the distinct
understanding that, whatever the
President did, his whole policy or
action was to be submitted to Con-
gress for it's consideration and de-
cision; and, as 1 before remarked, if
that had been done all would have
been well. 1 did not then advocate
universal colored suffrage in the
South, and have before given my
reasons for it, and in doing that
was acting in harmony with the
great body of the Republican party
the North. It was nearly year
after that time, when Congress pas
sed the constitutional amendment,
which still left the question of suf-
frage with the Southern States
left it with the white people; and it
was not until a year and half after
that time that Congress came to the
conclusion that we could not execute
the guarantee of the constitution
without raising up a new class of
loyal voters.
And, sir, nobody cencured in that
result more heartily than myself. 1
confess (and do it without shame
that 1 have been educated by the
great events of this war. The
American people have been educa
ted rapidly, and the man who says
he has learned nothing, that he
stands now where he did six years
ago, is like an ancient mile-post by
the side of a deserted highway. We,
Mr.. President, have advanced step
by step. When this war began, we
did not contemplate the destruction
n Q ,lor
the Crittenden resolution was pass.
ed, declaring that the war was not
prosecuted for conquest, or to over
turn the institutions of any State.
[ know that was Intended as an as
surance that slavery should not be
destroyed, and it received the vote,
I believe, of every Republican mem
Der in both houses of Congress !;
but in few months after that time
it was found by the events of the
war thai we could not preserve sla-
very and suppress the rebellion, and
we must destroy slavery-net pros
ecute the war to destroy slavery
but destroy slavery to prosecute the
war. Which was the better? To
stand by the resolution and let the
Union go, or stand by the Union
and let the resolution go? Con-
gress could not stand by that pledge,
and it "was more honored in the
breach than in the observance"
Mr.. Lincoln issued his proclama-
ton of emancipation, setting free
the slaves of the rebels. Mr.. Lin
coin had NO choice left him. When
we began this contest no one thought
we would use colored soldiers in the
war. The distinguished Senator
sitting by me here, Mr. Cameronl,
when in the winter Of 1861 he first
brought forward the proposition, as
Secretary of War, to use colored
soldiers, was greatly in advance of
,,,,J,11n l.