The aegis & intelligencer. [volume] (Bel Air, Md.) 1864-1923, 1868-03-06
The vv'ushingfon Dimculty.


Guilty between the President and Congress is
fast passing away, and that the Senate is like.
ly to give the matter that calm and digniiied
attention which, it is greatly to be regretted it
lacked in the House. If this be so, and it
seems now to be the impression of wcl-in-
formed persons how strikingly will it con.
trast with the indecent haste with which the
House of Representatives acted in the mat
ter. If there is any time in nations histo-
~ when calmness and deliberation is neces-
sary it certainly is at time like the present.
If the President has done wrong let him be
punished as all evil doors should be, but in the
name of common justice do not punish him
as the House of Representatives appeared to
be anxious to do, merely for differences of
political opinion and to crafty the wishes
Of prejudiced and near-sighted politicians. If
the President is TO be impeached for high
crimes and misdemeanorS," let the trial pro-
coed in that calm and dignifed manner that
becomes an American Senate and the Amer
lean people. This is the first time in our his
tory that President has ever been mpeach-
ed at the bar of the Senate, and those who
are engaged in this trial will be held respon
{ sible by the American people for their con-
duct He is blind or maniac who supposes
any other than fair and impartial trial will
receive the appreciation of this people We
are inclined to believe that the excitement
which prevailed at the outbreak of this diff
fculty would not have been half so great fit
had not been for the il-advised and insane
movements Of Governor Geary, of Pennsvl-
vania and Oglcshy OF Illinois, together with
the doings of n few indiscreet leaders of ward
meetings But what could be looked over or
passed by as unworthy of notice in an excited
ward or neighborhood meeting, could hardly
be treated lightly in the executive of a State
As if to further inflame public excitement
Governor Geary, as soon as the telegraph
lines conveyed the news of the rupture be-
tween the President and Congress to Har-
risburg, sent the following dispatch to Gen
Cameron
"1o the Hon. Simon Cameron, Z. s. Senate
The news to-day created profound sensa-
ton in Pennsylvania. The Spirit of 1861
seems again to pervade the keystone State
Troops are rapidly tenderi0g their services to
sustain the laos. Let Congress stand firm.
JNo. w. GEARY.
Harrisburg, Feb 90"
What cor. d. = c been better calculated to
bring on conflict than this very il-advised
dispatch Could any man, if he had desired
to bring on struggle, such as we have just
passed from, have adopted better or more
certain mode? That the presence of an arm
ed force at Washington at that time would
have intensified the excitement, and, in all
probability, brought on serious conflict, no
sane man can doubt, and therefore, it is per-
haps more charitable to the PENNSYLVANIA
Governor to believe, that in sending the dis
patch he did not know what he was about
But this course of the two Governors referred
to has not received the sanction of the more
thinking portion of the Republican press of
the country and hence we can afford, it may
be, to let these two worthless have all the
glory that their hasty, ill-corsidered conduct
and dispatches may bring them. In treating of
this conflict of authority at Washington, the
New York Post, one of the ablest and stern
est Republican journals in the country, has
the following sensible and temperate article
The Post says
The conflict of authority at Washington
assumes serious aspect, because of the pc
culiar character Of the parties engaged iii il =,
but it does not, in itself contain the seeds of
serious results 1t is a question of constitu-
tional power, and like all such questions, is
susceptible Of pacific and satisfactory solu-
ton.
The President believes that as the chief ex-
ecutive officer of the nation he has the right
to appoint, with the consent of the Senate
subordinate civil officers. and to remove them
at his own will and discretion. In favor OF
this view we have the earlier legislative and
Judicial constructions fthe constitution and
the uniform precedent of the action of the
government, from its origin to the time of the
accession of Mr. johnson. There are in favor
of it, besides, those general reasonings upon
the theory OF the government which affirm
the necessity and policy of keeping the seve-
raj departments OF it, as far as possible, indie
pendent and distinct. Mr.. Madison, who had
more to do with the framing of the organic
law than any other man. was at first disposed
to believe that the consent of the Senate was
as necessary to q removal as to an appoint
ment, but he afterwards changed his opinion,
and in the Congress of 1880 when the SUBJ
: that the power Of removal was an exclusive
ly executive power. During Jacksons adj
ministratiOn Also when the wing party was
so incensed by the numerous official decapita-
tons male by the President, Daniel Webster
himself admitted that policy and precedent
were all on the same side.
But Congress, at late session, fearing the
improper use of this power on the part of the
President, passed a law over his veto provid-
ing that no officer shall be removed during
session of Congress without the consent of
the Senate, and that any removal made con-
trary to the provisions of the act should be
= deemed misdemeanor, subjecting the often
der to legal trial, and, on conviction, to pen
atty. Senator Sherman asserted on Satur-
day that this law was not at the time of its
passage, intended TO bear upon the change OF
his Cabinet by the President, but the words
OFF contain NJ such exception, and are pc
remptory and explicit.
Now this statute as it stands, is law OF
the land, and 1t continues such until invalida-
ted by competent authority. The Presi-
dent is bound by it as much as any humble
citizen, whatever his convictions may be in
regard TO its constitutionality or its policy
On those points we concur with him we are
sorry that the Congress considered it duty