The weekly Ottumwa courier. [volume] (Ottumwa, Iowa) 1857-1872, 1868-02-20

summer OF 1904. buU, SIT. IL was all
upon the distinct understanding that
whatever the President did, his whole
policy or action was to be submitted
| to Congress for its consideration and
decision; and, as 1 before remarked,
if that had been done all would have
been well. | did not then advocate
universal colored suffragein the South.
and l have before given my reasons
for it, and in doing that / was acting
in harmony with the great body Of
the Republican party oft North. =
Itwast nearly a year after that time
that Congress passed the constitu-
tional amendment, which still left the
question Of suffrage with the South
ern States, left it with the white peo-
pie; and it was not until a year and O
half after that time that Congress
came to the conclusion that we could
not execute the guarantee of the con-
stitntion without raising up new
class of4eyal voters.
| And, sir, nobody concurred in that
result more heartily than myself.
confess (and do it without shame)
that I have been educated by the
great events of this war. The Amer
lean people have been educated rap
idly; and the man who says he has
learned nothing, that he stands now
where he did six years ago, is like an
ancient mile-post by the side ola de.
serted highway. We, Mr.. President,
have advanced step by step. When
this war began we did not contem-
plate the destruction of slavery. Ire
member well when the Crittenden
resolution was passed, declaring that
the war was not prosecuted for con-
quest or to overturn the institutions
of any State. know that that was
intended as an assurance that slavery
should not be destroyed, and it re-
ceived the vote, believe of every
Republican member in both Houses
of Congress; but in a few months of.
ter that time it was found by the
events Of the war that we could not
preserve slavery and suppress the re-
bc!lion, and we must destroy slavery
not prosecute the war to destroy
slavery-but destroy slavery topros-
ecute the war. Which was the better?
To stand by the resolution and let
the Union go, or to stand by the Union
and let the resolution go? Congress
could not stand by that pledge, and it
was "more honored in the breach than
in the observance" Mr.. Lincoln is-
sued his proclamation Decentralization
setting free the slaves ofrebcls. It was
dictated by the stern and bloody ex-
perience Of the times, Mr.. Lincoln
had no choice left him. When we be-
gan this contest no one thought we
would use colored soldiers in the war.
The distinguished Senator sitting by
me here, (Mr. Cameron, when in the
winter Of 1861 he first brought for>
ward the proposition, as Secretary of
War, to use colored soldiers, was
greatly in advance of pnblic opinion,
and was thought to be visionary; but
as the war progressed it became man
ifest to all intelligent men that we
must not only destroy slavery, but
we must avail ourselves of every in
strumentality in our power for the
purpose ofputting down the rebellion,
and the whole country accorded in
the use of colored soldiers, and gallant
and glorious service they rendered.
In 1864 proposition was brought
forward in this body to amend the
constitution of the United States by
abolishing slavery. We donot think
that is very radical now, but it was
very radical then; it was the great
measure ofthe age, and almost of
modern times, and it was finally pass
ed; an amendment setting free every
human being within the limits of the
United States. But, sir, we were very
Ga. then from where we are now. All
will remember the ce1eUraJeu W1nJe1-
Davis bill passed in June, "a, which
took the power DEMONSTRATION out Of
the hands ofthe President, where it
did not in fact belong; / refer to Mr..
Lincoln. But if that bill had passed
it would perhaps have resulted in the
destruction of this government. We
can all see it now, although it was
then thought to be the most radical
measure Of the times, What did it
propose? 1t proposed to prescribe a
plan, to take effect when the war
should end, by which these rebel
States should be restored. refer to
that bill simply to show how we have
all travelled. 1t required but. one
condition or guarantee on the part
of the South, and that was that they
should put in their constitutions a
provision prohibiting slavery. 1t re-
quired no other guarantee. Itrequired
no equalization OF representation; no
security against rebel debts, or against
payment for emancipated slaves; and
it confined the right of suffrage to
white men. But it was thought to
be great step in advance at the
time, ane so it was; but events were
passing rapidly, and in 1865 the Pres.
ident came forward with his propo-
sition, and l am stating what is true
from an examination of the docu-
ments when Isay that but for the
want ofpower with the President,
| his scheme in itself considered was
far more radical than that OF the
Winter Davis bill !; but events were
rapidly teaching the statesmen of the
time that we could not reconstruct
upon that basis.
Still, Congress was not prepared to
take forward step until the summer
of 1866, in the passage of the consti.
tutional amendment, which we now
regard as a halfway measure; neces.
sary and vital as far as it went, but
not going far enough. That was re.
detected and we were compelled to
60 further, and we have now fallen
upon the plan Demonstration which
have been considering. 1t has been
dictated by the logic Of events. 1t
overrides all arguments, overrides all
prejudices, overrides all theory; in the
presence Of the necessity for preserv-
| ing the life of this nation; and if flu
ture events shall determine that we
must 60 further, | for one, and pre-.
pared to say that l will 60 as far az
shall DO necessary for the execution
of this guarantee, the reconstruction
Of this republic upon a right basis,
and the successful restoration of every
part of this Union.