Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1868-09-04

different set of principles In Ohlo WI"
palpable absurdity.
The law of nature exists in the na'ora,
relations prior to any positive Precep'' "nu
commentators say, is bat known Dy Luz
universally. Now, suffrage is the creature
of posihre preceu in every country IN tne
world vbera Il exists, and SO far from being
rriversal Il is in the majority OF civilized
nations. denied to the mass OF the people
We might expect to meet with the propo'
sition "to deny suffrage to the negro is
ooainst the law of nature in Fourth OF
July Grafton, but it is humiliating that 1t
should be submitted by the Chief Justice
of North Carolina. Verify, he had better
confine himself to the common law ne
is versed in the principles thereof, altnougn
he is SO frequently wanting in the judgment
properly to apply them.
But, in fact, this prediction OF civil war;
in the event stated, deserves, under all the
circumstances, the scorn and loathlng OF
every unpreiudiced man.
We have among US four millions OF an
inferior race, who, until recently, were
slaves, and who, until still more recently
never enjoyed any political rights. The
men who have battled for freedom
were men who could look back to history
of their own, emblazoned on every page
with great deeds and illustrious names; but
the negroes can look back only to an
ancestry of slaves. They never sought
freedom for themselves. At this day they
cannot intelligently exercise the franchise,
and do not know the meaning of political
rights. Judge PEARSON insists that these
people have such a heritage OF freedom,
that if DISTINGUISHED under the forms of
the Constitution, they will resort to the
sword. This is a self-evident error. The
negro is naturally docile, and will remain
contented. even though he should be dis
franchised, but his Acknowledgement is not
an issue joined in this political contest
The unprincipled demagogues who live by
agitation, who desire pretext to coerce,
for their own emolument, the Southern
people into the support of political par
ty, may threaten to incite the negroes to
violence, and may succeed in so doing,
but it will be the violence of the
mob seeking for plumber, and committing
outrage, before which friend and foe will
fall alike, and not the arm of the freeman
seeking political rights. Those who SOW
the wind will reap the whirlwind, and
should the Radical agitators see their des-
perate outgivings realized, they may be
the first to fall victims to the fury of the
passions they evoke.
No matter in whatHght these predictions
of civil war may be viewed, they must be
regarded as wretched and transparent pre-
texts, gotten up for the purpose of aiding
the Radical party by operating on that
large class of people who take counsel of
their fears.
But, says Judge PEARSON eff the recon-
struction acts are void, SO are the recon-
struction acts of President JOHNSON, and
the negroes are still slaves
In HUGHES ca pa,te, which the Chief JUS
tice is so fond of rolling, as a sweet morsel,
under his tongue, it is decided that the
reconstruction acts of President JOHNSON
are valid, and that the Convention of 1865
"was rightful Convention of the people. "
This Convention, then, rightfully called,
abolished slavery in North Carolina.
Moreover, that Convention made provision
for the election of State officers and mem
bers of Congress, who were elected, the
State officers inaugurated, and President
J JOHNSON, by his proclamation. declared
North Carolina to be State Of the Union.
All this Judge PEARSON declares in HUGHES
er pa1te was legal, was ualid, was rightfuHy
done. The reconstruction laws of Congress
proceed upon the assumption that all this
was illegal, was inUalid. and was aOron0fuNy
done. Judge PEARSON has sworn to obey
the laws of North Carolina so long as
HUGHES er pdrte remains unreuersed, it is
the law of North Carolina, and he has
sworn to obey it, but he cannot obey
HUGHES er oa'te and the reconstruction
acts at the same time-which horn of the
dilemma will he take I?
The proposition then is. logically speak
ing, false. So far from the reconstruction
acts of the President and of Congress
standing or falling together, they are dia-
metrically opposed. They cannot coexist,
and the validity of the one can be sustained
only by declaring the illegally of the
other.
The reconstruction acts of Congress were
based upon lie express principle, that the
reconstruction measures of the President
were asurpations, and, as such, were made
the chief charge against him in the report
of the impeachment committee. But in
HUGHES ca parte it is declared that the acts
of the President in reconstructing the
States were not usurpations, but were valid
and legal acts. If the reconstruction acts,
then, should be declared cold, those of
President JOHNSON will stand where HUGHES
&c parte places them, as legal and vazid acts,
and therefore, the abolition of slavery