New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1868-09-29
NEW ORLEANS TUESDAY EVENING, sEPTEMBER 29 1868

fer and support amendments TO the
constitution, which pour oil upon the trou-
bled waters. and are willing to extend the
hand of fellowship to men who, if they were
wrong, were yet sir, aotuated by as noble
AID as pureprinciples, of what they deemed
their duty as any man who bravely fought
in the Federal army. But, sir, wish now
TO say that come not here to"praise Caesar
but to bury him." I came not here to
vaunt the glorious deeds of the once dear
Confederate States, but TO cast shroud
over the corpse of the past; to let the dead
bury its dead to let new issues arise, preg-
nant, hope, with the prosperity, the
strength and the reform of the whole coun-
try. Sir, we know that we were defeated.
and know, sir, there are many thousands
that would have rejoiced to have seen US
come, using the language of the Senator, as
grace. But, sir, / thank God that
there was in the bosom of my
people that same noble, national
spirit that characterized the great fathers of
the revolution. If we were conquered, we
were not disgraced, and we would sooner
have been dogs baying the moon than ab
ject Romans begging for mercy. We felt,
too that if we were subdued we had the con.
ISOLATION of knowing that we were sub
dued by Americans and that the glories of
their past history was ours as well as
theirs; and we could look without anger upon
the glorious deeds even Of the men who had
overcome US. There was none of that low
petty jealousy felt toward our conquerers
which is so often found to exist in the bosom
of the conquered. We felt that we had done
all that men could do and that we were
overwhelmed by an innumeraole hostile
force, which bore US down by strength of
arms far superior to ours. The general who
to-day is the standard.bearer Of the Repub
lican party had borne testimony to our
chivalry and courage, for brave man as he
was he could appreciate foemen worthy of
his STEEL 1t is this spirit, sir, that makes a
hero; this spirit, sir, that awakes the re-
spect of all brave men; it is this spirit that
makes a man willing to grasp the
hand of his enemy conqueror though he
be. For bravery respects bravery, and
courage wins ii smile from chivalry. Now,
sir, | tell you that though we may have
been politically wrong although we may
have committed great national errer, al
though our crime may be heinous in your
sight, God knows that the suferings of our
people have amply punished us for the error.
Sir, look around us, in the once fair State of
Louisiana. Look, strand | appeal to men
whom | know have seen the country in her
prosperity-look at this vast flower garden, a
reflection of Eden, ere siu with its hideous
face had entered, once filled with all that
was beautiful, all that was intelligent, noble
and prosperous, and contrast that proud
period with the dismal condition that frowns
with its horrid features on every side to-
day You see, sir, rich fields smiling with
the products OF our State devastated and
waste of noisome weeds. You see hearths,
once happy with bright faces, now gloomy
and dark in sorrow. and the weeping willow
has usurped the place of the evergreen.
| Ii we hare erred, indetd we have
been punished, and the moans that went
uD from a brave people who saw their hopes
destroyed their homes despoiled, their dear
| ones useless sacrifice, might have sottened
| a heart of stone Sir, the day that General
| l zee surrendered his sword to General Grant
| a spirit of magnanimity should have been
1 awakened in the heart of every noble an.
| tagonist 1t should have inspired in his
| breast feeling of respect and even good
| will toward his brave opponents.
Sir, the position occapied by the Senator
who has Just spoken in opposition to this
measure, differs in every respect from that
taken by General Grant the chieftain now
of Republicanism. What, sir, was the
| promise by General Grant, TO General Lee
| 1t was that he and his people should be
protected in all their rights provided they
| respected their paroles, and now, sir, what
| right is deArer to a freeman than that of
| of suffrage. A right inherent and inaliena-
bic. You may, sir, if you please, urge that
our Acknowledgement was matter of ne
cessity, and perhaps without wishing
to acknowledging it AS tIue) the
position Of Mr. Ray that the
leaders in our unfortunate struggle
ought not to have enjoyed the exercise of
this franchise before the State was recon-
structed; but after the State was restored to
the Union, whether with or without our
consent, the necessity no longer existed
and under the compact between Grant, the
| representative and qualified agent of his
government, and General Lee, the accred-
tied agent of the Confederate States, the
| pan-Nlo u-or aOfitlpd n tho fu1I frpa N
impartial exercise of franchise, This posi-
ton, sir, is the only one tenable by the Re
publican party. That the citizens of the
Confederate States, so long as they properly
conducted themselves with respect to the
laws, so long are they entitled to be guarded
\ aud protected ia their rights; one OF which,
perhaps the greatest and most sacred, is the
right Of suffrage. Now, sir, again, the sen
timent almost universally expressed among
the good men of the Republican party, and
especially among those men who have beer
recently enfranch hised, is that the white
people in the State should be allowed the
same privileges, politically, that they them
selves enjoy. It1F ..-.
The gentleman urges that it is improper
to give to men who have exercised oppres-
sion the power to again oppress. He does
not consider that at that time it was not
considered oppression to hold men in bond
age. He forgets that it would be impossible
| lOT lue Olu btdle Ol huhlIs dSdiu W SAlSl.
Sir, since the perils OF this bitter war
have closed, the colored men have shown q
devotion and Kindness that deserves to
live in history and there would be no dis
satisfaction, no animosity, unless they were
advised to their own injury by irresponsible
white men, who desire to step to greatness
upon their shoulders. Mr.. President say
that the colored men, almost without excep-
ton, aud speak, sir, knowingly, as l have
had conversations with the most Intelligent
colored men of the Republican party, and
| say that they have no feeling of animosity
toward the men characterized by the
| Senator as leaders of the rebellion, but
| they are willing to see them secure in the
| exercise of the same rights under the law
| that they themselves enjoy. The very men
! who have elected the Senator to the posi-.
| ton that he occupies to-day, these very
| men come out and say, accord to the white
| people the same right that has been accord
| ed TO us. They understand that there is no
| safety in any governement if you under
| intelligence of its citizens. l think, sir,
| that the remark has been made upon this
| floor that 1t wshld be impossible to choke
| down the intelligence found in the colored
ranks, and you may find, sir, that 1t will be
as difficult and as dangerous to choke down
| the intelligence Of the white men. Intelli.
gence must always show Itself, and assert
It's rights. An attempt to impede It was the
cause of the revolution in France, and twill
be the cause of revolt 10 every government
where an arbitrary and unjust exercise of
power is long persisted in.
IL is worse than folly. 1t is a crime to
attempt il. leit aas aia
Intelligence must awaken and arise. It
| Ike the sunlight, It must shine; and though
the clouds may keep it hid for . moment, IL
| breaks out olly refreshed, aud adds new
splendor to the entire scene. Now, sir, this