New-York tribune., 1868-04-22
THE GLST or TIE MATTER.

The N. T. Times somewhat surprises us by
the frankness wherewitll it sets forth the gist
of the matter now at issue before the Senate
as follows:
"The question Immediately at issue is whether the
President has, has not been guilty OF specific crime.
cautious Of taking any ground that VIII enGangeT mGI
him their client 'n the beS on his qccsers and 10
charge Congress Wih he uStupdton ,chtth Congress
is to decide the case. Yet mat is he issue Of most
portdnce 10 NE country and ne only issue whoe dteso'
Whether Mr. johnson shall go out of Office ten months
sooner or later is matter OF little consequence"
The Times is obviously right in its assump-
tiOn that Mr. JohnsOn's lawyers "do not feel
" at liberty to put the case in this way; it is
right also in saying that this is the paramount
issue. Was Congress guilty of usmpati0n in
passing the Tenure of Office act 7 If it was,
let it assume the garb and mien of a pentent,
and humbly ask JOhnsOn's pardon for having
vanly sought to usurp his constitutional pow
ers. Though he may at first be inclined to
severity, as in the case of the Rebels, he may
at length conclude, as with regard to them, to
reent and be magnanimous.
Throughout each session since he was pistOled
into the Presidency, Mr.. Johnson has pelsis-
tently arraigned and assailed Congress as
usurping power and subverting constitutional
right. He has done this in his annual and in
extraordinary Messages; he has reiterated his
inculpatiOns in speeches from balconies and
from railroad cars; he has insinuated that Con-
gress had no legitimate authority because the
Rebel States were not represented therein and
he has accused it of assuming powers that per-
tain TO no Congress whatever. In language
unbecOming the intercourse between the Execu-
tive and the Legislative departments he has
charged Congress with usurping power with
deliberate intent to crush the White race and
establish "negro governments and Negro SUI
premacy in ten or eleven States. We challenge
the production, from the history of constitu-
tional government in all ages, of parallel to
these ferOcious and reckless assaults by the ac-
cidental President on the Legislature of the
Republic.
This abuse has been received rather disdain-
fully than meekly. Strong in its consciousness
of rectitude, its firm reliance on popular in
teiligence and discernment, Congress has en-
dured abuse and disregarded Obloquy. Repeat
edly urged to impeach him for his misdemean-
ors, it persistently declined to do 80, until his
second removal of Stanton, in fragrant, notori-
Gus defiance of the Senate, at last compelled
the House to act. UDjustiiiable as was the re-
moval, the spirit and purpose it evinced excited
still graver apprehensions. Congress cannot
remain always on the watch and, if the De-
plorable Accident will thus defy it to its face,
what may he not be expected to do behind its
backH The man is 80 envenomed, so infuriated,
so bent on mischief, that he cannot be trusted
to do right even when it is palpable ruin to
himself to do otherwise. He is to-day, and
long has been, the one formidable impeachment
to Reconstruction-the one efficient cause of a
Rebel triumph over the policy OF Congress
wherever such triumph is achieved. The issue
now on trial is-as The Times well indicates
Is Congress, or Is johnson, usurper' Which
of them has so long hindered and now prevents
complete restoration of Peace, Order, and
Loyalty, at the South The verdict is soon to
be pronounced by the Senate; and it is awaited
by the Loyal Millions with interest, not wholly
without anxiety, but with assured and we'll
grounded hope.