New Orleans Republican. [volume] (New Orleans, La) 1867-1878, 1868-04-19
GENERAL THOMAS As A WITNESS,

johnson were in high glee, and the cor
respondents at Washington Of the Demo
cratic newspapers telegraphed to their re-
spective journals sanguine assertions that
the case against the Presi dent had broken
down, so far as the charges of conspiracy
with Thomas were concerned. Five of the
eleven articles of impeachment were varia-
tions of this charge, and of the accusation
that be had authorized and commanded
Thomas to employ force in obtaining pos
session of the war department, aud 1t was
now declared that all Of these accusations
must be abandoned, since Thomas had
sworn that at no time had the Pre- sident
given him any such Instructions, and that
when he, himself, made the boasts that he
was determined to resort TO force, was
about to apply to General Grant for sol
diers to enable him to take the war office,
and that in few days he would kick Stan
ton out, he spoke wholly on his own re-
sponsibility, and, moreover, was only
''joking.' But on the next day when this
swift witness came to be subjected
to the severe ordeal Of cross
examination by Mr. Butler, the
confidence of the Presidents friends was
changed into dismay. Mr.. Dickens, in his
famous report of the memorable trial of
Bardell against Pickwick remarks that
there are two kinds Of particularly bad
witnesses, a reluctant witness and too
willing Witness" and it was the fate of
General Thomas to figure in both these
characters. 1t was not long after his
examination on the second day had COM
menoed before he had disavowed the
greater part of his testimony on his exam.
ination in chief, and had SO convicted him
self of inconsistency and unreliability that
the whole of his evidence, on which SO
much had been supposed to depend, must
be regarded as wholly worthless. The
Senate had erred on the side of liberality
when it decided that it would allow the
introduction of conversations between the
President and other parties that had &C.
Cured after the commission Of the acts for
which he was arraigned. The well.estab-
lished rule of law is this-when two or
more parties enter into a conspiracy, their
conversations with each other or with other
persons, up to the time of the commission
Of the crime, are good evidence for or
against them; but it is not competent for
them-to show what they said to each other
about the deed after they have committed
it, and while they are fearing punishment
for their crime. The good sense of this
rule is apparent to every one. All that
Mr. johnson said to General Thomas be-
fore the 22d of February was good evil
denoe TO show his intentions but what he
said to him afterwards, when the
crime had been Perpetrated, should
not have been received, since
he then was interested in saying
nothing that would not be good evidence
for himself upon his trial, which he knew
would then take place. Mr.. Bingham il
Illustrated this point very neatly in his re-
mons trance against the admission of
Thomas statement of what occurred be-
tween the President and himself after the
attempt had been made to carry out the
conspiracy, Said he: "The law does not
allow any man to make evidence for him
self after the fact. How easy it would be
for Mr.. johnson to say to Thomas that
night, when he found that inquiry was
being made in the capital, why, General
Thomas, our only object is peacefully and
quietly to apply to the courts. You must
not touch hair Of Stanton's head. We
both have profound respect for the de-
cisions of the Senate made to-day.
We both recognize the tenure of
office act, and we have NO intention to VIC
late that act at all" The Senate, however,
with reliance upon its own good judg-
;seass that that IL this esse .;s,=sea cas &c BE &c!
misplaced, decided to disregard this we'll.
known rule of law, and to allow Thomas to
tell all that the President had said when
anxious to cover up his tracks after be
had found that he had gone too far in the
violation Of the law. Thomas gave a
version Of the affair that placed both the
President and himself in very innocent
light, and If he had been allowed to stop
here the Presidents case would have APP
parently been much strengthened. But
under the FIRE Of Buffers examina-
tons the fabric of Thomas testimony
melted away to nothing. A conversation
that he had sworn to having had with the
President be now declared had not taken
place atall heswore that his evidence given
before the impeachment committee was
untrue; and he swore that he still intended
to take possession Of the war office, not
withstanding that he had swsrn that his
only purpose was to help the President to
make up the case for the courts. Nothing
could be more pitiable than the spectacle
Of this old man, laundering in the PHI that
he had dug for himself in his eageFnesz to
serve the man who had SO skilliuily made
a tool Of him BY playing on bis ambition.
He lell The stand at last, having succeeded
il nothing but making himself an object
Of commisseraii0n, rather than Of indigna-
tioa, and In rendering the whole Of bis
testimony perfectly worthless.
But It "a = very essential part Of
a.