Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1868-06-13

We place at the hesd Of cur columns,
condensed into propositions, the Declar-
alton Of Principles, adopted by the Con-
vention Of Conservatives st Nashville.
If we had been a member Of the Con-
ventioD, We should have voted against
the first proposition. We do not assent
to it nov, and We never shall. We have
spoken on the subject too often, to need
to repeat eur reasons now, further than
to say, that in a country governed by a
written Constitution, force and conquest
cannot decide any thing in respect to
Constitutional rights; and that, IL a
Court were now to be called on to con-
stTue any particular portion OF the Con
stlutiOu, affecting the rights or concern
ing the relations 81 the States, it would
have the same rules Of construction and
no others, by which to be guided, as be-
fore the war. The Constitution means
now, Just what it meant then: and the
Judge who should deliberately affirm
that force aud arms had made its mean
ing other than it was at the beginning,
in regard to the rights Of the parties to 1t,
would win eternal dishOnOur.
For ~, the Constitution will always
be q compact between the States, to
which they only are parties, and not
supreme tags enacted for the government
OF the States SIS well as individuals, by
the one people Of all. For Us, it Will al
wsys remain true, that what are styled
grants, prohibitions, restrictions, etc., in
the Constitution, are agreements and
promises by the States, obligatory Is
such and not as the mandates Of the will
OF the one people OF the whole.
And We believe that the dangers Of the
contrary theory and Of consolidation
and Capitalization sre 30 great aud are
becoming so manifest in the UsurpatiOns
Of practice aud ever-enlsrging evil pre-
osdents, that within ten years the theory
which We religiously believe TO be true,
vii. command the assent Of large ma
jori.y Of the white people Of the United
States and that the sovereignty and
equality Of the States will be every
where regarded as the only securities
for the continuance Of republican gov
eminent.
We should also have objected to the
residue Of the Declaration Of Principles
on this point which We have made the
second proPOsitiOn), because it is illogi-
cal % say that arms and force can de-
stroy one right or decide that it does net
and never did exist, and that they can
not il air others. If the result Of
the war could not only annul the right
TO secede for the future, but make it not
to have existed in the past, it could also
annul the equality Of the States in the
Union, and deprive part Of them Of the
right Of determining by whom the right
of suffrage shall be exercised.
We do not agree that there is any
binding constitutional amendment. duly
ratified, that has extinguished slavery.
We have always held that the Constitu-
ton never intended 70 give three-fourths
of the States the power to destroy
slavery in the others, BY Constitutional
amendment. The Union would never
have been formed, if such power had
been conceded by the Constitution.
But slavery is abolished, and there will
never be s serious attempt or intention
70 restore it, The question Of Consti;u-
tionsl power to abolish it therefore be-
comes unimpOrtant, except so far as it
involves the general question Of the
mower Of amendment Of the Constitution.
There must in the nature of things be
sonne limit to that power and the time
will come when it will be necessary, PSF
haps, for the great States to protest
against amendments imposed upon them
by con binstions among the nsW and