The Jackson standard. [volume] (Jackson C.H., Ohio) 1847-1888, 1868-06-11

cago ,pronounclng amid rlnglngplaudits
the peoples choice, disprove the com
mon slander that republics are migrate
ful." The cheitain who led our armies
to victory is affectionately enshrined in
the hearts of the people That nomi-
nation was a tribute to his great mill
tary services in the past, and Qet US
feryently hope) an earnest Of his great
civil services in the future.
The contest for the ice-presidency
showed, on the first ballot, an almost
equal division OF strength among the
candidates. Wade received 140 votes.
Fenton l32, Wilson l.9, and Colfax
118.
OF course, had Andrew johnson, on
the Saturday preceding the convention,
been convicted, instead of acquitted,
the nomination of Mr. Wade would
have been carried almost by acclama-
ton. No more brave, patriotic, hon
orable, and straightforward statesman
lives in this country tn an Ben. Wade.
Like all positive and downright men,
he has strong friends and strong enc
mics. Hostility to Mr. Wade operated
in the Senate to shield the President
from the just punishment due to his
high crimes and misdemeanors. But
Mr.. Wades strength at Chicago, reach
ing at one time to 204 votes, was an
index of the warm and enthusiastic
regard in which he is held by the great
body of his fellow citizens.
Mr.. Colfax, we believe, has all men
for his friends and none for his enemies.
We never met half dozen men, either
at Washington or elsewhere, who did
not have a good opinion Of the urbane
Speaker Of the House of Representa-
tives. The people who don't like Mr..
Colfax are as few as the strange class
of beings who don't like strawberries.
Certainly the ticket, as it stands, con
tains the two most popular names in
the United States. Mr. Colfax will
lend a sympathetic warmth to the can
yass; and, after his election, Judging
from the unusual quantity of cold water
which flows at his social board, he will
not present himself for Inauguration in
a condition which the newspapers will
describe as ''incoherent"
Too often our vice presidents, cher
ishing a secret i'll will toward their
chief, have set up little opposition
court of their own, rallying about them
all the Presidents malcontents and
critics. But Mr. Colfax is too pure and
patriotic man to lift even his little
finger against the public welfare, and
is too warm a friend of Gen. Grant ever
to use the yce-presidency as a means
of counterworking the President. Mr.
ColfaX is ambitious; but his aspirations
are innocent and manly. He is adroit;
but his dexterity is open and honest
He is polite; but his expediency
is always founded on high moral prin.
ciple.
If Schuyler Colfax shall either dis
grace himself, or betray his party, or
work injury to his country, we shall
begin to lose faith in human nature
itself. Meanwhile, we know him to be
one of the best of good men, and we
shall toll for his election with all the
power and influence at our command.
The platform is excellent in every
respect save one. 1t justly defend;
impeachment, it honorably denounces
reputation, it warmly urges a speedy
reconstruction; but it only half states
and half advocates the vital question oI
equal rights. 1t says: "The guaranty
by Congress Of equal suffrage to al
loyal men at the South was demanded
by every consideration Of public safety
of gratitude, and of justice; and mu,t
be maintained" This is excellently
stated. Then comes the following sim
gular and indefinite sentence "The
whole question Of suffrage in all the
loyal states properly belongs to the
people of those states" This is an ad.
mirable specimen Of using words tc
conceal IDEAS Of course suffrage in
Massachusetts belongs to the people OF
that state. Nobody denies this But
suffrage, or any other question of ma.
tional importance, belongs not only tC
any particular state, like Massachusetts
but also to the Congress of the United
States. We do not understand thu
platform to deny this, but only to re.
train from saying it. Without contra
vening the platform, Congress may GO
forward and enact uniform law o
suffrage for all the states, to be followed
by constitutional amendment to thC
same purport. Greater clearness an,
courage of 'utterance on this poin
would have made the platform not
whit less acceptable to the great masse
of the people. Everybody knows tha
the Republican party is inevitably gray
itating to the enfranchisement of tn
negro race, South and North; and tn
sooner the official manifestoes of th
party confess hoporably this mani
purpose the sooner will the great en-
be secured. A Republican Congress
passed bill for Civil Rights. Let
in a like manner pass a billfor Politics
Rights. The Chicago platform migL
as well teach that civil rights as well 9
political belong only to the people {
the several states, and not othe peopI
of the United States. The truth
that both civil and political rights be
{ long both to the individual states an
, to the United States
! In 1860, the Republican platform d,