Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1868-02-28

rights and privileges to the coiored man
consistent with the welfare Of both races
The Republican party held that it was right
to DO so now-and according to their own
statement, it WAS only II question Of time
that divided them.
Mr. ". was particularly hard upon the
institution of slavery. 1t had done all sorts
of evil, and, above all, it dishonored God
The mission of the ministry, in this and
other States, was to preach Christ crucifed
and to tell IoeD 10 search the Scriptures
and, if they had themselves read to any
purpose, they must have known and felt
the iniquity of the institution, but, if they
had preached according to the dictates of
their consciences, they would have been
taken from their pulpits and thirty-nine
lashes have been laid on their bare backs
The ministry were restrained. But now
this incubus was gone. He (Mr. W. felt
like good old st. John, when transported
to the third Heaven "he felt relieved. -
He expatlated upon the happy domestic
scenes that would be witnessed throughout
the breadth and length of this State, when
the benign influence of Radical doctrines
shall be thoroughly disseminated and fully
accepted by the people. and concluded by
extending brotherly y invitation to all the
erring, to como into the fold of tho Radical
party, aud bask for the rest of their lives
under the bright and happy sunlight.
Hood (neGro) next occupied the floor
He took up the minority report of Messrs.
Durham and Graham. He said his race
lad been enfranchised by the highest law
making power of the land. The question
WAS not whether they should be enfran-
chised or not but whether the right, al
ready conferred, should be taken away or
not. He said that they intended to main
tain their right to the elective franchise,
come veal or woe. [ tell you, gentlemen,
when you attempt to return race of 10000
voters and strong men to q slavery worse
than their former condition, you attempt a
simple impossibility. The war of races, so
frequently alluded to, would not be between
the black and white men, but it would
como between the Conservative and Re-
publican races OF this Countrywide Re-
publican side numbering about $4,000, 600
and the Conservatives about Il 900, 600 !;
and when the smaller number attempted
the determination of the larger he had Sc
rious fears that they would have rather a
hard time. He did not wonder that the
Conservatives should have applehensions in
enfranchislng the colored people, on ac-
count of the damning acts of cruelty and
outragcs perpetrated by them upon the
negro class, and not cnly upon them but
upon white Unionists.
Hood continued his harrangue for some
time, and concluded by coming out in favor
OF not taking any steps to disfranchise any
body whatever. Those men Congress had
disfranchised we have not any power to
Interfere with.
Mr.. Rodman felt his position on this
floor to be an exceptional one. He was q
Confederate soldier during the war, but he
claimed to he as good Republican as any
one on this floor. He thought it due to
himself to explain the reasons that induced
him to change his opinions. When the
South consented, generally to the emanci
patton of the slaves, they tacitly consent
ed, Us natural consequence, that those
freed should have all the rights and privi-
leges of the ballot box, &c. He was also
opposed to the disfranchisement of any
body.
Mr.. Congleton read q speech. He was
for universal suffrage, and, on mature con-
sideration, had fallen in with Mr.. POOLS
ideas on the subject.
Mr.. Marler said that he did not wish to
be one of those who took up the time of
the Convention in letting off gas, thereby
spending the peoples money, especially in
their present impoverished condition. But
as this was matter of great importance,
in which every honest man, woman and
child is deeply concerned. he asked the
House to indulge him in few remarks
He wished to express his sentiments, and
those of his constituency iii regard to the
matter of universal suffrage to the colored
people. He hoped gentlemen would pause
and reflect before they should declare that
now, as in the past, be kept above that of
the African. Shall not the descendants of
those white men who poured out their
blood to establish this government, rule
over the destinies of the State ? Or shall
power be lodged in the hands Of an igno-
rant, inferior race, aided and abetted by
bold, bad men, who could get nothing at
home, in order to seize the reins of power,
control the government and institutions
that our native whites and their children
have been taxed to build up ?
He was not prejudiced against the color
ed man. The people of this section have
as little. and perhaps less prejudice against
them than any other people on the face of
the globe. But he was opposed to grant
ing them suffrage first, because he was
fully convinced, as he thought every man
who had given this subject any thought,
must be, that the negro in his present ig-
noraut condition, is incapable of exercis-
and it did seem to him, if no other reason
could be assigned, that that of itself was
sufficiently valid to exclude them from this
great right
Mr.. NJ next showed tho moral impossi-
biity of the negro's ability to qualify him
self as a voter, having just emerged from a
bondage that precluded the possibility of
his having fitted himself, in any way. to
exercise the right of voting in a proper and
intelligent manner True, there were some
few, very few exceptions to this general
rule, but we cannot discriminate womust
Judge them as q class. AS an average,
there were not one in five hundred that
could read or write.
He wished to know, using the language
of another, ''if these men, who are thus
Ignorant were capable of exercising politi,
cal franchises Were they capable of self
government? ? Could they be regarded -
Intelligent voters Could they be regarded
as independent voters? Could their iudg-
ments be relied upon p He thought the
response, from every ir-minded and il
telligent man, must be No. Why, then,
did gentlemen SO strenuously contend for
universal negro suffrage? Why did they
wish to place the negro, in his present con
dition, on political equality with the in
tellisent white l1s:l of this country? BE
thought the true answer to that was, be-