Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1868-09-05

stance. of government which you have de-
stroved while pretending to guarantee.
Mr. Morton casts in, with the want of d
r-pablican form of governments the al
legged fact that they do not in the South
treat Northern men with cordiality and
respect. This, to some extent, is true. A
large proportion of Northern men who
nave come among them were commission
ed as spies. and were paid, principally out
OF the public purse. to SANDER and vilify,
with the Interior object of misrepresent-
Ing the South in the two houses of Con-
Rress. 10 these-your emissaries-South-
ern men are generally not partial. In their
politifai nomenclature they are called
''carpet- -baggers;" as chemists call, by way
OF dlstlnctlon,a genus of gases cdccdyLes:
and it is not surprising that they are both
in like, bad odor. But honest men, those
who visit the South upon legitimate busi-
ness, are generally, not dt,o0ys, treated with
civility and kindness; for the masses of men
dO.not always readily take note of the dis
tinctive characters of men. General Lees
remarks, as reported by General Rosecrans,
are full on the point of submission to the
Union. and coBfirm all that have heard on
this subject from other reliable sources.
General Lee denied that the people of the
South are inimical to the Union. They
want peace and long for it. This is their
universal sentiment as far as he has been
able to ascertain it, and his opportunities
have been many, from frequent conversa-
tions and extensive correspondence with
representative persons in all parts of the
i South. As to their animosity to the negro,
nothing could be further from the fact: and
why should there BE-? Said he: "There is
no rivalry between the races, but recfp-
rocal interest growing ont of the fact that
each is dependent upon the other to great
extent-one needing employment and the
other employees. Apart fir, m this, they
have been reared together, and there Is
a natural affection and sympathy between
them"
The leading men of the South, if suffered
to do SO without renewed insult and OPP
preston, are evidently willing to await the
healing effects of time. 1t Is, therefore,
for you to determine; and pray you be
men--be not led by Importantly or driven
by clamor, but, determine wisely and ra-
tionally, whether you will force the renew
al of civil war In which you viii be the
aggressof. One thing is certain, If the
South attain self-goyernmenf( Gas they will
soon. In whatever way it may be brought
about, for majority Of the people will ft,
and they will be heard), they will not for
they can not, restore slavery and make it
profitable; they would not, If they could,
for its abolition will give them a very
large accession OF power in the House of
Represen natives and the Electoral College.
But must hasten to a close. Until
recently | had intended to support Cen
eraI Grant for the Presidency, and
would do so still, q in the hope
that the Democracy will obtain majority
in the House of Representatives, and thus
hold a restraining power; but facts which
/ have shown above render it impossible.
Bad men with more intellect and more
force of character than himself, have DOS
session OF him; and if he be elected Presi-
dent will, probably, continue to rule him,
and the country with him; and some of the
sotin hr1Cn hoa <oI
against Executive opposition. In looking
over the whole ground most carefully, and
weighing consequences well, L have come to
the conclusion that it were better that the
Democracy prevail in the coming election,
and thus divide, for the present, the Legis-.
lative, while we restore the Executive and
Judicial powers. No evil can ensue. We
shall have season of repose and time for
reflection before called on again to act.-
There is profound philosophy in the old
Scotch proverb-. az ....--..- ...,-.-. f-s...
"The showers fall soft when the winl is stil.'
1 have already shown it will give US q
season for ing liry and reflection, and the
same conservative power which can now
| give success to either party can, at the end
| of two years, do the same thing, and place
the Government in the hands of those who
may be then found most worthy to control
it. ni1 aT- riIt -alZ1l ,EI5Hrt
So far neither party has ventured to
lie debt. My mind has long been made up.
as to the principle which should govern US
in its adjustment. 1t is this: So far as our
contracts are distinct and explicit, we must
abide by them, no matter how unequal or
| onerous As for example, where we have
promised to pay the interest, or the debt,
or both, in gold, national 1aith requires, and
we must so pay it; but where the contr ct
| is not explicit, but requires construction,
we must deal with creditors and the people
4 r..-l.A -s.--
| would deal with debtor and creditor under
| like conditions. For example: the credi-
| tor borrows forty cents, or deprecated
| bank paper worth forty cents which
| the public calls dollar, and
| promises to pay interest, six per cent.
on its nominal, or fifteen per cent. on its
| actual value in gold. The promise to. pay
the interest in gold being explicit, the ma
| tion who owes the debt should pay it, for
there is no usury law operating on con-
| tracts with sovefeigns; but where a dis
| tinction is taken in the contract between
| the debt and the interest-the interest
only made payable in gold-equity would
require that the debt should be paid in
| that which is equal in value to the fund re-
| ceived. Sovereigus have not always meted
out this even-handed justice. The coin of
| nations has been sometimes debased after a
| loan made, so that one pound of silver and
| one pound of copper would be made to pay
| what was two pounds of silver when the
| han was trnade.' This was a gross wrong.
| 1t is equally wrong, on the other side, to
| take the name for the thing, aDc pay an
| ounce of silver to the lender for four
tenths of an ounce borrowed, because each
in It's turn was called a dollar. Equity, if
called into action, would suffer neither one
| nor the other, but require payment from
| sovereign or subject, of the just amount
borrowed, regardless OF name. This should
be the rule of payment. II currency were
borrowed which was worth forty cents on
the dollar, currency or bonds of equivalent
value should be paid. a- n fft-4..--7t .e.s s--
Such are my views of the duties of those
who represent b0ndholders and people, and
| who are alike the agents of both. The
committees of Congress who have. charge
| of the subject should examine each class of
| cases carefully, and do justice to each. 1t
matters not by whom the bonds are held.
whether large capitalists or widows and
orphans; each and all are entitled to equi-
ty, no more, no less. If you give them less,
you wrong them; ii you give them more,
you wrong the people, who are the debtor.
. IsfEt 1883 24.f T. EWING, of Ohio.
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