Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1868-10-09

political associates belonged; that !
would not do it was their fault, not mine.
for warned them repeatedly OF the gull
which they we're opening between us,
which it were impossible for me to pass
without an abandonment of all my life
long cherished principles; and while
these events we're passing, | stood on
ground which precluded all possible sup
position that I had an undue bias on the
side on which you think / err, that is to-
ward secession, its consequent revolt, or
in favor of those who committed it. l
have during all my political life spoken
and written against nullification and Sc
cession... And at the opening of the con-
test, from the very first and as long as
my physical strength endured, / publicly
addressed the people, calling upon the
young men to volunteer, and the aged
and rich TO contribute funds to support
the families of the patriotic soldiers who
volunteered to fight in defense OF the
Constitution and the Union.
In this, Judge Ranney, Allen and other
old-school Democrats, took the stand
with me. 1t was not party, but Ma
tional, Union movement, and did not
propose then, nor DO intend now, to slide
into party which by its reckless vio-
lence is destroying both the Union and
the republican government under which
alone it exists. / have four sons and two
sons.in-law, six in all. When an armed
force became necessary, FIVE of the six
volunteered--of these all but one, who
was disabled by wound, served during
the war, and fought in more than twenty
battles; beginning at Bull Run and end
ing at the grand review in Washington
and of these four no one was less than
twice promoted for good conduct on the
field of battle. 1t is cool for gentlemen
to talk to me of their achievements and
arrogate the right to govern the nation
because they saved it, when few Of them
rendered more efficient service in the
hour of trial than /, and the millions
who think and act with me. And the
most that many of those did whe claim
most merit, and are most clamorous and
exacting, was to manufacture shoddy,
and, with it, to cheat the Government in
clothing furnished our troops.
In the beginning of the contest it was
of paramount importance to secure the
co-operatian of the border States, espe-
cially Kentucky, and to this end held
consultation with Mr.. Crittenden, and at
his request, he being in feeble health, but
strong in the ruling passion--devotion to
the Union, Il drew up the resolutions which
bear his name, which, without the change
of a word, passed the two houses with
but three dissenting voices. / intended
them in good faith, and so they were re-
ceived by the border States but that
faith was violated by Congress at its first
session after the surrender of the rebel
army and the dissolution of the Contede-
rate government, and this breach OF
faith has produced all the anarchy and
most of the evils which have since dis
tracted the nation. | have washed my
hands of it, and of the party who com
mitted it. and still persist in asserting
and sustaining it. The old Wing party,
to which you and l belonged, was a sim
cere and truthful party. So with the
Union party of 1861; they violated no
obligations, legal or constitutional; they
broke no faith, but held due on to the ex-
ecution of their just and lawful purpose;
and / am too long taught in their school
to now join in. or knowingly give coun-
tenance to, lawless or faithless politi-
cal combination, however largely com.
posed of those who once acted with me
and were my friends.
Whether justly or not, | am proud of
the part which my family bore in the late
conflict, and am not at all afraid that
their laurels will be tarnished by the OBJ
servance of strict good faith with the van
quished, who have yielded the principle
fought for and laid down their arms. No,
nor even extending to their wounded feel
iugs, their prejudices and opinions, lib
eral, and even a generous indulgence.
Indeed, / think the just and liberal is the
wiser as well as the most honorable pol
icy. We are more likely to restore our
erring brethren in heart and feeling to the
Union, aud to heal the wounds caused
by the late terrible conflict, by the OBJ
servance of strict good faith, and a
conscientious observance of our constr
tutional obligations toward them, than
by assuming superiority over them, heap
ing on them contumely and reproach, aud
sending spies among them to slander and
misrepresent them. You express fears
that il Seymour and Blair are elected
they will reinitiate secession, and that
we shall lose all that we have gained by
the war. As reasoning man, do you
think so7 Do you think the intelligent
men of the South are in love with seces-
sion and its consequences, under which
they have endured such terrible ealami
ties, or that because they are treated with
Justice and mercy they will Immediately
rush into another destructive WARP /.
for myself, think the only danger of
another revolt lies in the oOntinuahce Of
the present party in power, and of their
lawless policy. made up Of mingled insult
and oppression, such as men OF ordinary
spirit, who have once been treemeu,
would die sooner than endure. Men who
have been free will not submit to perma-
nent degradation and political seryitude,
or even inferiority. When this is known
TO be the fixed, stern and relentless policy,
they will resist by force Of arms, and IN
that event, their resistance will be Justi-
fed on the universally acknowledged |
principle Of the right Of revolt against |
intolsrable oppression. Had the same |
cause existed in 1861 which now exists,
No Northeru army would have crossed the |