The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1868-10-13

ture depends upon it. What else can you do !?
The idea of second appeal to arms is mad
ness. 1t is the dream OF the suicide which
could alone induce you to take arms against a
sea of troubles, and by opposing end them. II
any of you, in the inmost rccesses of his
heart, has ever harbored such a thought, let
him Danish it at once and forever. Better, ten
thousand times better, for yourselves, your
wives, your daughters and for your country, TO
that you know not of. AS your committee
truly and wisely sayin their letter of invitation
to me: "The policy Of the South is peace; it is
her only hope" You will see this with your
eyes and hear it with your ears that they are
right; and I have aaen it with my eyes and
heard it with my ears, and I am persuaded that
all this people know that they are right, and
feel as they do upon this point. 1 fear, also,
that the admission of all the negroes in these
States to suffrage, and the exclusion Of SUBJ
stantially all of the leading men of the South
from share in shaping your constitution and
laws, coming when 1t did, and Us it did,
will seriously aggravate the difficulties
which beset your way back to cheer
full and peaceful re-establishment Of mu-
tually satisfactory relations. Taken by it
sell, think you might render it tolerable with
universal amnesty. I imagine that many OF
it's more alarming features would disappear, or
be very much ameliorated. The tendency OF
this portion of the reconstruction policy to en-:
courage class of political demagogues to stir
up strife and i'll feeling between whites and
blacks here, upon which TO found their own po-
litical fortunes, is undoubtedly one Of the
gravest defects of the system. In its practical
working It embtters relations which must be
cordial and must be friendly if you are TO
dwell together in peace and prosperity.
And there again must urge you to be pa
tient, aud, difficult though it be, to call little
philosophy to your aid. Such convulsion US
you have experienced must needs leave null
titude OF lesser ruptures in its train, which re-
quire time more than anything else to read
lust them. With return to constitutional
government think that even universal suf-
frage, supposing it was found necessary to let
it stand as il is. as choice of evlls-for I cer-
tainly regard it as an evil at this time and
place-might be made compatible with good
order, good government and good feeling, con-
sidering the relations which formerly existed
between the two races and the great advantages
which the wealthy, educated and intelligent
landowner is always found to possess in gri-
cultural communities. think you can hardly
deprecate or dread competition with adyen tur-
Gus strangers upon fair field of rivalry. Your
legitimate and proper influence, fairly oxerted,
must prove in the long run more persuasive
than that of strangers or others, who are lack
ing in those advantages. at least this has
been the general experience in our countries.
But in order to secure fir opportunity, even
to try the experiment, it is essential
that the dangerous clement of hostility
of race should be kept ont OF the
calculation. If that power once fastens firmly
upon your vitals, your political future is des-
perate, or curable only by an antdote which I
cannot contemplate with calmnoss. Next,
then, to peace, think you arc bound to culti-
vate friendly relations With the negroes am ong
You. Your true interests arc identical, and
their identity musti time become as apparent
as it is demonstrable. You should spare no
efforts and no practical measures in your
power to show this clearly, both by words and
decd. to tho freedmen. You have no right to
foreco this exertion. An honest and manful
attempt now may save you incalculabe mis-
chief by and by. I do not see, nor have l
been able to discover, during my stay among
you, that you do as yet cherish any Ill will to
the negro. I have found but one sentiment OF
kindness expressed towards him. And why
should it be otherwise? He was faithful to
you in four years of struggle. He never, when
he might, rose upon your defenceless homes
when YOU were at the front. He did not free
himself. If he is ignorant it it by no fault OF
his, and it should be your care, as it
certainly is your interest, to instruct him.
II from ignorance and inexoerience be is
Ilble to be abused and misled. it is your
place 70 protect and direct him. If lie is poor
and distressed, it is your duty to help him il
YOU are able. And all this you know aud feel
as well as do; and on tho other hand, l would
say to the colored men here at the South, that
I entertain the kindest feelings towards them,
and feel very d eep solicitude for their perma-
nent welfare and happiness. in all sincerity L
would tell them that fear that their present
importance in politics is likely to be used
for purposcs Which are dangerous to their
ultimate well-being. AS they are situated, o
condition of permanent alienation and hostility
between them and the whites can only issue in
disastrous results to their eventual prosperity
and progress to both whites and blacks. 1
would counsel the most forbearng and patient
consideration for each other. Your cases are
difficult enough at best. For Gods sake, do
not make them hopeless by needless misunder-
standing, or anger, or i'll blood. think that
even if you were free to do as you Like,
that wise policy would dictate the education
and gradual enfranchisement Of the negroes
as fast as they were fit for it. No free
people can afford to perpetuate ignorance
among it's people, for ignorance is ts interne-
cine enemy. Nor do think that any states
manlike policy in a republic can suffer any per-
manent exclusion of any class of its citizens
from O. share in the government of the COM
monwealth. know we have had movements
at the North looking to some such policy in re-
gard to foreigners. as many sincere men now
are urging upon you in reference to the
colored people. The Cry of America for
Americans" has been as loud and more
,,o,,,,1or than the shout that this is