New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1867-11-06
PEOPLE OR PEOPLESP


The urgent necessity of the South is pOlit-
ically homogeneous people. Gov Pease OF
Texas hits the nail exactly upon the head when
he says that there can be neither peace nor
safety in that State; that there can be no per-
manent establishment there of loyal govern
ment while the Freedmen fare debarred from
"the enjoyment of those civil rights which are
"the legitimate consequence OF Emancipation"
Gov. p. was not originally of this opinion; he
was at first opposed to Manhood Suffrage; he
has been converted by Andy Johnson the dis
NAL result of whose attempt to rebuild State
governments out of Rebel ruins, has opened
Gov Peases eyes. He now sees, and acknowl-
edges, that it is only by justice to the black
that loyal State governments can possibly be
maintained Murder robbery, crOuching, trea-
son, and undissembled hatred have taught him
political lesson more thoroughly than if he
had worked it out for himself by abstract pro-
cesses and theoretical conclusions. Matters are
not far from an equitable arrangement when
the white mans safety depends upon his JUS
tice to the black.
Men in the late Slave States may be divided
into
First: The mregcnerate Rebels, who still
detest the Union and Human Equality with
the sickening yehemence Of an impotent
passion.
Second: The really repentant Rebels, who
now see that they made mistake, even
though they are still blind to the fact that
they committed a crime.
Third: The whites who never were Rebels,
who hated treason during its triumph when
it had them under its feet-who have expert
enced its tender mercies, and have no desire
to try them again.
Fourth: The freedmen, many of whom
fought for the Union, and who know that
their only chance of the smallest happiness Is
in its continued influence over the State.
OF these classes, the second will probably
ally itself with the party which shall prove to
be the strongest We will leave it, therefore,
comfortably or uncomfortably, roostmg upon
the fence, satisfied that it will come down
upon the side upon which the corn may be the
most profusely scattered. Finally, the ever
loyal whites have the choice either Of riskng
the enmity of the ingrained Rebels, backed up
by the neuters, or of making common cause
with the freedmen whO without votes, With
ont any political power, and under a peIpetu-
ted social ban, Will be feeble auXlliaues indeed.
The whole matter is as plain as the multiple
cation table in its earliest stages. Liberty
must 20 to the wall unless sustained by the
votes of the emancipated; and such defeat
implies carnival Of rapne and OF blood so
frichtful that we may well shrink from the
contemplation of its details.
We do not speal, here at the North of " Peo-
"pes." but of the People, although we all
know very well how many variously and
widely different elements 20 to make up the
aggregate Socially, we permit classes polltl-
ically we ignore them. We accept suffrage
pretty nearly universal because it is better
with all its dangers and disadvantages, than a
body politc made up Of divided members and
convulsed by caste, by faction and by artificial
relations rigidly enforced. We do our best to
avoid the inevitable dangers of our theory and
practice by disseminating knowledge, by en-
couraging moral reforms, and by seeking to
make our enormous constituencies ut once intel
lirent and honest. In some localities we sue
cecd. and in others we fail; but no ill-success,
however great and long continued, is thought
sufficient by any party to justify us in taking
n single step toward the establishment of ex-
elusive franchises or limited suffrage We
ask the South to do no more than we have
ourselves DONE and are now doing. 1t must
encounter difficulties as we have; but 1t has
an advantage of which it has been accustomed
to boast-it has great rural populations uncon-
taminated by civic vices. With People 1t
may be prosperous and happy; with Peoples
it can know only poverty and distraction.
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MlNUFACFURES IN THE INTERIOR.
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