The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-06-14

civilian that a majority Of Rebels might call
"Governor." II Is the merest nonsense to
suppose such thing. We presume a Cover
nor is convenience in these States, and In
the performance OF certain civil functions the
Office is necessary. But the power to rule
the power of compelling obedience-wa lodged
in the hands of general of the army. IL is
the imperial power Of the people, iutrusted
for time to certain soldiers, charged so TO
use that power that the Rebel South should be
brought properly reconstructed to the Union.
The President had failed to do It. The States
themselves had failed by dsdaining to accept
the Constitutional Amendment. The people
were apathetic the politicians insolent; and
between the President, the people, and the
politicians, the Southern States threatened 10
become diseased members of the body polite.
TO be even worse than Poland, or Ireland. or
Hungary. To prevent this the Military bill
was passed. ..t.I. 81 ..... r. 49,.
Since the passage of that bill the South has
been at peace. The Generals have done well,
and the President has done well. Registration
progresses rapidly. The farmers are busy
The freedmen are becoming free men. The
Generals have found it necessary to make a
few removals, but only few. While under
Johnson's plan we had massacres in Memphis
and Alexandria and New Orleans-massacre
as bloody as memorable battles-under the
Military bill we have had only one small riot
in Mobile. A New Orleans Convention was
murdered in July, 1866. In June, 1867. a
Convention will meet as calmly as it would in
Boston. We have in the North and South An
era Of good feeling. Our statesmen are in the
South instructing the people. Rebel Generals
like Longstreet are perfectly willing to trust
the fortunes of the South with the Republican
party. The people are wisely submitting to
necessity. We think it not extravagant to
say that, if reconstruction is permitted to pro-
gTess calmly, we shall have the Southern
States in the next Electoral College. We
trust that they will send Republican electors.
but that is a secondary matter. That is our
concern as Republicans, and we trust to con-
vince the people. But if the President does
not interfere, the South will be in the Union.
the nation will be reconstructed, the people
will be secure in their rights, the South will
be land of liberty, the Military bill will die
never to live again in our happy country, and
our brigadiers will surrender their power to
the people, and go back to the army to the
performance of mere military duties.
With this prospect dawning upon the coun-
try, what is the duty of the President 1t is
an easy thing for him to make trouble. He
can probably receive no advice more welcome
than that given by the World. He has sub
servient Cabinet. A Secretary of State who
can maintain condolences with McCracken in
! reference to the table talk of Ministers like
Motley, will not hesitate to advise the Presi-
utuG W ueClu6u measures. SJanD6ry Will
write twenty opinions, showing Just how the
President can drive a coach and six through
any law of Congress. Mr.. Stanton will coun-
tersign the orders as readily as he counter
signed the orders which sent Terry to the
mountains We entreat the President to be
governed by higher influences. If he thinks
that an opinion by Stanbery, or whole
volume of opinions, will be permitted to stand
in the way of this bill, he will find that he has
made the most dreadful blunder of his Ad-
minstration. The nation has made up its
mind that the provisions of that bill must be
executed, and no trick, no subterfuge, nc
strained construction of law which is as
plain as the high sun at noon, no elaborate
hair-splitting and legal logic, will be permitted
to interfere with its execution. The Presi-
dents duty is to end this whole business OF
reconstruction, by permitting it to end itself.
He is walking over the true path now, and he
can only step beyond it to bring peril upon
| himself and the country.