The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-03-30

radical majority; and the remarks of Mr..
Thomas on Thursday indicate determination
TO resist this or any other action preiudical
to the radical interest He does not threaten
violence, because he holds that Congress
should step in and assume control of the
matter. Failing to obtain this Intervention,
the radicals in the State intimate that, if out
numbered in the election of delegates autho-
rized by the Legislature, they will convene a
separate body, construct a constitution after
their own tastes, and invoke the power of
Congress to make it the organic law of the
State.
Divested of surplusage, the whole affair is
an attempt to induce Congress to clothe the
minority of the electors of Maryland with
power to overcome the will of the majority.
1t is an attempt, by the exercise of Federal
authority to overturn the Constitution of
state which Is not and never has been, in
rebelllon-to force negro suffrage upon a State
whose right to control its own concerns is as
sacred as that of New YorlS-and to convert
the machinery of the National Government
into the means of advancing the interests of
the Radical party. 1t is, in plain terms, an
attempt to revOutionize the relation even of
loyal States to the Government and to lay
the foundation of central power, to whose
dictation all States must submit, in matters
which the National Constitution has intrusted
to their special keeping.
The danger began, of course, when Congress
took into its own hands the control of the
internal affairs of the Southern States. That
policy was at variance with all recognized
readings Of the Constitutions; il was, in its
inception and in its results. manifestly revo-
lutionary. Its vindication rested upon the
exceptional circumstances which the Rebellion
created, and its application was declared to be
limited strictly to States which had forfeited
their sovereignty by war against the Union.
The hope of safety rested in the supposed in
flexible attachment of the American people to
the fundamental principles of their Govern
ment. Their patriotic vigilance, it has been
hoped, would afford a guarantee against the
conversion OF temporary usurpation into
permanent absolutism, and especially against
even temporary extension of exceptional
authority to other States.
Now, however, what is the fact Under
the guise OF conterring a republican govern
ment upon Maryland a proposal is solemny
made and ardently advocated to crush its
Statehood under the iren heel of Congress
sional power. 1t is to all intents and purposes
to be deprived of its rights to self-government,
with the avowed purpose of investing with
governing authority in the State party that
cannot of itself overcome the present majority.
The excuses assigned for this extraordinary
proposition will not endure examination. If
the mere apprehension of "gerrymandering
as averred by the partisan minority, be a
valid cause of interposition in Maryland, why
not also in New Hampshire, in Pennsylvania,
in Illinois, or in other States where tricllery
has, notoriously, been resorted to in the
arrangement of local electoral strength? If
the failure to enfranchise negroes be a crime,
justifying State extinction, in Maryland, on
what ground of equity should New York, or
Connecticut, or Ohio escape similar punish
ment?
And here lies the significance of the propo-
sition which the House has honored by refer
ence to its Judiciary Committee. If, under
the pretense of guaranteeing republican gov
ernment to Maryland, Congress may enfran-
chise its negroes and place a minority in
power, it may with equal right legislate the
radicals into office in Kentucky and Delaware,
and may take into its management the inter
nal political concerns of this and every other
State. Our Albany Legislators may spare
themselves the trouble of preparing for a
State Convention, referring suffrage and other
questions to the people, if Congress may of
its pleasure force upon us universal enfranchise-
ment. There will be no end to the perls and
complications of Congressional interference
with State rights, if Congress listen to the
entreaties of the radical adventuTers ON whom
the majority of the people of Maryland refuse
to bestow their confidence. For any allegation
of right in the case of Maryland will be wan
ton, lneXCusable usurpatlon and usurpatlon
once tolerated, may be pushed to an indefinite
extent. The Constitution is already laid upon
the shelf, so far as it applies to the reorgani-
zation of the Southern States. But it will be
worthless as waste paper if measures which
are justified by the exigencies Of rebellion
may be extended to States whose position and
privileges as members of the Union have not
been impaired by aught connected with the
Rebellion or otherwise.
1t is probable that some further proceeding
will be necessary in regard to negro suffrage.
Having forced upon the South the universal
| enfranchisement OF its negroes, a moral obli-
| cation rests upon the Northern States to fol-
! low in the same path. If the colored people
of Georgia, ignorant and untutored, are worthy
OF votes, we of the North cannot with any
show ofdecency or justice refuse the franchise
! to the colored citizens of our States. And il
! Congress is oppressed with a sense of it's re.
| spOnsiblity as the guarantor Of impartial sut
| frage, it cannot do better than initiate a Con.
! stitutional amendment to that end. Such an
amendment the States at present represented
are bound to ratEy. In this way all that is
| plausible in the Maryland proposition may be
accomplished without resorting to the outra
| geous invasion of local liberties which i
! suggested by Mr.. Thomas and the radicals o.
| Baltimore.
A Visit to Mr.. Stewards Home.