Clarksville weekly chronicle. [volume] (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1865-1867, 1867-03-29
GOV. BROWN, OF GEORGIA.

his State, under the military bill, is,
that it will ultimately secure the
right of suffrage to nine .tenths of
the whites. The bill, itself, holds
out promise Of something Of that
sort +; but it should not be forgotten
that it also provides that none but
negroes and loyal whites shall vote
for members of the Convention. u
Herein lies the Radical trick. Such
a Convention asis likely to be chosen
by such voters, would hardly fail to
frame such a Constitution as would
disfranchise every man not likely to
support the Radical party. This is
the evident intention of the trainers
Of the bill, and the Constitution that
will most effectually carry out this
intention will be most acceptable to
Congress. If any man doubt that
this is the probable result, let him
look at Tennessee, for which Congress
has as effectually legislated as if it
had occupied its Capitol in place of
its bogus Legislature.
After the Southern Conventions
shall have accomplished their work
of disfranchisement, upon the plan
laid down in Tennessee, it will avail
nothing to appeal to the military bill
in behalf of rights withheld. Con-
gress will then say it has no authority
to interfere in State affairs, and that
the question of suffrage is purely a
State concern, and instead Of tender
ing relief, will order few thousand
muskets with which the loyal few can
keep the many in subsection. The
argument that these Conventions will
be held under military authority if
not ordered by the civil, is not suffi-
Gent to authorize anything like vol
untary action on the part of the pec-
pie. When Conventions are ordered,
| it becomes the duty of every one to
exert himself to the utmost to throw
into these Conventions the greatest
possible amount Of conservatism, and
more than this cannot be done after
the most trucking submission to
usurped authority.
While pleading earnestly for the
vindication of Southern manhood
and honor, we have advocated no re-
lection Of the means that may be af-
forded for the exercise of a saving in
Hucnce, in all cases where public
opinion may be instrumental in shap-
ing public measures. And in the
matter of recognizing State govern
ments, whether the first step be taken
by tho Legislature, or the military
commander, the duty Of the people is
the same, and self interest and self
defense all demand active efforts to
give to the movement the most con-
servative direction that is possible
under the circumstances. But vol
UNFAIRLY to invite and inaugurate the
movement, under the assurance that
those who invite and inaugurate shall
take no part in the proceedings, is
gratuitous degradation in our opinion.
j Governor Brown is working as eff
fectively for the disfranchisement OF
his people as if he were to tell Con-
grcss to carry out its own programme,
and that the majority of Georgians
will have nothing to do with it.
Unless those who cannot vote can
influence those who can, it is idle to
hope, from the Convention, anything
but permanent disfranchisemcnt Of
the great body of the people. And
if such influence can be exerted al
all, it will be just as potent when
Conventions are ordered by the mill
tary as when called for by the State
Legislatures. The distinction We
make is, it seems to US, as clear as il
is proper; and since the duty Of the
people will be the same, in either
. event, and the result must depend
upon the exertion of the same inAu'
ences, it will be more manly and dig
nified to await, calmly and firmly, tho
coming i'll than to run to meet it,
Had the Southern States adopted the
constitutional amendments, they
would have reached their present po'
sition little sooner, and with their
own consent, but having withheld
that consent they have the consolation
of knowing that they suffer, not from
choice, but through the exertion Of
a force which they cannot resist
There is nothing in the military bill
J that promises no further oppression
in case of It's scceptancc; but Wheth