Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1867-08-02

: whole negro population, and disfranchisel
. so large proportion of the white popula
: ton as to place the political power in som,
n of the States entirely, in all of them par
tally, in the hands of the former, so larg,
and powerful an clement cannot long bt
g ignored within their own territory. We are
not surprised, therefore, to see their claims
: see them urged with unrelaxed importantly
r At the North, SO far, every attempt to
< confer the right of suffrage upon the negro
has met with decided rebuff. In most OF
t the States in which elections are pending
5 this question is the leading point at issue,
: and though the minority party are opposing
it, we are not satisfied it will be endorsed
. Within the past seven years several of these
States have declared against it. At the
| Presidential election of 1860, although Mr..
LINCOLN carried New YORK by more than
fifty thousand majority, the majority against
negro suffrage was upwards of one hundred
and forty thousand. CONNECTICUT, in 1865,
at a special election, voted against the same
proposition by majority Of upwards Of
six thousand, though the majority for the
Radical candidate for Governor at the
Spring election, just held, was eleven thou
sand. In the same year, WISCONSIN reject
ed negro suffrage by majority of nine
thousand, giving at the same time ten
thousand maj ority for the Radicals. NINE
sofa also refused, by twenty-five hundred
majority, to sar elton the right of suffrage,
while the Radical ticket was successful by
nearly four thousand majority. In the
same Autumn, COLORADO, voting on pro-
posed Constitution, rejected by vote Of
seven to one the same proposition.
1t is safe, therefore, to say that the Radi-
calls, at least before they found it necessary
to force the measure upon the Southern
States, were decidedly opposed to negro
suffrage, and have SO declared themselves
at the ballot-box, and except through their
representatives in Congress, have never
uttered II official declaration to the con-
trary.
While, however, in some Northern States
the Republican party have committed them
selves for universal manhood Suffrage, in
none of them have they declared in favor
of universal manhood eligibility, while in
one, at least-PENNsYLvANIA- plat
form adopted for the present can
vass excludes negroes from Office, while
even the resolution for impartial suffrage
was smothered in committee-the conven-
ton thus ignoring the subject altogether.
The colored people already begin to fear
that they have been sold, and are common
cling to agitate the question Of their eligi- |
bility in a practical manner by proposing
one of their race for Vice President Let
them urge the matter and bring Congress |
to definite Issue upon it. It has already
had the question brought up in Senator
Summers resolution declaring that, in the |
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA no person shall be |
excluded from any office by reason of race
or color but that body refused to consider
it. 1t is simple question, and Con-
gress should settle it with the firmness and |
promptness with which it has acted upon
OTHER matters affecting the rights and inter
ests Of this race, and the growing discon-
tent of the negroes at vague inuendoes
is a further inducement for early action.
We are confident the North will not endorse
this proposition, and we cannot we'll see
how the party can keep faith with the ne
groes and sustain itself with the whites.
The Southern blacks have no interest in
common with the Northern whites, and the
leaders will yet discover that a party COM
posed of such incongruous elements must
perish by its own dissensions and conflicts
Let Us SO bear ourselves that when the
schemes for our degradation prove unsuc-
2essful, that we can resume our position in
the family of States with no other loss
than that which our weakness brought
about in the defeat of our arms