Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1867-09-22
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THE CONSTITUTION.
The following interesting dispatch we
find copied into the New York Tribune:
A Washington dispatch to the Boston
Post says:
The presidents late proclsmations hav-
ing given rise to much speculation as TO
their purpose and practical bearing upon
the country, it may be interesting TO
know what the author himself thinks
and says regarding them. In a social
conversation to-day, I vsntuTed to in
quire of his excellency his views Of the
proclamation declaring the supremacy
Of the constitution, and his special object
in publishing the same. l admitted that
the purpose was patent on the face OF
the document but that many per-
o prOfessed not to be able 90 COmpre-
| bend its practical bearing. He replied
that there were now two parties in the
country-One acting within constltu-
tional limits, the other openly protesting
To set outside Of the constitution. His
Durpose wa to call the attention Of each
and every officer and employee Of the
government to this fact hat he might
clearly understand his duty, and under
standing, perform it. Our constitutions
he said, was the citadel Of our freedom,
the wall which envirous and protects US
all. But another purpose which ne
had in view was 90 assure the cOuu-
try that the authority O! the federal
judiciary would be uniinchingly main
! tanned in all tie states. l called
the presidents attention to the CORES
pOndence published tO-dsy between Gen.
/ Ord and Col. Gilbert, in which the lat
| ter claims that Gen. Ord and his sub0r-
| dfnstes were not the servants, hut rather
| the masters, OF the people. He Teplisd
that il Was but one Of the legitimate
/ fruits OF the radical teachings Of the day,
| that public officers were not bound by
/ their Caths, but might act outside o.
the constitution :" this very case, he
I said, illustrated the necessity for his
J proclamation. Col. Gilbert seeIls 20 have
| lost sight of the fact that OUrs was q Cuu
stitutiOnal government, and that he was
bound to respect the law. When 3 mill
tarv officer could thus forget that the
people were the sovereign aud could as
sumo that he was one Of their masters,
the president saidhe thought il WIS high
time that attention should be specially
| called to the requirements OF the constr
tuition and the true prinNIples Ctour gov
/ eminent. He spoke in laJUe.ing terms Of
| Gen. Ord, and heartily approved the no.
/ bic rebuke which he general admins
| tered TO Col. Gilbert. l inquired Wha
| ne thought would be the practical effect
| Of the amnesty proclamation. He rompt-
" replied, ito restore the parties to all
their rights-tO place them precisely
where they were before the war. The
suffrage question was n TO be deter
mined by the courts, and not by the exc.
! cutive branch Of the government" In
/ abiding to the future, he said he had 10
! idea what congress would do, DuJthat ne
believed the people would take care that
/ their government was not suDverted and
/ destroyed. So far as be was concerned,
he should exercise every CONSTITUTIONS
/ power IN its defense, but that the great
controlling power was IN the hands Of
the people themselves, and his hrm cor
| victiOn wss that they would Use It wise
ly aud efficiently.
The statement Of the proposition that
there are two parties IN the country-one
adhering to the Constitution and the
other opDosing-briDgs home to every
one the important fact that we are atsea.
The Constitution has heretofore been the
chart Of our Statesmen. They have con-
strued it differently, but they have all
deferred TO it as the arbiter OF all their
disputes. Without il, to guide them in
all their difficulties and Dangers, they
would have felt like the mariner, in 8
dangerous and unknown sea, without
compass or rudder or North star. Yet
there is now = party in the country
which openly processes, like Mr.. THAD-
DEUS STEVENS and his followers, TO
be acting "outside Of the Constitution"
By what chart are they guided, or are
they drifting about under uncertain stars
and in unknown ATTITUDES, seeking a
haven, without any reckoning or caIcula-
tions? Evidently so. They have repu.
dated the chart by which the ship Of
State has hitherto been n~ayigsted. They
have adopted the calculations Of wild and
reckless adventures, who are playing for
their own interest. They have thrown.
overheard the regularly commissioned
officers and taken up with the pirates Of
the sea.
A Republic without a Constitution
What an anomaly What a contradic-
ton! What an anarchy Can society
be firm ia its foundations upon such a
basis? Can finance aud business
hope for stability and confidence
on such conditions ? Can right look for
enforcement? Can weakness calculate.
for protection? Can honesty expect to
be sustained? Can industry It's re-
ward? Can refinement expect to ad-
vance? Can art hope to be cultivated ?
Can science count upon its devotees ,
Can any mar trust to get his own? We
leave these questions to he answered nv
the common sense OF the reader. And
yet this is what Rsdiealism aims at.
They do not all have the honesty 70 ayow
it, like THADDEUs STEVENS. Yet it is
all the same. The acts Of all are alike.
The Constitution is spit upon by all OF
them. Is not an absolute Despotism
preferable to such a condition? Not that
we advocate "a Despotism {: nor do wewisb
the advocates Of an uncopstitutianaI
Government to 50 flatter themselves
We advocate q return to the ConsH.
tuition which they have r~epudiated. We
claim that they are e~ndeavorinp IN driv.
the people 10 despotism, in verv desnsi-
and we seorn the suggestion, coming nom
them, that they may be the 5esro,s
But despotism is better than anarcb,,
whenever you a secure q liberal and
enlightened despot. Those who nov
rule are not liberal and enlightened Or
generous, and therefore, we would grefor
to take our chances in Gfe most ~r5gleot
storm at sea, aoithola chart or c9,7nose
to being governed absolutely 6y them.
But what We advocate, and what W..
wish to see the people rise up and de-
mand, is a return TO the Constituti,nol
Government OF u fathers. Iftbev yin
do this, they car have peace; tbev
can have prosperity they can have .
sound business; they can have thrivl,,
cities aud towns; they can have a "a.
munerstive agriculture; they can have
iourishing manufactures they can have
law and order; they can have protection
Of life, liberty and property they can
have progress they can have happiness
for themselves and a prospect of future
security and protection for their poster.
ity. Are not these objects worth contend
ing for2 Are the people SO debase and
demorsliEed that they cannot arousa
themselves nom their Iethargy and de-