The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1867-03-12
Hon. REvERDY JoHNsoN's SPEECH-HIs

Hon REvERDY JOHNsoN'S SPEECH-HIs
REASONS FOR VOTING FOR THE SHERMAN
BIIL-Mr. Johnson said:
Nv motives, if / know myself, were per-
fectly pure. and patriotic. L saw before me
distracted and almost bleeding country
thought saw, and think [ see now, the
means by which it might be restored to a
hcalthful condition, and the institutions Of
the country in the end preserved. l have ar
rived at that period of my life when, if ever
any other ambition animated me, can have
no other ambition now now than that Of ser
wing my country Having referred to views
he had previously expressed on the question
of reconstruction, contending that when the
war ceased the States were restored to their
former relations, and that no conditions for
their representation were requisite or consti
tutionai, Mr.. Johnson said that the present
and late Executive thought differently 1t
was unnecessary for him to say what were
the conditions exacted by the present Exec
Utive They were, in his (lr. Johnsons)
Judgment. as unconstitutional as any that
could be found in this bill. The Congress
of the United States were of opinion that,
notwithstanding the people of the Southern
States complied with the terms eXacted by
the present Chief Magistrate, they could not
be restored without the sanction Of congress
siOnai legislation; and this was the judg
ment of the country. Then, how were they
to come back? Only by complying with
the conditions which Congress may impose,
whether Congress had the authority to i'm
pose them or not; or, failing to comply, to
remain in the sad condition in which they
now are. He (Mr. Johnson,) imputed bad
TO t0 fhp Ey-
ecutive He thought he knew his duty to
the institutions OF the country too we'll to
call in question the motives of either. He
accorded purity of purpose and patriotic
principles to both. He differed from both.
But he sought the restoration of the Union,
and he saw no way of accomplishing it now
but by the adoption Of the measure now be-
fore the Senate We are now, in my opinion
in state of quasi war. Our condition is
revolutionary Ten States of the Union are
virtually held as provinces upon the ground
that we have right to hold them as enc
mics of the Union and the Government. In
that state of things to hesitate in the adop
tion of any measure which promises, even
the most distantiy, to put an end to this rev.
olutionary condition is, in my judgment, to
be false to the true interests and safety of the
country.
In conclusion, Mr.. Johnson said he was
glad to seec from the public prints of the
South and to be informed by many leading
men of the South, that it was the purpose of
the Southern States to organize under this
bill. They were taking lessons from expert
ence. The constitutional amendment, if it
had been adopted, would have brought into
this chamber and the other chamber repre-
scntatives from the South. Of that have
no doubt. Now it will not. The bill which
we passed, and which was afterward amend
ell in the House, would have accomplished
the same purpose upon terms less exacting
than the one now before the Senate. 1t was
amended, and the amendment is the most
obnoxious feature of the bill. The Senate
passed it, and I voted for it. Why? Be
cause thought I knew-I thought 1 had
satisfactorily ascertained-that, this failing,
measure of a more rigid character, meas
ure founded upon the idea that the people
of the South were conquered enemies, their
property liable to forfeiture, would have
been enacted.