The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-02-14

NJ to be applied to all kinds. To admit the
is not a protection. They bear unequally
on one or another class, and so though
II is necessary that all classes should
have had q voice prior TO administration in
| legislation itself. No class can be more tho
roughly free than by putting the whole suffrage
IN its possession, leaving out Of determination
the State with us is lodged in the vote. That
| which IS IN the crown and In the sceptre in
ENGLAND is in the vote in America, and that
| because II is majority OF the people. It is not
less class. In America, however, think
| exclude the foreign population and
that part of the adult population which the
| will be found that the whole political power
| Of the country is in the hands OF about one
! fourth part Of its population, and of this part
| not more than one-half upon an average ever
| vote, and IT. may be said that the great ques-
| tons Of our land are settled by less than one
! ,ighui part of the population of the land. Is
noV THIS TO constitute class? If IL is by default,
1t stu msSeS thos that attend to their poti,
| part are excluded, then IL is class consti-
! tuted by legal enactment and ought to be as
! II is here, and more than it is in England or
upon the continent
UNIVERSAL AGAINST IMPARTIAL SUFFRAGE.
But 1t is asked me in reply, would not inn
partial suffrage be better than universal sut-
frage?" No, not if manhood suffrage is a right;
and claim that 1t is a right, not permission
certainly not when IL is not impartial. Can
voting be impartial after excluding one-half OF
the adult population on the ground of sex? We
have advanced so far through the four years of
war that we have got over our prejudice against
color and much of our prejudice against our ma
tonal diferenees; but we have not got over our
prejudice against sex. Yet / would accept
impartial suffrage in q restricted sense as
the best l could get and take that as a
vantage ground on which to make better
vestige of opposition. would you admit with
out education all men to the vote together" |
could not read % nor writer" would. would
you go so far as to admit the Chinaman of Cali
brought within the establishments of regular
organized political society, l would: would
their Intention of becoming citizens. us
there tieS not vast ia danger OF being delagefd
9es 9ese do S"G not Know any PoRSs
human life that is not submerged with
dangers. Inc @ most dangerouis, thing gam man o can
among dangers all through lite. (Applause.)
1t is dangerous to admit every man 70 vote.
and IL is dangerous to exclude from the vote.
and safety over the ballot box. (Applause.)
The best condition OF the best men requires
that they should be educated, and all men made
capable of their civil duties. It is dangerous to
have so many ignorant men; therefore, do away
with ignorance, and make them safe.
SUFFRAGE AN EDUCATOR.
But suffrage is itself powerful education.
Consider what questions have been discussed
in camp, in cottage, in the shop, in the hust-'
1ngs, i'll the papers; the rights of men, the
structure of society, the nature of Government,
the policy of States. the limits of war, the laws
become familiar with great questions during
the education of the war. When man has q
When Patrick first comes over here no one
cares for him, but after he is naturalized he has
Ss meal rsSdy to teach me h w6c% way
to vote, and at the end of five years he can
agree to exclude criminals, idiots, those not of
age, and paupers, with women. You are not
Of m re tnS we
clude criminals because they have forfeited
their rights under society. Idiots, because they
| are not men. A watch case is not O watch and
! q man-case is not man. (Sensation) We eX-
clude those under age because we must have
some time when man becomes man. Pau
| peIs are excluded. but pauperism is not
criminal, and paupers ought not to for
felt political rights. 1t is shame for mis-
fortune and trouble to be disgrace. Pau
pers ought to vote. But how about women
Can any reason be given why the natural
rights Of women are not just the same as the
natural rights OF man? Can you say because
she is a woman she has not the rights of reason,
moral sentiment, social affection, and all the
rights Of citizenship that man has? What II
by some accident civil power had first been put
into the hands OF women and the question was,
whether men would be admitted to suffrage,
now what kind of argument would you have in
saying, "God made women specially to govern"
1 think 1 could make it, priori, a much
stronger argument against mems coming now
and voting than now men are able TO make 1t
against womens voting.
woMAN's INFLUENCE ON PUBLIC AFFAIRS.
think the latter question of civilization is
such as indicates providentially indicates, a
peculiar want of that which woman's mind
brings to the influence of public affairs. In the
beginning of society its wants and interests are
largely material and physical In the material
condition of affairs, as an adjunct and attri-
butte to 1t, these are characteristics; but as
society unlolds and developes more and more,
the question arises, does IL not become more in
tellectual, more ethereal and esthetical? Woman
is peculiarly adapted by her organization her
instincts, her Judgment, her own love of thought
adapts her to be wise and maJured on ethical
and esthetical questions. The question of educ
cation is more and more in voguue. The great
question OF to-day are the questions OF humatty,
OF reformation, of neutrality-suspicious. of labor,
questions of ten thousand suffering in human
society. All these are becoming legislative
questions. These are the very questions that
woman's mind Is peculiarly organized TO
judge Of and to judge of wisely. We need
these elements whether women needs to
vote or not, men needs to have them to
of women in politics, and in morality is
| not to be left unconsidered. Now public
affairs are selfish, sordid, and coarse, and
! men are unjust and will be So as long as the
and this will be seen by what has taken place
wherever woman has mingled her influence
| with man-in the schoolhouse, In the church,
in the neighborhood, in civilization, in society
at large. Civilization and refinement Will take
| place wherever woman mingles her influence
in the administration OF public affairs. II is
daughter to dabble in the turmoil and excite
ment of public affairs? My reply is, the pre-
sence of women will take away the excitement
and change the nature OF THINKS IN tnls respect;
not day perhaps, or tomorrow. But do you
believe that the candidates for public ot11ce
would present themselves as candidates with the
knowledge that women would vote, that such
men would show their faces as now unDlusn-
| ingy as candidates. (Applause.) DO you be-
| lieve that if the Judgment of Woman's moral
sense, of mothers, wives, and sisters, were To
that such things would be tolerated that exists
| now almost with lmpunity? DO you not believe