The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-06-15

errors.r IN other words, the President has
made mp his mind 20 oonstrue the bill ia his
own way. He has got an opinion from STAN
berry, and will issue his orders. If he can
only induce Sheridan and Sicltles 20 execute
these orders, the country will not feel as badly
as would be expected IL he were to remove
them. Sheridan may consider his "errors''
forgiven If he will only do what he is told and
sin no more. .-.- -
If this statement is true we feel that the
President has taken a very grave step, and is
treading ON dangerous ground. We have tried
to show the purpose of this Military bill, and
the moral obligation assumed by the President.
We have earnestly entreated the President not
to violate law which twas understood he
would execute. We claim that il is not exc
cutting the law TO restore Monroe red-handed
to office, and to give Wells another chance at
the four millions which are said to have ex-
cited his political cupidity. The organ from
which we are quoting makes no such claim,
but puts the decision upon other grounds.
"Andrew Johnson" il assures us, in that
spirit of elegant toadyism which seems to be
official, 'fs no less patriot in the Executive
chair than he was in the dark days of $780,"
the radicals want a military regime in the
South to perpetuate their power, 'and the
nation cares more for peace and permanent
union than it does for any or all parties" In
other words, this whole measure is radical
eontrivance, intended as an eleetioneering
dodge, and his Excellency, the patriot of 1850,
intends to put his foot down and have no more
of it. Instead of executing laws according to
Congress, these radical Generals must obey
his commands. If Sheridan will not we pre-
sumo Rousseau will, or, in last resort, we
have Custar. The country is expected to view
these acts in the interest of "peace and per-
manent union" ...af I..#
The purpose of the Military bill is TO give
certain Generals supreme power. To that
ohc oil
command, and all officers, civil or military,
are merely so many lieutenants for the ex-
preston of his will. If any officer interferes
with this duty, he is to be put aside. Con-
gress intended this, and, what is more, the
President recognized the intention. "The
power thus given to the commanding officer,''
he said in his veto message, "over all the
people of each district is that of an absolute
monarch His mere will is to take the place
of all law" 'No master ever had a control
so absolute over his slaves as this bill gives
to the military officers over both white and
colored persons" And so on, with the most
elaborate argument. How can the President
reconcile his present decision with the reason
ing of the veto message Congress intended
these soldiers to have absolute control. Buthow
can their control be so if under his command
certain civil officers are permitted to exercise
| independent and irresponsible powers How
| can General Sheridan carry out this bill with a
! hostile Governor like Wells, with Monroe con-
trolling the police, and Abell proclaiming the
| lawH If it is wrong to remove Wells, it is, of
course, wrong to interfere with him, and if
| that person makes up his mind that the Re-
construction bill shall not be obeyed, what can
Sheridan do Behind Wells stands the Presi-
! dent, and he bids his General to stay his
hands, and allow these civilians to do as they
| please. He protects them as unassailable. In
| palmer terms, under the Presidents construc-
tion of this bill, the Generals Commanding
have no more power in the South than General
Meade in Pennsylvania or General Halleck in
California. Reconstruction passes from the
military to the civil power, and by civil power
us for five years in war. 1t is an impertinence
to suppose that Congress intended anything o
the kind
We feel that the President is treading on
dangerous ground-not only for himself but
for the country. His organ assures us that ht
does not forget he was a patriot in 1860
which MEANS we fear, that he is in comba
tive ugly humor, and intends to have another
contest with the radicals. This humor is a
small consideration. We leave the President
and the radicals to fight it out. Beyond al
we see danger to the country. insecurity
comes to the North, anxiety to the South; oul
discussions grow angry and bitter; the gentle
soothing work of reconstruction is arrested anC
postponed. We wish for the best but W,
confess to much uneasiness. We had hopeC
for a reunion of these States in the next Con
gress, on the basis of impartial suffrage anC
all rights for all. We still cling to that hope
The President seems disposed to postpone tn
day, but he can only postpone it. The da.
must come.