The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-08-03

y
and Henry corresponded on terms of the most
atlectionate intimacy. Washington begged
him to go back to the Virginia Legislature,
which he did, and it was at this time Henry
wrote letter, from which we wish, in conolu-
sion, we could make some extracts, every word
of which, if seen, would have been gall and
wormwood to Mr.. Jefferson and his Gallo
maniacs. We are compelled here to close our
effort to do exact justice to the honored dead
especially the dead of that great and glorious
Commonwealth-the mother of States and
creator of the constitutional Union-now,
NiObe in her vOiceless woe.
The Military COmmanders-The Presi-
dent and His Policy.
From, The Times
The intention of the President to remove
General Sheridan naturally affords encourage
ment to the opponents of the law in other
military districts. The enemies of the Union
and of honest government in Louisiana, who
have succeeded in enlisting the support of
the President, are already followed by kindred
spirits from Alabama. eff Sheridan is to be
removed, why not Pope 3' is the query with
which they corner Mr.. Johnson. To this in
quiry there can be no satisfactory answer.
The course of the two Generals named has
been identical in principle and purpose. Both
have interpreted the law in the same sense,
and both have deemed the deposition of un-
trustworthy civil officers essential to the effec-
tive working of the reconstruction scheme.
If the President, then, interfere for the benefit
of the Rebels and the corrupt politicians at
New Orleans, can he do less for his friends
and petitioners at Mobile Their complaints
come within the same category. They are as
reasonable, as just, as proper in one case as in
the other. If Sheridan is to be decapitated,
with what decency can Pope be allowed to
keep his official head Nay, if Sheridan is to
suffer because of his fidelity to the loyal pur-
poses of the people, and his adherence to the
known intent of the law, who among the dis
trict commanders will care to expose himself
to the suspicion of being unfaithful to his
trust? For, plainly speaking, that will be the
imputation under which every commander
will rest who may not suffer from the Presi-
dents abuse Of the power of removal. When
he intlicts the threatened punishment upon
Sheridan, whose otfense is the administration
of the law in the interest of the Union rather
than of the Rebellion, Pope and Sickles and
Orr and Schofeld may well pray to share the
same fate. Not to be removed will be to incur
suspicious which few besides the President are
willing to encounter.
But how will the removal of Generals who
have proved themselves loyal and energetic
help the President? His object, as we under
stand it, is quite as much to defy Congress as
to punish officers who have acted according to
a stern sense of duty. His organs tell us that
he will not suffer General Grant to exercise the
authority which the Supplementary act
explicitly reposes in him; that he (Mr. John
SOM, will assert his right to revise the district
commanders action, to check their proceed
ings, and to dictate the course they shall pur-
sue. There can be nodoubt as to the meaning
of these intimations. They foreshadow an
other conflict between the President and the
representatives of the people. Whether he
intend it or not, they viii provoke storm be-
fore which all he has and all he can do will be
swept into nothingness. If he were not insen-
sible to the signs of the times, he would hear
and heed the mutterings which the mere an
tioipation of the removal of Sheridan has
evoked. He would remember that the mis-
Interpretation of the law which the Attorney
Generals opinions rendered possible brought
Congress together one month ago; and he
would thence infer the probable effect of pro-
ceedings by which he proposes to array the
power of the Executive openly against the
will of Congress, and to get rid of those in
whom that body reposes unbounded conf
dence. .aJ
Another circumstance is not unworthy of
Mr.. Johnson's attention. The advocates of
impeachment have been in a minority thus
far, in consequence of desire to avoid ex-
treme measures, as well because of the coun-
try's need for peace, as because of the belief
that the President would interpose no further
obstacle to the operation of the law. All this
will change the moment Mr.. Johnson makes
known his purpose to disregard the law, and
to employ the opportunities of his position
adversely to the Congressional plan. Think
you that such a display as that which Mr.
Johnson is confidently said to contemplate
will not invest the demand for impeachment
with vitality it has not hitherto possessed
Here will be a positive act-an unmistakable
contravention Of the law-just such an issue
as the extremists have watched for; and who
can doubt its effect on the popular mind and
on Congress Beginnings of this effect may
be traced now. Journals which have steadily
deprecated impeachment, hint that, after all
it may be a necessity. The Chicago Tribune
and the Albany Erening Journal are OF the
number. The habitually moderate Providence
Journal, inspired as it is by Senator Anthony
recognizes the necessity for pointing out the
tendency of the Presidents conduct to
strengthen the impeachment party. Nothing
short of blindness or faulty can ignore the
fact. The States composing the Government,
having put down the Rebellion and asserted
their determination to enforce certain oondi-
tions upon the South, are not likely to permit
the President TO resist their will. We are re-
luctant to abandon the hope that prudent
friends will induce him to arrest his steps ere
the fatal line be passed. For if the contest
really become one between Mr.. Johnson and
his policy and the governing States and their
policy, the result will be beyond dispute. The
country may suffer meanwhile from embittered
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