Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1867-10-18


other men may own him and dispose OF him
and his property for their uses aud at their
pleasure.
Previous to the war, there were some grounds
for saying that-in theory, at least if not in prac-
tice-our Government was free one that it
rested on consent. Bnt nothing of that kind can
be said now, if the principle OH which the war
was carried on by the North is irrevocably es-
tablished.
If that principle be not the principle Of the Con-
stitution, the fact should be known. If it be the
principle of the Constitution, the Constitution
itself should be at once Overthrowp.
Notwithstanding all the proclamatiOns we have
made to mankind, within the last ninety years,
that our Government rested OH consent and that
that the only rightful basis which any
| Government could rest, the late war has practi-
cally demonstrated that Government rests
upon force-as much so as any Government that
ever existed.
The North has TINS virtually said to the world {:
1t was all very Will to pirate OF consent so long as
the objects to be accomplished were to hberate
| ourselves from Or connection with England, and
also to coax scattered and jealous people into a
great National Union; but now that those pur-
poses have been accomplished, end the power Of
the North has become consolidated, 1t is sufficient
| for us, as for all Governments, simply to say ::
| our pOoCe7' is our right.
| The Round Table, weekly periodical of
politics, literature, science and art, also
contains many articles of interest. Its re-
views of late publications are IN good taste
and excellent spirit. It's leading article is
upon the vexed question Of negro suffrage.
It regards this as the single and sufficient
rock which has shattered and threatens to
sink the Republican ship. Nor does 1t be-
ieve that the American people are prepared
to accept even the partial rule Of the race
they have just set free. Its ground is that
the constituents which assented to and
fought for emancipation, cannot be got
to assent to, even if they do not prac-
tically fight against black enfranchisement;
and that while the negro has right to his
freedom, he has, by no means, the same
right to the sugrage.
This question is evidently discussed in
reference to the issue on this subject pend
ing at the North. It is remarked:
There is no escape from two momentous facts
first that the character of representation has
become low and discreditable and secondly, that
to introduce more ignorance into constituent
ces must make it more low and more dscredita-
Bile We may dodge and twist and look the other
absolutely escape. The black man may be
educated pertdp5-aIthOuSh utterly with
out precedents, or, rather, the presidents have
made against the assumption. Bus, if we sup
pose him to be educated, 1t will necessarily have
been work Of time, and IN the Interim his
plOyment of the suffrage may have superseded tho
educational necessity. The notion that voting
helps to educate has, Of course, some demonstra-
bic foundation, but not enough to Justify the
enormous risks Which implicit dependence upon it
would i'll this case entail
The blacks will certainly have the balance of
power and rule the country more absolutely
than their former masters ruled it in the odon
time. 1t is easy enough TO offer consolation in
the persons OF exceptional individuals and 10
promise chronological development which shall
bring wonderful and little expected results. The
fact remains that wherever the world the ne
gro has power-that is to say, control over him
self or Others-he is a barbarian, cannibal,
seller Of his own race into slavery. The british
clements which are dormant or suppressed under
bondage may be eradlcated III freedom they
may, also, develop into modified forms Of cruelty,
unreason and faulty, such as viii produce, NOV
ing Ii mass mOurntul, fantastic ana III national
sense, most degrading results The friends OF the
negro very sauSulne and perhaps their hopes
of retaining a long lease OF his gratitude are well
founded but ii entirely fulfilled, can
scarcely admit that the best interests of the coun
try would be thereby exclusively subserved.
It considers that3 what the Republican
party calls healthful progress, is in reality,
unconstitutional revolution, and that their
great mistake is that they are endeavOring
to run the engine of war, after the fires
which formerly generated the requisite
steam for this purpose, have been extin-
guished In other words, thai the Union
no longer requires to be saved. This is
accomplished. The whole object Of the
Republican organization, regardless of
the public welfare, is to save their party.
The position of the American people is
thus stated:
The mass Of the Northerners, while frm III their
defence of national unity and, after given Pc
ROD III their resolve to overthrow slavery went in
their adhesion to those principles to the extreme
length that they were prepared to go. The Union
preserved and slavery OVcrthrOWn, the great de-
sire OF that mass has been to restore the St0tu
guO ante bclitUl in every respect which is compat-
IDLE with obviously irrevokable changes. From
the termination of hostiiities the Republican par
ty, through causes, perhaps. unavoidable, and in
spite of its efforts to avoid such contiDge
has slowly but surely drifted into position which
felt to be hostile to the best Interests of the
united nation. It might be more accurately said
that, slavery abolished and unity secured, there
manned no principles in the Republican practice
which the aggregate intelligence OF the country
could accept sagaciOus or patriotic.
Moreover, although the work Of ending the w&r
was largely done by Republicans, it is falacy 10
less fragrant because their most favoIite one 10
assume that it was done by Republicans alone.
Even II 1t had been, 1t IS not by constitutional
means that they can retain power after the great
majority Of American citizens are convinced that
such retention is untavorable to harmonious re-
construction, to diminished taxation, and, IN fine,
to the solid prosperity Of the country. Unconsti
tutlonal means have certainly been threatened,
and it will be no equivocal test of the patriotism
which has been widely vaunted if, for parry
purposes the Republican leaders shall venture to
resort to we'll as 20 threaten them. The way
before us is perpleXing, and the situation Is felt
by the thoughtful to be one which may lead to
enormous, and what five years ago would have
been thought impossible. changes. Men do not
claim confidently they once did that the
emancipation OF the black is certain to as
ALL Of course, strive to hope for the best, hope to
pass through all cur troubles by peaceful and
equitable means, but contrary experience may
come upon Us when least expected. The elections
prove the existence Of a determined feeling
against policy which is, however, felt to be es-
sentiai to the salvation OF powerful party hold
ing in its hands extraordinary opportunities and
powers. From this dilemma none can tell what
may be evolved; but unless we re I'd the signs Of
the times and measure the antagOnisms of race
very incorrectly the nation at large, should sdch
alternative be forced upon it, would sooner
submit to single dictator than to million in
the persons Of black men.
It is one of the signs of the tines when
views of this character are presented boldly
and distinctly in journals of position and
respectability, and which in measure rep
resent the thought and intelligence Of the
country.
On the other hand, the Nation, the lead
ing weekly organ of the Radical party, in
its last issue, openly advocates that there is
no value in the Constitution at present,
except as ddoice to Congress. In other
words, that it is not of binding efficacy
And to this position its party has been
driven to sustain itself. Its language on
this point is significant
There is probably no difficulty in the recon-