Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1867-11-08

two DAYS IN railway car would take
them all out of the limits OF the ex're5e
States, and place them among the zeal
Gus white friends who affect so deep an
interest In their welfare. This fact is a
complete answer To all the Republican
defamation. IL we have land enough
and employment enough for hall
tho population of Ireland and Ger
many, we have enough for our
black population. When the negroes are
at full liberty, and within the reach OF
good treatment by an average ride Of a
single Fay on railroad, it is an afiront
to common sense TO pretend that the
success Of the Republican policy is ne
cessary for their protection. they are
oppressed OF the South they are free to
90 elsewhere. The fact that they prefer
10 stay is proof that they are reasona-
bly, we'll treated; and is better that they
should pay one railroad fare TO escape
from oppression, il oppression should
ever come, than that every Northern
laborer should be taxed ten times as
much year after year TO protect them
from imaginary future wrongs.
We are saddled with these burdens,
not TO protect the negroes, but TO protract
the rule of the Republican party The
Constitution is violated to make Repub-
lican voters from no other motive If
the people of New York shall faithfully
discharge their duty tomorrow, the Re-
publicans will not dare to persist in their
reckless scheme, and their party will be
so shattered that it can never recover its
power. We trust, therefore, that no
accidents Of weather will keep any
Democratic voter from the polls.
A good conscience and the exulta-
ton of victory on Wednesday
morning, will compensate him for his
fidelity and public spirit, to say nothing
Of the important step taken towards
substituting cheap but priceless good
will for the costly Army and Freedmen's
Bureau which the Republicans compel
us TO maintain in the South. Ofsuccess
Tomorrow we entertain no doubt; but ii
the majority shall be great and resplen-
dent, the reconstructed State govern.
ments, now in process of birth, will not
live long enough to cry.
And in another article in the same
paper the issue then to be decided, and
which has now been pronounced, is thus
set forth
Not that the rebellion was causeless,
not that slavery was unjust, not that the
national debt should be paid but whether
to commit the government Of the South
to the blacks; practically in all the South.
ern States, and of necessity in most of
them, for in most the blacks are in the
majority. Are the people of New York
ready to intrust the lives and property
and civil rights of millions of their own
race to the keeping of negroes2 Even
if the men deserved such fate, are we
willing to commit their wives and child.
rem to black government?
The prosperity of the South is our
prosperity. Its wealth adds to ours. Its
wealth will pay taxes to the government
and diminish those we have to pay. Its
wealth will aid to pay our national debt.
Would we trust our own business to the
ofplantation negroes And
can we expect the South to prosper under
their control? Black government has
ruined Hayti. Can it restore Louisiana ? |
But more than this. These blacks
elect Senators to Congress- They elect
Representatives. They vote upon the
tariff, they vote to lay taxes on us, and
have a voice in all measures affecting |
our prosperity and our dearest rights.
We may be ready TO let them govern and
destroy the South, but are we ready to
submit ourselves to the yoke of four mil
lions of blacks, who will send more
to Congress than the
whole State of New York;
These are the questions upon which
we are to vote on Tuesday. The larger
the majority the more decisive the YER
dict On what terms the South shall be
to representation in Congress,
Or whether they shall be admitted at ALL
will be settled afterwards. That is not
now question. But in the name of
Justice to ourselves, and of mercy to the
people we have subdued, let Us save them
md us from this threatened negro gov