The Louisiana Democrat. [volume] (Alexandria, La.) 1845-1918, 1867-12-18


interest, much less of party predominfnce
but of duty, of highland sacred duty, which
we are all sworn to perform. If we cannot
the constitution with the cheerful
alacrity Of those who love and believe in it
we must give to it at least tie fidelity OF
public servants who act under solumn OBJ
legations and commands which they dare
not diregard. @ 9'
The constitutional duty is not the only
one which requires the States to berrestof-
ed There is another consideration which,
though of minor importance, is yet OF great
weig ht. On the 22d day ofJulv, 1861 Con-
gress declared by an almost unanimous
vote of both Houses, that the war should
be conducted solely for the purpose of pre-,
serving the Union and maintaining the SUI
premacy Of the Federal constitution and
laws, without affecting the dignity, equali-
ty and rights Of States orindividuals; and
that when this was done the war should
cease. ] do not say that this declaration
is personally binding on those who Joined
in making it, any more than individual
members of Congress are personally bound
to pay public debt created under q law
for which they voted, but it was solemn
public official pledge of national honor,
and cannot imagine upon what grounds
the reputation of it is to be justified. II
it be said that we are not bound to keep
faith with rebels, let it be remembered
| that this promise was not made to rebels
only. A Thousands Of Union men in the
South were drawn to our standard by it,
and hundreds of thousands in the North
gave their lives in the belief that it would
| be carried out 1t was made on the day
after the first great battle Of the war had
been fought and lost All patriotic and
intelligent men then saw the necessity Of
giving snch an assurance, believing that
without it the war would end in disaster
to our cause. Having given that assurance
in the extremity of our peril, the violation
of it now, in the day of our power, would
be rude rending Of that good faith which
holds the moral world together. Our
country would cease to have any claim
J upon the confidence of men. 1t would
make the war not only failure, but a
: fraud. Being sincerely convinced that
: those views are correct, Iwould be unfaith.
} tul to my duty if / did not recommend the
; repeal of the acts of Congress, which pla'
ces ten of the Southern States under the
: domination of military masters. Ii calm
: reflection shall satisfy a majority OF YOU
0 honorable bodies that the acts referred tt
: are not only violation of national faith
q but in direct conflict with the constitution
/ dare not permit myself to doubt that YOU
o will Immediately strike them from To!
/ statute book to demonstrate the unconstl
: tutional character of those acts. / neet
/ do no more than refer to this general pro
j. vision, It must be seen at once that the.
e are not authorized to dictate what altera
tions shall be made ia the constitutions
4 the several States to control elections Q
T. State legislators, State officers, members
re Congress, and Electors OF President an
IS Vice President by. arbitrarily declarln
re who shall vote and who shall be exclude
s. from that privilege; to dissolve State Leg
lie islatures or prevent them from assembling
u to dismiss judges and other civil function
IL aries of the State, and appoint others VIII
g out regard to State law; to organize an
ut operate all the political machinery OF tn
n States; to regulate the whole admlnlstr'
,e, ton of their domestic and local affairs a
he cording to the mere will of strange and
ur responsible agents sent, among them Il
ce that purpose. These are powers not gran
IN ed to the Federal Government or to al
Dis. one of it's branches. Not being granite
Or we violate our trust by assuming them
in palpably as we would by acting In u
lb- face of a positive interdict, for the cons
lis tuition forbids us to do whatever 1t do
raj not afirmatiyely authorize, either by
nc press words or by clear implication. Ii
ln- thority we desire to use does not come
we us through the constitution, we can ex'
in. else it only by usurpation, and usurpatl
er- is the most dangerous of political Grim
re- By that crime the enemies OF free COVE
tn. ments. in all ages, have worked out tn
TVS designs against public liberty and priv
n.y. right. 1t leads directly and immediate
her to the establishment Of an absolute ru
pre- for undelegated power is always unlimlt
her and unrestrained. The acts OF Congr
iga- in question are not only objectionable
pro- their assumption ofungranted power, !
city many of their provisions are IN conn
urts with direct prohibitions OF the constr
pen, ton, which commands that 6 republic
mes form of government shah be guarant
ven- to all the States; that no person shall
lori deprived of life, liberty, or property, W
and out due process of law; arrested Within
Why judicial warrant, or punished withou
yed. fair trial before an impartial jury; t
ave the privilege of habeas' corpus shall moi
'ded denied in time Of peace; and that no
this of attainder shall be passed, even agaii
its q single individual. Yet that system
ex- measures, established by these acts OF
On eress, does totally subvert and destroy
the form as well as the substance OF repu
mis- can government in ten States to WI
lave they apply. It binds them hand and
erve in absolute slavery, and subjects Their
the a strange and hostile power more .unlll
ent ed and more likely to be abused than
lged other now known among civilized .
and Tt tramples down all these rights IN WI
i'm the essence of liberty consists, and vi
lent free government is always most careiu
ome protect. 1t denies habeas corpus and
nfu- lby Jury. Personal freedom, property.
we life, if assailed by the passion. prejpdlel
tile capacity of the ruler, have no sscul
e in whatever, It has the effect Of Q bill 9
the tainder, or bill of pains and penalties,
1T to upon few individuals, but upon "
masses, including the millions who art
5ates habitants of the subject States, ana
the their unborn children. flal
to be These wrongs being expressly forbid
d by cannot be constitutionally inflicted !
tiles. any norton Of our people, no matter
and they may have come within our J9rl
their tion. and no matter whether they nv
t the States, Territories or Districts. hay
the desire to save from the proper and
xpel- consequences of their great crimes !
| the who engaged in the rebellion against
ment Government. but as mode OF punlshr
stood the measures under consideration arr
trea-' most unreasonable that could be inye
OF be. Many Of those people are perfectly
reser- cent; many kept their fidelity TO
ect Of Union untainted to the last many a
lions capable of any legal offence A larg.
olicy. ton of persons able to bear arms were u,
field ed into the rebellion against their VIII
ciple. of those who are guilty with their
it the consent, the degrees Of guilt are as g Va
thing as the shades OF their character and
or in ner. But these acts of Congress con- ,11
each them all together. One common ~ lndis
'epeal mate vengeance upon classes, sectS
ether, parties, or upon whole communites !
elong fences committed by portion OF
ut, or against governments to which they
A that o6edience, was common IN barpaIons
inches nf the world, but Christianity and CT
Ixecu- ton have made such progress that re'
{. and Tn a punishment so cruel and unjust