The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1867-04-10

assumption the question of the execution or
disfanchisement of the guilty was left open
and might be resorted to at once, or held
dependent upon future developments. But
he cut off the resort to general executions, by
proclamation of limited amnesty, to which
he added, from time to time, many special
pardons. Still holding the population un-
der the restraints of martial law, and acting
under his power as COMMANDMENTS chief of
the conquering army, he ordered initiatory
steps to be taken to re-establish civil author
ity. In this proceeding he resorted to dis
franchisement tn a very limited extent, no
ping by such display of magnanimity to in
spire the insurgent citizens with feeling of
gratitude, and by thus bringing them back
to sense of reason and duty, to avoid the
necessity of severer measures. This proceed
ing was experimental only, and served to
test the temper and purposes of those who
had been so lately in rebellion. The whole
was forced on the insurgent States by military
power and at the point of the bayonet 1t
was at variance with all republican forms,
| and could therefore have no validity, except
| under the supervisory sanction of the civil
authority. Congress was, perhaps, more
| properly the authority to have commenced
| those proceedings in the beginning. But, it
| could, by its sanction, possibly have waived
the informally, and confirmed them at any
time. 1t had the same power to set them
aside and commence anew, at any time. 1t
was question of policy only. And that
policy was dependent on the success of the
Presidents humane effort to subdue the re-
belliousspirit of the insurgent citizens by
magnanimity and kindness, and thus avoid
resort to the more stringent measures of
personal punishment and Acknowledgement
Congress decided to await the result before
confirming the Presidents proceedings, and
threw itself upon the nation in the fall cleo
tions of 1866. We all know the result
They are satisfied that the Presidents ex-
pertinent is failure, and that the peace and
safety of the republic require severer meas
ures. And we arc obliged to admit that this
conclusion has been reached with so much
show of reason, and in consequence of
course of conduct on the para of the leaders
of the rebellion bordering upon actual mad
ness. But it may be a principle Of human
nature, that men too full of evil lose the
common prudence of temporary conceal
ment Or is it that Providence has again in
terposed in behalf of the republic, by inspi-
ring them with the restless audacity to dis
play their designs before it came too late to
defeat them?
After having spread desolation and ruin
around them, led their fellow-citizens to sub
jugation and become themselves abject sup
plants upon the mercy OF the conQueror, it
was reasonable to suppose that the instiga-
tors and leaders of the rebellion would not
stand in the way of settlement of our
troubles, but would leave to Others, less
/ Al, Ill. + Ne
restoring the State to its former relations
in the Union. This course on their part
seemed to be plainly dictated by common
regard to propriety and selfrespect, Ia say
nothing of public policy. All knew that
there had been aroused in the Northern
mind want of confidence at least, in those
who had put in imminent jeopardy the life
of the nation, and who had just been sub
dued at such immense expenditure of blood
and treasure 1t was much to expect that
mercy would be so far regarded as to spare
their lives and estates. But it was absurd
to hope that power in the government would
be Immediately permitted to go into their
hands, and the most guilty leaders restored
to the position, the influence of which they
had so recently turned to such disastrous
use. That such would be permitted was
clearly forbidden by common prudence, by
regard for the national safety, and de-
cent respect for the calamities and outraged
feelings of the loyal masses. The base as
sassination of President Lincoln, growing
out of the rebellion, if not instigatcd by
some of its leaders, had impressed the pub
lie mind deeply with the reckless desper-
alton and wiokedness that had been engen-
dered by the dispersion of the rebel ar
mics. The successor of President Lincoln
had often, in the most emphatic, forcible
language, set forth the necessary policy-de-
claring that if but five thousand loyal men
could be found in State, its government
would be committed solely to their hands.
The people of North Carolina seemed, at
first. to respond to the evident requirements
of the situation. In the election of dele
gates 10 the Convention ordered in 1865,
they chose a large majority of such as had
been eminent for disaffection to the Confed-
eracy and averse to continuing the rebellion.
To this judicious and reasonable action of
the people little opposition was raised by
those who were then trembling with fear of
punishment for their unpardoned crimes
But before the election for members of the
Legislature called by that Convention, the
extensive amnesty of the Presidents procla-
nation, and the indiscriminate grants of
private pardons, instead of awakening graf
itude and repentance, served to inspire issu-
rance and hope, and to embolden the insti-
gators and leaders of the rebellion to uni
ted, but then cautious effort to regain their
power in the State and national councils.
They did not, indeed, dare at that time, as
general thing, to put forward their most
notorious characters, but took the more pru-
dent course of uniting upon such of their
least Objectionable opponents, as they had
reason to believe had been rendered most
disaffected to the federal government by the
loss of slaves, and most likely to be won to
their purposes When the Legislature as
sembled such of the rebel leaders as had
been returned to seats in it, and such Others
as they had succeeded in gaining over to
their interests, united in unwavering sup
port of those measures and candidates for
Office that seemed best calculated to regain
and rc-establish their power and influence.
In many instances they succeeded in carry
ing their points. So damaging was the eff
feet of this conduct upon the federal rela-
tions of the State and so unexpected to the
national authorities, that the President of
the United States, who, from motives of mer-
cy and magnanimity, had unwittingly
opened the door to it, felt called upon to adj
minister his rebuke and remonstrance in the
following telegram:
WASHINGTON, Nov. 9th, 1865.
Hon. W. W. HOLDEN, Proc. Governor:
= "The results of the re-
cent elections in North Carolina have greatly
damaged the prospects of the State in the