The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-01-07

ence, and 10 enable IL 70 discharge, without
danger of interruption or infringement OF ITS
authority, the high functions for which II was
created BY the people. For this important puT-
pose IL was ceded to the United States by Mary
land and Virginia, and it certainly never could
have been contemplated, as one OF the OBJECTS
TO be attained by placing 1t under the exclusive
Jurisdiction OF Congress, that ~ Woulu aHoru 10
pIOpagandists or political parties place for an
experimental test Of Their principles and Jheo-
ries. While, indeed, the residents OF the
seat of government are not cluzens OF any
State, and are not, therefore, allowed a voice
in the electoral college, or representation in
the councils of the nation, they are, never
theless, American citizens, entitled as such
to every guarantee OF the Constitution
to every benefit OF the laws, and to every right
whiCn pertains to citizens OF our common
country. In all matters, then, affecting their
domestic affairs, the spirit OF our democratic
form of government demands that their wishes
should be consulted and respected and they
taught TO feel that, although not permitted
practically to participate in national concerns,
they are nevertheless under paternRl Govern
ment, regardful of their rights, mindful OF their
wants and solicitous for their prosperity. II
was evidently contemplated that all local ques-
tions would be left to their decision, at least TO
an extent that weuld not be lnconpat ole with
the object TOR which Congress was granted
elusive legislation over the seat OF government.
When the Constitution was yet under consdera-
ton, II was assumed by MIR. Madison that its
inhabitants would be allowed "a muni-
cipal legislature, for local purposes, derived
from their own sutIrages." When, for the
first time, Congress, in the year 1900, assembled
at Washington, President Adams, In his speech
at its opening reminded the two Houses that it
was for them to consider whether the local
powers over the District of Columbia, vested
by the Constitution in the Congress of the
United States, should be Immediately exercised,
| and he asked them to consider IT as the capt.
tai Of great nation, advancing with uneXatn-
pied rapIdity In arts, in commerce, in wealth,
and in population, and possessing within itself
WI thrown or
| lamentably misdlrected would secure to it
long course OF prosperity and seltgove1nment."
Three years had not elapsed when Congress
was called upon to determine the propriety OF
retToceding to Maryland and Virginia the juris-
dlctiOn OF the territory which they had re-
spectiyely relinQushed TO the Government of
the United States. II was urged, on the one hand,
that exclusive jurisdiction was not necessary
or useful to the Government; that it deprived
the inhabitants of the District of their political
! rights; that much of the time of Congress was
consumed in legislation pertaining to it, that its
: government was expensive; that Congress was
not competent to legislate for the District be-
/ cause the memoers were strangers to its local
concerns; and that it was an example of GOV
! ernment without representation-an experiment
dangerous to the liberties of the States. On the
! other hand it was held, among other reasons,
! and successfully, that the Constitution the acts
! OF cesson OF Virginia and Maryland, all
! contemplated the exercise OF exclusive
! legislation by Congress, and that its
usefulness, If not its necessity, was in
want of it by the Congress of the Coniedera-
hon; that the people themselves, who il was said
had been deprived OF their political rights, had
not complained and did not desire retroces-
sion; that the evil might be remedied by giving
them a representation in Congress wheE the
District should become sufficiently populous,
and in the meantime local legislature; that If
the inhabitants had not political rights, they
had great political influence; that the trouble
and expense of legislatlng for the District
| would not be great, but would diminish, and
! might IN great measure be avoided by local
! legislature; and that Congress could not retro
! cede the inhabitants without their consent
! Continuing TO live substantially under the laws
that existed at the time of the cession, and such
! changes only having been made as were sug-
! gested by themselves the people of the District
have not sought, by local Legislature, that
! which has generally been willingly conceded
| by the Congress of the nation.
As general rule, sound policy requires that
the Legislature should yield to the wishes of a
people, when not inconsistent with the Consti-
tuition and the laws The measures suited to
| one community might not be well adapted TO
the condition of another; and the persons best
qualified to determine such questions are those
! whose interests are to be directly affected
by any proposed law. In Massachusetts, for
! instance, male persons are allowed to vote
without regard TO color, provided they possess
q certain degree of intelligence. In popua-
ton in that State of 1921 ,066, there were, by
the census of 1860, only 1902 persons of color;
and of the males over twenty years of age,
there were 339,06 white to 1902 colored. By
the same official enumeration, there were III the
District of Columbia ,764 whites TO l4,3l6 per
sons OF the colored race. Since then, however
the population of the District has largely in
creased, and ii is estimated that at the present
time there are nearly hundred thousand whites
10 thirty thousand negroes.
The cause of the augmented numbers of the
latter class needs no explanation. Contiguous
to Maryland and Virginia, the District, durine
the war, became place Of refuge for those who
escaped from servitude, and 1t is yet the abiding
place OF considerable proportion OF those who
sought within its limits shelter from bondage
Until then held in slavery, and denied all oppor
TUNES for mental culture, their first knowledge
OF the Government was acquired when, by con
ierring upon them freedom, it became the bene
factor of their race; the test of their capablity
for Improvement began when, for the first time
the career OF free industry and the avenues Il
sesslng these advantages but a limited time
the greater number perhaps having entered
the District of Columbia during the late
years OF the war or since its termiuation-w'
may well pause 10 inquire whether, after so brie
probation, they'are as a class capable of al
INTELLIGENT exercise of the right of suffrage, anC
qualified to discharge the duties of official posi-
ton. Tue people who are daily witnesses o
their mode OF living and who have become
familiar with their habits of thought have eX
pressed the conviction that they are not yet com
petent to serve as electors, and thus become
eligible Tor Office in the local Governments under
which they live. Clothed with the elective
FRANCHISE their numbers, already largely in eX
cess OF the demand for labor, would b.
soon increased by an influx hom the ad
Joining States. Drawn from fields wheT
employment IS abundant, they would in vaiI
seek 1t here, and so add to the embarrassment
already experienced from the large class OF idl
persons congregated in the District. Hardl
yet capable OF forming correct judgments upOi
the important questions that often make tn
issues of political contest, they coull readil
! made gnDapFVinnf IN If