The Wheeling daily register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1864-1878, 1867-11-15
The World ON Reeon.,ructiou.

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No settlement has any reasonable
chance of durability which does not Sc
cure the concurrence of well on two
thirds or three-fourths of all our citi-
liens. A bare majority, on questions
which so profoundly agitate the public
mind, can settle nothing, because the
beaten minority will not despair of sue
cess on subsequent trial. The Con-
stitution wisely ordains that nothing
shall be inserted therein, without a
vastly outweighing preponderance OF
public sentiment in its favor; wisely
because there can be no stability which
does not rest like q pyramid, upon a
broad base.
Its "irst important preliminary is q
national conference composed Of men OF
moderation and character representing
all the various interests" From the
South it would call such men as WADE
HAMPTON, ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS,
Governor ORR, Ex-Governor BROWN,
WILLIAM C. RIvEs, General DICK TAY-
LoR and General LoNGsTREET. From
the North it would have men like the
late Governor ANDREW, HAMILTON
FISH, WILLIAM C. BRYANT, "and even
HORACE GREELEY" from the Republi-
cans, while "the Democrats would" of
course, "send their soundest and wisest
men," 1t thinks that a conference of
this kind, consisting of sixty or eighty
men of eminent standing, ripe expert
ence, and persuasive temper, would
succeed in finding some solution of our
national difficulties which would lift
the Union out of the slough of party
politics, and re-establish it on the only
basis whereon it can stand-that of
comprehensive, all-adjusting equity.
Any propositions which conference SO
composed should agree in recommend
ing, would probably be so intrinsically
fair, so marked by considerate and rec
onciling JUSTICE, that they would conf
mand popular support wide enough
to put them into the Constitution. if
that should be deemed their fittest em-
bodiment.
The business of the conference is
next laid out. Upon the all-important
negro question, "all parties must abate
something of their claims" Upon the
one side are the freads of immediate
and universal negro suffrage. Upon the
other side are the advocates of perma-
nent and universal negro disfranchise-
ment. Each must give up something.
but "the prompt restoration of the
Union" "is not attainable without
considerable concessions in favor
of the negroes" "Our own plan,"
says the World, "would be to
require Il five years probation from
the date of their emancipation, as
we do of the more intelligent white
immigrants who come hither from the
despotisms of the old world and then
admit the first generation on very
small property qualification, (say half
of what was required of the first gener-
alton of white freemen in this State,)
and in the second generation when a
majority of heads Of families will pro-
baby have become property
make the suffrage universal.
Next comes a conciliatory measure"
in the shape of the adoption of sundry
provisions of the Confederate Constitu-
ton. The first is the following:
"The principal officer in each of the
executive departments, and all persons
connected with the diplomatic service,
NAV be removed from office at the plea
sure of the President. All other civil
officers of the executive department may
be removed at any time by the Presi-
dent or other appointing power, when
their services are unnecessary, or for
dishonesty, incapacity, inetflciency, mis-
conduct, or neglect of duty; and when
so removed, the removal shall be re-
ported to the Senate together with the
reasons thereof"
This provision, the World thinks
"would prevent the country from bein G
convulsed, in every Presidential cleo
ton, by the reckless and selfish scram-
BILE for the control of the federal pat.
ronage, which is doing more than all
other causes to corrupt the people and
undermine the government"
If there were joined with it the pro-
vision of the Confederate Constitution
extending the Presidential term to six
years and making the incumbent after
wards ineligible, our Presidents would
no longer be tempted to subordinate
the interests of the country to the hope
of reelection.
Further recommendations of the same
character are made, as follows
awe also recommend the following
excellent provisions of the Confederate
Constitution: Congress shall appro-
pirate no money from the treasury ex-
cept by a vote of two-thirds of both
houses, taken by yeas and nays, unless
it be asked and estimated for by some
one of the heads of departments and
submitted to Congress by the President;
or for the purpose of paying its own ex-
penses and contingencies; or for the
payment of claims against the govern
ment the justice of which shall have
been judicially declared by tribunal
for the investigation of claims against
the government, which it is hereby
made the duty Of Congress to establish"
"All bills appropriatlng money shall
specify the exact amount of each appro-
priation and the purposes for which it
is made; and Congress shall grant no
extra compensation to any public con-
tractor, officer, agent or servant, after
such contract shall have been made or
such service rendered"
"The President may approve any ap-
preparation and disapprove any other
appropriation in the same bill. In such
case he shall, in signing the bill, desig-
nate the appropriations disapproved,
and shall return a copy of such appro-
priations, with his objections, to the
House in which the bill shall have
originated; and the same proceedings
shall be had as in the case of other bills
disapproved by the President
The World claims that the adoption
of these provisions would have happy
effect upon our own institutions as well
as the Southern people.
1t would be n compliment without
any concession; or if concession, we
should take more by it than we should
give. Itwould not emily be an evidence