The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-12-21
SPIRIT OF THE PRESS.
HDTToRIAL OPINIONS or THB LRAnINo JouRNALs
UPON CURRENT ToPIos-CoMPIJED EVERY
DAY FOB THB EVENING TKLBeRAFH.
The NomInatlon o. Grant.

ho deserted the party by which he was
ected, and strove to create a new party de-
oted to his personal interests, has made all
len of decided political convictions Justly
cautious of being again caught in the same
snare. No honest and intelligent citizen
whether Republican or Democrat, can think
with complacency of the possibility of repeat
ing in 1870 the disgraceful intrigues OF 1912
and 1866. Whatever error or wickedness
there may be in the doctrines of political
party, there is, at any rate, some consolation
in the certainty that such doctrines must be
honestly believed by large masses of men
before they could receive the sanction of a
platform"
The particular men who frame party plat
Orm may be utterly insincere; but the people
for whose satisfaction it is made must gene.
rally believe it, or it would not be supported
by politicians. This is true even of platform
like that of the Wings in 1852, which was
despised by majority of the party in the
Northern States. 1t was not made to please
that section of the party. 1t was framed by
Southern politicians, and fairly represented
the sentiments of all Southern Wings aud of
fully one-third of the party at the North.
Even if these did not include the majority of
disputed that the platform heartily ap-
proved by very large minority, and was
adopted in Difference to the wishes of the peo
pie, and not in servile submission to the will
of one man.
Not only is there a strong feeling in opposi-
Gon to all attempts to organize a personal
party, but there is great deal of doubt
among earnest members of the Republican
party as to the policy Of nominating a candi-
date not unequivocally identified with its past
history. majority of the party are disposed
to nominate General Grant, and probably have
felt disposed to do so ever since April, 1865.
But large minority, including many of the
most worthy, conscientious, and jealous Re-
publicans, are dissatisfied with the prospect,
and recall the names of Tyler and Fillmore as
melancholy illustrations of the same mistake
which has proved so disastrous in the nomi-
nation of Johnson. 1t will not do to override
such men without convincing them. And, as
we do not agree with their conclusions,
although fully sympathizing with their ulti-
mate purposes we shall endeavor to point ont
to them the distinctions between the cases
which have caused trouble in the past and the
policy to which they now object.
In the first place. it should be borne in mind
that it has always been a Vice-P President,
never an elected President, who has betrayed
the confidence of his party so far as to show
any tendency to go over to its adversary.
Messrs. Pierce and Buchanan betrayed the
confidence reposed in them by the people, but
did so only out of their extreme servility to
their party managers. Their error was pre-
cisely the opposite of that which has marked
the career of some Vice Presidents. 1t is
scarcely necessary to inquire into the reasons
of this difference while the fact of its existence
is admitted. The position of Vice President
is very unsatisfactory to an ambitious man;
and when he unexpectedly finds himself pro-
NOTED to the higher position, it may well hap
haf hp hu IN
elevation for which he did not look, and was
not qualified. He is selected, too with refer
ence only to the lower place. and in many
cases is chosen purely from considerations of
locality rather than with any regard to his
lbility or even to his national popularity.
He is never man who has had any reason
10 imagine that he could be a successful can
lidate for the Presidency, and he knows as
we'll as any one that he is nominated for the
Vice-P Presidency because he is not deemed
worthy, either then or ever, to be President.
Succeeding to the Presidency by an accident,
such man is not likely to feel any particular
gratitude to his party, which he knows not
merely did not mean to put him where he is,
but actually meant that he should never be
put there. Sure to have policy of his own,
he is less willing to defer to the wishes of his
party than he would have been had he felt
under obligations to it for his elevation. In
these and other respects there is an obvious
elected by the people and that of one succeed
ing to the Office by accident.
In the next place, the three Presidents who
disappointed the expectations with which they
were nominated were all notable politicians,
whose past record was well known, and whose
speeches had been quite as frequent as was
desirable. Mr.. Tyler had been in the Senate,
as well as in other departments of public lite,
before his nomination as Vice-President. Mr..
Fillmore had been the leader of his party in
the House of Representatives. Mr.. Johnson
had, as is now pretty generally known, filled
every Office in the gift of the people, from
alderman to senator. Nor were they silent
men. Mr.. Fillmore was not actually lOquacious,
but was never afraid to speak. 1t may be
remembered that in 1856 he ''swung around
Ehe CIRCLE in anticipation Of Mr.. Johnson; and,
hough his manner was that of a gentleman,
his success in that suicidal business was fully
loual to that of our present Chief Magistrate
Mr.. Tyler was an active debater; and, as to
Mr.. johnson, everybody knows what he is and
always was. 1t may therefore be inferred that
mere readiness to speak is not material safe
guard against the disappointment of party's
hopes.
But again, it must be considered that only
MessTs Tyler and johnson actually deserted
their party; and that these men were both
committed by their past record against the
measures to which their party was inclined
while they had never recanted their former
doctrines. The breach once made, they un-
dOubtedly went much further than was re-
ouired by mere consistency; tut at the out
set they simply wished to stand against the
progress of their party. The Wing party of
1840 was not committed to the re.establish-