The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-01-28
The AMENDMENT.
wendell Phillips speech Against its
HatificntlOn.

Annary "a, before the Joint Committee on
Ne deral Relations, to listen to arguments IN
aVOr of or against the passage, by the Legisla-
ture, OF the proposed amendment to the Com
stitution of the United States.
Wendell Phillips, after stating the several pro-
positions Oh tne amendment proposed TO discuss
the points laid down He said this amendment
had been nine months before the country: nine
months IN this age OF rapid progress was almost
An age; Legislation itself, by sheer necessity had
materially changed in nine months. He did
not desire to oppose the general policy OF Con.
gress, but events had rIpened so fast that if the
amendment lay on the table OF Congress for the
frst time TO day, it was by no means certain it
would receive majority OF votes. The feeling of
CONGRESS and OF the loyal masses had been
changed materially. The amendment had Aoated
ss far behind the present wish OF the nation as
had the amendment OF 1861. PracucalIv II was
OF little value. Falling back on the Executive
and the Supreme Court, the South had made
up its mind to oppose the amendment. Between
these two IL was evident that it would not be
carried, for the North alone could not carry it,
The action OF Massachusetts, therefore, could be
OF no importance except as a mere expression of
her oyinOn No man who visits Washlngtun
has any idea that the amendment will ever be
more than mere attempt. The amend
meut, technically says nothing about recon
stTuCt on; it makes three separate propositions
but has nothing looking directly or indirectly
TO this great question. Yet we are led 20 believe,
by the actlon OF the Republican National Com
mlttee, that these amendments we're the plans
of Congress as basis of reconstruction The
members OF Congress, many OF them. seem TO
laVor thls Gldea' and Mr.. Phillips quoted from
speech OF Governor Ward OF New Jersey, to the
same effect. Tue New York Herald which Ger.
taiDly looks at things practically all through
the last fall counselled the Southern States to
accept the amendments, and they could then
come into the Union. And the Republicans
who favor this view, II Massachusetts, rejects the
amendments, will say that Massachusetts rejects
the. congressional plan OF reconstruction. He
tnougOt ne mad demonstrated that the amend
ment, AS 1t stands to-day is of no practical yalue
One reason whywe should not accept the amend
ment, IS that we should pledge ourselves to a
prime pie while Others pledged themselves to
nothing. he hoped that Massachusetts would
see the necessity OF postpOning action if she
didn't refuse 1T. There was time enough to
make amendments to the Constitution when
they would be of some practical value. The
fact is we have got far beyond the proposed
amendment-we could not enforce it If we
Wonld-we must fight for more. Theatrical
Legislation is absurd; it don't settle vital prlnci-
pies. But suppose the Supreme Court arrays
hself against us; that the President is i'm peached
and that MIR. BOutWeils bill is carried, then will
our cause be strong and the South will tremble
for their safety. Th ey will then say that they will
accept the amendment, and Massachusetts hay-
ing committed herself to the measure, cannot re-
fuse to give them the terms they ask. Another
reason why he would not pass the amendment is
that there is no essential cause for so doing.
We pledge ourselves to principles, while the
other party do not pledge themselves at all. We
cannot read the future, so / would have our
h ands as Tree as those of the South do NOT
choose to be bound. Even il the South comes
in, who knows, after Messrs. Boutwell, and Sum-
ner have fought their battles and gained the
day, bat the South will turn back just in the
moment of victory, and save themselves by
accepting the amendment. Then what folly for
these Northern States to bind themselves to q
position to which the Southern States
will not be bound; if you do not
refuse that amendment postpone it; say
to-day it is OF no sort of consequence. Postpone
your decision Tor year, and we will then see
Whetherto accept 1t or not. We will not be bound
while the rest OF the country is not bound. The
body OF the public mind represented in the Su-
preme Court will not be bound; the body repre-
senting Southern interests, North and South
are not gong to be bound. Why should we, as
representing the radical element of the country
put ourselves down and be shackled by prnc-
pie? If it was the most innocent principle or
most unobjeCtonable measure in the world
would not be shackled-I want to be as tree as
others. would urgently, therefore, impress on
Massachusetts the necessity of postponing ac-
tion, If she does not absolutely refuse it. 1t is
time enough to amend the Constitution when
practical question is involved. When Congress-
by this second amendment, sits down and bids
the Southern States to come into the halls of
legislation as their co-equals, as a white mans
Government, practically shutting out the negro
race, he called it a swinde, while Mr.. Wilson
deemed 1t compromise. We say to Robert
Small, and Others of his class, and TO the
southern loyalists who stood by us during our
struggle, we give you over 10 your enemies. He
no ped Massachusetts would not be a party TO
such mOnstTous piece of injustice, not to say
inhumanitY. Turning to the third section we
see that certain men would be disfranchised:
they could not go to the ballot-box and throw
their vote; but does any mau doubt what the
popular feeling of the South is to-day? Early
in 1865 the South we're ready TO accept ANYTHING.
but when johnson in July intimated that he
was on their side, 1t resumed its old purpose TO
get on its feet and undertake to secure inside of
the Union what it had tailed to secure outside
of it by battle. There is no case in
history where minority sat down and
were contented TO try their contest only once.
You can go anywhere in the South and find
the 100000 people as thoroughly welded
to their ideas as we are. Wade Hampton to-
day believes that to admit the negro TO a share
IN the Government to teach the masses of the
people, is dangerous. They have sacrificed
wealth, social position, everything, and the
Southern people do not pretend to believe this,
but they do entertain such ideas. The effort of |
the North is to disarm the South from the pos |
sibility OF fighting again. The North saws we
such condition as to be competent to renew !
the hght. Is not that common sense? Com |
pare South Carolina with ourselves, how many |
Bull Runs would 1t take TO sweep the Declara. |
tiOn of Independence out of Massachusetts: il !
Will take Just as many defeats to sWeep ars- |
tocTacy out Of South Carolina. The Southern |
people are thoroughly welded to the idea that |
II would be anarchy 10 educate the npgro |
Wade Hampton is a man of conyictions-be Is !
sincere IN his opinions, and he is n repre- |
sentative man. The North must be a North of |
convictions in order to meet the South on its |
own grounds. The South has not given I'm the |
battle; it has only changed the methods OF car
Tylng on It's warfare. But he might be told !
that the third section of the amendment dis
Iranchises tnese Rebel leaders, and they could |
n JEFF. Davis had subdued the North. and car
ried out his boast that he would reconstruct
MassachuseIGs IKE unto South Carolina and