Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1867-02-06

worse than men or better than angels. But
| these interests are in direct conflict with the
corresponding interests of the Federal Gov
ernment. The reunited nation cannot hon
or Grant for preserving the Union and Lee
for attempting to destroy it. We cannot
mourn for the three hundred thousand u
MON dead and pension the men at whose
hands they fell. 1t will be another war OF
sectional interests to be fought over In the
Halls of Congress, the State Legislature, on
| the hustings, End then again, if opportunity
presents, on the field of blood. The lost
cause will take the place of the slave power
with larger investment to back it, and a
less repulsive face to defend.
What shall be done with this new element
of disntegration and strife? The Republl-
cans propose to dispose of it as they did
slavery-bury it by another amendment OF
the Constitution. And why shall not this
be done and the Union thus purified and
harmonized restored at once? Does Con
gress stand in the way? No,slr; Tor eight
months the two policies surge.
ry and Democratic opiates-were discussed
and contrasted in these Halls, and almost
everybody here came to the conclusion that
it was better to cure than palllate the dlsor-
der. The amendment was agreed to four to
one Do the people neglect their duty!
them and for three or four months rediscuss-
ed. They approved it, and In twenty-three
of the twenty-six States elected Leglsla-
lures instructed 10 adopt it. Do these Leg
islative servants diSobey instructions? No,
sir; they are now assembling, aud State at
ter State is recording it's verdict. Very
soon these twenty-three States, having
population in 1860 of twenty-one million
FIVE hundred thousand and not less than
twenty seven million now, will send pertid-
ious Secretary the official evidence of the
peoples will. Delaware, three counties
large, Maryland, betrayed to the confederates
by servant less treacherous than weak, and
Kentucky, whose patriotism in the great
struggle hardly rose above assembling
neutrality alone give negative answer.
| By the census of 1860 the entire popula-
ton of these three States. white and black,
was only 1856, 900, and cannot much exceed
| those figures now. Who then stands in the
| way? Not the Democratic party; the
amendment was beyond their reach when it
passed Congress and was indorsed by the
people: not the President; the Constitu-
ton withholds from him any authority over
the question of amendment. Who, then,
stands in the way? One old man who is
charged by law with the duty of proclaim
ing the adoption of the amendment, but
who (the Chicago defeat being still una
venged) has determined to incorporate into
the Union the debris of the late Confedera-
cy to be in place of the 'irrepressible con-
fict' the breeder of present broils and fu
ture rebellions-h he stands in the way He
has contrived a theory of estoppel The
amendment, he tells u.s. void without con-
tederate sanction. The will of the people
of twenty-three States, nay, the whole
twenty-six if they had been unanimous,
must go for nothing unless approved by a
few million rebels scattered through the
confederate States Having set up his the
ory, he undertakes to procure from these
misguided people never more mlsguld-
ed than when led by him-an expression
of dissent. His machinations are likely to
be successful.
In 1861 the Southern heart was fred by
the taunts and promises of Northern Dem
ocrats The election of Lincoln" they
would say, lis an assault upon your in
stitutions and an insult to the South.
They promised in case of trouble to take care
of the abolitionists There should be no CO.
ercion; but when the trouble came they
shrunk away from the people they had thus
prompted, perhaps unintentionally, to re-
resist A good deal of half reasonable crit
iesm on the action of the Government when
deeply embarrassed and struggling for lite,
little secret encouragement and silent sym
pathy for the foe were the only noticeable
departures from strict neutrality. Their
promise was broken. Let me warn these
confederates who have abandoned their
scheme of separation in good faith to beware
of their old advisers and their new leader
Here, then, arises an intermediate ques-
ton 1t is not whether confederate assets
shall be buried in the same grave with sla-
very as the Republicans propose nor wheth-
er they shall be tenderly taken up and warm
ed into venomous life IN the bosom of the
Union as the Democrats propose; but
whether this question shall be determined
by the States in the Union or by the Con-
federate States.
What then is the status of the ten Con-
federate States? Are they States or Terri
control the other twenty-six on question
of amendment; if not, not. They must be
one or the other. Some suppose they strike
intermediate ground by calling them over
thrown, disorganized, or suspended States.
But certainly State overthrown or suspend
ed is not at present an existing State, nor is
disorganized an organized State. Ii they
have no present existence as States they are
only at the most theoretic States which are
no States; or prospective States, which are
Territories They have certainly not been
acting as States during the last six years,
and they are only claimed to be SO because
no way for the severance of State from
the Union is provided in the Constitution.
Once a State, therefore always State. If
they are States now they have been so for
the last six years. Look at the consequences.
By article one, section FIVE of the Constitu-
ton, no business can be done in the absence
of quorum, and quorum is there declar-
ed to be a majority of all the members
Nou r. the Confederate States were also