Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1867-09-06

We publish with pleasure, In other
columns, General AICoRN's letter 70 US (;
and are almost inclined TO do so without
comment, as he does not propose to ex-
nose himself 10 the disadvantage IN
der which any man labours, who enters
on a discussion with an Edit0r.'' The
General has, at least, the advantage Of
Us in this, thst he is about to urge his
views orally upon the people Of Missis-
sippi. few Of whom read any thing that
We write.
Il is quite likely that u prejudice
against the Radicals IS as great as that Of
General ALCORN agsinst the Democrats,
against whom ne 80 manfully struggled
before the war. OF course, that preju-
dice 10 some extent blinds our judgment,
and leads Us sometimes TO impute 10 evil
motives that which is only error. Why
should we hesitate to confess this,
since it is q failing from which no man is
free. and against which, being conscious
of it, we struggle to the utmost We
did not calsUrc General ALCORN for be-
ing Influenced by political or personal
animosities; but spoke Of it merely as
afTordinC, perhaps, to some extent, the
key 10 his present course Of action.
No! We have not, w think, even
unconscious Joined in a general attempt
to blind the public 10 the counsels Of
General ALCoRE, by speaking Of his
prejudice against the Democracy. We
have not hesitsted to speak Of NJ own
political ~antecedents rs s Wing and
Know-Eothing, and 10 sscribe to the
unwise action Of the Democratic party,
in large measure, the disasters that have
overlooked the country. 1t was but just
and right that the people whom we
undertook to advise should know what
influences acted upon US, that they
might he the better enabled to assign TO
our -counsels their true value. All men
who have been engaged in political life
have contracted ~preiudices, both As to
men and doctrines. These colour their
opinions, and 10 some extent detract
from their value, because they tincture
them with eXaggeTatiOn OF faint them
with u~nsoundness. Il is enough to say,
Of any man, that he is unconscious Of
this, and ~pronOunces his opinions with
frankness and honesty. And we sre
not quite willing to admit that ii would
he better 10 weigh and consider and
estimate all opinions, without any refer
ence whatever 10 the source from which
they emanate, whether 10 add 10 or
lessen their weight. As to arguments
and logic, they ought to be 50 weighed.
10 il quite true that those who stand
by Constitutional or even human rights,
in the middle Of a revolution, are likely
20 be, as they always have been,
crushed by the irresistible impetus Of
the movement. Is il, nevertheless, such
an absurdity to ~endeavOur to vindicate
those rights, and TO stay the devastating
march Of the multitude, by appeals to
the reason Of the people, and demon
STATIONS Of Constitutional truth, g II is
for q man 10 pirate Of right, and law aud
Constitution, in the vain hope 30 stay 10y
argument the rush Of the tornado ? Ii.
may be conceded, that il the Mississippi
IL absolutely certain to break through n
planters levee, repair and strengthen Il
as he may, 10 work at 1t is like arguing
distractions against the irresistible mo
mentum Of a hurricane or q revolution,
and the planter had better sit down, fold
his arms, and let the river have its way,
or even cut q way for it to rush through
the sooner.
The crevass may be 50 absolutely GER
tain as TO warrant the planter in ceasing
10 tOil against it, and "letting every.
thing go 10 the devil its own way.u
But no man has a right tO assume that
reason and argument and demonstration
will not at last recall a frenzied people
TO their SENSES, asaTeasOn why he should
cease TO assert the supremacy Of the Con-
s~titution and the sanctity Of Constitu-
tional rights. The constitutional doc
trines that We expOund, are the great
principles Of English liberty. They are
no distractions. Nothing il 80 far from
being abstract; since, if they are disre-
garded and overthrOwn, we have no
rights whatever, and are at the mercy Of
a set Of irresponsible tyrants. Was the
Suureme Court constituted TO decide alb
stractions, in ~pronOuncing upon ques-
tIons of constitutional law and construe-
ton? The property of General AICoRN,
his personal liberty, his very life, depend
r.,rhaps, upon the construction Of the
,u5tuy despotism acts, in regard 20 the
.,,,o-s with which they invest General
whe legislation Of Congress is
declared IN be outside Of the Constitution
NV the Areb-Sseobin Of Pennsylvania.
Isit ia argue bstfsetions, to show by the
decisions az the supreme Court, and 10y
reason, that the Congress las no powers
whatever, except such > II receives by
the grants Of power contained IN the
Constitution?
Are political truths any more alb
s~tractions' than religious ones The
use of the word ITSELF as connected with
constitutional theories, is the remnant OF
an old prejudice against what were siig-
matted, when they could not be con
futed, as Virginia and South Carolina
distractions and metaphysics. Both
words were abused by being so applied
since, out Of Mr.. WEBsTER's doctrines,
which these vainly struggled against,
came war against the South, denial Of
all sovereignty OF the States, the brand
ing Of all the South with the stigma Of
rebellion and treason, confseatiOn and
Acknowledgement, and the existing mill
tsrv despOtisms.
IRE political truths, We asked, any
; '~absRaetions' than religious ones