The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1866-1891, 1867-02-01
The Constitutional Amendment-Tmpar
tial Suffrage,

views, and dissolution of its present
compact md powerful Organization
The financial and commercial interests
of the country demand return to more
moderate and conservative counsels, or
forfeiture of the support of the large
and powerful classes composing the cap
italists and tradesmen of the North
It is well for our people to consider
what measures are likely to be tender
ed us as a modification of the pending
Constitutional Amendment /; and what
position we should assume upon them.
The amendment embraces two points
Of vast practical Importance:
First, tho exclusion from the basis of
representation in Congoss, of any class
Of our people, who do not enjoy the
right of suffrage.
Secondly, the exclusion from Office,
State or Federal, of all persons who
having at any time sworn allegiance to
the United States, participated in the
war of Secession.
Under the first head, we should be
compelled, either to admit the negro to
the ballot box, or to throw him out of
calculation in the assignment Of men,
bers of Congress. Excluding him,
South Carolina, under the Amendment,
would have tw2, instead of four men,.
bers of Congress. The representation
,.o,,, =,
undisturbed. Certainly. this loss es'
power, to section already hopelessly
in the minority, would be grievance,
greatly to be deprecated. Still, we
think there are some componsating ad-
vantages to be derived from the fact, that
it rests with the State to suffer this loss
Of power, or to increase-it by adopting
negro suffrage, fshe should ever see fit
to do so. Tie control Of this subject is
in safe hands when lett to the State
Wo should never again hear the negro
suffrage agitated by the North. The
ruling faction having once placed us at
this great disadvantage, would never
favor q scheme for increasing the power
of the South in the Federal Congress.
On the other hand, the State would
never adopt universal suffrage, unless
demanded by sound policy. We con-
'clude, therefore, that though a serious
blow to the power of the South, in this
respect, the Amendment would not
prove absolutely fatal. But the second
proposition is vitally-fatally objection
able. If adopted, it would disqualify
for office, nearly every man who has
ever held an Office civil or military,
under the State Of South Carolina
The whole of the State would be double
locked. South Carolina would not only
be deprived Of members Of Congress,
but of. Governor, Lieutenant Governor,
JUDGES, Legislators, Sherifs, Magis-
trates and Constables. The men are
not to be found in this State who could
fill these positions, even if we were
base enough to ostracise every man IN
the State whom we have heretofore dis
tinguished by our reverence and re-
spect, we should secure nothing by ou1
self abasement, but an impractlcable
civil chaos with the united contempt
and detestation of every honorable
mind. So long as this feature is re-
tanned, the Constitutional Amendment
can never be made operative i'll any
truly Southern State. This, therefore,
is justly regarded as the most violent
and impracticablo ofalI the demands o:
Ihc Radical party, and must be modl'
fed if the South is to be restored to the
Union in this generation. The meas
urc proposed as substitute for tho
Amendment which appears to have
been most favored at tho North, seems
to be what is termed impartial suffrage
The pretence for excluding tho South
ern States, has been, that they have no
a Republican form Of government, be
cause they exclude Il class of the people
from citizenship. In order to meet thi