Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1867-06-28

Il refuge and tender -naercies. POintinF
1 to these oppressive laws and barbarOui
/ disa bilities, the Southern master quiet
/ ed the awakening instincts and quelled
the aspirations Of MS slave for free
dom.
1t is doubtless historically true thai
the word ftyYhite'' was incorporated in
j to the Constitution from the same com
1 placent regard for the interest of sla-
I very which prompted the enactment OF
the black code. 1t had its origin in that
/ spirit of serviIiUy which the earlier part
Of this century manifested toward the
4 naughty dicta6iOu of Southern power
the spirit which "bends the supple
hinges Of the knee, that thrift may fol-
low faWning-"
/ But the citadel is now stormed, and
4 the slave set free. Over him is extend
ed the segis of universal emancipation.
Why then keep up this outpost of ser
I vilitv ? WHY longer maintain the at
I titude of january The purpose OF
Z her bUmiliating cOmplacency having
4 ceased to exist, why not the hnmil-
iatiOn also, and Ohio stand up in
Z the pride Of her dignity as a Stale of
I exact Justice and impartial laws 3? Long
Z ago the reVoited sense of her people
4 swept from the statute book her black
! code Of in1anY why not relieve the
1 honor of her name, and the glory of
4 her escutcheon, from this last vestige
Of her ancient subserviency ?
I The pending amendment to the con-
/ stituti0n proposes this, and nothing
1 more. Can any rational objection be
+ urged against it
It is eOntended that the extension of
I impartial suffrage to the negro race
1 win degrade the elective franchise, and
4 tend to bring popular government into
4 contempt But is this objection found
I ed in reason
1 1t inaugurates no new or revolution
4 arY principle. The authors of the first
/ constitution possibly intended to ex-
4 cIude the African race, and its descend
I ants Of every shade. But the courts,
/ actuated by sentiments of sincere re-
gard for the principles which rest at
I the foundation of popular government,
gave to its terms a more liberal con-
| struction. Under that construction,
| emanRting from Democratic Judges of
/ the school of Jefferson, before Democ-
l raCy had lost its significance, persons of
mixed descent having a preponderanee
l of Caucasian blood are entitled already
I to the equal privileges of full citizen
/ ship. The pending amendment, there
I fore, does not purpose to 1uaugurate
any new or startling principle, but on
! ly to enlarge an old and long eSta blish-
| ed Democratic principle, and extend
l its operation to the entire negro race, q
| large portion Of which already enjoy
it.
To this extension of the principle,
1
| lege which part only now enjoy, it is
| difficult to perceive any rational, much
| less insuperable objection. Under the
/ constitution as it now is, persons hav-
| ing hfty-One per cent, of Caucasian
/ blood are electors, while those having
1 fOrty-nine per cent, being only two
pc rent. less, are disfranchised. Can
lsa.e insignificant difference in blood af-
Ord any just ground for the invidiOus
distinction made ? Or can the extern
sion of suffrage now enjoyed by the
African of fifty-One per cent, to the
l African of fOrty-nine ger cent, be re-
/ garded as revolutionary innovation f?
Surely not.
The principle Of African suffrage be-
ing thus esta ablished by the constitu-
tiOnaI law and ImmemOrial usage, its
/ impartial extension to the whole race
| is, therefore, neither an innovation of
principle, nor a degradation in prac-
| tice. Does any other just reason exist
then why the same Acknowledgement
conceded to, and enjoyed by, the Afr4
can of half blood under the existing
constitution shall not be conceded to,
and enjoyed by the African of whole
blood, as proposed by the amendment ?
Two only are seriously urged--the ten
| dency of impartial suffrage to miscege-
nation, and the inferiOrity Of the race.
The first is stale, fiat, and unprOfit-
able For half century. il was en-
. n
was itself a system of universal con-
cubinage, against the interests and
Dfo1ress Of freedona.-as it -nagE-aE3s-.
DI0yed against the efforts for EXTEND
/ ing acknowledgements. 1t was the inn
puden6 assumption Ofthe Devil preach
| ing righteousness. If were disposed
to treat the assumption with TIE digui-
tV of respectful cOnsid Grafton, 1 can
discover n1ucn stronger motives for
misceRenatiOn under the existing Dem
f-HHTr rf~aAT
tinct privileges on those only of mixed
blood, than could possibly exist if
these privileges were inlpartially enjoy
ed by all. But I have too exalted an
opinion Of my own race to believe its
taste can be corrupted, or its virtue
prostituted, by an act of Justice to an
unfortunate people and he who ut
ters the sentiment libels his mother and
ISLANDERS his kindred. May never so
far forget my sense Of dignity, and the
feeling of respect due to my country
men as to think it necessary to defend
them against so disgusting an imputa-
ton. Let him who utbers it believe it
[ will not. The domestic history of the
two races in Ohio, the judicial statistics
of the State, the candOr of intelligent
observation, and truth, alike refute the
caTumny.
But the great argument against inn
partial suffrage is inferiOrity of race.
This is the Alpha and Omega of the Op-
position. In it all reasoning on the sub
iect has its beginning and its end.
Physiology, ethnOlogy, and theology
are exhausted with learned essays in its
demonstration.
But eonceding the inferiority Of the
African to the Caucasian what then
If Notwithstanding, he have the rights
of man to protect, the obligations Ofthe
citizen to perform, the burdens of citi-
zenship to bear-if, in point of man
ba Is T7nf fOo infnrior tO he the
subject of government and law, as man,
Is not the very fact Of his inferiOrity
most powerful and convincing reason
for arming him with the ballot, that he
may defend himself against unjust
government and tyranniCaI laws 2
What is the purpose of popularsufrag
but that the weak may protect them
selves against the strong, the feeble de-
fend their rights and persons and Hber-
ties against the injustice of the power
full If this be not its purpose, then
suffrage is an empty privilege, burden
some rather than beneficial, and the
theory of popular government cheat
and a delusiOn.
For ages the plea of inferiority held
the masses of mankind in the grasp of
oppression, and subjected them to the
domination Of superior caste and no
bier blood. Patrician and plebeian,
Bourbon and Sansculotte, Cavalier and
Roundhead, were the inexOrable dis
t1mcGlOnS maIuba1ueQ Dy the arEOBauCs
of nobility and the divine right Of
kings.
But the justice of Heaven did not
sleep always. ImParting energy to the
resolution of despair, manhood burst
its letters, and asserted the immortal
sentiment, that to secure the equal and
| fnalienabIe rights with which all men
| by nature are endowed, governments
are instituted among them, deriving
/ their Just powers from the consent of
/ the governed.
! In defense of this principle in which
/ our own liberties are anchored, the
sword of Bunker Hill was drawn, and
| the equal dignity of manhood vindica-
/ ted alike by the blood of the Pilgrim
/ and the Hugenot. Nor was it sheathed
! until the recognition was wrung from
| reluctant and discounted tyranny,
and the doctrines of divine right and
hereditary superiority which had justi-
/ fed the hoary oppression of centuries,
] were utterly exploded.
Concede, then, that the African is the
feebler rRce-aye, inferior, If you
please is his inferiority of such de-
A. ~ Ia -.H-.- hsn rrar