The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-09-04

sons caprice, and when finally overruled in
struoted Thomas TO uphold the policy and TO
abstain from all Interference with the acts Of
his predecessor. What more could Grant
have done to indicate his hostility to the pur-
poses of the President to prove his fidelity as
a friend of Sheridan, or to establish sympathy
with the aims and principles of CongressY
Undoubtedly Grants acceptance of a civil
Office under Mr.. Johnson, even temporarily,
exposes him to some misapprehensiOn. He
has now done and said sufficient, however, to
show the injustice of the imputatiOns that
have been cast upon him. True, he might
have refused to serve the President civilly on
any terms or he might have resigned when
he found the President resolved to assert the
power he accidentally welds. But how would
either of these steps have benefited the country
Is it not probable that the only effect of either
would have been to make matters worse
instead of better Stanton's suspension and
Sheridan's removal were oOnsummated in
spite of Grants protestations; but must it not
be confessed that his frmness and principle
have impeded, though they have failed to pre-
vent, Mr.. JOhnson's actionH At every stage
he has done all that the law enables him to do.
His latest order, prohibiting the reappointment
of any officer who has been heretofore re-
moved by the District Commanders is but
one of many illustrations of the promptitude
with which he sezes each succeeding OppOrtu-
nifty of restraining the mischief which Mr..
Johnson contemplates. The Sicl1les affair
might be appealed to as another instance of
the same character. There, too, the President
is acting as unequivocally in disregard of
Grants views as in defiance of the wishes and
interests of the country.
The position Of Grant is peculiar and most
difficult. The course expected of him by those
who hold the opinion of our Steuben county
correspondents tTansoends the authority vested
in him by the law. Mr.. Johnson chooses to
disregard the law; he gives no heed to its pro-
claimed intent, but insists upon his right to
circumvent it by any means, however foul.
Were Grant as unsorupulOus as the President,
as reckless or ill-advised, he might call the
army to his aid and proclaim himself dictator.
But as a soldier, he confines himself within the
strict sphere of a soldiers duty. He respects
the letter of the law. He exerts only the
authority which Congress really conferred
upon him-not what Congress intended to
confer, but did not. Even subject to this
limitation, there is a constant liability to a
rupture with the President Sooner or later
as we have more than once said, conflict be-
tween them would seem to be inevitable John.
son must submit to Grants curbing, as in the
order published on Monday, or Grant must
allow Johnson to invade the powers he really
holds. Judgment should be suspended until
this final issue be reached. There can be nc
just censure of Grant until he surrenders some
portion of his lawful authority, and fails tC
exert the influence he may yet exercise touch
ing the policy of reconstruction.
Meanwhile no excuse exists for the attempt
to contound Grant as soldier with the posi-
bilities of the next Presidential election. The
soldier and the politician have no immediate
connections and it were ungenerous in the ex-
treme to estimate Grants conduct as General
in. Chief according to the ideas of the mere
politician. The time for discussing his states
manship is not come. For the present, let us
rest satisfied with the knowledge that he is
acting on the rigid line of duty, with no refer
ence whatever to the political contingencies o.
next summer