The Manitowoc pilot. [volume] (Manitowoc, Wis.) 1859-1932, 1867-12-06
Presidents s Message.

extracts from it, wherein he maintains that
the reLellious states were nerer out Of the
Union
1t is clear, to my approhensions. that
| the states lately in rebellion are still Eieni
/ bers of the National Union. When did
they cease to be2 The ordinances OF Sc
ccssion adopted by portion of these citi
i.zens were mere nulities. Ii we admit
now that they were valid and effectual for
the purpose intended by their authors, we
sweep from under our feet the whole
ground upon which We justified the war.
Were these states afterwards expelled from
the Union By the war? The direct con
trary was averred by this government to be
Its purposes, and was SO understood by oil
those who gave their blood aud treasure to
aid In its prosec utlon. 1t cannot be that
successful war, waged for the preservation
OF the Union,; had the legal effect of dis
solving it. The victory,of the nations
arms was not the disgrace of her policy.
| The defeat of secession on the battle field
was not the triumphs of its lawless princi
pie; nor could congress, with or without
the consent of the executive, do anything
which would have the effect, directly or IN
directly, Of separating the states from each
other. 10 dissolve the Union is to repeal
! the constitution which holds it together,
and that is u power which does not belong
to any department of this government or
to all OF them united This is so plain that
it has been acknowledged by all branches
OF the federal government.
| The Executive Department, my prcde.
ccssor as We'll as myself, and the heads of
ALT departments have uniformly acted
upon the principle that the Union Is not
l.. Il. 4 >1,,tl
gress submitted an amendment Of the Con-
stitution to be ratified by the Southern
States, and accepted their acts CT latltica-
Ition as necessary and lawful exercise of
their highest function. If they were not
/ States, or States out of the Union, their
Iconsetlt to change in the fundamental
| law OF the Uuion would have been nuga-
tory, aud Congress, in asking it, commit
ted political absurdity. The Judiciary
has also given the sanction OF It's authority
to the same view of the case. The judges
of the Suprene Court have included the
Southern States in their Circuits, and they
are constantly III Virginia, North Carolina,
and elsewhere exercising jurisdiction which
does not belong to them, unless these
States are States of the Union. 1t the
Southern States are component parts OF the
Union, the Constitution is the Supreme
law for them, as it is for all other States
They are bound to obey it, and so are We
The right of the Federal Government,
which is clear and unquesiionable, to en-
force the Constitution upon them, implies
! the correlative obligation on our part to OBJ
observe its lluitatlJnS and cxecte It's guar
aptccs. Without the Constitution we are
nothing. By, t.irQisl and under the Con
stitution, we are what it makes U.s.
We may doubt the wisdom of
the law We may not approve of Its pro
VISION; but We can not violate 1t merely be-
cause 1t seems to conhne our powers within
limits narrower than he could wish.
lt IS not question of Individual, or
class, or sectional interest, much less of
party predominance, but Of duty of a
high and sacred daty-which we.are all
sworn to periorm. Ii we cannot support
the constitution wiki the cheerful alacrity
of those who love and believe in it, we
must give to it at least the fidelity Of pub
| lie servants who act under solemn obliga-
tons and commands which they dare not
disre gard
This constitutional duty is not the only
one which requires the states to be re-
| stored there is another consideration
which, though OF minor Importance, is yet
OF great weight. On the 22I Of July,
1861, Congress declared, by. an almost
unanimous vote of both hauses, that the
war should be conducted solely for the pur-
pose OF preserving the Union and main
tanning the supremacy Of tbeo-lsleral con-
stitution and laws, without impairing the
dignity, equality, and rights Of the states
or individuals, and that when this was
done the war should cease. | do not say
that this declaration is personally binding
on those who joined in making it any more
than Individual members Of Congress are
personally bound to pay public debt Gre
ated under a law for which they voted
but it was a solemn public official pledge of
National honor, and | cannot imagine
upon what grounds repudiation of 1t is to
be justified If it be said that we are not
bound to keep faith with rebels, let it be
remembered that this promise was not made
to rebels only. Thousands Of true men in
the South were drawn to our standard by
it, and hundreds of thousands in the North
gave their lives in the belief that it would
be carried out 1t was made on the day
after the first great battle of the war had
been fought and lost. All patriotic and in
/ telligent men then saw the necessity of
giving such an assurance, and believing
that without it the war would END in dis
aster to our cause. Having given that as
surance in the extremity Of our peril, the
violating of it now in the day of our tri-
umph would be rude rending of that good
faith which holds the moral world together
Our country would cease to have any claim
upon the confidence of men. 1t would
make the war not only failure, but a
fraud
Being sincerely convinced that these
views are correct, would be unfaithful to
| my duty if [ did not recommend the re-
peal Of the acts Of Congress which place
ten of the southern states under the domi-
nation Of military masters If calm re-
lection shall satisfy majority of your
honorable bodies that the acts referred to
arc not only a violation Of the national
faith. but in direct conflict with the constit
tulion dare not permit myself to doub
t but that yoa will Immediately strike them
from the statute book. =.
/ Another reason for rctracing our steps
will doubtless be seen by Congress in the
+ late manifestations in public opinion upon
this subject We live in country where
the nopI,l5r will always entrees obedience