The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-09-02
The President and General Grant.

From the ". Y Tribune.
An act of Congress is not riddle to which
ingenious minds may furnish dozen answers.
1t is the law of the land, and is as binding
upon the President as upon the humblest citi-
zen-more binding upon him because he is
sworn to execute it. In the private citizen
evasion may be bat fault; in the public
officer it is a crime. In the highest officer it is
the highest crime, and ignorance of the law
will not avail to shield the President from the
consequences of disobedience. The past is
irrecoverable, but Mr.. Johnson may possibly
atone for it in the future. We would simply
ask if it is probable that the people will en-
dure for one year and seven months that fatal
and unnecessary war upon the laws which ne
vindictively forces upon them They ask him
for peace. Are they to forever beg what it is
in their power to command
The President understands the Reconstruc-
ton law. OF that there is no doubt, for he has
explained it. We shall see what that explana-
ton is. The present issue, no longer upon
general principle, is narrowed down to plain
question of tact-whether the paramount
authority over the Rebel States is given by
Congress to the District Commanders and the
General of the Army, or to the President. Mr.
Johnson now claims that the law gives him
the authority; let us see what he declared
little more than month ago, in his veto mes
sage of July 10. sin conclusion" said the
President, 81 must respectfully ask the atten-
tion Of Congress to the consideration of one
more question arising under this bill. 1t vests
in the Military Commanders, subject only to
the approval of the General of the Army of the
United States, an unlimited power to remove
from office any civil or military officer in each
OF these ten States; and the further power,
subject to the same approval, to detail or ap-
point any military officer or soldier of ithe
United States TO perform the duties of the
officer so removed, and to fill all vacancies oc-
curing in those States by death, resignation,
| or Otherwise Unlimited power, il will be
observed, and not subject to the approval of
the President, but only to the approval of the
General. Mr.. Johnson continues his inter-
! pretatiOn of the law "Within period less
than year the legislation of Congress has at
| tempted to strip the executive department of
the Government of some of its essential pow
ers. The Constitution, and the oath provided
| in 1t, devOlve upon the President the power
and duty to see that the laws are faithfully
| executed. The Constitution, in order to carry
out this power, gives him the choice of the
agents, and makes them subject to his con-
troll and supervision; but in the eXecu-
ton OF these laws the constitutional obligation
upon the President remains, but the power 10
exercise that constitutional duty is ehec-
tually taken away. The military commander
Is, as to the power of appointment, made to
take the place of the President, and the Gene
raj OF the Army the place of the Senate, and
any attempt on the part of the President tc
assert his own constitutional powers may
under pretense of law, be met by official In
subordinatiOn. 1t is to be feared that these
military officers, looking to the authority giyeI
by these laws, rather than to the letter OF the
Constitution, will recognize no authority bu
the Commander of the District and the Gene
raj of the Army" The power of the Presi
dent is efectually taken away; the Military
Commander takes the place Of the President
This was Mr.. Johnson's official construction o
the law, and he declared expressly that II tn
Executive trust, which he supposed to be con
stitutionally vested in the President us TO D
taken from him and vested in a subordinat
officer the responsibility win be with Ogn
gress in clothing the subordinates with unoPn
stitutiOAal power, and with the officer Mh
assumes its exercise" II was understood 70
Congress, when this message was receiysd