The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1867-09-05

security, and furnishes no reason for de-
priving him of the powcrtUprotect hims-
self. And nos | ask you what power
che colorva peerle of Ohio have TO pro.
tect themselves in their lives, liberty and
property
They havr ao voice ia makiug the
laws. or Gu esinc the officers by whom
they are to nc executed Those ia au
thority may. make oppressive statues
against them, or deny to them the pro
lection OF those slready made, as in
Kentucky, and they have no means Of re-
dress. Their natura. rights may all be
struck down. and, in themselves, they We
no power 10 prevent IL, except by force
Of arms. for wbich TREY would be pun
ished as criminals In republican torn
of government the ballot is the only
means short Of revolution bs which
rights can be asserted, abuses corrected,
or protection secured, and whoever Is
deprived of it is at tue mercy Of his
neighbors- earl
Mr. Pendieton lately said that the
white people of Ohio would protect the
colored in the enjoyment Of all their
rights. But that is the old argument in
favor of slavery, when it was argued
that the good and kind masters would
take care of the slaves and do better
for them than they could do for them
selves. If Mr. Pendleton were to be
DISTINGUISHED by the Constitution of
Ohio, it is probable he would be pro.
tected in his other rights, but this would
not repair the wrong or soothe his lac
Grated feelings. If the colored men of
Ohio are enfranchised, their votes will
be sought after with as much avidity as
an equal number of white votes, and
they will be treated with a kindness and
consideration they never before enjoyed.
No party could propose to enact an
unjust law against them, or fail to give
them protection except under the penal
ty of having all their votes cast
against them at the next election and
we know how effective is the prospect
OF such penalty. s
In the rebel States, the late act Of
Congr ess enfranchising the freedmen
has already given to them protection
and consideration which could not be
secured by the whole military power of
the United States, and exhibits conclu-
sivelv the influence and power of the
ballot.
The recognition OF the principle /
contend for does not conflict with the
right to exclude aliens, minors, insane
persons, and criminals from the ballot
box, nor does il necessarily conflict with
that principle of representation which is
more or less recognized in every elect
i've system, whereby from the ties of af-
lection, blood and community of inter
est, the husband is assumed to represent
the wife, and the father his family. But
this principle of representation could
not, without absurdity, be carried so far
as to assume that where one race is sep
arated from another by color, condition
and prejudice, it could represent the in
terests. feelings and wants of that other
at the ballot box
l know il is often said that the right
of suffrage ia not natural right, and
, may be withheld from natural rights.
But l respectfully submit that this makes
the whole theory of natural rights a
mockery. For if in republican form
of government, where suffrage is the
only means of protecting natural rights.
il can be justly withheld from a whole
race, then that race have natural rights,
but have no right TO use the means by
which they NAV he protected, which is
absurd
Not less absurd than to say that the
Constitution confers the power upon
Congress to make war, but withholds
the means to execute the power. 1t is
true that no principle in government can
be carried to all its conclusions, but
must be subject to practical limitations.
Every member of society must yield
up some portion of his abstract rights
for the common good, but this yielding
should be uniform 1t would be an
abuse of the doctrine, if society required
one race to Yield all means of elf-pro
lection. And to say that society may re-
quire one race to submit itself absolute
ly to the government of another, is to
assert the principle of slavery pure and
simple.
But it may be said that the princ iple
advocate would give the right of suf
frage to women. This / do not deny,
but say broadly and practically that there
is vast dffrence between denying the
right of suffrage to women who are
represented at the ballot-bo by their
husbands, fathers and brothers, and all
the adult males of their race, and the de-
NAL of, il to a whole race, both male and
females, which is not represented at the
ballot box by any body, and thus has no
means in q republican government of
protecting itself in the enjoyment of life,
liberty and property.
PENpLEroNs ARGUMENT.
In discussing this subject, Mr.. Pen
dlotau said -e-z