The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-10-19
n,.. n,nnhllcnn Troubles.

7, "a now. we believe, pretty generally
agreed that Pennsylvania has been lost 10 the
Republican party for the same reason 'na'
Coi;torria was. and that many people fear New
VI. iii be lost-the corruption OF the Re
Mo-, rolitioians and the inferiority in
',1, pga'1 of character and standing of the Repub
i,o.p candidates. We are glad to see, also,
that most even of the party papers aoknow-
Iedoe this TO be the melancholy truth, and are
NOT. as after the Connecticut election, of OPT
MON that the disaster was due to want Of suf-
Rciently strong advocacy Of negro suffrage.
The Tribune meets the reverse in the only
manly and sensible way, by acknowledging its
extent and showing that, though great, it is
not irretrievable; that misfortunes as great
have overtaken the party before, and yet have
not destroyed it.
We feel bound to say, however, that this is,
under the circumstances, but very imperfect
consolation. The Republican party has the
greatest work to do, and has had it to do for
the last seven years, which has ever fallen to
the lot of political party, and it is necessary
TO the successful performance of the work that
IT should not be interrupted. But the people
have now twice attempted to take it out Of
Republican handsome in 1862, perhaps in
great part because they were not yet ready
for the emancipation policy; and now, because
they are disgusted by its corruption and fond
ness for over-legislation. But no matter what
the cause may be, as long as it is preventible
cause, the interruption is not only unfortunate
for the country but discreditable to the Repub-
lioan managers. AS regards the corruption,
nobody expects any change for the better
from the Democrats. The Republicans are
driven out rather by way of Furnishing them
than in the hope of inaugurating reform. If
we are ever to have any improvement in poll
tioal morality, it is from the action of
the Republican party it must come, for it
contains most of the principle as we'll
as most Of the intelligence of the ooun-
try. The Democratic party has, and will
have as long as it lasts, to rely so largely
on the worst elements in the American
population, that its best men, let them be
ever so well inclined, will find themselves
powerless. 1t is not likely that it will ever do
anything towards banishing corruption be-
yond ''denouncing'' and ''stigmatizing" it in
its platforms. The diminution of political
corruption, the extinction of the practice of
selling acts of the Legislature to the highest
bidder, OF dividing the public Offices as plum
der amongst thieves, the general raising of the
tone of public men, and the recognition of
character as the greatest and most valuable of
political forces, and in fact, the only one to
which the nation can in the last extremity
look for salvation, is the great question of our
time. 1t is greater than the suffrage, greater
than reconstruction; for if no means could be
devised Of infusing more morality into poll
tics, it would make little difference who voted
or on what terms the North and South We're
reunited. What are the chances that the Re.
publican party will, while doing other things
not leave this undonef To judge from some
indications, they are poor enough; but tt
iudge from others-the late elections we take
leave to say, amongst the number-they are
tolerably good.
The curse of our politics is, as everybody
when there is no election in progress-now &C
knowledges, the yoke of party discipline. 1t ha
always been enforced and upheld, even b.
some rigid moralists, that it was necessary t.
success, and that, even if 1t were an evil,
was an evil through which a still greater evi
was prevented. For instance, it might b
wrong to send bad man to Congress, but b
sending him you helped to prevent the pei
Petuation at the South of the degradation an
oppression Of millions. Everybody is fam
liar with this mode of justifying doubtful pC
litical mannuvres just before the elections
People who preach morality at that period ar
generally pronounced by practical polit
clans" either fools or traitors, and are urged
as we have been ourselves, to stop sermon
izing till the election is over; them indeed,
is impossible to be too pious, and good me
ralizer on the rascality of politicians may ex
pect to have fine audience even of the sue
cessful party, with the most hardened wire
pullers and jobbers seated in tears on tn
front benches. The theory of the "practica
men" is that you cannot, before elections, to
completely drown your scruples, and cannc
too blindly swallow the ticket if the electio
is an important one, but when all is over it
your duty as a good citizen to "testify
against the nominating convention, and el
pose the weakness and wickedness of the cal
didates it imposed on you, so that next time
will do better.
But, as we pointed out when discussing I'll
subject last spring, nominating convention
cannot be got to do better in this way. III
plan has been tried for years and has utterl
failed. If preaching down corruption an
knavery and time-serving, and preaching u
the duty OF nominating good men to othc
between elections, were of any use, the Go
ernment OF the country would be monopolizt
by the wise and Just, and the Tasoals wou
be calling out for personal representation
The pulpits have resounded with this sort
thing ever since nominating conventions fir
began; the press has teemed with it; and
has formed the standing excuse of all Il
young and old prigs who "haVe nothing to
with politics. and devote themselves
money-mal1ing and light literature and tu
hunting in Europe.
The managers are always willing to let "
preach till the crack of doom provided "
keep your place in the ranks and vote ii
regular ticket on election day, and they ca
always provide you with dozen fine reason
for your doing so-and so long as you do S
there is absolutely no chance of any improY
ment in the nominating conventions. This
as certain as anything in politics can be. ri
reform must come from the readiness of vote