Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1867-12-04


The prosecution, too, is to be conducted be-
lore tribunal whose members are not, like
hlm responsible to the whole people bui to
separate constituent bodies, and who may
near his accusation with great disfayor
The Senate is absolutely without any
known standard of decision applicable to
such a case. Its Judgment cannot be anti
clpated for it is not governed by any rule.
The law does not define what shall be deem
ed good cause for removal. 1t is impossible
even to conjecture what may or may not be
| so considered by the Senate The nature of
the subject forbids clear proof. If the charge
be incapacity, what evidence will support
it +? Fidelity to the Constitution NAV be un-
derstOod or misunderstood in n thousand
different ways; and by violent party men in
| oiolent party times, unfaithfulness to the
constitution may even come to he considered
meritOrious
Ii an officer be accused of dishonesty, how
shail 1t be made outl Will it be inferred
| iloin ac!s unconnected with public duty
| irom private history, or from general repu-
| tat1on or must the President await the
commission OF an actual misdemeanor in
offcef Shall he in the meantime risk the
character and interest of the nation in the
hands OF men to whom he cannot give his
confidence? Must he forbear his complaint
until the mischief is done, and cannot be
prevented! If his zeal in the public ser-
vice should compel him to anticipate the
overt act, must he move at the peril of be-
ing tried himself for the otfense of SANDER
ing his subordinates
In the present circumstances of the coun-
try, some one must be held responsible for
! Official Delinquency of every kind. 1t is ex-
| tremely difficult to say where that respou-
sibility should be thrown If 1t be not left
where it has been placed by the Constitu-
tion. But all just men will admit that the
President ought to be entirely relieved from
such responsibility, if he cannot meet it by
reason of restrictions placed by law upon
his actions.
Unrestricted power of removal from office
is very great one to be trusted even to a
magistrate chosen by the general suffrage of
the whole people, and accountable directly
to them for his acts. 1t is undoubtedly liza
BILE to abuse, and at some periods of our his
tory, perhaps, has been abused
If it be thought desirable and constitu-
t1onal that 1t should be limited as to
make the President merely a common in
former against other public agents, he should
at least be permitted to act in that capacity
before some open tribunal, independent of
party politics, ready to investigate the mer-
its of every case, furnished with means of
taking evidence, and bound to decide accord
ing to an established rule. This would
guarantee the safety of the accuser when
he acts in good faith, and at the same time
secure the rights of other parties.
speak, of course, with all proper respect
lOT buc pTcSeub SeDdUc, DuU III aOeS nOU seem
to me that any legislative body can be SO
constructed to insure its fitness for these
functions. 1t is not the theory of this Gov
ernment that public offices are the property
of those who hold them. They are given
merely as trust, for the public benefit,
: sometimes for fixed period, sometimes
, during good behavior; but generally they
, are liable to be terminated at the pleasure
of the appointing power, which represents
| collectively, and speaks for, the people.
Forced retention in Office of a single dis
honest person may work great injury to pub
, lie interests. Danger to public service
comes not from power to remove, but from
, power to appoint. Therefore it was that the
trainers of the Constitution left the power of
removal unrestricted, while they gave the
Senate the right to reject all appointments
+ which, i'll its opinion, were not fit to be made.
f little reflection on the subject will prob
ably satisfy all who have the good of the
country at heart that our best course is to
take the Consultation for our guide, walk in
the path marked out by the founders of the
,epublic, and obey the rules made sacred by
the observance of our great predecessors.
THE NATIONAL FINANCES.
The present condition of our finances and
circulating medium is one to which your
early consideration is invited. The proper
tion which the currency of any country.
should bear to the whole value of the annual
, produce circulated by its means, is ques-
tion upon which political economists have
, not agreed; nor can it be controlled by legis-
q lation, but must be left to the laws which
everywhere regulate commerce and trade.
The circulating medium will ever flow to
! those points where it is in the greatest de-
a mand. The law of demand and supply is
as unerring that which regulates the
, tides of the ocean; and indeed currency,
like the tide, has its Gibbs and its flows
throughout the commercial world.
: At the beUinpinp Of the rehpl lion the boDlr
! note circulation of the country amounted
a to not much more than two hundred mil
! lions of dollars. Now, the circulation of
National Bank notes, and those known as
: legal tenders is nearly seven hundred mill
hons. While 1T is urged by some that this
amount should be increased, others contend
, that decided reduction is absolutely essen
tial to the best interests of the country.
In view of these diverse opinions, it mi ght
be well to ascertain the real value of our
paper issue, when compared with a metallic
or convertible currency. For this purpose
let us inquire how much gold and silver
could be purchased by the seven millions of
paper money now in circulation. Probably
not more than half the amount of the latter
showing that when our paper currency is
compared with gold apd silver its CONNER
cial value is compressed into three hundred
and fifty millions.
This striking fact makes it the obvious
duty of the Government, as early as may be
consistent with the principles of sound poll
tical economy, to take such measures as will
enable the holders of it's notes, and those of
the National Banks, to convert them, with
out loss, into specie or its equivalent.
A reduction of our paper circulating me-
dunn need not necessarily follow. This,
however, would depend upon the law of de-
mand and supply, though it should be
borne in mind that, by making legal tenders
Il and bank notes convertible into coin or it's
equivalent, their present specie value in the
hands of their holders would be enhanced
one hundred per cent.
Legislation for accomplishing a result so
desirable, is demanded by the highest pub,
lie considerations. The Constitution con-
| templates that the circulating medium of
tie country shall be uniform in quality and
| value. AT the time of the formation of that
instrument the country had just emerged
from the war of the Revolution, and was suf-
fering from the effects of a redundant and
worthless paper currency. The sages of that
period were anxious to protect their poster
ity from the evils which they themselves
had experienced. Hence, in providing a
circulating medium, they conferred upon
Congress the power to coin money and regu-
| late the value thereof, at the same time pro-
mblting States from making anything but
gold and silver tender in payment of debts.
| The present anomalous condition of our
currency is in striking contrast to that which
was originally designed. Our circulation
now embraces, first Notes of National Banks
which are made receivable for all dues to
the Government, including imposts, and by
| all its creditors excepting in payment of in
| terest upon its bonds and securities them
selves; second legaltender notes issued by
the United States, and which the law re-