The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-01-16


degree in support of the extreme policy of
reconstruction on the basic of Rebel disirdn
Chiscment and negro suffrage, wilson, of
| Iowa; Boutwell, OF Massachusetts; Williams,
of Pennsylvan Lawre, ce, OF OHIO; Cook Of
/ Illinois; r. Thomas. oil Marvland-the country
can judge whether these men are likely to
/ halt in the march they have commenced, or
! to exaggerate the difficulties in their way.
They certainly will not err on the side of
! caution. They will not be too iastdous, 10 say
the least, in their estimate OF official short.
comings. They may be perfectly honest and
! upright in their Intentions; yet they NAV very
! honestly give weight to testimony which men
/ less credulous would discard, and deem acts to
! be high crimes and misdemeanors in which less
! jealous partisans would see only the blunders
! and derelictions of a talible but well.meanng
| official. The chances are two TO one that the
committee will bring in an impeachment; and
as only majority vote is required the chances
are also two to one that this impeachment will
be sustained by the House OF Representatives.
But the mere tact of impeachment is of little
consequence. The House of Representatives
mas an unquestionabe right to impeach the
President, or any other public officer, and Co
send him before the Senate Tor trial. That right
IS expressly conferred by the Constitution, and
may always be exercised, subject only to the
responsibility which the country would attach
10 al act OF so muCn importance. Neither the
freSldent nor anybody else would have the
slightest shauoW oil right to resist the legitimate
execution OF such process, and all the menaces
III winch certain Democratic politicians and
journals see mt to indulge, IN case the President
should be impeached, are simply idle and mis-
chleVous. But there is another contingency
much more serious in its character.
mere impeachment will not answer the pur-
pose OF those who have started this movement:
tnat' indeed, is only the means by which their
real object is to be rea ached. That object is the
removal OF the President from Office: aud that
removal, to be of any service in the attainment
OF their political ends, must take place at once
III cannot wait for the trial and conviction
Besides, conviction Is by no means certain II
requires tWo-thirds of the Senate to convict
and 1t is scarcely probable that two-thirds OF
me senate can be secured for such purpose.
An essential part of the plan, therefore, is to
remove the President upon impeachment as a
criminal IN custody awaiting trial, without
waiting Tor his conviction. The LANGUAGE of
the Constitution seems 10 be explicit on this
point IL says, "The President, ce-President,
ana all other civil officers may be removed from
once upon Impeachment for and conviction Of
reason bribery, and other high crimes and
misdemeanOrs." This seems TO require both
impeachment and CONVICTION as conditions of
removal. But 1t is now coptended that this is
not true construction. General Butler, in his
BROOKLYN speech, on the oath OF November, in
sisted, IN spite Of the language of the Constitu-
tlon, that removal or suspension" from office
might take place as soon as the officer was inn
peache0. And the same view is held by the
leading ana active advocates of peachment.
They contend that Congress may provide for
this by law, though they have not as vet in
roduCed any bIll or taken any other steps, for
that purpose Such bill would Of course be
vetoed, and it is more than doubtful whether it
could be passed over q veto.
An attempt az removal in the absence of such
a law would unquestonaby involve very serl-
Gus consequences. 1t is scarcely probable that
the President would yield to it, It is certainly
possible that he would resist its execution by all
the means at his commands; and IN the absence
of an explicit law on the subject, he might feel
warranted and compelled to use the army and
navy for the maintenance OF his constitutional
prerogative. II Congress should persist in
execution OF its purpose, the country would
again encounter the peril5 of a civil war, not
sectional in its character, but following more or
less closely the divisions OF political parties.
We do not think the issue is likely TO be
pushed TO this extremity. The general sentiment
OF the country Is already pretty distinctly pro-
nounced against the whole project of impeach-
mcnt; and as its contingent perils become more
and more apparent, that sentiment will grow
stronger ana stronger. Still, the leaders OF the
movement have placed themselves in q critical
position. They are committed distinctly and
uneQulvoCally to the impeachment and removal
of the President, aud both are regarded by them
(prObably with jusuce) as absolutely indspen-
sable to the success of their plans of reConstruC-
ton for the Southern States. Retreat and failure
are equally fatal to their success, and will
equally dscredit and damage them as a political
party. They cannot be expected, therefore, TO
abandon the scheme or submit 70 defeat without
a strenuous struggle which may in its progress
seriously disturb the peace, business, and credit
OF the country-even if it does not involve it in
still graver perils.