The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-02-05


that shining patriot"
My carefully written article on "The Tru,
Basis OF RECONSTRUCTION wbereon the Pos
bases its charges above appeared in the Dali
Tribune of November a. In that article
said:-
'I commend impartial suffrage as required h,
the true interest OF all concerned; yet / canuo
admit that It is matter IN which the Nortl
has no rightful concern. The blacks are a por
tion not merely~of the Southern but of tn,
| American people. They played an Importan
and benefcent part in our great civil war. w,
cannot ignore the obligations sprnging from
our necessity and their loyalty. / hold tha
honor and good faith absolutely constrain tbos,
| who trlumphod IN that struggle to take care
| that their humble supporters and hackers shall
! not be made TO suffer for taking the side of the
| Union. To say now, in view of the recent Dast
! Let the Southern negroes have such rights
! only as their white tlate Rebel fellow-citizens
shall see ht to accord them would be iugrati.
tude and perhdy such as might we'll invoke the
lightnings of Heaven. No matter at what COST.
we OF the North must take care that the South
ern blacks are not lett at the mercy of that
diabolic spirit which manifested itself through
the late massacres OF Memphis and New Or
leans. 1t is proved unsafe to trust
TO local authority and opinion, which may be
right to-day and wrong Tomorrow; we must
place the essential rights OF every American
citizen under the express guardianship OF the
Federal Constitution. That will be the end of
controversy; until then, even unsuccessful at
tempts to abrdge them will prove grave and
general calamity.
81 have said that / favor both universal am
nesty and impartial suffrage on their respective
merits, each without regard to the other.
hold that the North is bound to insist on man
hood suHrage-not in the South only, but in
every State and Terrtory-beCause of the SER
vice required of and rendered by the blacks i'm
putting down the Rebelon--that it would be
perhdy and baseness, IN view of all the facts,
lot to insist on this. hold the South bound
to accord suffrage to the blacks as an important
and useful though humble portion OF her
people, whom it is her interest as we'll as her
duty TO cOnclliate and satisfy, even though the
North did not desire it. There is no conflict
between the interests and duties of the North
on one side and the South on the other-What
Is best for each, or either, is best for both-the
only collision is between Their respective resent
ments and prejudIces. The North wants TO keep
at least the leading Rebels under ban inded-
nitely; the South-that Is, a majority of the
dominant caste at the SOuth-wants to keep the
negroes under tOoI-desplsed, powerless, and
often abused by the white rutiians, whose
crimes the better class disavOw, but neither
prevent nor punish. The loyal North has
demonstrated her ability to keep the Rebels out
of Congress; the Rebel )uth has like wise proved
her power 70 prevent indefinitely the due ratif-
cation OF the Constitutional amendment. This
dead lock affords to those whom ! must consider
the more generous and tar-seeng minds of either
section an opportunity which, once lost NAV
never return. Even though the South were able
to force her leaders into Congress, they could
not hope for full restoration to power and Dub-
lie favor; even though the North were able to
force impartial suffrage on the South, it would
prove OF little value while resisted by strong
majority of the dominant caste there. But let
North and South strike hands on the basis of
universal amnesty with impartial Suffrage and
the resulting peace will be perfect, ALIEN
bracmg, and enduring. Each section will gain
everything and lose really nothing.
III the South shall insist on her abstract
right to hold the blacks as a subject race the
North will doubtless insist on the indefinite dis
reimbursement OF all the prominent Rebels, and
matters Will thus 90 on as they have gone on
for The last year. [ must still cherish my
opinion that this Is unWise; but shall stand
with my own people, while awaiting the calmer
and wiser view that | am confident must ult1-
matelY prevail. The disinterested will say, Let
the Rebel, remain under the ban so long as
they insist on keeping the blacss there'-and
they will say so with ample reason. If the ad-
iustment urge should ultimately fail. and, in
the mutations OF party ascendanCy, the Rebe Is
should be let up and the blacks be kept down,
shall regret it as much for the sake OF the
South as OF the North; and shall feel that the
blame does not all attach to the South. And,
whatever the immediate issue, | shall bate
no jOt of heart or hope that at last-and at no
very distant day-our people will be thoroughly
halmOnized and united on the basis of impartial
ana universal freedom. II. G.n
The reader has now before him what did
urge, and what the Post says I proposed. l
make no comment. If the Posts charge is
well founded, tha' is now plain. If it is will
tul, yillanous untruth-a lie with deliberate in
tent to inure-that, likewise, appears. 1 do
not say what it is. Read both sides and Judge.
But word as to ''cowardly surrenders"
Let us be clear on that point.
When our last State election had resulted i'm
a complete Republican triumph, number of
influential friends united in proposinp me as
candidate for the United States Senate. Thev
did not ask me TO do anything to favor such
election; they urged only that | should stand
py the constitutional amendment and say
nothing about universal amnesty. If | would
lhey lelt assured that would be surely, over
whelmingly chosen.
l could not stand on the Constitutional
amendment so long as there should be a hone
OF DONG better, mainly because it afforded no
adequate guarantee for the protection and en-
iranchisement OF the blacks. / felt that far
broader basis was necessary to q true benef
cent rcconstructiUn-a basis which should incIte
the great body of the Southern people. both
white and black, to go to work, in the fun assn
rance tnat Their rights OF person and property
would be fully protected And, while wo1id
gladly have deferred to my friends-who. very
probably, overrated my strength with the
people OF our State, but who surely meant ro
serve mel felt constrained to put forth the
article of November 9th. presume no ono
will assert that supposed it would improve my
chance for the Senatorship. /. knew quite well
that it would probably be so used as TO render
my election impossible.
Where, then, was the coWardice?
certainly did hope that some good would
result from my distinct ayOwa that / was for
universal amnesty mot political restoration
any bow, which has not yet been realized.
knew that there were many leading Southerners
VINO were as fully convinced as need be that inn
paruM suffrage is a benehcent necessity. These
! are, Tor the most part kent dumb by the con-