The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-03-20
Close of the NegrOphiIist Cycle In ou
Politics.

Close of the NegrOphiIist Cycle In Our
From the World
1t is certain that the next Presidential cleo
ton cannot be carried on the negro question.
BY the passage of the Supplementary Recon-
struction bill that issue will be taken out of ma
tionalpolitios. There may, indeed, be pretense
ofmaintaining whathas been done, and prevent
ing its overthrow; but as there is no proba-
bility of its overthrow being attempted, that
would be an idle issue. These two things
can easily be make to APPEAR. That
nothing further can be attempted in behalf of
the negro. 2. That the franchises acquired
by him will not be revoked.
First, then, in regard to the possibility of
doing more for the negro. If stick of timber
lies prone upon the ground, you may raise
one end of it, and bring it nearer and nearer
to a perpendcular, until it stands vertical;
but any further application of force in the
same direction only tends to prOstration on
the other side. In the same way, they who
elevate the negro under pretense of fighting
the battle of human equality, can do no more
for him by political action than to make him
the political equal of the white. If they
attempt to raise him higher they reintroduce
the inequality between different races against
the recent legislation, the negro is raised as
high as he can be put by any other action than
his own. By the abolition of slavery he was
elevated to the rank of a freeman; by the Civil
Rights bill he gained equal advantages of
person and property, and equal protection in
the courts and now, finally, he is raised to
full political equality. If imagination were
tortured to find anything more that could be
done for him i'll the removal of disabilities,
imagination would be incapable of the task.
Nothing more is possible Certain it is there
fore. that the negrOphilists can present no
new affirmative issues. Unless then, there is
to be an agitation for repeal, the rights of the
negro can never again be an issue in our
national politics.
This brings us to our second position, that
the franchises now conferred on the negro can
never be revoked. The deSTabHty of revoking
them is not the question which we discuss,
but the possibility. If our Government were
so constituted that revolutions in public
opinion could Immediately take effect in
reversing past legislation, the question might
| be different. But the six years tenure of the
United States Senators is an impossible barrier
/ to the sudden repeal of the new law. With
every Northern State at present in possession
of the Republicans, some time is required for
changing the political character of the State
Legislatures, which elect the Senators. Until
this is accomplished, the Senate will remain,
as now, overwhelmingly Republican. But
! when the Senatorial changes begin, they can
/ proceed but slowly, owing to the lSng terms of
/ the Senators.
There is, therefore, no possibility of a repeal
) of the Reconstruction act until it has accom-
plished all the mischief of which it is capable.
Agitation for its repeal would be political
folly, because the Southern States cannot, and
will not, stand unorganized and unrepresented
until a repeal could be effected. Nothing is
] 4os,, 41,o44 Gta4,
will be reconstructed on the basis of that act;
and the negroes once admitted to the suffrage,
can never afterwards be excluded inasmuch
as their own votes would have to be counted
on the question of exclusion. Neither the
! Democratic party, nor any other party of
practical men in their senses, will go into the
next Presidential election with the repeal OF
the Reconstruction act as their leading issue.
! But II the nert Presidential election does not
turn upon that issue, it is certain that no
subsequent one can. We may accordingly
regard the negro question as settled.
There being, then, nothing further to agi-
tate for in behalf of the negro, and no pros
pect Of any agitation to deprive him of what
he has gained, our national politics can no
longer revolve around him as their centre,
which ought to be considered as a happy rid
dance, if we could but lay out of view the
enormous and appalling cost at which it has
been purchased. But it is childish to cry
over split milk and as to the negro vote, we
have no doubt that it will be controlled by the
Southern whites. 1t is certainly some relief
TO think that the negro can no longer be the
pivot of our politics.
10 accomplish the emancipation of the
negro, we have burdened the nation with a
colossal debt, impoverished and beggared one
haE OF the country; we have deranged our
currency, subverted our Constitution, cor
Iupted tfe public morals, clothed hundreds OF
thousands of families in mourning and manned
hundreds OF thousands of surviving citizens
we nave created famine prices for food, have
turned our trading classes and banking insti-
Iutions INTO ehques of spectators we have
destroyed our shipping interest, and worse
tIan ALL have filled the hearts of our people
win rancorous and malignant passions, and
poisoned the whole social and political at
mosphere. II the negro bas been elevated,
+ the Wmte laborer has been depressed halfway
10 meet him. For what is the essence OF
slavery What but this, that one man works
and another takes from him the fruit of his
laborY Before the war, all that the white
laborer earned was his own now, half of il
} is Wrested from him by the Government. II
, rs with dlihculty that he can feed and elothe
his family but food and clothing are what
, the Southern slaves never wanted. The white
laborer,s children go ragged and shoeless tc
meet the cost OF emancipating the negroes
The price must be paid to the utteTmost
farthing, and our politics must turn. for man,
years to come, on questions oonneoted witt
! the Just distribution of the burden.
Up to this time, the burden has been amor