Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1867-01-08
CONGR ESSIONAL

yesteroay afternoon, the ques tom was on pas.
sing the bill over the veto. ...
ment OF the message. That the measure was
against the popular voice, Re alleged, did not,
ne SAID, appear 10 be shown when the bill was
under consideration. The evidence of that al =
legation relied upon in the message was the
vote OF electors qualified to vote only npon the
ordinary affairs Of the District The objection
70 tnat was that this was subject upon which
euch electors were not qualified to vote. This
was question Of popular rights, and did not
belong 10 persons legally qualified to vote In
TINS District upon ordinary affairs. Bot there
was better answer stiil-that this question
did not IN any sense belong to the people of
the District Of Columbia 1t belonged to the
people OF the United States. Upon all ques-
tions they have control. Only Congress repre-.
sented this District; so the people Of the Dls.
trlct mad no control over it, The Presidents
next objection was that 1t violated the peoples
rient OF local government. 1t was never de-
signed that this District should have q local
government. In no sense Whate YER was IL q
government, either local or general. Wnen
the grant was made for the District none was
provided; but 1t was to be governed by Con.
gress The next objection was. that OF sup
posed antagonism between races. He had pre-
sumed this TO be popular deluson, and that
ltsnould not be the argument Of an Executive
Ihe last objection was that the dan gers OF this
Government lay rather in the encroachments
of the legislative than in the executive
whether that was so or not, it had no rele van
cy to the question. That question could be
better discussed on future occasion.
MIR. Sherman said the message was couched
In respectful language, and should be respect
FULLY considered. In regard to the Presidents
alluslon to the danger Of an abuse of leSisIa-
tive power, he thought, In this case, Congress
assumed no doubtful power, as the President
himself had admitted. IL this were q question
OF taxation on the people OF the District, or
other local matters, the people should have
the privilege Of deciding IL for tn en- selves, in
view OF the growing wealth and importance
OF the District. The question as to who should
vote was not to be settled by portion of the
people. WHAT right had the white people to
say that the negroes should not yoiel In the
vote taken on the SUBJECT, few went to the polls
but those opposed to negro suffrage. He would
nave been willing to place test Of intelligence
on the negro as well as upon the white, il 1t
had been practicable; that of reading and writ
ing was no sufficient test. He argued that this
was the time to confer suffrage upon the ne.
groes, in view of the influence 1t might have
on other communities, and that this was the
place, though the President denied il. He be-
lieved they would exercise the power with
reason and intelligence. He referred to the
advances in civilization made by the negroes
OF the District Here they could do no harm,
voting merely upon municipal questions.
financial and otherwise. Doubtless, in time,
Ohio would place the Negro on an equality
with the white man, though they disliked to
be go influenced from without.
Mr.. Cowan differed ntirely with the Senator
rom Name Mr.. morrill, in the assertion that
the people OF the District had nothing to do
with the question. II that were true, all our
governments, State and national, We're placed
on wrong foundation. IL so, what had the
people Of Ohio or other States o do with such
questions! How could Pennsylvania under.
take to affect the internal affairs OF Maine! 1t
was the fundamental basis OF our institutions
that the people should be represented. Was
Congress the government Of the District 10
dictate TO the people, or to be governed by their
wishesi Was not the idea IN con ferring those
powers on Congress simply 10 enable them to
govern the nation without hindrancel That
gave them no right to introduce an experiment
here which has never been tried elsewhere in
the United States. The people were an inde-
their own affairs asl the people of any State
The people were divided into two distinct
races. between whom there could be no social
equality. Congress could not make political
equality, unless they could make black men
white, though they might try it. II was q ques-
ton OF the dominance Of races. If the whites
continued in the majority, then of what use
Was the negros vote J The bill merely pro-
notes this continual contest OF races at every
election In future. Ifthe District called con.
Hention on the subject, doubtless the question
would be settled as the States had settled it.
That was the proper way Why had not the
experiment been tried beforel Gentlemen
said IL had IN Massachusetts and elsewhere
But 1t had been very sparingly tried. They
multitude. He was ready TO say that the chair
man Of the Committee On the District INT
MorrillI had put the negro on an equality with
the white in every respect but this political
privilege. Had the negro been ever heard to
complain that the taxes had been misapplied.
that the sidewalks had been neglected, the gas
or water works mismanased; yet this was
simply comforting upon h1m a voice In the
selection of a Mayor and Council. He paid q
very small share Of the taxes.
Mr.. Williams believed the author of the
message, when he was swinging round the
circle. hadreferrsd to his consistency. In the
can yass OF 1854 Hr. johnson had said that he
Favored giving suffrage TO the loyal men of
the South. white and black. He referred 70
enunciating eueh views. In the message the
President had anewered all the objections to
the bill by saying he favored a general and
harmonious extension of the right to the negro
He therefore agreed in the main with the ma
iority of Congress, but yet had overruied them
merely on q uestIon OF expediency. iBvO.4
Mr. johnson said he profoundly differed
cage in regard to Congress Being the only
power legislating for this District Congress
had no more control over the rights Of this
people than over those Of the States. When
the grant Of the District was made there was
an implied contract on the part of Congress
that 1t would not interfere with the subject of
slavery. 1t would be remembered that the
negroes. since flooding this place and the
States, were really nothing bat paupers. IL
was proposed, now. to give them the same
right TO levy taxes, &c, as those who owned
property. He was not aware that since the
constitute amendment had been submitted
TO the States, any Of them had conferred euf-
mage upon the negro. Even the Senator from
Ohio MIR. Sherman) had said that, perhaps,
HIM He doubted II in MARYLAND. where
slavery had been abolished never TO be re.
stored, such proposition would get hun
dred vofes. The Senator from Oregon (Mr.
Williams) had introd uced bill to prey ent the
flooding Of the Pacific coast with Chinamen:
yet he seemed to feel differently on this sub.
ject. The distinctions were founded in ma.
be the proper unity of feeling between the
races 70 Justify this matter. He did not doubt