The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-03-12

ments, will be pleased to learn that the Hon. VII
,,,,, Henry TREscor has agreed, fer time, TO
contrbute regularly to our editorial columns
THE MILITARY BILL.
Tho nassooe Of the supplemental Bill reported
from tho Judiciary Committee OF the SENATE wiz
relieve us of the necessity OF any discussion as w
what action the government OF the state snouiu
take in the execution of the Military BILL "neh
,ossed and the indications are that it Wlu De very
soon il makes it the duty Of the Brigadier den'ra
! commanding the Department to establish q regs'sr
of1ecal voters, to provide the necessary machlner
for sncb reeietration, to issue call for ConVen-
ton and to regulate the details OF the eiectlon ioi
Tint body. These powers may be delegateo " 'ne
Provisional Governor but it is not worth while no"
tn anticipate whether he should accept tnem'
This will, of course. depend Very much upon 'n0
re1stons between the Military Commander anu tne
Governor. and, in this State, we can safely leave
the decision. should it ever become necessary, 10
the intelligence and patriotism OF our present
Chief Magistrate.
But while the State Government is thus relieved
from any participation in the Legislation necessary
to carry out tho provisions OF the Military bni' ~
is now clear to people that the alterna'i'e u
accepting and acquieEcing in Military 6oVern-
fment, rather than organizing under the ne" sys-
tenn is taken away, and that by the first septem-
be~ at farthest we will be forced to reconstruct tne
,,oEtcal edice Of this State from it's lowest 1oun
dotons. II there are those who delude themselves
with the hope that this sacrifice can be avoided !;
thnt the Supreme Court will be found an altar OF
refure to which we can escape from the persecu-
tion Of n powerful and resolute conqueror, we WILL
MT attempt to disturb the delusion Time WILL
c,,ellv correct it. It was once held In this state
that upon all the gpont questions OF the Poht-
;cal relations of the Federal Government and
the States. the Supreme Court had no right
to nass Judgment, and we will find that one,
at least, of our articles OF State sovereignty
has become incorporated into the constita-
:, tional the5ry Of the country. And IL
| we're not so, we have yet to see an occasion In
which the judicial authority of any government mas
| yeutured to array itself against any policy which
the snpreme political power of that country has de-
,ared to be necessary for it's interest AS between
| the Government and the individual, to the honor
Of the Maristracy be it saia that they have never
bestated to vindicate the Independence Of the ju-
dietary and to do right to the citizen. And 1t may
be that in the military provisions Of this Bill there
are powers which the Supreme Court might feel
authorized to limit or to abrogate, but on the
great principle of the Bill, the right OF Congress
to prescribe the mode Of restoration Of the unre-
presented States, and the terms which may be I'M
posed in the exercise Of that right the Supreme
Court will never undertake to pass it's solemn judg-
mont.
The sacrifice which we are called on to make ls
indeed q great one-;reater, we may say without
exaggeration, than has ever been forced upon q
free people, But it is Of the last Importance Tor
us to understand it's extent, to see how far IL Is
the necessary consequence OF our taliure, anu
whether the elements of even this radical change
can be controlled for good. Since the formation OF
the Constitution the population OF the soutn mas
besn divided into two classes-the free white ano
colorea S,ave-Populatio1. For all political pur-
poses, except to add to the Southern representa-
tion in Congress, this latter population had really
no existence. The relation between them ana
their masters Influenced the social habits md the
local laws of the States in which they lived, but
their presence had no effect whatever upon those
great principles Of civil right which doternine the
character of national government That this Is
the owners of these slayes-the political population
of the South-have always been in party atillatlon
with the Democrats of the North; that ls to say,
the perfect political sympathy between the North
ern people md the white Southern political popula-
ton was in no way disturbed by the presence OF
these slaves. Upon all questions of constitutional
right Of the character and extent Of Federal pow
or, of State sovereignty, Of the prerogarve OF the
citizen >as to life, liberty and person, and upon
most questions Of mere policy, the shareholders
and the non-slave-holders OF the United States
could and did think and act together. Now, in
what way does the emancipation Of the slave, with
consequent right Of suffrage, affect this relation
What new clsuse does it add to the Constitution
What right does it take away from the free white
man which he formerly possessed What new
political element does it add to those constituents
which have hitherto gone to make up what is
known as the American system OF Government
Our readers must bear in mind that we are not
discussing now the effecs of this change upon
our social habits, our local laws, nor our rela-
tive strength as compared with other States,
but simply this question-Does the emanclpa-
ton of the slave, with the right OF suffrage In
any material '>principle, alter the Constitution
Of the United States II we had ourselves
made this change, if we had, by State laws,
conferred. this right Of suffrage, does any one
for an instant suppose that we would have
considered such change revolution? Indeed,
if such change could have been gradually effect
ed by the means of property qualification, negro
suffrage would have become fact without even
attracting attention. What we mean then is this
that the universal suffrage granted by this Act ls
so far as the Constitution Of the United States,
and a relations and rights of States or individu-
als are concerned, simply and only the addition OF
so many voters to the population of the South 1t
works no changes, creates no new rights, and dis
turbs not one principle. We may be mistaken,
but we think it Of great Importance that our people
fully comprehend this fact in all it's consequences
because it will enable us tn, uore readily and the
more successfully to meet the real difficulties and
dangers which this change threatens.
When at the close Of this war, the conventions !
of the Southern States gave effect to the emanci-
patton proclamation of Lincoln by their respective
ordinances, four million Of people, formerly |
slaves were declared free, and by consequent leg
islation placed on footing Of civil equality
with their former masters Their rights OF per-
son and property wero respected their marriages
declared valid, their contracts made binding, their
wills lawful. They were given the right to form
associations among themselves to hold public
meetings, to petition the Legislature, to agitate
and to be agitatel. They were taxed for the sup
port of the Government of which they were made
citizens. It was clear that such mass OF people,
With such rights and with the perpetual discus
sion of such rights by public opinion abroad, the
Of which could not be excluded, could not
be held in a condition of perpetual tuteage. The
public mind of the South, was, we think, prepared
for the gradual admission of these people to polltl
cal rights. Al system of qualified suffrage, elnbra-
botI of 1nIelli-