Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1867-10-03

port--they have been his real and
best friends, and the negro knows
it. 1t is this portion of the COM
munity that has treated the negro
with the most liberaIity and kind
ness. Yet he has lent himself,
in the exercise of the elective
franchise, as a willing tool in the
hands of unprincipled men to SUBJ
vert the interests and liberty of a
large majority of the white men
of the State. 1t is an evident
fact that in the late election, So
the negro vote has been
controlled absolutely-that it was
neither intelligent nor free-but
was cast under the pressure of
such appliances as only conspira-
tors against public liberty and free
government know how to use
They may have been wheedled
into the Leagues at first by what
thousands of them now know to
have been false promises, but once
in, they found soon enough that
all freedom of opinion and choice
in elections was impossible, and
that they must bow their necks
to the Radical yoke, and believe
and do whatever the leaders might
say. And they did it.
And now when white men say
we will no longer foster an element
that will thus lend its whole pow
er to injure and degrade us, we
are threatened with the confsca-
ton of our property and the d.
vision of it among these negroes
THUS making another bid for
the negro's support in the devil
ish crusade Of the Radicals against
the white men. Now, sir, it is
true that every man in Tennessee
should look at this matter serious
Ily. We have been accustomed to
think heretofore that we had a
right to dismiss from our employ
any man, white or black, for any
reason we pleased. As tar as any
thing to the contrary appears we
are still left in the possession of
this right as it regards white men.
But the idea of a negro being dis
charged Is too monstrous to be al
lowed for a moment. Am | bound
to give employment to one who
does all he can to subyert my in-
terests and to degrade me in both
the social and political scales?-
Do you feel called by duty and
principle to nourish and sustain
one who's trying TO do you all the
injury in his power? But, sir, if
Brownlow's doctrine is to prevail,
how long will you be allowed any
discretion in the matter? We are
told that he will favor law con-
fscating the property of every
man who may discharge a freed
man because of his political prin-
ciples. Suppose such a law to be
enacted, how, then, in the name
Of common sense will a man ever
be able to get rid of a negro at all ?
If you have one of them hired,
or if your land has been rented to
one Of them, will you dare to dis
miss him because of his idleness
and negligence? Won't he at
once swear that it was because of
his political principles? (God
save the mark.) you discharge
him as a renter because he has
made no crop, or has cut your
timber and sold your wood, or has
paid no rent, won't he swear it
was all on account of his political
principle? And when this occurs,
md you are not a Radical nor a !
member Of the League, away goes
your property under the confisca- |
ion laws. Is there any remedy?i
IS there any means by which il
IAN be avoided? None that we
IAN see, except the mode which
you have suggested, viz; "get rid
If the negro at once" Will in
llviduals do this? We are afraid
rot. Sir, this emergency must
,e met-our selfpreservation de-
hands it. We suggest that the
people opposed to SO monstrous a
aw call meetings-district, coun-
y or State meetings, and at once
ettle the question by refusing to
mploy the negro in any capacity.
Throw him on his Radical friends
nd let them show their sympa-
by and love by deeds OF kind
ess and mercy. We warn every
IAN who has property to lose, to 1
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