The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1867-10-17

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make and to alter their constitutions OF
goyernments." NORTH Carolina does
mot seek to have voice in the ques-
ton whether Japanese. Chinese or any
Asiatic race shall exercise the elective
franchise in California; nor does she
claim the right to interfere in the do
nestle regulations of any sister state OF
the Union. On the other hand, she
makes her appeal to the people of all
the other states to concede to her, with
in the limits of their common constltu-
ton, the powers to control, and those
only, which those states assert for them
selves
But throwing out OF consideration
the question OF the right OF the people
OF state to frame their state constitu~-
ton according to their own conceptions
of the public good, is the measure pro-
posed expedient? Will it promote the
general welfare to confer the right to
vote in all popular elections Cd the
negro race, with no other qualifications
than those in contemplation Is it not
perfectly manifest that it will not
The representative republics of this
country, with their written cOnstitu-
tions, their divisions of power into leg
islative, executive or Judicial depart
ments, and their introduction OF the
people to participate in and decide
upon the rights and interests of society,
us voters and jurors, are looked for IN
vain in other countries of the world,
and are founded upon tue idea OF GER
tain standard of virtue and intelligence
in the constituent body of electors,
without which they cannot be main
tanned. Who among us believes that
the great mass of the blacks recently
in state of slavery, come up to this
standard of virtue and intelligence, and
are fit to be made self-relianG electors?
In their condition as to knowledge and
morality, the extension of the right of
suffrage to them Unfortunately, in.
stead of distributing political power
among a greater number OF citizens,
will IN fact concentrate it in fewer
hands, as designing individuals will
but enlarge their own power by using
them to vote, not their opinions, but
those of the men who control them
Already we learn that they have been
extensively organized into secret socie-'
ties or leagues, with view to be voted
en- naasse, and under the influence of
prejudice carefully instilled into them,
in opposition to the whites, who were
formerly masters or may now be owners
of property. To elect such class to
be permanent voters, as is now proposed
to US, will be to make revolution tend.
ing to- anarchy, and to hazard, in my
belief, the long continuance of any sta
BILE government Foreigners are barred
out from the right to vote for five years
after settlement here, by our naturali-
cation laws, in order that they may
become acquainted with our institu-
tions, and capable of taking part in
their administration, and must prove
that during that time they have be-
haved as persons of good moral charac-
ter, and well disposed to the good order
and happiness of the country. The
freedmen, as n class, are less informed
than foreigners and less capable from
want of education and early instruction.
But, it may be said, there is little
disagreement among ourselves on this
question, but congress has required it
ofus, and in the event of non compli-
ance, the most dircful consequences
may be expected. This is an argument,
which l am not disposed to pass by, or
to treat lightly. think some misap-
prehension prevails in regard to it.
Congress certainly has denounced no
penalty on such delinquency, In any of
three acts of reconstruction. After
providing for the establishment of
military governments in the ten south
ern states, the first of these acts goes on
to declare that:
"When the people of any one of said
rebel states shall have formed con-
stitution of government in conformity
with the constitution of the United
States, in all respects, framed by con-
vention of delegates, elected by the
male citizens of said state, twenty-one
years old and upwards, of whatever
race, color or previous condition, who
have been residents IN said state for one
year, previously to the day Of such
election, except such as may be dis
franchised;" and
"When such constitution shall pro-
vide that the elective franchise shall be
enjoyed by all such persons as have the
publications herein stated, for electors
of delegates :" and when, and when,
and when certain other things shall
occur, (as further recited IN the 9Th.
section,) "sald state shall be declared
entitled to representation IN congress
senators and representatives shall be
admitted therefrom, Oh taking the oath
prescribed by law"
This is the only provision touching
the subject matter under consideration.
and It's only intimation Is, that if there is
not fulilment of the requirements, the
military government shall continue.-
There have been threatening declara-
lions made by individual members of
congress, and certain presses have tenn
ed with fulmlnatlons against all who
should hesitate in taking Immediately
the steps proposed, but congress. as a
body, has established no penalty and
made no threats. The first reflection
which occurs on hearing these an
nouncements is, that 1t would be a
harsh measure and SAVIOR of injustice
to require people to vote in an election,
and then punish them for the candi
date, (whether man or measure. )of their
choice. And further, that it would be
still more unjust to punish the people
OF North Carolina for failure to make
a constitution and establish basis of
suffrage which Pennsylvania, Ohio,
New York and other great aad leading
states of the north have refused, and
still do refuse, to establish for themselves,
though with far less cogent reasons
than prevail with US. The constitution
OF Pennsylvania, as reordained in 1888,
regulates suffrage in these words:
I'm elections by the citizens, every
aohate freeman of the age of twenty one