Lewistown gazette. [volume] (Lewistown, Pa.) 1843-1944, 1867-05-15

/ to be wondered at, for modern democracy
is precisely what Calhoun nulIihcation
and secession were in 1888. At that time
! Calhoun laid down the doctrine of his de-
| mocracy as follows:
l. That the political system under which
we live, and under which Congress is now
assembled, is a compact, to which the
people of the several States, as separate
and sovereign communities, are the par
ties.
,. That these sovereign parties have a
right to judge, each for itself, of any al
legged viola ion Ofthe ConstitutiOn'by Con-
gress; aud, in case of such violation, to
choose, each for itself, its own mode and
measure of redress.
The 81 enumerates and denies the sew
eral expressed opinions of President Jack
sons proclamation respecting the nature
and powers of the General Government
General J. having taken the ground that
the government could put down nullifi-
cation, which was nothing more nor less
than sece sion, and secession treason.
This was done after Gen. Jackson had
issued his proclamation to the people of
South Carolina that State action, whether
by the Legislature or Convention, setting
up government of their own, was nulli-
that secession was treason, and that trea-
son must beput down! Daniel Webster.
the great EXpOunder of the Constitution.
came to the rescue of Gen. Jackson, and
in the Senate of the United States on the
18th of February, 1888, utterly demolish-
ed the then Calhoun, now coppcrhead
doctrine Of State Rights, and in reply to
the threats Of the great nullifier, spoke as
follows:
Mr.. President, if the friends of nulli-
ticati0n should be able to propagate their
opinions, and give them practical effect
they would, in my Judgment, prove them
selves the most Skilful architects of ru-
in," the most effectual eXtinguishers of
hgh-raised expectation, the greatest bias
ters of human hopes, that any age has
produced. They would stand up to pro-
claim, in tones which would pierce the
ears OF half the human race, that the last
great experiment of representative GOV
ernment had failed. They would send
forth sounds, at the hearing of which the
doctrine Of the divine right Ofkings would
feel even in its grave, a returning sensa-
ton of vitality and resuscitation Mil
lions OF eyes. OF those who now feed their
inherent love of liberty on the success Of
the American example, would turn away
from beholding our dismemberment. and
find no place on earth whereon to rest
their gratitied sight. Amidst the incan-
tations and orgies of notification, seces-
sion, disunion, and revolution, would be
celebrated the funeral rites of constitu-
tional and republican liberty"
But, Sir, if the government do its
duty, if it act with firmness and modera-
ton, these opinions cannot prevail. BE
assured, Sir, be assured, that among the
political sentiments of this people, the love
Of union is still uppermOst. They will
stand fast by the Constitution, and by
those who defend it. / rely on no tenn
porary eXpedients, on no political combi- |
nation; but | rely on the true American
feeling, the genuine patriotism of the peO-
pie, and the Imperative decision of the |
public voice. Disorder and confusion. in |
decd, may arise; scenes of cOmmotion |
and contest are threatened, and pcrhaps |
may come. With my whole heart, pray |
for the continuance of the domestic peace |
and quiet of the country. | desire. most |
ardently, the restoration of affection and |
harmony to all its parts. | desire that |
every citizen OF the whole country NAV |
look 10 this government with no other |
sentiments than those of grateful respect |
and attachment. But cannot WELD even |
to kind feelings the cause of the COnstitu-
ton, the true glory of the country, and |
the great trust which we hold in our hands |
for succ Aeding ages. If the Constitution
cannot be maintained 1UitHOW nlectiaq
HtfSc scenes Of c0nln2OfiOn and contest |
h0tceVeJ' U'at0eIcOnee, THEY MUST COME.
We cannot, we must not, we dare not
omit to do that which, in our Judgment
the safety of the Union requires. Not re-
gardleSS OF consequences we must VET |
meet consequences; seeing the haZirtIs |
which surround the discharge of pubIt.
duty, 1t must yet be discharged. Formv-
self, S!r, L shun no responsibility Justly
deVolVlng on me, here or elsewhere, in at
tempting to maintain the cause. T am |
bound to it by indissoluble ties of affec-
ton and duty, and shall cheerfully par
take IN its fortunes and its fate | am
ready TO perform my own appropriate
part, whenever and wherever the occa-f
SION may call on me, and to take my
chance among those upon whom blows
may fall first and fall thickest."
For making this noble defence, Mr..
Webster was invited to dinner by Gen.
Jackson, although the two had long been
estranged, and the whole Jackson democ-
racy rang with praises of its doctrines, as
well as the Force Bill, which authorized
the government to collect duties on ships
of war. {
Let any dispassonate reader compare {
Gen. jackson course with A braham Lin
COINS, and they will find the two follow
ed the same path, and although both ex-
erclsed doubtful powers, like Cicero of old
tney could have laid their hands upon !
Ileir hearts and sworn they had preserv- 1
Gu the Union. Let the same reader conn
pare the doctrine of CaIbou, o,,d II {
with the lmbecile declaration of Buchan-
al ana Black that they could find no !,
power in the Constitution to coerca = 7
state or in other words put down q rebel
hon, and the conclusion is irresistillon.. {