Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1867-07-05


Island why net appeal to Rhede Island
But there Is MT citizen who goes
abroad zsith5at taking with him a eertif-
icste nom eur general government that
he is a citizen Of the same, claiming for
him protection as such. We have not
a vessel on the lakes or high seas for
which commercial rights or im1nunities
would be claimed for a mOmenton- ae-
count Of any State Authority, OF for
which any other than the flag of the
Union would afford protection. The
flag of tie United States; dot Of Ohio. is
our flag, and from the Supreme author
ity of the nation, not of Ohio, We derive
the rights and the protection Of citizen
ship.
This doctrine that the Union Is an in
tegFai nation does not interfere with or
ezdanger the rights Of States. Fors,while
neither Ohio Ioa the people Of Ohio, or
any other State or set of States, ordain-
ed the Constitution Of the United States,
but the people Of the United States, yet
that Constitution as ordained recognizes
the right Of the people to organize them
selves into states to which, as bodies cor
perate, certain RIGHTS and privileges are
guaranteed. Those rights must remain
inviolate as long as the bodies corporate,
or the preOpIe thereof, fulfil theirobliga-
tions under the Constitution. There
has never vet been the slightest attempt
made to interfere with such rights ex-
eept upon a clear necessity caused by
insuTecti0n or rebellion, while there
have been multiplied attempts by the
Statesto thwart and nu1Iify the nation
al authority. The States Rights dog
mas Of the Democracy have been the
fruitful source Of mischief to the coun-
try, and we defy any one to show where
IN they have ever been productive of
good.
But the Constitution was ordained, says
the preamble, Gin order to form a more
perfect Uniou.H The people ofthe States
had already been united in a Confeder-
aey but they desired Union more per
tect and en- duri1g-a Union which should
make them one, and not ilahy, of the
nations of the earth They already had
been 1sqmy, much to their misfortune 4;
they now proposed to form ''oHe out Of
many E pluribus unum. That one
they were pleased to call united States''
Had theycaIIed it columbia % ''Amer-
lea, - or American Republic, Dthe term,
like that of France, Prussia, or Great
Britain, would have been more truly
significant of what we are-one people,
and one common governmentand coun-
try.
Upon the issue that we are not ma
ton but a Confederacy of nations the
late war was raised and fought through.
And if there is any one principle con-
c1usively settled by the war it is settled
that we are one nation and not a Con-
federacy of States. 1t is a principle,
too, which has been rightly settled, as
all the lessons of history teach. The
experience of all cOufederacies, from
that of the AmphictyOnic Council to
that of the United Netherlands and the
American Confederation, shows that
they are the weakest and most ineffi-
cient Of all governments. They neither
secure protection at home or respect
abroad. They furnish no proof against
insurrectiOn and no adequate defense
against foreign invasion and oppression.
Continually torn by internecine con-
fiiets and domestic dissensions their
weakness invariably makes them either
the tools or the prey of the ambition Of
their stronger neighbors.
IF the American States would avoid
such fate they must be united in one
nationality, equally powerful for ex-
ternaI defense and internal govern
ment. After the events of the late war
it would seem useless to argue such a
proposition, but there is yet faction in
the land which disputes it. Still dream
ing over the nuIIificatiOn resolutions of
I798, out of which the late rebellion
sprang, the Democratic party continues
to argue for and propagate the essential
doctrines of secession. 1t still holds, in
the language of those resolutions, that
the Union is a compact, " and that ''as
in all other eases of compact among
parties hGUing no common Judge, each
party (State) has an equal right to Judge
for itseLf, as a0eI Of ATTRACTIONS as Of The
mode of redress The Union party OF
this State has wisely affixed its condem-
nation upon this mischievous doctrine.
We hope an amendment to the Consti-
tuition viii soon be submitted by Con-
gress, as it ought to have been done be
fore this, emphaticalIy repudiating the
right of secession, aud affirming the
permanent unity of the Republic, and
the supreme and inviolabIe authority OF
the government, under the Constitution
ordained and established by and for the
people of the United States.
MaximiIian had no sooner seated
himselfon the throne which he usurped
by means of foreign bayonets, and in
the interest of European monarchy and
Southern secession, than he issued
ediets directing that every Mexican ta-
ken in arms against him should be ex-
ecuted without mercy. We have never
heard of any sympathy being express
sed by the Democratic party of the
United States for their Mexican neigh
bors thus cruelty butchered by a for
eign fiIibuster. On every hand, how
ever, Democracy laments the fate of
seem, of the downfall in his person OF
monarchy in Mexico. According to
that party it was a great crime
for our National government to assert
by force its authority over the seeding
States of the South in order to preserve
Republican institutions, but it was all
right for foreign adventurer to come
three thousand miles to prosecute a
scheme of breaking down republican,
ism in Mexico and establishing himself
as monarch over a people utterly alien
to him in language, manners and sym
pathies. The reason for this is appar-
ent. NIaximiliau's scheme was a scheme
of robbery and oppression, as was also
that of the Southern secessiOnists, and
the two schemes, kindred with each
other, touched a sympathetic chord in
the Democratic bosom which yearns
with compassion for both. Maximili-
an may be entitled to charitable con-
sideration but the cause he represent