New-York tribune., 1867-06-12
CONSPIRACY IN LABOR.

We hold that personal independence is the
quality that gives dignity and insures success
tO American industry. This might perhaps,
with care, have been secured under the old
system. If capitalists of generous impulses
had gone little further, and-having provided
everything necessary TO tho material comfort OF
the working people. giving them fair wages
and fair accommodations-had given them a
share in the property created by their JOINT
efforts, the passage from the old system to the
new might have been made without trouble.
But the transition was not destined to be so
easy. The laborcr was not satisfied with his
hire, felt that hc was used rs n tool was taken
advantage of, was oppressed lie talked
over his wrongs with his mates; he dis
cussed the rates of wages; he lashcd
himself into rage he regarded the capitalist
as his enemy. The necessary result was the
strike. We have done our best to expose the
foolishncss of strikes, considered "a means
of adjusting Labor and Capital; but one or
two points should be deeply considered.
Strikes mean war; They suppose a state OF
war. They resort to the practices oil war.
They mean onspracy-conspiracy of one kind
Of hbor against another. When organized, ~
at last they come to be- the result is the
trades union, groups OF trades unions, compact
leagues of working men, banded together by
common pledges, making mp common purse,
and 10y accumulation of money and numbers,
driving capital 20 the wall. This is war, which
may be carried upon an immense scale.
with most terrible effects. 1t is SO carried on
in England. where Mr.. Bcales, the President oil
the Reform League, declared himself tho repre-
sentative of 10000 men. 1t may be so carried
on here, should the principle on which the
working people rest como to prevail here, IA
we devoutly pray IL may not
For what does the working class gain hy il
Does il become richcrf On the contrary, it
becomes poorer 1t loses valuable time; it
loses the habit of industry, which is more
precious than days il takes its hard earnings
10 support idlers in discomfort; it acnates for
war purposes funds that are demanded for the
increasing exigcncies of social life, education
of children, Improvement of tenements, cloth
ing amusements, recreation and the increase
of wages, if gained at all, will be no compcnsa-
tion for the greatest part of this sacrifice II It
is for any part of it. AT the utmost il will
make good the expenditure of money. The loss
of time it can never repair; nor for an acquired
habit OF Incidence can 1t offer the smallest
amends
Does the conspiracy of Labor make the Ia
borer independent Far from it. He loses his
independence more completely than ever be-
fore. He has no independence now whatever.
He has made himself over to a party; he is
watched by jealous eyes; he cannot work if
he would; cannot take such wages as would
satisfy him; he must wait the pleasure of
others, and see his family suffer that the league
may be sustained.
Does he acquire self-respect7 How can he
He learns nothing He enriches no faculty.
lie gains no influence. He steps into no op-
portunity. lie swcls with defiance. but his de-
fance is irrational. He busters, but it is
against the laws Of trade. He sets himself up,
but il is only in his cOnceit The chances are
that he will become lazy. vicious. angry, and
ntractable. lie makes enemies OF the very
people who should be his best friends. This
conspiracy in labor is probably more destruct-
i've to the manhood of the working classes
than the system of patronage was, for this,
under favorable conditions, did provide for the
higher mental and social culture of working
people. 1t founded literary institutions,
established reading rooms and schools,
tried experiments in model lodging houses and
endeavored to make the laboring man feel that
he was moral being. All this ceases when
conspiracy begins. Capital shuts its hand,
closes its purse, husbands its means, and makes
ready for the losses and expenditures of IA cam
paign. The question is, which party shall first
be brought to terms7 Under the old system
of patronage there might be goodwill, hearty
and permanent, Between Labor and Capital.
Under this system only ill-will is possible; and
ill-will not for the moment, but ,,mintermitting.
The two interests act toward one another on
the offensive and defensive; each seeks its
separate advantage without regard to the
Others interest or to the laws of honorable
work. An intense and bitter selfshncss takes the
place of the sentimental kindness of the ancient
dispensaton, and from either party nobleness
disappears. The experience of England is full
of lessons for the working people on this sub
ject. Fortunately, we seem likely to escape the
worst perils from which they might deliver us.
Establishments like Prices Candle Company,
and, better still, experiments like Sir Francis
Crosley's, whose immense carpet mandatory Is
conducted on the principle that the working
people may, out Of the proceeds of their own
labor. purchase direct interest in the business,
and become st.orers in its profits, mark new
era in the irStory of labor. They are direct
approaches 10 tho system Of simple coopera-