Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1867-05-07

reducuon or twenty Ftr cent On then
wages.
hundred and fifty men employed, about
one hundred commenced work yesterday
on the ten hour system.
At Galesturg and Amboy all the rail-
road workmen have quit LABOR
NEW ORLEANS CORREsPosDENOE.
New ORLEASs, LA, Nay 2, 1857.
Editors Appeal:
THE FREEDMEN
Bear their new hOnors meekly. Indeed,
they are somewhat encUmbered with
them, and look very seriously upon the
responsibility of choosing their own OIL
GERS. In some cases they may support
other than Radical candidates; but
the pressure upon them IS too great to
be generally resisted. Independently Of
the gratitude argument which binds
them = give an irrevocable power Of at
torns<fto those whom they aided to con-
queEs, they are told that suffrage is a
provisional privilege. Thst this Is an
exercise ofthis privilege-a
suffrage drill. That if the freedman
makes a proper use Of it, that is, votes
the Radical ticket, he viii be confirmed
in its endowment if he does not, the
cred as evidence that the freedman is not
qualified to exercise it properly, and he
will be deprived of it, SO it will be seen
that the two arguments will be difficult
to counteract. 1t is perfectly plain that
ifthe old party organizations be revived,
the entire cOlored vote must be east
against the Democratic party. The
social safety of the South is Of far more
importance than any such organi2s-
ton. There is another mode to
neutralize by division the colOred class
vote now sought to be concentrated
against the property and intelligence of
the south. 1t is to de ample and abun-
dant Justice to the freedmen, and select
among his candidates. Candidates should
be preferred who are opposed to the cot
ton tax and the prohibitOry tariff. II
the South cannot nave representatives
who think with her on all points, she
will at least send men TO Con-
press who will thwart the policy
Of her opponents. With the indica-
Iions of colour, and coalescence here
there is little doubt but that candi-
dates in favor Of freedmen's rights and
repeal Of the cotton tax, will receive
the majority vote, and so we may es-
cane this great evil. If this be treason,
Massachusetts, may make the most Of it.
OUR COTTON MARKET.
Cotton prices seem to move in cycles.
The gradual reduction has taken every
one by surprise, and the sudden rise
has not diminished our establishment.
In truth, the cotton sOOthsayers cannot
foresee, either 3 rise or fall in the staples.
Formerly private correspondence with
Europe, enabled parties to profit by an
advance OF avoid decline. Now, when
that clock of commerce the telegraph
shows the rates Of price stimuli
taneously in every market Of the
world, the price Of staple in one
market can only differ from that
in another by the freight and insurances
Of the transfer. Besides, the state of the
money market, Of the food market, Of
the labor market, the prospect of war,
famine, or of any other obstacle TO con-
sumption, so far affects the price cur
rent of cotton that the comparative
stocks on hand cease to be a safe critic
rion to bet on. Would it not be
better, then, for the cotton factors to
urge the planter to send in his crop as
early as possible and sell it in the first
market, save interest, waste, shrinkage,
Insurance, and put the money to good
use2 Such a course pursued a lifetime
would pay as well as the old habit OF
Withholding cotton for a prospective
market The system OF acceptances is
changing very much. Formerly, sub
stantial planters needed capital to puF-
chsse labor, and acceptance was then
protected by its investment in property.
Now It is asked expressly because of the
necessities Of the planter, the maturity
is only protected by the successful result
ofthe investment, not by the investment
itself, and with a lost crop there may be
a lost advance by the factor. It will be
better then to change this system of sc
ceptances, charge moderate commissions,
close the account of the planter annually,
and prepare for the inevitable competition
in the soil as well as the production OF
our great stsple.
COTTON MANUFACTURE,
But the statesmen of the South-if ii
has any worthy of that name-should
investigate the capacity Of the South to
spin and weave and print this cotton.
1t may do very we'll for the East Indians
and Egyptians TO export raw cotton, as
the naked negro carries the tusk ivory
on his shoulder from Tanganyka to Zau-
zibar, but for a people of our intelligence
to send forth product worth twenty-fiv We
cents to be converted into a fabric
worth dollar, in one-sixth of the time
required for its growth and production,
and this increase of value to be produced
by the application Of labor, provisions
and physical facilities which abound
among US is a reflection upon the good
sense Of the South, which we do not de-
serve. The irregular and declining price
of cotton would then be corrected by
State establishments for manufacturing
our cotton If private means con-
not be commanded. When the
planter thus receives low prices for
his crop, the home manufacturer and
the non-pauper operatives would profit
bv 1t. We should reduce our own poor
taxes aud besides capitalizing and keep
ing at home great deal of capital now
exported. This would have been con.
sidered one treason against Stste-rights
but il may row be spoken with appro.
baton in the south. 1t is better
10 build cotton mills than poor.
houses, and If the States have
power to build penitential faetOrie:
TO employ thieves, il certainly has the
power to build cotton factories to pre-
vent poor people from becoming thieves
WILLIAM NJ -RITRWEII