Nashville union and dispatch. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1866-1868, 1867-04-06
THE HISTORY OF EMANCIPATION
HOW III CAME TO BE DONE.

/ "a w DE ANSNH.s
As a claim 10 the negro vote, the Radi-
Gals contend that they emancipated him.
A brief glance at the history of the
events which led to that result, and cita-
tons from the records Of prominent act
ors in them, will serve to establish the
position heretofore assumed in these coll
umns-yiz., that the freeing of Southern
slaves was an incident growing out Of the
war; that it was a means to an end that
if the end could have been accomplished
without the use Of such means, the yietOrs
10 the civil war would never have en-
| ployed them; that it was not the original
intention of that party to give him his
freedom, but that they were driven to it
by the force Of circumstances.
Says Horace Greeley, in his American
Conflict, vol >, page 237:
Our great civil war was opened on the
! part of the Union not only icih an dnriouS
desire but with a general expectation that
| it would be prosecuted 10 a successful issue
without seriously disturbing the founda-
| tons and buttresses Of slavery.
In 1861, the Federal military com
manders, as a general rule, prohibited in
reference with slaves as property and
in November Of that year. Gen. FIRE.
aont was removed from command for
proclaiming slaves free, and Simon Came
ron's report as Secretary of War was re-
vised by Mr.. Lincoln and the portions
advocating that policy stricken out So
great was the disapprobation of Cameron's
views that he was shortly removed from
the Cabinet. In May, 1862, Mr.. Lincoln
annulled a freedom proclamation of Gen.
Hunters, and sent that officer into quasi
retiracy on account Of it, In August,
1869, Mr.. Lincoln, in reply to paper
published in the New York Tribune,
headed The Prayer ofTwenty Millions"
the production, however, of Horace
Greeley alone, in reply, addressed letter
to Mr. Greeley, in which he said
My paramount object is to save the
Union, and not either to save or destroy
slavery. II could sGuc the Union WithOut
freeing ana SHARES, / rOuId do Il; If / could
save il by freeing all the slaves, would do
it; and if could do it, by freeing some
and leaving others alone, | would also do
that
Mr.. Seward, as Secretary of State, in
1861, in his dispatch to Mr.. Dayton, at
Paris, intended as manifesto of the in
tentions and purposes of the government
in the war for the maintenance of its au-
thority, said
The condition Of slavery IA he screrai States
oiH remain Just he same, whether it succeed
or fail. There is not even a pretext for
the complaint thatthe disaffecIed States are
to be conquered by the United States if the
revolution fail but the rights of the States
and the condition of every human being in
them will remain subject TO the same laws.
Inhis first annual message, Mr. Lincoln
cautiously avoided the question of eman>
cipation but recommended colonization Of
those negroes who, by the casualties of
war were thrown on its hands-an expor-
tation out of the country, IA if they were
unfit to live in it. In his second message
he urged this, and counseled Congress to
offer bonus to the States to emaneipate
the negroes in order that they might be
sent away under some general laws
ThisNwas pending his preliminary eman-
cipation proclamation under military au-
thority which was issued Sept %, 1862
The battle of Fredericksburg in De
cember Of that year, which was disas-
ter to the Federals. determined the final
emancipation proclamation Of January
lst, 1863 Upon the authority of Edward
Bates, then Attorney General, it is stated
and never been denied, that the prelimi-
nary threat to free the negroes made in
September was caused by confidential
representations of American ministers in
Europe, that a recognition Of the Confed
eracy was imminent and could not be
averted otherwise than by such a policy.
The action of the Radical republican
Congress in forever prohibiting slavery
in the territories was not taken until after
the war had ragged for eighteen months;
the confscation Of slaves not until two
years after aud the repeal Of the fugi-
tive slave act not until nearly three years
afterwards; and the adoption Of the reso-
luton proposing the amendment to the
constitution abolishing slavery was not
passed by Congress until January, 1865,
less than two months previous to the sur
render of Generals Lee and j. John~
son.
These are facts from the historical
record, and they are adduced to show
that the negro was emancipated, not out
Of the abundance Of humanity and phi
lanthpopy hypocritically professed for
him BY those who now demand his PO-
litical services as return, but by sheer
necessity, to which they reluctantly yield
ed They appreciated his value as prop
erty, and indirectly reaPed its benefits
la the struggle to retain their ascendaney
over the South, il was a base calculation
Of dollars and cents that led them IA
convert him into freeman. The con. i
quest over the South as a source Of reve-