The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1867-03-13
ARTICLE a

SECTION 1. All persons born or naturaiized in
The United States and subject to the jurisdiction
thereof, are citizens Of the United States and Of
the State wherein they reside. No State shall
make or enforce any law which shall abridge the
privileges or immunitics Of citizens of the Uni
ted States; nor shall any State deprive any per-
son of life, liberty or property without due pro-
cess OF law, nor deny to any person within its
jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
Sec. 2. Representatives shall be apportloned
among the several States according to their re-
spective numbers counting the Whole number OF
persons in each State, excluding Indians not
taxed, But when the right to vote at any cleo
ton for the choice OF electors for President and
Vice President of the United States, representa-
tive in Congress, the executive and judicial ON
GERS of State, or the members of the legislature
thereof, is denied to any of the male Inhabitants
of such State, being twenty-one years OF age and
citizens of the United States, or in any way
abridged except for participation in rebellion or
other crime, the basis of representation therein
shall be reduced in the proportion which the
number of such male citizens shall bear to the
whole number of male citizens twenty-one years
of age in such State. 9sss fa
SEC. g. No person shall be Senator or Rep
resentative in Congress, or elector of President
and Vice President, or hold any office, civil or
military. under the United States, or under any
State. Who. having previously taken an oath as a
member of Congress, or as an officer OF the
United States, or as member of any State legis-
lature or as an executive Orjudcial officer Of any
State, to support the constitution OF the United
States, shall have engaged in instruction or re-
bellion against the same, or given aid or comfort
to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by q
vote of two-thirds OF each House, remove such
disability.
SEC. 4. The validity of the public debt of the
United States authorized by law, including debts
incurred for payment of pensions and bountles
for services in suppressing insurrection or rebel
-1-.1I. nod RrIf nnlf
United States nor any State shall assume or pay
any debt or obligation incurred in aid OF 1nsur-
rection or rebellion against the United States, or
any claim for the loss or emancipation OF any
slave but all such debts, obligations, and claims
shall be held illegal and void.
SEC. 5. The Congress shall have power to en-
force, by appropriate legislation, the provisions
of this article.
This plan, after recognizing, as the Presi-
dents plan does, the existence OF the States
as States, proposes, first, that a colored man
from Massachusetts, shall have the same lib
erty in North Carolina that he possesses in
his own State, and that a colored man from
North Carolina shall have the same liberty in
Massachusetts which he possesses at home
1t provides that no State shall abridge the
privileges or immunities of a citizen of
the United States, or deny to any person
life, liberty, or property, or the equal protec-
ton of the law Who objects to that 2 1
am sure President johnson does not; for
the civil rights bill, now in existence as a
law, and which will in no event be repealed,
makes the same provision for the colored
race, and the objection of the President was
not to this feature of that law, but to that
part of which, as he thought, improperly
C{oto ,rfc fo fhn 40
of the United States. If it be said that
there is some concealed purpose in this pro-
vision hereafter to force negro suffrage on
the States as the only means of securing to
colored people the privileges or immuni-
ties" referred to, the answer is that this can
not be so, for the reason that subsequent
section in the amendment leaves the ques,
ton of suffrage wholly and solely with the
States.
The Congressional plan also proposes that
representatives in Congress shall be appor-
toned among the States in proportion to
qualified voters Who can justly object to
that 2 Under the Constitution while slavery
existed, not only were the white inhabitants
counted in apportioning representatives, but
three-ffths of the slaves were added to the
whites. This rule has ceased with the ex-
tinction of slavery. There are now no such
"persons" as those referred to in the Consti-
tuition, of whom three-ffths must be count
ed, but the whole population of both whites
and blacks must be counted in apportion-
ing representatives. Under this new rule it
has been estimated that the Southern States
would gain eight members of Congress. Is
it to be expected that the free white popu-
lation of the North will agree to this? As
it is, and as it has been from the beginning
of the government, five negroes have had as
much weight in the Congress of the United
States as three white men, for, for every
three white men five negroes have been
counted in apportioning Representatives.
The proposed amendment provides that the
Southern States shall be entitled to their
present number of members until the period
of the next apportionment, in 1872; but af-
ter that time representatives must be appor-
toned according to voters, and not, as now,
according to the whole population. Up to
1872 this State will be entitled to seven
members, the present number; after that
time, she will be entitled for the next ten
years to eight members, provided the color
ed people are allowed to vote, and if they
are not allowed to vote, she will be entitled
to five members. The same rule will apply
to all the States. fit is said that this rule
is unjust, and that the whole population
should be counted, answer, that represen-
tation and taxation should 60 together, and
that it is not just to claim representatives on
certain class of population, and then deny
to that population the privilege of voting
for those representatives. If am told that
the whole population ought to be counted,
though one class of it only should be allow
ed to vote, answer that the free white men
of the North will never consent that the
Southern States shall add by the results of
their rebellion to their power in the House
OF Representatives by counting the non-vot-
ing negro population; and that, as a citizen
of North Carolina, I am unwilling that the
Eastern part { the State shall thus count their
manumltted slaves against the free white
loyal men Of the West. It will be for the
people of the State to decide, in 1872, wheth-
er they will have eight members of Congress
with negro suffrage, or five members without
negro suffrage l have the fullest confidence
in the people of the State. feel sure that
their decision on this subject will be wise
one, and for one expect to go with them
and submit cheerfully to the will of the ma
jority.
But we are not without light on this sub
ject from President johnson himself In his
interview with Mr.. Stearns, of Boston, in o.
tober last, he said:
"Many years ago moved in the Legislature of
Tennessee that the apportionment of representa-.
tives to Congress from that State should be by
qualified voters The apportionment is now fixed
until 1872; before that time we might change the
basis of representation from population to quail
fled voters, North as well as South, and in due
course Of time the States without regard to color
possessed certain mental, moral, or such other