The Vermont transcript. [volume] (St. Albans, Vt.) 1864-1870, 1867-04-05
Transcript


tcmatic vigilance. Tho system, never per
fccted, was much disorganizcd by the Ten
uro Of Office bill which has almost dcs-
troyed official accountability. The President
may be thoroughly convinced that an officer /
is incapable dishonest, or unleithful TO the /.
Constitution but under the law which !
have named, the utmost he can do is to com
plain 10 the Senate and ask the privilege Of
supplying his place with better man. II
the Senate be regarded as personally or politi-
cally hostile to the President it Is natural aud
not altogether unreasonable Tor the officer TO
expect that IL will take his part, as far as
possible, to restore him to hIs place, and
give him triumph over his Executive super-
or The officer has other chances Of impun-
ity arising from accidental defects Of evil
dencc. the mode Of investigating It,, and the
secrecy Of the bearing. 1t is not wonderful
that Official malleasance should become bold
IN proportion as the delinquents learn to
think themselves safe. am entirely per
suaded that under such a rule the President
cannot perform the great duty assigned to
him Of seeing the laws faithfully executed,
/ and that it disables him most especially from
enforcing that rigid accountability which is
necessary to the due execution Of the revcn-
ue laws. The Constitution invest, the Pres.
ident with authority TO decide whether a re-
m0yal should he made in any given case the
act Of Congress declares in substance that he
shall only accuse such as he supp0ses 10 be
unworthy Of their trust. The Constitution
make him sole Judge in the premises, but
the statute takes away his jurisdiction, trans
iers it to the Senate, and leaves him nothing
but the odious, and sometimes impracticablo
duty OF becoming prosecutor. The prose
cuton is to be conducted before tribunal
whose members are not like him, response
bic to the whole people, but to separate con-
stituent bodies, and who may hear MS accu-
satiOn with great dislayor The Senate is abb
sOlutely without any known standard Of
, decision applicable to such a case Its ludg
ment cannot be anticipated for it is not gov
erned by any rule. The law does not de-
= fine what shall be deemed good cause for re-
moyal. 1t is impossible even to conjecture,
+ what may or may not be 30 considered by
c the Senate. The nature Of the subject for
! bids clear proof II the charge be incapa-
= city what evidence will support it2 Fldeli-
G ty to the Constitution may be understood or
C misunderstood In a thousand different ways,
b and by violent party men in violent party
, times unlaithiulness 10 the Constitution
{ may even come 10 be considered meritorious.
Y II the officer be accused Of dishonesty, how
= shall 1t be made out} VIII it be inferred
: from acts uncounected with public duty iron
o private history, from general reputation
O or must the President await the commission
o Of an actual misdemeanor in Officer Shal
L he in the meantime risk the character and 10
II terests Of the nation in the hands of men {,
n whom he cannot give his confidence Mus
e he f0I bear his complaint until the mis-
= chief Is done, and cannot be prevented
l. Iii his zeal in the public service should impc
a him to anticipate the overt act muet b
d move at tho peril Of being tried himself 10
II the offence Of slandering hls subordinate
)t In the present circumstances of the cluntr
ie some one must be held responsible for off
re cial delinquency Of every kind il Is ox
ie tremely difficult TO say where that responsi
le bility should be thrown if it be not lei
where it has been placed by the Constitution
but all just men will admit that the Pre-.
Sc dent ought 70 be entirely relieved from sue
r responsibility, if he cannot meet it By reaso
a Of restriction placed by law upon hIs actor
10 The unrestricted power Of removal from VI
n fee Is very great one 10 ba trusted even
a a magistrate chosen by the general suhiae
n OF the whole PEOPLE and accountable drec
a. ly to them for his acts IL Is und5ubtodi
er liable to abuse, and at some periods Of on
~ hl9AtA INAA- fi1f has Uetn hDAet1. II il r
r thought desirable aud constitutional that
II should be so limited a. to make the Pres
Of dent merely common iniormer against OIL
It er public agents, he should at least be pc
1t mlttcd 70 act IN that capacity before son
ne tribunal Independent of party politics, read
e. TO investigate the merits Of every case, Ia
By nshed with the means Of taking eyIdeuc
nc and bound to decide according 10 establisl
a ed rules. This would guarantee the saiet
n OF the accuser when be acts in good iai.
1t and at the same tm secure the rights Of q
1g other party | speak Of course. with a
ng proper respect for the present Senate, but
IN docs not seem % me that any legisiau
ly body can be SO constituted as 10 insure
70 fitness Tor these functions IL is not Il
&c theory OF this Government, that public Of
OF ces are the property Of those who bold then
he They are given merely as a trust for q
d. public benefit, sometimes for a fixed periO
on sometimes during good behaviour, but &c
oil orally they are liable TO be terminated at q
'e- pleasure of the appointing power, VIII,
in represents the collective majesty and speal
cd the will Of the people The forced retentiC
90 of office by single dishonest person mg
ny work great injury to the public interest
at The danger to the public service comes n
RI from the power to remove but from the poN
IT'S er to appoint therefore it was that q
trainers OF the Constitution left the pow
10 OF removal unrestricted. while they gave Il
u Senate right to reject all appointmen
an which in its opinion were not tit to be mad
ry little reflection on this subject will prob
bly, satisfy all who have the good Of Il
iy country at heart, that our best course is
a. take the Constitution for our guide, walk
to the path marked out by the founders of Il
ne ! Hppphl nd 81 H. a. 4
- the Observance of our great predecessor
of THE FINANCES.
=. " The present condition of our finances al
= circulating medium is one to which yol
~, carly consideration is invited The propO
IT, ton which the currency of any countl
- should bear 10 the whole value of the ann
"a al produce circulated by its means Is a que
~ ton upon which political economists ha'
- not agreed. Nor can it be controlled by |
- gslation, but must be lett to the irreyocab
~ laws which everywhere regulate commer
~ and trade The circulating medium wi
80 ever irresistby now to those points wheI
is is it is in greatest demand The law Of d
30 mand and supply is as uncrring as thl
~ which regulates the tides Of the ocean, an,
- indeed, currency like the tides has its ebl
= and flows throughout the commercial worl
i AT the beginning of the rebellion the ban
note circulation of the country amounted
- not much more than two hundred millions
~ dollars. Now the circulation of NatloI
~ al Bank notes and those known as legal tel
No. dcrs is nearly seven hundred millions. Viii
- 1t IS urged by some that this amount shout
~ be increased, others contend that decide
" reduction is absolutely essential to the bel
- interests Of the country. In view Of thes
diverse opinions it may be well to ascertai