Ashtabula weekly telegraph. [volume] (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1853-1873, 1867-12-07

clear proof. If the charge be incapacity,
what evidence will support it? Fidelity
to the Constitution may be uDdny.too
or misunderstood in a thousand different
ways, and by violent party men, in yio-
lent party times. fai;hlessness to the Com
stitution' may overcome to be considered
mrritoriouS. If officers lie accused OF
dishonesty, how shall it be made out p
Will 1t be inferred from acts uncOnmect-
ed WI h their public duty, from their pri-
vate history, or from their general repu-
tatiOn, or must the President await the
commission OF 5n actual miSdemeanOr in
office; Shall he III the meantime risk the
character and the interests of the nation
in the hands Of men to whom he cannot
give his confidence Must lie forbear his
complaint until the mischief is done and
cannot be prevented? If his zeal in the
public service should help him to ant1ci-
pate an overt act, must he move at the
peril ofbeing tried himself for slandering
his subordinate? In the present circum-
stances of the country, some one must be
hell responsible ior official delinquency
of every kind 1t is extremely difficult
to say where that responsibility should
be thrown if it be not left where it has
been placed by the Constitution.
But all just men will admit that the
President ought to be entirely relieved
from such responsibility, if he cannot
meet it by reason of restrictions placed
by law upon his actions. Unrestricted
powers of removal from office is very
great, and when trusted even to a mag
istrate chosen by the general suffrage
of the whole people and accountable di-
rectiy to them for his acts, it is un-
doubtedly liable to abuse and at some
period Of our history, perhaps has been
abused. If it be thought desirable and
constitutional that 1t should be so limit
ed as TO make the President merely a
eommel informer ac aiHst other public
agents, he shousd at least be permitted
to act in that capacity before some open
tribunal, independent OF party politics
ready to investigate the merits of every
case furnished, with the means of taking
evidence, and bound to decide according
to an established rule. This would guar
antee the safety of the accuser when he
.acts i'll good faith, and at the same time
secure the right of the other party.
speak of coYrse with all proper respect
to the present Senate, but it does not
seem to me that any legislative body can
lie so constituted as to insure its fitness
for those functions, 1t is not the theory
Of this government that public offices
are the property of those who hold them.
They are given merely as a trust for the
public benefit, sometimes for a fixed ne
'riod, sometimes during good behavior,
but generally they are liable to be termi-
mated at the pleasure of the appointing
power, ThFefi represents the collective
majesty and speaks the will of the peo-
pie. The forced retention in office of a
single dishonest person may work great
Jury to the publie interests. Danger
to the public service comes not from
the power to remove, but fy0rA the power
TO appoint Therefore 1t was that the
the trainers of the Constitution left the
power Of removal unrestricted, while
they gave the Senate the right to reject
all appointments which, in its opinion
were not fit to be made. A little rcflec-
ton On this subject will probably satisfy
all y ho have the good of the country at
heart that CUR best course is 10 take the
Constitl Ion for our guide, walk in the
path marked out by the founders Of the
Republic, ahd obey the rules made sa-
cred by the observance Of our great pre-
decessCrs.
The present condition of cur finances
and circulating mcdiam is one to which
your early consideration is invited. The
which the currency of any
country should bear to the whole value
of the mnual produce circulated by It's
means, is question upon which political
economists have not agreed, nor can 1t be
controlled by legislation, but must be
left to irrevocable laws, which everywhere
regulate commerce and trade. The cireu-
lating medium will ever irresistibly flow
10 those points where it is in greatest
DEMAND. The law demands it, and the
supply is as unerring rs that which reg
ulates the tides fthe ocean /; and indeed
currency, like the tides, has its GIBBS
and flows throughous the commercial
world. At the be ginning Of the rebellion
'he bank note circulation ofthe country
amoAntetl to NOT mach more than two
hundred millions. Now the circulation
e the National bank rOtcs and those
knoHn as legal tenders is nearly seven
hundred millions. While it is urged by
some that this amount should be ibereas-
ed, others contend that a de-, ided redWc- |
ton is absolutely essential to the best III
tercsts Of the country. In view Of these /
diverse opinions it may be we'll to aseer-
tain the real value of our paper issues |
when compared with 4 metallic or cOnver-
-ible currency. For this purpose let us
inquire how much gold and silver could
De purchased by the seven millions of
paper money now in circulation. Prob +
IDLY not more than half the amount of
he latter, showing that when our paper
currency is compared with gold and sill
-er its commercial value is compressed
nto three hundred and fifty millions
The striking fact makes it the obvious
luty of the Government as early as may
,e consistent with principles OF sound
political economy to take such measures
IS will enable the holders of its notes,
nd those of the National banks, to con-
ert them, without loss, into specie, or
is equivalent. a reduction of our paper
irculating mcdinm Will not necessarily
ollow. This, however, would depend