The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1867-08-17
one Of them, but will terminate in the gener-
al Acknowledgement of the people who are

their deluded followers. >
Leaders now say they had rather remain
under military government than submit to
the requirements of Congress. This will
not be allowed us. Rely upon it, the 4Oth
Congress will not finally adjourn till these
States are all reconstructed upon some terms
and re-admitted to representation. The
people OF the North demanded this, and 1t
will be done. 1t we reconstruct upon the pres
ent terms about nine-tenths OF the white
men will remain voters. five reject and
vote down the Convention, when Congress
again meets in December, it will pass an act
extending the disfranchisenent to every man
who votes against the convention, whether
white or black, and probably to all others
who voluntarily aided in the rebellion.
But it may be asked, why disfranchlse
man because he votes against the Conventlon.
The reply is, Congress, representing the
conqueror, has submitted its plan for recon.
struction and restoration OF the Union, ana
the vote of each man, white or black, Will
be looked to as test OF his loyalty anu
willingness to see the Union restored and
peace once more established. The tickets
of all, black and white, will no doubt be
numbered, and it will be an easy matter for
the Government to see how each voted
The question is not whether we will allow
the freedmen to vote. That is already
established beyond revocation. He is al
ready registered, and the army stands at his
back to see that he is not deprived OF this
right conferred by Congress. When they
have once exercised this right, who IS SO
blind as not to see that we cannot take 1t
from them without war of races Having
once exercised it, they will fight for 1t or
continue to exercise it; and they will have
the SYMPATHY and support OF a large ma
jority of the people of the North. 1t is not
wise to deceive ourselves on this point
Universal manhood suffrage is fixed fact,
however much we may deplore 1T. The
whole question: then, is in nutshell. 1t is
not whether the freedmen shall vote, but 1t
is how many of the white men shall vote
1t may be said this will fasten negro govern
ment upon us, and we shall, therefore, vote
down the Convention 60 avoid it. How
does this help US T.? five vote for Conven-
ton about nine tenths of the white men of
Georgia will still be voters If we vote
down the Convention Congress will extend
the disfranchisement till probably not ex-
ceeding one tenth will be voters. Which
will be the worse government for us, that IN
which nine-tenths of our own race retain the
right to vote or that in which only one-tenth
have that right! Take Tennessee as an in
stance. Her Government was set up before
the war ended and by her Constitution
none but test oath men and a Jew other
favOrites of the powers that then ruled her,
are allowed to vote. OF about 100000
white citizens, only little over twenty
thousand are voters. How gladly would
the white people of Tennessee accept the
terms rendered to us by the Military bills,
which would put the ballot-box into the
hands of nine-tenths of the white men, when,
at present, about one seventh only are voters.
What sensible man desires to exchange
position with them? And still Mr. Hill
and other leaders advocate n mad policy
that must, if successful, place Georgia in
worse condition than Tennessee now oc-
cupies; as our rejection of the terms will
cause the Acknowledgement of probably a
larger proportion of our white people than
the proportion now disfranchised in Ten
nessee.
1t was with view of doing all in my
power to save our people from this alterna-
tive, that took position in advance for the
acceptance, in good faith, of the terms pre-
scribed by Congress. l very well knew the
advantage which an INSCRIPTIONS opponent
would have by appeals to the passions and
prejudices of our people. who have just
passed through the war, with but little time
for reason to resume its control. was well
aware of the ease with which the wounds
could be re-opened by inhammatory appeals
and denunciations. The detraction and
abuse which have been heaped upon me was
not unexpected. But whatever may have
been our errors in the past, l entertain no
doubt that our best interest in the future re-
quires the prompt acceptance of the plan
dictated by the conqueror. Having taken
my position in favor of the acceptance of
the terms, after mature consideration
despising the vile slanderer whose delight is
detraction and abuse, and defying the surg
ing, resistless tide of passions and prejudices
which designing men are attempting to lash
into fury for selfish ends, shall stand inn
movably by my position. And 1 warn the
people to beware how they subordinate their
reason to their prejudices, which, if persisted
in, will bring utter ruin upon themselves
and their children. you vote down the
Convention, preferring military government,
how long may it be before Congress will
direct the military commander to assess a
tax upon you, in addition to your present
burdens, to support this military govern
ment, which seems at present to command
your admiration What guarantee have
you that General Pope, who has shown him
self wise, humane ruler, possessing, the
qualities of the statesman as well as the
General, will be continued as your COM
mander? He may die, or be called to some
other field of labor, and his successor may
be destitute of the high qualities of head
and heart possessed by him.
But however this may be, mark it-be not
deceived. Ifyou vote down the Convention,
in less than two years Georgia will be re
constructed with representation in Con-
gress; the great mass of white men in
Georgia, including all who vote against the
Convention, will be disfranchised; and
there will be a very general confscation of
property to pay the war debt and pension
the Union soldiers who were disabled in the
war. Tell me not that this will be no worse
than the present state of things. 1t will be
Infinitely worse, as every candid man,
controlled by reason and common sense, is
obliged to admit
1t is no escape to say, as Mr.. Hill and
others have said, that Congress has no
power to pass confscation act after the
war is over, or that confscation is war
measure only. There is an act now on the
statute book, passed in July, 1862, while the
war was raging, that confiscated almost the
entire property of Georgia. This act has
never been repealed. Mr. Stevens arraigns
the President for having failed to execute it.
Continue to show a rebellious spirit and it
is only necessary for Congress to pass a reso