The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-09-23

these enormous frauds by occupying the pub
lie attention with the protracted squabble
between a Republican President and a Repub-
lican Congress. We own no stock in either
branch of the concern, and see no remedy
but in turning out both parties to the quarrel.
The Contest in Ohio.
FFonl The ". Y. World.
Federal politics are very prominent in the
Ohio campaign, but State politics are inhuenc-
ing the result to degree scarcely suspected
by the politicians of other States.
l.. Concerning the issues raised in the plat
forms Of the two parties as to the policy of the
General Government. The Republican plat
form, adopted on the 10Th of July, without
disguise asserts that the war has taught us
lesson in politics as to the Interpretation of
our Federal and local rights. It asserts that
we are "not COnfederacy of sovereign and
independent States" but a nation and then
clinches this assertion with the non Sequitur-
that while "opposed to all attempts at CEN
tralization or consolidation of power any,
where" it holds that liberty of human rights
constitute our great national boon, which
local or State organizations must not be
allowed to abridge or take away !" Such a
precious jumble of political philosophy could
only find ''concatenation accordingly in the
brain of its author, General Schenck. The
Democratic platform, on the other hand, de-
nOunces the Congressional legislation in de-
tail, denounces the Exemption of the Govern
ment bonds ftom taxation, and it recites the
canons of Democratic faith as to the spheres of
the Federal and State Governments. On
general national politics the issues are
squarely made, and are being ably debated
throughout the State, from Portsmouth to
Cleveland, and from Belle Air to Greenville.
z Concerning the issues raised in the two
platforms ON questions of State politics:-The
pivotal point is the proposed amendment to
the State Constitution, which is yet interlaced
with the general radical policy of negro
suffrage. The Republican platform asserts
that ''the radicals place themselves on the
broad platform of impartial manhood suf-
frage, as embodied in the proposed amend
ment to the State Constitution This
amendment is Familiarity known in Ohio as
the "Gizzard foot amendment" 1t reads as
follows:-
"ReSoIUed, By the General Assembly OF the
State of Ohio, three -fiiths of the members
elected. 10 each House agreeing thereto, that 1t
be and hereby is proposed TO the electors of this
State 10 vote at the next annual October eec-
tlon upon the approval or rejection of the fol
lowing amendment 9s q substitute for the first
section OF The fifth article OF the Constitution of
this State. to wit:-EVery male citizen of the
United States, OF the age of twenty one years
who shall have been a resident of the State one
year next preceding the election, and of the
county, township, or ward in which lie resides
such time as may be provided by law, except
such persons as have borne arms in support of
any insurrection or rebellion against the Gov
eminent of the United States, or nave fed from
their places of residence to avoid being drafted
into the military service thereof, or nave de-
serted the military or naval service of said Gov
ernment in time of war, and have not sub
sequenIy been honorably discharged from the
same shall have tue QUALIFICATIONS of an elector
and be entitled to vote at all elections"
To understand this amendment, it must be
no ont ifntI
made by the Democracy in 1851, the word
white qualities the male citizen for suffrage.
True, by the decision of the Republican
Courts in Ohio and by the practice of the
Judges of Election in Republican localities,
male citizens vote who can swear that they
have more white than black in their blood.
In other words, mulatto or colored is white,
according to Republican theory and practice.
This big-bellied amendment of the COnstitu-
tion flies in the face of the constitutional pro-
vision (Article l6, section u that "when
more than one amendment shall be sub
mitted at the same time, they shall be so sub
mitted as to enable the electors to vote on
each amendment separately" Now this suf-
trage amendment contains four distinct pro-
positions. The radicals pronounce it only
one, because all relate to suffrage--some con
tradicting and others extend ng the elective
franchise.
In this amendment it is proposed to extend
the elective franchise to the negroes, and at
the same time to take it away from three
classes Of white persons, to wit, those who
left the State to avoid being drafted into the
Federal service; those who served in the Rebel |
army; and those who deserted the Federal ser |
vice during the war. The manner in which |
this resolution was passed is subject of |
remark in Ohio. 1t was first proposed in
January, 1866, by the representative from
Lorraine, an intensely radical region, and by
the Senator from Ashtabula, only next to LO-
raine in radicaism. AS then proposed, it
simply extended the right to vote to the
negroes. 1t was then postponed till the
adjourned session of 1867, because it was
feared, if passed in the winter Of 1866, it
would affect the Congressional elections of
that year. In the winter of 1867 it came up
again. When put on its passage, it failed by
a decided vote. Many radical members coming
from the closely contested counties of the State
voted against it with the Democrats. These
claimed that when they were candi-
dates they had pledged themselves to vote
against striking the word white from the Con-
stitution. The subject was reoonsidered, ow-
ever. and the radical members commenced
holding nightly oauouses to whip in the dis