The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-05-28

From he times.
Those who are willing to believe in a sign
of enduring peace may find some CLEAN Of
Bomfort in the cable telegram published in
tho Times of Sunday. The sovereigns of all
the leading European powers and the Sultan
of Turkey are to be in Paris at an early day.
For what specific purpose we shall learn anon.
The Exhibition must be an attraction, but
it is difficult to see how it should bring to-
gether such an august company, just at one
particular moment-for the date of their
appearance in Paris is almost definitely fixed
n the despatch. The Emperors of Russia
and Austria, the King Of Prussia, and the
"siok" sovereign of Turkey are advertised at
the Tuileries in about two weeks from Satur-
day last. The Queen of England's presence
was pledged for the Exhibition some time
ago. She is not, however, named in con-
nection with the present gathering of crowned
heads; but the omission may be accidental.
Or, If It is not accidental the meeting may be
of none the less political significance.
The part which England seems desirous,
hereafter, to fill in the settlement of coni-
mental disputes, is probably a less ambitious
one than might have been supposed, looking
to the role which Lord Stanley was believed to
have played in the Luxembourg drama. The
text of the treaty which was the result of the
London Conference rather releases the British
Government from obligations which have ex-
listed since the settlement of Vienna, than
imposes upon it any new responsibilities. The
guarantee for the final disseverance of the
German relationships of the Duchy, and for
making it permanent appanage of Holland,
so far as England is concerned, is not one
either of an individual or separate character,
but is collective in its nature. If the whole of
the intervening powers can agree to act, in the
event of future disputes then England has
pledged herself to act. If not, not.
There can be nothing clearer than the terms
in which Lord Stanley put the case when ques-
toned in the Commons as to the work OF the
Conference. Lord Derby's language in the
Upper House was also unambiguous. The
Queens Government, in short, hold them
selves, under the stipulations of the London
treaty, to be absolved from pledges of active
Intervention, which have long been morally
binding upon them. Referring to the text of
the treaty as quoted by the Marquis de Nous
tier, in the French Legislative body, the
French Minister very clearly desires it to be
understood that, while the formal plea for a
Conference on the Luxembourg question was
made by the King of Holland, the inspiration
of that plea came from the Sovereign of
France. In the Minister'S speech-whether
by design or not we cannot say-the part
taken by the British Secretary and his Royal
Mistress in the matter of the Conference is
entirely ignored. The friendly Intervention
which led to the Conference is credited, in
terms as explicit as diplomatic politeness
would permit, to the Grand Duke who pro-
posed to make merchandise of his province
and to the Imperial capitalist who was ready
to buy it.
From this development of the situation we
gather that it is decidedly agreeable to France
that England should be taken at her word,
ruha oh oil 70 into
actively in the future regulation of the politi
cal divisions of Europe. And if Lord Stanley
and Lord Derby are sincere, as they must be
assumed to be, in protesting that the British
Government has now its feet clearer of the
snarl and trammels of continental politics
than before the recent Conference the presence
of the Queen at the promised meeting of
sovereigns in Paris would hardly be looked
for, even were it in accordance with British
constitutional usages to assign ministerial
duty to the sovereign in person. The Queens
direct appeal to her royal relative in Prussia,
when the war crisis seemed to have been
reached, was timely, but altogether an extra
constitutional act. It's influence was more
purely personal than political, and was just
one of those exceptional acts in the working
of responsible government which justify them
selves only by results.
The meeting of the four leading soveregns
of the Continent of Europe with the head and
representative of the power whose position
gives most cause of uneasiness to day through
out Europe, is a fact to which more than ordi-
nary significance will be attached. 1t is true,
as everybody remembers, that within little
more than two years after the first "Worlds
Fair" when the nations seemed to have begun
to fraternize in earnest, the war between Rus
sia and the Anglo-French allies broke out.
But the policy of Western Europe was then
controlled by traditions, and by class of
statesmen that have passed away for good.
The dread OF Russian aggression has no such
hold on the English or the French mind as it
had fifteen or twenty years ago. proposal
to discuss the real position of the ''sick man.
would not, to-day, occasion the shout of alarm
that it did when the Emperor Nicholas ven
tured to open his mind to Sir Hamilton Sey-
mour. nglishmen and Frenchmen, equally
with Austrians and Italians, could sit down
and calmly contemplate the whole subject, not
only in the light of that most fruitless of all
contilots-the Crimean war-but in vieW as
well, OF the recent struggles of the Christian
races to release themselves from the rule of
the Mussulman. At Paris-if the Sultan
should 60 thither-he is sure to hear what the
decided opinion of Europe has come to be on
the Cretan insurrection. There, if the East
ern question is not brought to final and per-
iect solution, it may, at least, be looked at in
1ts plain, naked aspect, and without unduly
exciting jealousies of territorial aggrandize-
Anent oy any one of the leading powers.
simple TEeasOn-The Issue Between
Ureeley and the Republicans.
0reeley )usthes the release of Jeff. Davis on
straw bail, because he has been living in iail
for two years "unndicted for anvtbino Int