The Placer herald., 1867-03-09
From the Dublin Nation.
THE MAILED HAND" IN AMERICA. Z.

THE MAILED HAND" IN AMERICA.
"The Union and the Constitution was the
great watch-word of the northern, or federal par
ty during the American civil war. "The Union
and the Constitution" "The Union because of
the Constitution said earnest and intelligent eX-
Founders Of the text. at is the constitution we
value; the constitution we fight for; the constitu-
tion must not be rent; the constitution must be
upheld" What "the constitution" said, and
what it did not say; what "the constitution"
meant, and what it did not mean; were points
vehemently debated. The constitution" was -
apparently at least greatly loved and reverenced
by the northern people, destinations against
the sincerity or constancy of this love and rever
ence were always repellcd with Indignation. As
sertions that it not to restore the Union, but
to enforce straightforward to uphold the consti-
tuition, but to obtain the opportunity of destroy
ing 1.-THE northern party fought, were always
denounced as caumnies. Nevertheless, observers
placed beyond the influence of the war fever,
saw and predicted that "the Union as it was"
would never reappear and that with triumph of
the north "lhe constitution would vanish for
ever.
The complete triumph of the northern arms
the complete submission OF the south consumated
in 1865, enabled the world to Judge the accuracy
of those predictions, the truth OF those insinua-
tions the justice of those assertions. The war
was over; 1.-The Union was restored bu the con-
sttution--what was it9 Where is it now?--
Where is the snow-drilt that last year on the
mountain? 1t is gone. The only constitution"
acknowledged now in America is the will of the
majority of congress from which the reprcsen-
tatives of some twelve or fifteen States are for
chilly excluded. He who now would cite "the
constitution"--that constitution of which we
heard so much three years ago--would simply be
laughed at as dotard. That constitution binds
no longer, save exactly in so far as the de tact0
or artificial majority in congress may choose for
the moment to permit. The much lauded consti
tuition of Washingtons time is now thing of
scorn. tits being removed piecemea, and sup.
planted by bran new cOnsti tuition, OF which
Messrs, Thadeus Stevens and Benz min Fl But
Ter are the artiticers.
The doctrine of the eternal invioablity of the
American constitution, as bcqucathed from
Wasbin gton's time, was never ours. That doc
trine was the special property OF the men who are
now tearing that constitution into tatters as a
worthless instrument. That is to say they vehe
mentIy propounded the doctrine as long as so do
ing served their purpose; but when that purpose
WAS accomplished. and new one was TO be serv
ed by the opposite doctrine. they very compla-
Gently, and very energctcally, took up that oppo-
site doctrine. So the eternally inviolable con-
sttuton is being rent into shreds and cast to the
winds.
If the requisite majority of the American
even changes still more sweeping it would be,
after all, but fair and lawful working out OF
the principles laid down in the constitution be-
queathed by Washington. The changes may be
wise, or they may be unwise; they may be wor-
thy of universal appreciation, or they may be of
very ques ionable merit. Yet the worst Of them
thus effected would be less Objectionable than the
best of those effected merely by the law of the
strong hand; the only law now prevailing be-
tween the American States. Some clauses of the
so-called constitutional amendment" which the
de Jact0 majority are forcing upon the States,
strike us as fair and rational. Others of them
are unjust and odiousy tyranical. Among the
first we would certainly class the stipulation that
the representative dimensions Of each State
should be measured not by the gross total of its
population, but by the gross total of its citizens
entitled to vote. We would consider it unjust
that a state in " hich every adult male was free
citizen, should have no greater representation
than State equal in amount of population, yet
in which only every tenth man was admitted to
the franchise. Far different is the merit Of other
Of the clauses and conditions of the ''constitu-
tional amendment" To demand Of the southern
States, for instance. that they shabby the exer
else Of just such free will and independent choice
as a man may be said to enjoy with loaded pis
to pointed at his heart and with strong grasp
at his throat--pass and ratify an enactment de-
clarng that General Robert Il. Lee, A. II. Ste
phens General Bcauregard, and the host Of great
and glorious men whose loyalty to their respect
i've States was so heroically proved during the
recent terrible struggle, shall never be eligible
to occupy representative or official position
amongst their countrymen, is a base and coward
ly tyranny. This is TO ask of the State to reward
loyalty by prescription, to repay fidelity, selfsac
rilicc, and heroic devotion with ostlacsm, dis
grace and civil death. The proposition is an in
fanny. The prctext on which it is based is an as
sumption disrcputably and VIGOROUSLY false
That pretext is, that those men, "having once
proved disloyal, and violated their allegiance
must never again be allowed to hold representa-
tive or official position" The time is long pas
scd when this view of their conduct was held by
just minded and honorable judges. Even those
who most warmly espoused, and still espouse,
the northern side Of that fatal quarrel, frankly
admit that it was their devoted loyalty and al.
egiance that carried the southern people into the
field. Many of them yielded to their loyalty and
allegiance against individual judgment aud de-
sire. But their State called, and they felt that
their duty was to obey, if they would not be
wanting in loyalty, fidelity, and patriotsm 10y
atty to the State it was, indeed, rather than 10y
atty to the federal authority;--but that was ex-
actly the kernel OF the whole controversy; the
question whether the citizens Of Virginia, or
Georgia. as the case might be ow ed their first al
leeiance to their Stare rather than to the Feder
al Government. 1t is not denied--ior all men
know the fact--that long before civil war was q
probability in the republic, the doctrine or prn-
ciple OF State rights and State sovereignty was
held, acknowledged, avowed, and acted upon
amongst the American States. Some Of the
first statesmen in America held that doctrine;
which, indeed, was, until recent times, the doc
trinc almost universally accepted amongst
States, north and south. 1t was always and con
sisently held, avowed and practiscd by the
southern States; and the Southern men of
this generation grow up to manhood i'm
bued with the belief, which was to them
the first article in political faith, that he who fail
ed in loyalty to his state--he who, when it called,
did not obey--was rebel in the worst sense of the
term; a craven and fathless man. Judge this
doctrine how we may. in the abstract, the fact
still remains untouched, that il precisely be-
cause of there devoted loyalty and allegiance-bc.
cause OF their scrupulOus reverence for an oath OF
duty-those southernmen fought, and bed, and
suffered, and sacrificed aa never did people In
history for thousand years before, Many OF
them, like Mr.. Alexander ii. Stevens, excrted
themselves energetically to defeat the accession
ordinance, while it was being debated in their re-
spectiye states vet, like him, once their state