New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1867-06-17
MP STANBERYS OPINION

and anxiously devised by more than two
thirds of the Senate and the House, and not
only adopted but a second time considered
and passed over an able and ingenious veto
message, proves to be delusiOn and snare,
and absolutely worthless as a measure of re-
construction If Mr.. Stanbery is right then
We can no more reconstruct the South under
this bill than we could under the tax levy OF
our Common Councils, or Mr.. Swinburnes last
poem. The Senate was wrong, the House did
not know what it was doing. Mr.. JOhnsOn's
veto message was written in ignorance Of the
law, and our Generals have entirely miscon-
strued one of the plainest and most emphatic
bills of Congress EVERYBODY has erred but
Mr.. Stanberyl That officer may be subtle
logician and well learned in the law, but We
do not believe either his logic or his facts.
Let us see what the Military bill provided.
1t was intended to undo all that the President
had done 1t proclaimed that his policy was
mistake-tlat the States which he organized
were not States. Suffrage was bestowed upon
Rebels and denied to a class which had been
loyal during the war; The Rebels returned to
the Union with more power than they had
ever possessed, because they voted not only
their own strength but the strength of the DIS
franchised but enumerated negroes man for
man. As part of his plan the President de-
manded that the white minority of South Caro-
lima should vote her black and white popula-
ton against the white majority of Connecticut No
guarantee was asked from the conquered South.
Rebellion was rewarded by an enlargement of
the political rights of the Rebels at the
expense of the Union men. This the Presi-
nj in N
will of Congress this he did. He admitted no
compromise. He would not yield point to
the loudly expressed will of the country. The
nation sought in vain to find middle ground
upon which to meet the President. 1t could
only meet him by dishonorably surrendering
suffrage to the black man. After waiting, and
hoping, and doing all that could be done to
make bill that would satisfy the President
and the country, Congress, toward the end OF
the session. passed the Reconstruction bill.
That expressly provided that no legal Gov
ernments existed in the "Rebel States and
made them subject to "the military authority
"of the United States.n 1t gave the generals
| commanding absolute power, and declared that
"all interference under color of State authority
| "With the exercise of military authority" should
| be "null and vOid.D 1t directed that all men
| should be permitted to vote, without regard to
Grace, color, or previous condition. except such
| as were DISTINGUISHED for felony or rebellion.
| The manner of registration was provided in
| supplemental act. The money was appro-
priated to carry it out and Congress adjourned.
1t was understood at adjournment that the
President would execute the bill in its letter
and spirit. The country believed him, and we
Oh had of
known since the war. We regarded the South
as practically reconstructed and addressed our
selves to other questions. Impeachment died
away, and a Summer session OF Congress was
abandoned.
There have been uneasy rumors from Wash
ingtOn, and, fearing the worst, we have earn
| estly implOred the President to be wise and
take no perilOus step. Stanbery's first opinion
came We submitted TO it. 1t made little
difference practically in the operations of the
bill. There were some things about it that
were unfair, but we did not wish to borrow
trouble, or to unnecessarily embarrass the Adj
mnistration. The second opinion, however,
strikes at the very heart of the bill. 1t reduces
the military power to a mere police force, to
keep order and prevent assault and battery.
All the orders of the military commanders are
criticized as transcending their powers. Gen.
RObinsOn's order preventing whipping, the wise
code of Sickles, Pope's interfering with Rebel
Mayor, Sheridan's removals of Wells, Monroe,
and Abel, are denounced as violations of this
law. "Their education and training" says Mr..
Stanbery, "haye not been of the kind
"tO fit them for the delicate and difficult
"task of giving construction to such statute
now as that under consideration We fear
this reflects on Gen. Grant also, for we find
him as far back as March 2S ordering all State
and local elections to be disallowed in Ala
bama-until the arrival of the commander and
his order in the premises We also fear that
Mr.. Stanbery means to sneer at the "educa-
/" ton and training" of our President for in the
veto message that officer denounced the bill
because it did what the Attorney General
claims it was never intended to do !
In other words, Congress the generals
commanding = Gen. Grant, and even
the President - are wrong and Stanbery
is right The civil governments must stand.
They are independent and integral. The civil
officers must be respected. They are chosen
/ by "tbe people, and can only be replaced by
" the people" Congress expressly calls these
cOmhOnWcaiths hepel oIaVes. oElnpeiy euJS
they must not be molestedl Congress ordains
that these communities must not be allowed to
| interfere with the military authority. Stan
berry contends that the generals cannot inter-
fere with the communities unless they get up
a riot, in which case the riot may be quelled !
Well, Gen. Grant issued an order July 9, 1866,
directing commanders in the South to arrest all
Rebels charged with offenses against inlabi-
tants of the United States, irrespective of
o.Io. lLr..z.r.1 !