The western Democrat. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1852-1870, 1867-07-30
INTERVIEW WITH HON. ALEX. II.
STEPHENS.

The New York Times OF Monday devoteS
over six columns to an interview with Mr.
Stephens BY its correspondent, Mr. Swinton, the
historian. The sketch is very interesting, but
we can make space for only few extracts:
Ghmpses of the Early War Days-Much
to bis surprise, Mr. Stephens was selected as one
of the delegates from the State of Georgia to
Montgomery. He hesitated two days, and
finally consented to 60 only from a dictate of
duty to aid in saving what could be saved of
Constitutional liberty in the pending general
disruption which seemed determined on by one
side, and seriously objected to on the other He
took an active part in the formation Of the con-
stitution for the provisional government.
The day before the adjournment Of the Con-
vention the different delegations had meetings
at their rooms to consult in regard to the i'm
portant question of choice of executive. MIR
| Stephens present with the Georgia delega-
ton 1t was then stated that South Carolina
did not wish to bring forward any name, and
thought Georgia should have it. MIR Stephens's
personal choice was Toombs, whom he regarded
as the most powerful intellect of the South.
There was, however, some mention made OF
Stephens himself for the Office but he then
stated that he "wished to be counted out-that
even should he be chosen unanimously, he would
not accept, unless he saw that he could form a
cabinet that would agree upon the line of policy
90 which be thought the war should be con-
Quoted" Hitherto the name of Davis had
hardly been nooted, but at this point some
member came in and said he understood that
four States had agreed to present MIR Davis.
This was something new, for Davis aspiration
had been to be at the head Of the army rather
| than in the Presidential chair. 1t was proposed
to send out and ascertain if the report true.
The was found to be stated. The dele
cation then said they would wish Mr. Stephens
for the second Office, and to this he (being alb.
sent from the halD was unanimously elected.
'The Office" he observed, twas not unpleasing
to me ; it was free from responsibility, and |
thought might afford me the means Of doing
good"
To speaking of Davis, he remarked that there
was great popular misapprehension in regard to
what people supposed-not at all fre-eater
and though he was, of course, State rights
man, he could hardly be called secessionist."
"Then he does not deserve to oe counted
with the couspirators-with the Cobbs and Yam
ceys and Wigfalls p'
"Certainly not. He was opposed to secession,
but did not have the courage to come out against
it. His course was simply the result of timidty,
of the desire to keep the inside track and step
into the shoes of Calhoun"
Then, among other points, Mr. Stephens men
toned that Davis was very averse to having
Fort Sumter fred on, and only yielded after it
was known that fleet with reinforcements and
supplies was off the harbor. "That we regarded,
after the promises made, as the beginning Of
hostilites, and held therefore, that it was not
| we that commenced the war;"
| 1t was universally thought that the war would
be brief holiday affair. "Most of the promi-
! nent politicians, when we got through the work
| Of the Convention, FASTENED to enter the army,
fearing that if they did not get 10 quick they
would lose the opportunity of making some
capital for the future p
! "Mr Davis" he went on to say, "observed to
me soon after We got established at Montgomery,
that 'it would be question of brains who should
VIM and the remark was so just that [ thought
there must be a great deal where that came
from But there was manifested from the start
a wonderful lack of craftsmanship, and even of
mere ordinary good sense"
| I asked him to give me some illustrations Of
this
"Wel" said he, 'there is the subject offnanoe
the sinews of war. Never a people in po-
sition to start with so magnificent basis fcredit
as we. They said cotton was king. Nonsense!
1t was indeed commercial king, but no political
king. | always regarded the prevalent notion
that England would intervene in our behalf on
| account of cotton as the most chimerical Of fam
cies; and | told them at the time that the only
effect of locking up our cotton would be to stimu
late its production elsewhere. Now observe" he
continued, "what foundation we had for credit,
which Chatham calls the 'plumage of the bird
| proposed to take all the cotton-say four mil
lion bales-at ten cents, paying for it with eight
per cent gold Interest bearing bonds. By ship
ping it to Liverpool (which we might readily
have done, for there no blockade to speak of
during the first year, and holding it there till it
rose to fifty cents, we would have had $500, OOO,-
900. Well, l early called Mr. Davis attention
to it, but he told me he knew nothing of finance.
and said 60 to 'Memminger.' Memminger and l
| talked it all over one day, and we to have
another meeting two days afterwards, but in the
meantime he came out in the newspapers with
an article showing the unconstitutionality Of the
| proposed measure, and | never went near
| him on the subject afterward. But had We acted
as have indicated, we might readily have bought
fleets in Europe, and light even have hired mer-
| cenaries to fight our battles. proposed to have
fifteen lronclads constructed in Europe and to have
three out by The following March. We might
| in this way have kept at least one or two ports
open, and if the portal system is kept open
the organism can live man will live ifhe
breathe through quill even; but when, one af
ter another, we lost all our ports, even to Will
m;ngton, the game up"
Southern independence and Delusion.-The
dominant tone running through the whole of Mr.
Stephens utterances on the war, is the egregious
folly of the South in wagng it with the view to
independence and separation instead of looking
| to an accommodation of existing difficulties and
a settlement on continental basis.
No, h