The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-03-16
THE NEW YORK PRESS.
EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF THE LEADING JOURNALS
UPoE CURRENT ToPIcs-ooMPnED EVERY
DAY FOR THE EVENING TELEGRAPH.
Congress and the Public PorlIs.

4
what purported to be remarks of Presi-
dent Johnson in private conversation on public
affairs especially on the finances of the coun-
try and the possibilities of repudiation. 1t is
reported from Washington that the Judiciary
Committee which has the subject of i'm
peachment in charge, proposes to inquire into
the authenticity of this publication, to ascer-
tain whether the President did actually ex-
press such sentiments as are therein attributed
to HIM.
Such action would seem to us to indicate
great poverty OF material for impeachment OH
the part of the Committee. The Constitution
prOYides impeachment as mode OF punish
ing the President for "high crimes and misde-
meanors;" if private conversations can be
brought within that category, the scope of the
process of impeachment is likely to be con-
considerably enlarged. What Congress has
to do with such conversations, or how they
have any bearing upon the safety of the
nation we are not aware. The President has
certain duties imposed upon him in connection
with his office; if those duties are properly
performed-if the laws are faithfully executed,
and the Constitution upheld and maintained
to the extent of his ability--what the Presi-
dent may say or do as an individual-what
opinions he may utter or what apprehensions
de may express, is a matter with which Con-
gress has nothing to do. If he is to be held
responsible for private conversations, we see
no reason why members of Congress may not
also.
But all this is of minor consequence. Con-
gress may amuse the country by talk of i'm
peaohment. 1t may to some extent thus
satisfy for time the vague feeling of discon-
tent which pervades the public mind, and
which for the moment fastens upon the Presi-
dent as the ''obstacle'' to the reconstruction
and restored prosperity of the Union. But it
cannot by any such process long evade the
higher duties which devolve upon it, and for
which the country will hold it responsible.
DenunCiatiOns of the South, impeachment of
the President, schemes for the prolongation of
party power, prosecuted in reckless disregard
of the public welfare, will not divert public
attention permanently from the gathering
perils Of the nation and the utter lack of pro-
vision for meeting them which characterizes
the action OF the Government. Congress may
simulate zeal for the public credit by punish
ing the President for limiting doubts whether
it will be maintained; but it would be much
more wisely employed in adopting measures
to diminish the public burdens and to aug
ment the resources out of which those burdens
can alone be borne.
The idea of repudiating the public debt is
abhorrent to the public sense of Justice and
national honor. 1t will be universally secuted
with Indignation. Any member of Congress
who should rise in his place and propose it,
would be gibbeted by the scorn and contempt
of the public. But many member courts
applause and votes and reelection by advo-
eating measures which lead directly and in
evitably to what is practically Reputation of
the public debt-namely, failure to pay it.
General Banks very Justly said some weeks
ago in Congress that there were various ways
OF repudiating the debt, and that one of them
was by adding to its amount so largely as to
make its payment impossibe-andi in the same
speech, within the same hour, General Banks
declared that he would vote whatever bounties
the soldiers might demand, whether that vote
should add four hundred or eight hundred
millions to the public debt.
General Schenck would doubtless resent
with indignation the imputatiOn that he favors
Tepudiation-yet he is foremost among the
many advocates of a system of bounties which
can end only in failure to pay. The leading
motive of men in Congress is now, as il
always has been, and always will be, desire
to please the men on whose votes their tenure
of office depends. Now and then a man may
rise above this, but the general rule is the
other way. Members will vote for whatever
appropriations of fmoney will make them popu.
lar-and so lOngas this money is to be received
instead of paid, the larger the appropriations
the more popular they will be.
1t is only when the question of taraton comes
up for action that we see the reverse of this
tendency. Taxation is unpopular always anC
everywhere. During the war our people sub
mitted to it not only with cheerfumess, bu
with alacrity-for they saw that it was o
instant and inevitable necessity to the saliva
tiOn of the nation. But this feeling will de
crease with the lapse of time. 1t is already
far weaker than it was two months ago. Ever,
great productive interest in the country is i'm
Fortunate at Washington for relief from taxa
tion. Every manufacturing establishment il
Pennsylvania clamors necessarily to have it
own taxes hghtened or removed, and every
body else's doubled.
The Pennsylvania members of Congress ar
the foremost advocates for protection agans
competition, relief from taxation, and an infa
ton which shall keep things quiet as long a
possible. This cannot last long. Congress
has got to provide for paying thepublic debt
principal and interest, if it is to be paid at all
and it can do this only by imposing take
upon the property and business Of the peopl
sufficient to meet it. 1t must husband tn
public resources, for vast as they are, they wi
be taxed to the utmost in this gigantic work
1t must bring into activity the labor, the Ell
terprise, and the capital of every section of til
country, for all will be needed if this work
to be performed.
President JohnsOn's warnings against repl
diation are timely and true. Congress vi
much better perform its duty by needing al
acting upon them than by impeaching hi
for having uttered them.