Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1867-12-12


don't with authority 10 decide Wh,,l..
removal should be made M any,
given case; thcact of Congte, dollar,
10 substance that he shall only a,cp,o
such as he supposes to be UNIV orthvos
their trust. The Constitution mall.
him the sole judge in the premise..
but the statute takes away his iar.
diction, transfers il to the Senate. ana
leaves him nothing but the odious. ana
sometimes impraoticable, duty in be.
coming pr secutor. The prosccu,iou
is 10 be conducted before tribunal
whose members are not, like him. n.
sponsibe TO the whole people, but 10
separate constituent bodies, aud who
may hear his accusation with great
disfavor The Senate is absolutely
without any known standard Of decls.
ion applicable to such case. Ia
Judgment cannot be anticipated, for
il is not governed by any rule.
The law does not define what shall
be deemed good cause for removal
| it is impossible even TO conjecture
what may or may not be so consider.
ed by the Senate The nature Of tho
subject forbids clear proof If tho
charge be incapacity, what evidence
will support it. Fidelity TO the Con.
stitution may be understood or mis-.
understood in q thousand different
ways and by violent men, in violent
party times, unfaithfulness TO the Con.
stitution may evon come TO be consid.
cred meritorious. If the officer be &C.
cused of dishonesty, how shall it be
made outY Win il be inferred from
acts uDconnected with public duty
from private history, or from general
reputation 7 Or must the President
await the commission of ar actual
misdemeanor in Office Shall he, in
the meantime, risk the character aud
interest of the nation in the hands of
men to whom he cannot give his con.
fdenceg Must he forbear his com.
plaint until the mischief is done and
cannot be prevented If his zeal 10
the public service should impel him to
anticipate the overt act, must he move
at the peril of being tried himself for
the offence Of slandering bis subord.
natei In the present circumstances
of tho country, some one must be held
responsible for official delinquency Of
every kind. 1t is extremely difficult
TO say where that responsibility should
be thrown, if it be not left where it
has been placed by the Constitution.
But all ius: men win admit that the
President ought 20 be entirely relieved
from such responsibility, if he cannot
meet by reason Of restrictions placed
by law upon his action.
The unrestricted power of removal
from office is very great one TO be
trusted even to a Magistrate chosen
by the general suffrage of the whole
people, and accountable directly TO
them for his acts. 1t is undoubtedly
liable to abuse, and at some periods
| of our history perhaps has been abused
If it be thought desirable and consii.
tutional that it should be so limited
as to mako the President merely q
common informer against other pub
lie agents, he should at least be per.
mitted TO act in that capacity before
some open tribunal, independent Of
party politics, ready to investi gate
the merits of every case, furnished
with the means of taking evidence
and bound TO decide according to
established rules. This would guar
antee the safety of the accuser when
he acts in good faith, and at the same
time secure the rights of the other
party. | speak of course with all
proper respect for the present Senate
but it does not seem to me that any
legislative body can be so constituted
as to insure its fitness for these fung.
tions.
1t is not The theory Of this Govern.
ment that public Offices are the prop
erty of those who hold them. They
are given merely as q trust for the
public benefit, sometimes for fixed
period, sometimes during good beha.
vior, but generally they are liable to
be terminated at the pleasure Of the
appointing power, which represents
the collective majesty and speaks the
will of the people The forced reten'
tion in Office Of single dishonest per
son may work great injury to the
public interests The danger to the
public service comes not from the
power TO remove, but from tho power
to appoint Therefore it was that the
trainers of the Constitution left tho
power Of removal unrestricted, while
they gave the Senate n right TO reject
all appointments which, in its opinion
were not fit to be made. A little
reflection on this subject will probably
satisfy all who have the good OF the
country at heart that our best course
is to take the Constitution for our
guide, walk in the path marked out
by the founders of tho Republic and
obey the rules made sacred By the
observance of our great predecessors
The present condition of ourfuances
and circulating medium is one to
which your early consideration is in'
vited.
The proportion which the currency
of any country should bear TO the
whole value of the annual produce cir
culated by its means is a question
upon which political economists have
not agreed Nor can it be controlled
by legislation, but must be left to the
irrevocable laws which everywhera
regulate commerce and trade The
circulating medium will ever irresisti'
bly, flow to those points where it is ia
Uraataat domond Tho la.v of sunnly