The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-03-06
The session.


,npine. Time wasted at the start is at the
pnd made up by stopping the Capitol clock
md expungng Sunday from the calendar. at
first, all talk-at last, all work; the record OF
three months session showing larger aggre-
gate of results than eight days ago seemed
possible. The work may not be OF the best;
the results may not be wholly satisfactory;
lint tbev more than suffice to vindicate the
session from the imputation of barrenness.
The settlement of the reconstruction ques-
+ion would alone invest it with importance.
The mode of settlement Is not as we would
have IT, Il conflicts with preconCeived notions
ofrepublicanism, of and awakens a painful anX-
ious interest in the future OF the South. But,
rough though it be-harsh and despotic as it
undeniably is-it is preferable to prolonged
uncertainty or delay. Even radical recon-
struction, with military government as its
initatory process and universal negro suffrage
as its inevitable object, is better than the in
definite exclusion of ten States, or the absence
of specific declarations touching their reor-
gani2ation. Congress has fixed its policy,
and, with the Presidents help, must work it
out From this responsibility there can be no
escape.
The work must go forward from this day, on
the basis constructed; and the wisdom or folly
of the policy will be determined by its fruit.
How it shall operate upon the South-whether
as an irritant, necessitating the vigorous exer-
else of the military power, or as a stimulant
producing the healthy counteraction which
shall render military authority unnecessary
depends upon the South itself. 1t may resist
and suffer, or it may submit and regain peace
and prosperity. Congress has acted intell-
gibly, and in a certain sense thoroughly ac-
Cording to the Judgment of majority; and
though the Southern people may lose, they
cannot possibly profit, by failing to comply
with the terms prescribed.
The currency question remains essentially
unchanged. Thanks to the frmness of the
Senate, we have been spared the curse of in
creased initiation, for time at least. Instead
of an additional hundred millions of green
backs, and the withdrawal of the Secretary's
power to contract, as at one period seemed
imminent, we shall have fifty millions of three
per cent. certificates, which will not pass into
circulation, and the limited authority vested
in the Secretary continues. For this happy
turn of affairs the country is indebted more
to accident than to any settled purpose of Con-
gress. AS between the principle of imitation,
tending to national bankruptcy, and the prn-
Ciple of contraction, tending to specie pay
ments and national solvency, no decision has
been arrived at The Senate restrains the
House, and the House-for the moment out
witted-has the will and strength to hold in
check the Senate.
The same fortuitous conflict has delivered
us temporarily from the bondage of the prohi-
bitionists. The general Tariff bill, framed on
no other principle than that of plundering
the community for the benefit of combined
interests, fell to the ground, mainly for lack of
time; and in its place Congress has enacted
bill for the special benefit of the woolen inte-
rests. They are the interests which, more
than others, might best dispense with high
duties; but the West having taken them under
its care, they are licensed to wax fat at the
expense of consumers, while other interests
are left out in the cold. The dilemma will
call forth eXultation rather than commisera-
ton. But we fear the deliverance is destined
to be of brief duration. The monopolists are
insatiate, and the Thirty-ninth Congress has
affirmed no policy to stay their greed. The
only hope of attaining the definite adjustment
of the question lies in its systematic and intel
ligent revision; and hence we trust that the
rumOT of an intention to appoint Commits
sion, with view to report next winter, will
prove correct. The business .classes crave
certainty, moderation, and harmony; and these
are qualities that will not be developed until
Congress rises superior to the applicants for
special favor by whom it is beset.
Let us not, however, be ungrateful. If
Congress has come short of its duty in rela-
ton to the tariff and the currency-if it's
action upon these questions has been spas
and indicating no policy--it has by other
measures afforded relief to embarrassed trade
and struggling industry. The Bankruptcy
bill is boon not easily overestimated. The
difficulties which obstructed its course add to
the significance of its enactment and the trade
of the country will be vastly better for it.
To the thousands of meritorious but unfortu-
nate traders who have been kept in unhappi-
ness and business slavery by the rapacity of
their creditors, it brings relief they have
long craved in vain. And the Tax bill is good
for what it promises, as well as for what it
performs. 1t lightens the load on many
forms of industry, and by its amendment of
the income tax confcrs upon multitudes
more immediate benefit than could be pro-
duced by any other measure. AT the same
time the bill is encouraging and important
as an affirmation of the policy of reducing
the taxation of the country with all convenient
speed. If the Fortieth Congress would serve
the people efectually it will hurry forward
the task of cutting down taXatOn as begun
under the new law.
Probably more might have been accom-
plished in this direction had Congress strenu
ously resisted the devices of members for eX
tracing millions from the public chest. 9Th,
equalization of bounties" may be plausible
pretext for, granting five hundred or thou
sand millions; but Congress ought not t
ignore two facts-One that more grants mea
more debt and more debt means more taxa
tion; the other, that ''the equalization OF bouI
ties" is a scheme for enrichlng agents an
lobbyists and spectators, not the soldiers
whose name the measure was urged. COngre'
has been more amiable and generous than
can afford to be on these points. II has Ii
tened to pleas for bounties and compensation