The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1867-08-22
Gen. Grant.

zen. Grant.
A late number of the New York Tribune.
in an able article in relation to Gen. Grant,
says:
Zone word from Grant is all we want. If
he is not Radical, very well. In that case
we shall not vote for him, although we may
respect him none the less. There is no SOL
dier, for instance, we honor more than Gen.
Sherman. We should crown him with
laurels, and write his name on a hundred
vote for him as President of the United
States, because he is an avowed believer in
the policy of Andrew johnson. 1t is an
honest difference of opinion, nothing more.
Gen. Sherman would make a sincere Presi-
dent. He would do what he deemed to be
best. But his policy would not be ours;
his counsellors would, probably, be men we
did not trust, and his administration would
sustain principles which we deem pernicious
1t is because Gen. Sherman is so regarded
that his name is not mentioned by some of
our friends as a candidate. They honor
him; but unless he accepts their platform
they will not vote for him. Now, is Grant
not in precisely the same position? We ask
for information.
People tell US with wise mutterings that
Grant is sagacious, that he bides his time,
that the politicians will not trap him, that
he will run uncommitted, that if he takes
the Presidential office he will do as he deems
best, and rise above party. Probably Gen.
Grant can afford to be deaf and dumb can
didate, but this country cannot afford to elect
q deaf-and- dumb President. If these were
ordinary times of peace, and the Executive
office meant the appointment of tide-waiters,
postmasters, and consuls, we might be con-
tent to see Grant in the office, even if he
never had an opinion. If the country were
IN the condition it was when johnson was
elected, we might say, {" Take Grant; he is
available; we shall have an easy, pleasant
canvass, and no bother" But we are now
confronted with a problem more serious than
any before known in our country. 1t is a
problem that will not permit of conserva-
tism or compromise. 1t must be radically
treated, and we must have man whose soul
burns with the work. A timid, hesitating,
unsympathetic President would bring disas-
ter, especially if his policy were marked by
the dazzling and seductive splendor of mill
tary fame. If all our generals were silent, if
none of them had opinions, if the silence
and uncertainty that rests like a pail over
the name of Grant were common to these
warriors we might even then consider his
uudfOllldDle. DuG Gue
Grant is among the few generals who have
not spoken. We know where Sheridan
stands. We know what Thomas thinks
We have heard Sickles and Pope speak We
are sure of Butler and Logan. We have no
fear of these men. They are not uniformed
Sphynxes-sashed and girded statues If it
is necessary that a general should settle Re-
construction, we can easily find one
The Republican party is too great; its
mission is too mighty; to speak politically,
it is too strong-with three-fourths Of the
next electoral college almost inevitably in it's
hands-to go begging for candidate or to
intrust its work to a man who does not feel
in sympathy with it. If Gen. Grant is the
man, we shall be happy. But in the face of
his recent record, in the face of his silence,
in the face of the appalling fact that the
men who claim to speak for him are the
men who planned the great Copperhead
Convention in Philadelphia, we are anxious
and doubling. Great as Grant is, he cannot
carry our banner unless he wears our uni
form. He cannot lead this party unless we
know where he means to 60. When he COM
manded our armies, every soldier knew who
he meant to fight. 1t is proposed to give
him a higher command, and to begin even
a greater canvass. Is it too much for us to
ask, before we fall in line, what colors are we
to wear, and who are our foes ?"