Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1867-05-08
The Franchise for Women.

The question Of extending the elective
franchise to women is again under discus
sion in England The quarterlies and lit
erary weeklies are taking up the subject in
all its phases, and the advocates of women's
rights have found champion in the Vest
minister ReUieU, which says:
.It seems to us that no abstract ideas of
woman's mission can reasonably be brought
forward as proof of an urgent neces-
sity for the exclusion of women from
the franchise under our existing system !;
and that if the question is asked-What
good would be gained by their admission
the answer is very plain-Whatever good
is to be gained by the British Constitution.
If that be a good, it is evident that the
carrying it out must be good. The per-
petuation of an omission which originated
in circumstances that have long since passed
away, must do as much harm to those who
are omitted as would have been done to
their eouhtrymeh if the British Consti-
tuition had not existed. If it be an advan-
tage to be able to protect ones property
by the power of voting for members of
Parliament, the possession Of this advan-
tage must be good for all those who live
and own property under parliamentary
government. The good that would be done
to women themselves is, in fact, not open
to dispute, unless we dispute the advantage
of parliamentary government and represen-
tation OF property and in that case we
must dispute the advantage of the English
system of government altogether.
If, continuing to confine ourselves to a
strictly constitutional point of view, we
ask what would be the advantage to the
country in general of the political repre-
sentation of female holders of property, on
the same conditions as men. we think, as
We have already indicated, that the reply
is equally clear. If the representation in
Parliament of those who are interested in
property is national good, tending to the
preservation and fostering of all property
interests, to the increase of our national
wealth, and to the handing down TO our
descendants Of the national property under
favorable conditions. then the disfranchise-
ment of any class of holders of property
must be an evil proportional to their num-
bers, and their cnfranchisement an advan-
tage in the same proportion. Whatever
may be the causes. there can be no doubt
lHdl lNc CLASS OF independent NOHltu Il Il
continually increasing one in this country,
and their admission to the franchise Is,
therefore. continually becoming, by the
natural course of events, question of
greater practical Importance.
Turning now to the question, what
could be done by their admission? we are
embarrassed by the difficulty Of finding any
answer whatever. unless We 90 out of the
bounds We have prescribed to ourselves,
and get beyond the limits Of the constitu-
tional point of view Revolutionary yio-
lence is out Of the question from them, and
their numbers are not such as to give rise
TO any of the apprehensions of disturb
ance Of the balance of power which have
been excited in some minds by the claims
Of the working classes There would prob
ably be found some duly qualified female
voters in every rank Of society, and among
them some members of almost every relig-
ious system or political party, so that the
existing interests of no single class or party
or religious body could have anything to
fear from them 1t seems difficult to
imagine a ease where the principles of the
Constitution could be applied with more
absolute freedom from the slightest shadow
of danger"