The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-10-09
Our Revolution til PrOgressing-DOes
H Indicate Peace or Wars

From the ". Y. Herald.
We published yesterday the remarks Of the
Louisville Journal and the New York Times
on the political situation. Both of these jour
nails, given over to partisan spirit, are feeling
their way along in the dark, each with its eyes
upon false beacon. The former paper, urged
by the same impotent madness that animated
the earlier days of the Rebellion, runs into
empty and unmeaning threats, that, were they
not so seriously made, might appear ridicu-
lous. The Times, little frightened at the
cloud which its party has raised upon the hori-
zon, calls attention to it as something to be
| dreaded. 1t fears that the acknowledged un-
! constitutional measures of Congress are to be
| checked in their operations, and that the coun-
| try in its revulsion of feeling against bad
management, may upset some cherished party
plans. The whole article, though containing
many good arguments, has that tinge which
| indicates a trembling over coming political
change. That this change is gradually making
| its way into all the political elements of the
country is indisputable. Great revolutions,
born of such forces as brought themselves into
action in 1861, need, perhaps, the force of fana-
| ticsm to bring them to focus. That fanati-
| cism has, however, reached its summit, and
the nation, now surfeited with war and its
attendant moral and political corruption, is
| disposed to return to that healthy point where
1t may make its material and political progress
the most valuable to the national develop
ment.
That the President will be impeached is no
probable under any phase of our progressive
revolution, Stumbling block though he be II
the wishes Of faction, still that faction may
roll him aside whenever they desire to do so
Congress may be in open but peaceable con
fict with the Executives but it is for the Su
preme Court to decide between them. Con
gress, representing the people, has the power
to shape laws in any form, even of the mos
ultra revolutionary class. AS an Executive
according to the political rule laid down fO
his guidance, the President may oppose thos,
laws. If, now, the Supreme Court decide tina
Congress is right and the President wrong
the Executive must bow TO the decision; fo
the action of the court is merely that of al
arbiter in a dispute between two parties. If
therefore, the peoples Congress choose to tear
the Constitution in shreds, and the Supreme
Court uphold the effort; then it is folly, it il
revolution by force, on the part of the Presi
dent, to oppose it; for, by such action, ht
opposes a peaoeable oVerturning of the gov,
ernment which the people have deemed neces
sary and have effected for what they deem tC
be their good. Much as we reverence the Con
stitutiOn, and much as we desire to see it helC
sacred and intact, we can but recognize tina
the great handspring of our republic, and tn,
power that underlies all constitutions anC
laws is the will of the people. If, in the cas-,
above mentioned, the people support tn,
action of the two branches Of the Government
against the third, the country must bow to it
There is nothing that can offer effective OppO
sition; and by and through the people is mad,
aTevolution by force of brains which, in any
eSher country, could alone be effected by fore,
Oh arms: The election following such a revo
luton will determine if the people endorse tn,
aollon OF the rulers whom they have placed
over themselves to effect it. Should they no
ehooIse their rulers, then the revolution 4
oheokea, 1ak and we return to any position il
1T % ba ,1yIdn-oto s-oVso 70 place ourselves.
cal rule and such the method by which w,
choose to effect peaceable change. Thns "a
our revolution has been progressive. From on
our initial point in 1861 we have made chang