The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-08-08

1 NUT 10 IL hecessarT IN lltse lenf nihSsSs
dangerous thing" abedialy An, ,.M theA Gov;
ernor admits, it Eomeys diluted through the
strainer of Congressional speech. That the
various races of men differ essentially in their
characteristics, in nerve, brain, blood and bone,
may be very frue, But still that do6eff6e leaves
the difference between the lowest race of men
and the highest race of mere animals an i'm
mense difference in kind. And it does not at
all affect the question how fur the'lowcst race
of men are fit for the exercise of those political
duties which the State requires. That is SIM
ply a:question Of political experience. apd this
Governor PFRRY is himself obliged to admit
If his argument as to The inferiority of the
race means anything, it means that such. in1fei
riority units the negro for political privilege !
and yet he claims as evidence of his wisdom
and liberalty, Immediately after it was known
that slavery would have to be abolished, ex-
pressed the opinion that it would be wise and
prudent to permit negroes, who had acquired q
property and educational qualification, to vote
in oil the Southern States" Now what bet
comes of this inferiority ofthe race, if the indit
viduals of the race can acquire such.'sa property
and educational qualification" as makes it
"wise and prudent to1zpermiB them to-vote I
But without dwelling upon this most important
portion of the Governors argument, we must
express our doubts whether, now that the
freedman has given him. the right Of suffrage,
it will either. aid him in its wholesome exert
else, or impress him with the mental and moral
superiority of the white man, to compare him
to "owls," 'jackasses, or "buffaloes.
Tho Governor declares that "it is a sad and
melancholy reflection on human nature to seq
men who inaugurated the war, and were going
to die in the last ditch, now seeking to 60 back
into the Union stripped Of every principle and
right which they vowed to defend, with Black
Republican collars around their necks." Now
the Governor may choose to. use ihis SOFT Of
language for the purpose of defamation, but
he knows that so far from seeking to 60 back
into the Unioa," we 4re in the Union now-i1
it hard and fast-without even the poor delut
sion that we once entertained that we could
leave it when we would. The question isl
whether we will remain in it as we ore, With
out recognized rights or representation, or will
We, comply with the acquisitions Of the Recent
str4etion Act, hard as they, are, and regain OUT
rights and representation under whatever Cont
stitution we may find existing: If; TO borrow
his own phrase, we must not ego back stripped
of every principle and right we vowed to def
fenq," let the Governor forbear rhetoric. and
tell US really when he expects to see slavery
established, and the right of secession'ret
cognized. For if we have not entirely misunt
derstood our own conquest, these were the
principles we vowed to defend. We would also
ask the Governor how he can expect General
HAMPTON. or any others, to influence the vote
of the freedmen in the face of the natural invi1
tation that not only his policy but his language
must provoke?
It seems that there are three parties into
which this State is divided. = -. ..-,
e. i. Those who, having failed to achieve the
purposes of the war, see nothing in the future
but ruin; who say TO the United States: We
cannot see that we were wrong in the contest
which is ended; we are conquered, but not con-
yinced; use your power, do with, us what you
will, but do not ask lis to take part in agovern-
ment. 10 which we can never bear true allie
glance. The honesty and depth of this senti-I
ment we respect, but the only practical course
for those who feel it is exile or uncomplaining|
submission to the will of the conqueror.
.. There is another extreme, men without
principle or sentiment, who would disavow the
chalaete---off-+ih +Stats,wfo would fatter the
negro; and fawn on the radical, and who hope,
by, degrading the State, to reduce it so low
that they will be fit tezponents ofits policy and
worthy representatives Of its character. ''''.''r
3. But there is o third party, men who be-
lieve that they were right in that terrible strug-
gle in which they suffered and sacrificed, but
who, having done all that brave men could do
have accepted as final the decision which they 4
invoked Men who look with doubt and appre-
hension upon the changes whichfthe war has
brought, but who feel that it is their duty to
lend all their influence to make those changes
as harmless as good faith and sound judgment
can make them. Men who intend to donothing
mean or dishonorable, but to give new laws
and new institutions an earnest and hopeful
Men who. know that the policy of
party changes with the hour, and that the
enemy of to-day is the friend of tomorrow;
that the passions of o, great civil war-subside
surely if they subside slowly; and thai 1.-The
material interests ora great nation prescribe
limits beyond which even fanatioism cannot
press too far Men who feel that South Caro-
lima is still their State, by the ties Of ancestry,
by the rights of property, by the sacrifice Of
blood in the strength Of a living affection,
who will not desert her in this her hour of
sorest need.
To this party we belong; and We joined it at
The advice Of Governor Penny, who, before he
had read AaAssIz, and Sir. CHARLES LSELL
second hand in 'thespages of Mr.. MuSdER's
speech, used this language to the people Of
South Carolina when recommending, as Pro-
Visional Governor, the abolition of slavery;
. Instead of dwelling on the past and 'grievingi
over its errors and misfortunes, let us, with
manly fortitude, look to the future and accom-
nodate ourselves to the circumstances which
surround US, and cannot be changed or avoided. u