Staunton vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1860-1896, 1867-03-08
THE PRESIDENTS VETO MESSAGE


! THE MORE EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT OF THE
REBEL STATES"
To the House of Representatives:
have examined the bill "tp provide for
the more efficient government of the rebel
States" with the care and anxiety which its
transccndent importance is calculated to AVA
ken. am unable to give it my assent for
reasons so grave, that | hope statement of
them may have some influence on the minds
of the patriotic and enlightened mon with
whom the decision must ultimately end.
The bill places all the people of the ten
States therein named under the absolute DOM
nation of military rulers and the preamble
undertakes to give the reason upon which the
measure is based, and the ground upon which
it is justified. 1t declares that there exist in
those States no legal Governments, and no
adequate protection for life or property, and
asserts the necessity Of enforcing peace and
good order within their limits. Is this true
as a matter Of fact?
It is not denied that the States in question
have each of them an actual Government,
with all the powers, executive, judicial, and
legislative, which properly belong to free
State. They are organized like the other
States OF the Union, and, like them, they
make, administer, and execute the laws which
concern their domestic affairs An existing
de fucto Government, exercising such func-
tons as these, is itself the law Of the State
upon all matters within its Jurisdiction To
pronounce the supreme law making power of
an established State illegal, is to say that law
itself is unlawful "2l
The provisions which these Governments
have made for the preservation of order, the
suppression Of crime, and the redress Of pri-
vate injuries, are in substance and principle
the same as those which prevail in the North
ern States and in other civilized countries
They certainly have not succeeded in pre-
venting the commission Of all crime, nor has
this been accomplished anywhere in the
world. There, as well as elsewhere, often
ders sometimes escape for want of vigorous
prosecution, and occasionally, perhaps, by
the ineficiency of courts or the prejudice Of
Jurors. 1t is undoubtedly true that these
evils have been much increased and aggrava-
ted, North and South, by the demoralizing in
fuences Of civil war, and by the rancorous pas
sions which the contest engendered. But that
these people are maintaining local Govern
ments for themselves which habitually defeat
the object of all government and render their
own lives and property insecure, is in itself
utterly improbable, and the averment of the
bill to that effect is not supported by any ev-
idence which has come to my knowledge
All the information | have on the subject
convinces me that the masses Of the South
ern people and those who control their pub
lie acts, while they entertain diverse opinions
on questions of Federal policy, are complete
ly united in the effort to re-organze their
society On the basis of peace, and to restore
their mutual prosperity as rapidly and as
completely as their circumstances will per-
nit.
The bill, however, would seem to show
upon its face that the establishment of peace
and good order is not its real object The
fifth section declares that the preceding sec
tons shall cease to operate in any State where
certain events shall have happened. These
events are--irst, the selection Of delegates to
a State Convention by an election at which
negroes shall be allowed to vote Second
the formation of State Constitution by the
Convention so chosen. Third, the insertion
into the State Constitution of provision
which will secure the right of voting at all
elections to negroes, and to such white men
as may not be disfranchised for rebellion OF
felony. Fourth, the submission of the Con
stitution for ratification to negroes and white
men not DISTINGUISHED, and its actual ratif-
cation by their vote. Fifth, the submission
Of the State Constitution to Congress for ex-
animation and approval. and the actual ap-
prevail Of it by that body. Sixth, the adop-
ton Of q certain amendment to the Federal
Constitution by vote Of the Legislature cleo
ted under the new Constitution Seventh
the adoption Of said amendment by sufi
cicnt number of other States to make it 8
part Of the Constitution of the United States
All these conditions must be fulfilled before
the people of any Of these States can be re-
lieved from the bondage of military domina-
ton but when they are fulfilled, then I'M
mediately the pains and penalties of the bill
are to cease, no matter whether there be
peace and order Or not and without any
reference to the security of life or prop
erty. The excuse given for the bill in the
preamble is admitted by the bill itself not to
be real. The military rule which it estab-
fishes is plainly to be used-not for any pur-
pose of order or for the prevention of crime
but solely as means Of coercing the people
into the adoption Of principles and measures
to which it is known that they are opposed
and upon which they have an undeniable
right to exercise their own judgment
submit to Congress whether this meas
ure is not, i'll it's whole character, scope, and
object, without precedent and without au-
thority, in palpable conflict with the plaines
provisions Of the Constitution and utterly
destructive of those great principles of liber.
ty and humanity for which our ancestors OIL
both sides Of the Atlantic have shed so much
blood and expended so much treasure.
The ten States named in the bill arc divi
ded into five districts. For each district ar
officer of the army, not below the rank O
BrigadierG General, is to be appointed to rule
over the people: and he is to be supported
with an efficient military force to enable hin