Des Arc weekly citizen., 1867-08-17

when they do not intend g0cd 10 the negro--are not hdapted as means to se- cure good 10 the negro, but are intend ed simply to add ten Statoo to party power. The negroes arc cnfranchised because 1t Is believed they vii! vote for the Radical party, and the whites are disfranchised because 1t is believed they will not vote for the Radical par ty. If the belief were the reverse the rule would be reversed. The object is not to punish disloyalty, and the proof is found in the fact that the most bitter original secessionists arc at once re- ceiyed into Radical favor by agreeing to support the Radical party, and the most interruptions is always received with the greatest marks of favor, be- cause such are the most congcnial and thc Constitution under pretense of preserving the Union; and preserving the Radical party under prctense of loving the dear people!
 It Is proper, without fully elaborat- ing the argument, to suggest few el- ementary principles which all our peo- pie ought, in these times, to keep con stantly before them.
 In all society or governments are rights to be enjoyed, burdens to be borne, and trusts to be discharged.
 Among the rights arc the right of property, the right of locomotion, the right to appropriate and dispose of the proceeds of our own labor, the right to worship according to conscience, and the right to protection from society in the enjoyment of all these rights, and the right to have all the legal processes and remedies provided to make this protection effectual. These are called civil rights, and when we speak of civil equality we mean that these rights belong alike and equally to all citizens, to all classes, to all colors, to all sexes, to all ages, and to all grades of intcl- lect, society and worth. These rights necessarily attach to and become con ditions offrec citizenship. The negro is entitled to all these rights. And be- ing now deprived of the protection which, as . slave, he received from his owner, all good men ought to rejoice that he still can be safe under the pro- tection oi the law; and being unaccus- toned to assert his rights, work which was formerly performed by his master, all true men ought to be read 7 to aid him in that assertion. And all but Rsdicals and renegades are willing to aid him, but they seek to use him un- der pretense of aiding him. $,
 Among the burdens of society and government may mention: working the public highways, providing public buildings, paying the public taxes, de. lending the public safety, Sc. These burdens ought to be borne by all ac- cording to fitness and capacity, for these burdens constitute the consider. stion we pay for the protection we get. Women and children, lunatics and idiots do not work the highway or de- fend the society with arms, because their conditions or capacity forbid but they are all csti1sne, or members of so- ciety. arS aa taxes. These arc called bsz 2,.s because they are borne, not l5T ourselves only, but for othcrs--fog the public.
 Lastly, in every society or govern ment there are trusts to be discharged ; offices are to be filed laws are 10 be made, executed and administered, else there would be no rules or process for protection, and agents are to be select cd for all these purposes. The whole business of selecting agents to dis charge duties, as well as the discharge of the duties themselves comes under the head of trusts. They are called trusts because they are powers exercis. ed not for ones own good but for the good of others--for the public. The authority to vote is, therefore, trust reposed, and the exercise of the au- thority is the exercise of a trust--the trust selecting agents to provide and execute the laws by which rights are to be protected. All men are born to rights-which are personal--af.ecting each person only; but no man is born to trust--to q power which affets all other members of society. You had as we'll say man is born to an office AS 10 say he is born to vote for tha, office. So, again, all trusts imply ca- pacity and integrity. No man is 10 be entrusted to discharge duty af- fecting others who does not under stand that duty, or who has not integ- rity to be be trusted with its faithful exercise.
 How can the rights of the members of society be safe if the protection for those rights is to be provided or ap- piled by ignorant or vicious agents. And how can ignorant or vicious agents be avoided if ignorant and vi- eious persons are born 10 the right to select thems
 Rights are personal---born with per sons--belong 10 the person, and effect the person; but trusts are relative and born with society-belong to soci- ety--and are for the good and under the control of society. How is any man born with . right to take my rights, or to select another to take my rights?
 Suffrage. then, is not risht--it is not privilege--it is trust, ard a most solemn and sacred trust It is trust of preserving society, of securing rights, Of protecting persons.
 Would you select an ignorant, or yi- cious, or untrustw orthy man as your trustee, or the trustee for your wife or your child in the smallest concerns of life! How, then, would you make q trustee of an ignorant or vicious man to discharge these great duties, on the wise and faithful discharge Of which all rights, and all protection, and all things depend?
 The burdens of society are light or heavy, according as the trusts of soci- ety are wisely or unwiscly, faithfully or unfaithfllly discharged. The heavy taxes under which America groans, spring alone from the untaithiul and wicked execution of the trusts of our people in selecting agents, and of the agents in discharging their duties.
 Universal, indiscriminate, ignorant, vicious white suffrage has buried mil lion of victims slain by each others hands, destroyed the peace aad pros pcrity of the country. sAt, saGdled an innocent and unbor.l pesterity with burdens too grin as 10 De borne,
 Wjlt II he sn to extend itn sacred