Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1867-11-17

NAEEA6f INV 81
They were not blind followers, either OF
the blind OF the rash, or Of the unscrupu-
lous and artful. The movement had
more than one cause, some Of which bad
existed from the beginning, and had
been continuous, and others Of recent
origin and all Of them acting generally
upon the people at large.
Even the passionate incitations Of the
public men Of the South were but the
effects of nus long pre-existent; and
these men were but the instruments by
which those causes wrought their effects.
The Government commenced with a
Constitution that was In itself acompro-
mise between conflicting selfshnesses
and material interests; that was not q
consistent whole, but an instrument ere
sting a national and consolidated gov
eminent In which the States were 10 be
bet departments, reluctantly changed
into a plan for q federal or confederate
government Of States, by the radical
alteration of 8 single feature, that Of the
representation Of the States in the Sen
ate, without corresponding changes in
some OF the details and in the preamble
of the instrument, the phraseology Of
which, in the expression We the peO-
ple Of the United States" was ambigu-
Gus. Adopted by each State for itself, it
was not understood alike by all and
some, therefore, ratified it under q mis-
take. The Government went into ope-
ration with the questions unsettled, who
made the Constitution and were the par
ties to il, and what was it The cOnse-
quence inevitably was, that to those for
whom the Constitution was q compact
between the States, to which they alone
we're parties for whom the Constitution
contained, not q lar imposed by a higher
authority upon the States, but their
promises and obligations and agree
ments. the performances and observance
whereof were guaranteed by their good
faith and honour, as Of Common wealths,
alone; for whom the powers Of the Cen
eraI Government we're to be jealousy
restricted, and eneroanhments by it, that
is, by the larger States aud popular ma
~jorities, on the rights Of the small States
and the minorities, to be continually
guarded against,-to them the General
Government would often seem to usurp
power, and the rights Of their States to
be invaded.
From conflicting theories, conflicts Of
interest and action necessarily arose, and
became embittered. Discussions and i'll
feeling sprung up, in such a case, as nat
urally, and grew as luxuriAntly, as
weeds. 1t is merely the Srassitpde Of
asinine folly to talk Of abstract " the
oFies OF Government and Constitution,
aud - metaphysical" distinctions as to
the nature and extent % the powers con
ferred by one on the other, when thesa
are discussed in the balls Of legislation Of
q republic, in tine Courts, aud in the open
air for the decision Of the restless sud
impossible populace. None Of these
are barren Of effects; and when men
call them " abstract" and "metaphys-
ical" they merely gabble words thathave
not, for them, the dimmest CLEAN Of e
meaning. Take, for example, ths prop
osition that the United States not merely
ARE the States united by a compact or 8
league, like commercial partners, but IS
8 Corporation, like q Bank, although a
corporate NATION, bat composed, not Of
one aggregated PEOPLE, but Of the
States themselves Es the only contract
ing parties and c~orporstOrs, each acting
and contracting in its sovereign
capacity, and retaining / its
sovereignty and sovereign powers, in
order to be attic. and as The only means
| Of being a6Ie to exercise them jointly
with the other States, through the
! agency Of the corporation created for
that parpose, and which. like other cor
porAtlons. is but their procurstor. Set
face to face with this ths theory that not
the States, but the individual men Of al
theStates,are aggregated and consolidated
/ into a nation so thai the Government
Is not the agent OF the States, or a cOrpO-
ration created 5y them, but a Govern.
ment and master Ogsr them and imposed
upon them by a higher power, that Of
the people Of all the States Is so sggre-
gate Of individuals. Let States array
themsslYes against States, upon these
two opposite and rreconcilable.theorie I;
let discussion be exhausted let the sup
pOrters OF each theory, ~ they alter
nately rise into power, apply their tue
I orr in legislation, until, a~tlast, the party
| Of popular sbsOlutism holds the powers OF
the Government IN fec, Rpd the States
which claim to be in the Union as States
by virtue Of 3 compact only, are in a
hopeless minority apd it is evident,
either than they must yield without a
struggle, or separate from the others and
re-establish for themselves Government
on their own theory, even il that
can be effected only by means
Of civil wa, OF course the
passions Of men wiz be enlisted 10 the
] GDhGDNCAEF AnA DGCSAA0 AAVAN @HA A+4~N
heated with It's continuance. They will
amply their theories 70 me2sures, and the
people, understanding these, II not the
theories, will become impAssioned and
exasperated, the more, perhaps, Is in
religious disputes, as they the less com
prehend the theory 10 whose support
thew are enlisted. Are such theories
| abstyactonss Have they sny likeness
or relation to metaphysics? Lsit a crime
or baseness In Q people TO adhere to and
fight for its convictions upon a question
90 fundamental as thats Nos and II
after s msnly struggle, they fail and lose
all, the Legislator who hates them for il,
who legislates on the taeoTy that they
have been rebels and t~rRitoIs, who i'm
pubes to them any degree Of ~criminality,
lndiets 3 whole people, which is the most
mo strous Of all outrages, and proves
himself as little Of q Statesman aud as
pitiful q quicksilver IS that shallow
prefer der TO greatness Of intellect, poorer
than q Mexican lepero in true generosity,
CEARLEs sUANER.
Individual men may profess creeds,