Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1867-09-06
NO. "a

4 by force. But if it is trampled Upor
/ by unjust constitutions or unequal laws
/ by what means can you be protected IL
its eDjoyments? answer, by the
right Of suffrage only, or the right oi
revolution.
In this country, the only means by
which man can protect himself against
the enactment of unequal or oppres-
sive laws is to have a voice in making
them or can secure the protection
of the laws is to have a voice In the
selection of the officers by whom they
are to be executed.
It is true thatif a man is disfran-
chised, the justice or m8gnimity of his
neigh bors, or of another race, may pro
tect him in his rights, but that is a
precarious security, and furnishes no
reason for depriving him of the power
to protect himself And now I ask
you what power the cOlored people of
Ohio have to protect themselves in
their lives, liberty aud property
They have no voice in making the
or choosing the officers by whom they
are to be executed. Those in authOri-
ty may make oppressive statutes against
them, or deny to them the protection
of those already made, as 10 kentucky
aud they have no means of redress
Their natural rights may all be struck
down. and In themselves, they have no
power to prevent it, except by force of
arms, for which they would be punish
cd as criminals. In Republican form
of government the ballot is the only
means short of revolution, by which
rights can be asserted, abuses correct
ed, or protection secured, and whoever
is deprived of it Is ut the mercy Of his
neighbors.
Mr.. Pendleton lately said that the
white people of Ohio would protect
the colored in the enjoyment of all
their rights But that Is the old ar
gument In favor of slavery, when it was
urged that the good and kind masters
would take care of the slaves and do
better for them than they could do for
themselves. IF Mr.. Pendleton were to
be disfranchised by the Constitution
of Ohio, 1t is probable be would be
protected in his other rights, but this
would not repair the wrong or sOOthe
his lacerated feelings If the colOred
men of Ohio are enfranchised, their
votes will be sought after with as much
avidiy as an equal number of white
votes and they will be treated with a
kindness and consideration they never
before enjoyed.
No party could propose to enact an
unjust law against them, or fail to give
them protection except under the pen
atty Of having their votes cast against
them at the next election and we
know how effective is the prospect Of
such a penalty.
In the rebel States the late act of
Congress enfranchising the freedmen
has already given them protection
and consideration which could not be
secured by the whole military power of
the United States, and exhibits cOnclu-
siveIy the influence and power Of the
ballot.
The recognition of the principle I
contend for does not conflict with the
right to exclude aliens, insane persons,
and criminals from the ballOtTbo1cs nor,
does it necessarily conflict with that
principle of representation which is
more or less recognized in every elective
system, whereby from the ties Of aftee-
tion, blood and community Of Interest,
the husband is assumed to represent
the wife, and the father his family, But
this principle Of representation could
nOtWithout absurdity, be carried so far
as to assume that when one race is sep
arated from another by color, condition
and prejudice, it could represent the in
terests, feelings and wants Of that other
at the ballot-boz.
know ft il often said that the right
of suffrage is NOT a uaUllEaEI rllsiIus
may be Withheld from any man, class,
or race, without q violation Of then
natural rights But respectfully SUBJ
NIT that this makes the whole theory Of
natural right- a m9ckery. For if in. a
republiear iorrn of government, where
suffrage SIS the onA.T means Of protecting
natural rights, it Ca be justly with
held from whole race, then that race
have natural rights, bus have no right
to use the means by which they may be
protested. which is absurd. sa r
2 Not less absurd than to say that the
Constitution cOnfers the power upon
Congress to make war. but WithhOlds
the means to execute the power. 1T is
true that no principle IN. government
can be carried to all its conclusions,
but must be subject to practical linni-
tations. -. .t 10 Llll
Every member of society naust yield
up some portion Of his abstract rights
for the common good, but this yielding
should be uniform. db would be- an
abuse of the doctrine, if society required
one race to yield all means Of self-prO-
lection. And to say that society may
require one race to submit itself abso-
lutely to the government of another, is
to assert the principle Of slavery pure
and simple. - H5
But II may be said that the principle
7 advocate would give the right Of suf-
frage to women. This dOrnot deny,
but say broadly and practically that
there is a vast difference between deny
ing the right of suffrage to women who
are represented at the ballOt-bOX BY
their husbands, fathers and brothers,
and ald the adult males Of their race,
and the denial of it to a whole race,
both males and females, which is not
at the ballot-bOx by any
body. and thus has no means in a re-
publican Government Of protecting II
self in the enjoyment of life, liberty
and property. ar-z a.4- .-
.-f PEEDLEToN's ARGUMENT.
In discussing this subject Mr. Pendle-
ssBut / would not give them political
power. They belong to a different race.
They have different blood and bones,
and organization. They have different
tastes and habits, and capacities. 1t is
not merely a difference Of climate or
sun, or birth, or education, or color. 1t
is an inherent and radical difference Of
race, Of blood, OF nature, of intellect, Of
capacity, which no training can eiface :
no associations, or habits, or discipline
can exttnguish. God made them differ
ent, man cannot make them the same
Now, here is a statement, which ST
admitted to be true, proves nothing in
favor Of his policy of disfranchisement.
Does it afford any reason why this race,
so widely separated from the other,
should be disfrauchised and governed
absolutely by the otnerT
Does it not on the contrary prove that
the white race. separated by so great
diversity from the cOlOred, cannot rep
resent their interests and wants at the
/ ballot-box, and that the colored should
/ have the right to vote for their own
4 prot tectiOuP
If Mr.. PendletOn means to say thatln
/ consequence of this difference in race,
| the colored has no natural right to life
/ liberty aud property, no right that a
white man is bound to respect, then we
| can understand him; but if he stops
| short Of that there Is nothing In his ar
gument.
| Again Mr.. Pendleton says:
"And all the teaching Of history and
| all the observation of our experience is,
that the commiugliug OF the blood OF
The white and black races Injuries both
60 into the Southern States, where Cir
cunnstances have been favorable to this
amalgamatiou 90 into our cities
where affection has sought to establish
the happiness of the hybrid offspring
and YOU will see that every animal j