The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-02-07

in order TO make way for the functions Of
another who viii be more favorable to their
views, vote a Temporary removal Of the existing
Mr. King concuried in the opposition to the
ON The question to agree to it,
Connecticut, south Carolina, Georgia-Aye,
g. New Hampshire, Massachusetts, New Jer-
sey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Vir-
Rinia, North Carolina-No, 8. (MadisOns
Minutes; Elliot, vol. 8, pages 5il, 542)
The Tribune in pa1admg the passage from
Elliot laws stress on the TACT that Madison was
''inst fresh from framing the Federal Constitu
tion y implying thereby that his opportunities
must have made him perfectly acquainted with
the intention OF its trainers. But their inten-
tion rests on no such doubtful inference; IL is
matter of authentic record made at the time,
maGe by Madison himself, made by the leading
actor against the proposition, who carried with
him. by the force OF his argument nearly three
iourtbs OF the Convention. Even If the pas.
sage from Elliot were as genuine as 1t Is proba-
bly, spurious, 1t could not shake or tnvalldate
this entirely impregnable record. What the
Convention meant on this subject is proved by
what they did on it., and no subsequent opinion
of anybody's can alter past fact, That such
proposition was offered proves that the power
of suspension was not already In the Constitu.
tion; that it was rejected proves that the door
was locked and barred against IT.
Elliot picked up such reports of the debates
in the State Conventions as be could find scat
tered through the publications Of the time
without undertaking TO guarantee their correct
ness The carelessness OF the reporter or the
inadvertcnce of some printer or proot.reader in
two or three successive REPRINTS may have sub
stituted the name of Madison tor that of some
other speaker. The origin of this discrepancy
may enlist q faint curiosity, but 1t is of no more
Importance than would be a second or third.
hand report of mans conversation about
the contents of a deed, when the instrument
itself existed IN his own handwriting sipnad
with his name, bearing his seal. ub,cribed
by attestng witnesses, and open to general in-
speCtiOn.
We have thus recalled attention to Mr.. Cur-
tis' impregnable statement, mainly for the mr.
pose of subjoining an important practical in
ference, which 1t concerns the Republican party
10 heed. 1t Congress shall attempt to SUSPEND
President Johnson, he has the most solid CON
stitutiOnal grounds for resistance, Congress-
has no more right to suspend him during the
previous to the impeachment. In the IighI of
Mr. Curtis exposition, it Is case tnat admits of
no doubt, and Mr.. Johnson would be false fo
his oatn to preserve, protect, and defend the
Constitution" II he permitted it to be thus wan
tonly and hagrantly violated. If Congress shall
have the hardihood to undertake what the
authors oil the Constitution deliberately decided
should never be done; if Congress shall attemnt
TO invent against the Constitution q mower
which knocked in vain for admission and had
the door shut Its face, the proceeding will be so
revolutionary as 70 justify and demand the
most resolute and unshrinking resistance. To
suspend the President in defiance OF the Con.
stltution will be as daring a rebellion az was
that OF the South in 1861. 1t will deserve to be
confronted with measures equally decisive and
crushing. President johnson would have the
puOllc opinion OF the world upon on his side
because the evidence is OF that PLAIN, untechni,
cal, and conclusive character which the whole
world can appreciate.
We take 1t for certain, therefore, that in the
light in which the question now stands, the
idea of suspending the President will no longer
be seriously entertained. To push him into a
corner where he would be compelled by his
oath OF office, to resist, and where the public
opinion of the world would sustain him in
resistance, would be to plunge the country
EnowingIy into the horrors and uncertainties
OF civil war. Bad and bold as the Republican
mallgnaDts are, they will not dare to face this
terrible responsibility. But if they conduct
their impeachment with due observance of
constitutional forms, it will amount to
nothing. The whole design has been based
on the assumption that the President could
be suspended during the trial, the Repub-
iICans meanwhile gaining complete control
OF the Government, which they would use
TO enlarge the Supreme Court by put
ung IN majority of Republican Judges, so
that, whether the President was convicted or
acquitted all the questionable legislation of
congress would afterwards prevail This game
cannot be played-no other is worth playing.
II the President could be suspended there
would be motive TO pro'ract the trial until his
Term expired. But trial may be prouacted by
the defense as well as by the prosecution, and
the PRESIDENT remaining in office in any event
until its conclusion, his term would gradually
wear away during the enacton OF q solemn
Iace' The accused can bring as many wit
htssts as he pleases, and they must be examined;
he can employ as great an array of couL sci as
ne pleases, and they must be heard. Butlsr
Philips, Ashley, and all the Leading zealots for
impeachment, have publicly confessed and
contended that it would be futile proceeding
without The suspension of the President. Sus-
pension being a demonstrated impossibllity
hadlcallsm had better compose itself to die with
deccncY.