The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-05-15
THE DAILY EVENING Observation-Disclosures "

contingency, may be President. The duties of
Vioe-President as such, hardly amount to
anything. He has simply to preside in
the Senate with no vote except in the
case of an equal division of the
body. The Office derives its entire importance
from its contingencies. 1t is as the possible
successor of the President that the Vice-Presi-
dent possesses interest, and it is in view of
this contingency that the nomination should be
made. Hence we say that the nominee for
that Office should be a man whom his party
would willingly give the first place on the
ticket. We want as good man for Vice
President as we do for President Above all.
he should be a man concerning whose political
fidelity there is no doubt. Our political system
obliges all parties to repose confidence in the
men they nominate. We hold that the breach
of this confidence is about the highest political
crime that man can commit. What. for
instance, would be thought of presidential
Etector, elected by certain party, as all our
Electors are, for the express purpose of voting
Tor the distinctly specified nominees of the
party, who should betray his trust, and vote
for the opposing candidates Would not
every honest man despise and execrate him
Would any shallow, hypocritical pleas of
"rising above party" ''the good of the coun-
try and all that, avail him anything? But
wherein would such treachery as this be less
glaring or less odious than that which was
exhibited by Andrew Johnson in deserting and
betraying the Republican party, by joining
the Democrats?
Now we hold that it is not for the interest
OF any party that the treaohery of nominees
should be encouraged. Political fidelity is a
high virtue. A man who accepts a nomina-
tion from party accepts a iduciary position,
which he cannot betray without dishonor. But
as experience has taught us that men some-
times get into positions who are insensible to
these considerations, it behooves us to look
with more than usual care to our nominees.
And hence, we repeat that the candidate for
the Vice-Presidency should be man concern
ing whose political fidelity there can be no
question.
The nomination for the Vice. Presidency is
often determined by locality. Alter a Presi-
dent has been nominated there is thought to
be necessity of consulting local considera-
tions in the bestowment of the second place.
Mr.. Johnson owed his nomination in 1864, in
good part, to his living in a Southern State.
We suppose, very probably, that it will be
thought by many that the candidate for the
Vice-Presidency in 1868 should come from the
same section. In reply to this, we have to ask
whether, so far as the Republican party is
concerned, there is any man living in that
section of the country whom we would be
willing to nominate for President? If there is
not there is no man there that we ought to
have for Vice-President.
1t might not be bad precedent to establish
to nominate for Vice-President the candi-
date who stood next to the highest in the
contest for President. This would always
give us some man who had been thought of,
at least in connection with the Presidency,
and would also tend to consolidate party
strength by consulting the leading elements
of the party.
We throw out these suggestions at an early
day, to direct public attention to this topic.
The nomination for the Vice-Presidency has
assumed new importance in the face of our
recent experience. The blunder committed in
1864 should never be repeated.