Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1867-12-12

sweep from undcr our feet the whole
ground upon which we justified the
war Were those States afterwards
expelled from the Union by tho war I
The direct contrary was avcrred by
this government TO be its purpose,
and was so understood by those who
gave their blood and treasure TO aid
in its prosecution.
1t cannot be that successful war,
waged for the preservation of the
Union, had the legal effect OF dissoly-
ing il. The victory of the nations
arms was not the disgrace of her pol
icy; the defeat of Secession on the
battlefield was not the triumph of its
lawless principles nor could Con-
grcss, with or without the consent of
the Executive, do anything which
would have the effect, directly or in
directly, of separating the States from
each other. To dissolve the Union is
to repeal the Constitution which holds
it together, and that is power which
does not belong to any department of
this government, or to all of them
united.
This is so plain that it has been
acknowledged by all branches of the
Federal Government The Executive,
my predecessor, as well as myself, and
the heads of all the departments have
uniformly acted upon the principle
that the Union is not only undissolved,
but indissoluble Congress submitted
an amendment TO the Constitution TO
be ratified by the Southern States, and
accepted their acts of ratification as a
necessary and lawful exercise Of their
highest function. If they were not
States, or were States out Of the Union,
their consent TO a change in the fun
damental law of the Union would
have been nugatory, and Congress in
asking it committed political absur-
dity.
The Judiciary has also given tho
solemn sanction Of its authority to the
sane view of the case. The Judges
of the Supreme Court have included
the Southern States in their circuits,
and they are constantly, in bdne
and elsewhere, exercising Jurisdiction
which does not belong to them, unless
those States are States of the Union.
If the Southern States are component
parts of the Union, the Constitution
is the supreme law for them, as it is
for all the other States. They are
bound to obey it, and so are we. The
right of the Federal Government,
which is clear and unquestionable, to
enforce the Constitution upon them,
implies the corelative obligation on
our part to observe its limitations and
execute guarantees. Without the Con
stitution we are nothing; by, through
and under the Constitution we are
what it makes u.s.
We may doubt the wisdom of the
law; we may not approve Of its pro-
vision, but we cannot violateit merely
because it seems to confine our pow
ers within limits narrower than we
could wish. 1t is not a question of
individual, or class, or sectional inter
ests, much less Of party predominanco,
but Of duty-of high and sacred duty
which we are all sworn to perform.
If we cannot support the Constitution
with the cheerful alaciity Of those
who love and believe in il, we must
give to it, at least, the fidelity ofpub-
lie servants who act under solemn OBJ
legations and commands which they
dare not disregard. The constitution
al duty is not the only one which re-
quires the States to be restored; there
is another consideration, which though
Of minor importance, is yet of great
weight.
OBJECT oP THE LATE WAR.
On the 22d day of July, 1861, Con
gress declared. by an almost unani-
nous vote of both Houses, that the
war should be conducted solely for
the purpose of preserving the Union
and maintaining the supremacy Of
the Federal Constitution and laws,
without impairing the dignity, equal
ity and rights of the States or Of indi.
viduals, and that when this was done,
the war should cease. do not say
that this declaration is personally
binding on those who joined in ma
king it, any more than individual
members Of Congress are personally
bound TO pay a public debt created
under law for which they voted.
But il was solemn public official
pledge Of the national honor, and
cannot imagine upon what grounds
the reputation of it is to be justified.
If it be said that we are not bound
TO keep faith with rebels, let it be
remembered this promise was not
made to rebels only. Thousands of
true men in the South were drawn to
our standard by it, and hundreds of
thousands in the North gave their
lives in the belief that il would be car
ried out. 1t was made on the day
after the first great battle Of the war
had been fought and lost All patri.
otic and intelligent men then saw the
necessity of giving such an assurance,
and believed that without it the war
would end in disaster to our cause.
Having given that assurance in the
extremity of our peril, the violation
of il now, in the day of our power,
would be rude rending of that good
faith which holds the moral world TO-
gether. Our country would cease to
have any claim upon the confidence OF
men. 1t would make the war not
onlya failure but fraud
Being sincerely convinced that
these views are correct, / would be
unfaithful to my duty if | did not re.