The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-11-15

temper, but with a total misapprehension OF
the facts. The Democrats are not masters of
the situation. II were folly TO depreoiate the
value of their victory in this State, or the sig
nifcanoe Of their gains in other States; but
the attempt to magnify these events into
great national triumph is equally absurd. The
battle of next year remains to be fought, and
at present the odds are overwhelmingly in
favor of the Republicans. II they fail, it will
be from the neglect of causes which are entirely
under their control. They have it in their
power to say who shall be Mr.. Johnson's sue
cessor, and to make the next Congress unmi5-
takably Republican in both branches. Both
objects might be attained within the existing
limits of Congressional representation. But
they are placed beyond reasonable doubt by
the prospect of admitting the greater number,
If not ALL of the ten States now excluded,
with their popular vote to swell the triumph
of General Grant, and their Senators aud
Representatives to augment the legislative
strength of the Republican party.
The assumption which underlies the argu-
ment of the World is, then, radically unsound.
1t perverts the import of facts that exist, and
presupposes facts which are not likely to
exist. Hence the inutility of all moralizing
predicated on the ability of the Democrats to
prevent the completion of reconstruction in
conformity with the present law. They may
lessen its efficacy as a healing measure by ex-
citing groundless expectations in the minds of
the Southern whites but they cannot defeat
or even delay the reorganization which is pro-
crossing subject to its provisions. The best
service which a Democratic journalist can
render to the South or the country is to admit
the helplessness of his party in the presence of
the power of which Congress is but the ex-
ponent, and to urge compliance with the law
as the surest mode of promoting peace and
prosperity.
Certain it is that the proposed "National
Conference" can accomplish nothing in regard
to the mode of adjusting existing difficulties.
That "sixty or eighty men Of eminent stand
iDg'' might be brought together from North
and South, we do not deny. Three or four
times that number might be mustered, we
dare say, without exhausting the available
moderation and character" of the two great
parties. What then Does anybody believe
that its deliberations would stay the action of
Congress- arrest the current of public opinion,
or in the slightest degree affect the operation
of the law Does even the World believe
that the deliberations of small body of gem
| tlemen, acting in their individual capacity,
| with no pretensiOn to representative autho-
| rity, would produce an abandonment of the
| Congressional policy For the World does
not disguise its anticipation that the Confe-
| renee If held, would recommend the adoption,
| substantially, of the Democratic doctrine on
| the Reconstruction question, and that implies
| the almost unconditional admission of the
| Southern States. 1t is with this expectation
that the suggestion is propounded.
National conferences of an informal un-
authorized, and eminently proper character
| have been tried before with results not very
encouraging TO those who would thus influence
| public opinion. The Peace Convention which
| met at Washington in 1861 talked wisely,
| deliberated calmly, and offered recommends
| tions at once temperate and fair. But it ac-
complished nothing. The Philadelphia Con-
vention last year inculcates the same lesson.
| Never was anything more rich in blossom or
| more barren of fruit. In both instances, how
| ever the circumstances were more propitious
| than those under which the Worlds Confe-
| renee would now assemble. The sword had
| not been unsheathed when the Washington
| Convention defined ''the path to peace" The
| reconstruction policy had not advanced beyond
the comparatively mild Constitutional Amend
! ment, when the Philadelphia Convention pre-
| scribed for the sores of the republic. The
case now is altogether different. Primary
issues have been determined. Congress has
asserted exclusive authority over reconstruc-
ton has laid down the conditions by which it
shall be regulated and enjoys an assurance of
power to enforce its legislation. Think you
that it would surrender its jurisdiction, recede
from its requirements, and reverse its action
at the bidding of ''sixty or eighty men of emf
nent standing" convened on the supposition
that the Democrats are masters of the field
POSSIBLY IL may De desirable by-and-by 70
have National Convention, regular in form,
and binding in authority, with the view of re-
vising the Federal Constitution, and adapting
it to the altered circumstances of the country
When that time arrives it will be the duty Of
all to discard mere party considerations, and
to labor honestly for such amendments of the
organic law as shall fully cover every exigency
growing out Of the war, and while restoring
the smooth working of the Government, shal
provide adequately for the rights and unity o
the States. ...
In the meantime the great duty is to com
plete the reconstruction of the South under
the law as it stands, relying upon the good
sense of the Republicans in Congress to ton'
down the proceedings of the State Conven
tions, and to establish uniform policy o
forbearance and liberality, instead of the pro
scription which is threatened. If the Demo
cratic members choose to aid the Republican,
in thus softening the asperities and mitigating
the difficulties of reconstruction, they maj
partially atone for the mischief they effected
in the last Congress. However this may be
we cannot doubt that, as matters now stand
the Congressional plan is the only solid "patl
to peace" The path indicated by the Demo
cratic organ is a will-O' -the-wisp, leading
through quagmires and ending in disaster.
Africans.
From The ~ Y World
| The Renuhlioan Marty oarriad througb Con