Delaware State journal and statesman. [volume] (Wilmington, Del.) 1855-1870, 1867-12-20

mankind is lnlcltbtNN - N++t~
national intercourse in the general advance
meut of humanity, partly because theSe
,raciol seyerities have brought personal
sorrow into many American homes, ana
nsrtly because good understanding between
nroot Britain and the United States is e4-
,remely desirable, and IS not likely 10 DC
nronoted by disregard upon the other side
If the ocean of the almost universal opinion
unon this. We intend to make no argument
here upon the guilt or innocence OF the un-
fortunate prisoners; for they are beyond inc
reach of our sympathy or hatred, and have
anneored before II tribunal which will judge
them with tenderness unknown in BRUSH
Courts or Cabinets. But il we admit that,
according to the letter of English law, they
were guilty, the question arises how lar the
Government which executed them wasgullly
also: and whether acknowledged injustice,
continued through several centuries, may
mt he pleaded In set-off by those who have
receiyed from their ancestors only natural
legacy Of revenge. But we do not care 10
dwell with too much pertlnaclty upon the
nast All that is behind US, connected with
Irish history, is simply revolving, and we
turn with relief, even il we turn hopelessly,
to the future Whatever may be It's political
yicissitudes, Ireland will remain; and II II
ia to remain an integral portion OF the BRUSH
empire, and the British policy OF severity
is to be persisted in, ii seems 10 US that the
absolute determination OF the Irish race or
At least Its complete removal from lis naial
uoll, will be logically necessary NOW, IL
must be remembered, as a leading historical
fact that the irish people, enslaved, starved
massacred, as it has been, is to-day uneoh-
quered, and, in the truest sense OF the woiu'
uncomfortable. We do not know any shame-
full wrong, any political outrage, anything
which would thoroughly break the hearts Of
an ordinary people, to which this race mas
not been subjected by its masters. 10 It's
eternal credit, let 1t be asserted, that, prac'
tiealy it has never succumbed; il has been
ruled mainly by invincible force; it has never
really had any other government than a
government OF garrisons, nor has II ever
shown the slightest disposition to submit
quietly 10 the domination of the English set
tiers. British laws and the servants OF the
British crown have been more thoroughly
naturalized and accepted IN Asia, in Africa
wherever else they have penetrated, than IN
Ireland; and yet at this late day, after many
and prolonged experiments, and ell OF them
failures, England expects to manage ireland
solely by the sword and the gibbet. Aer'
Ia people naturally kind hearted and gen or
Gus and grateful; here is race showing
everywhere else a reasonable degree OF as
similation; here 10 nation eminent 10
quickness Of parts and fine human eharac
ter; and this people, this race, this nation
England cannot govern without perlodlcu
boodshed, without keeping up somslhln
very like serfdom, without atrociousSViol'
lions of the main principles of Christlani
The legitimate deduction from such plal
facts is that England should never have III
dertaken the task at all, When Mr.. Csrlyi'
IN his "Cromwell," scolds so savagely abo'
the vices of the Irish race, and rants oil II
difficulty of ruling it, except as wild bcas
are ruled, we cannot but remember maxi
which this author has sometimes found co
yeuient-"The tools to him who can u
them" These tools in the case of lrelan
have been used so dexterously that the 20
country could hardly have been worse off
il had been lett entirely to its own manag
ment. It is England that has kept up lri
identity, has lostered Irish feeling, has ma
the Irishman stranger in his own lar
has by class legislation rendered his mate
and intellectual advancement impossif
and it is In England which when he viola
the laws will show him no mercy, althou
40 many good aud honorable men demi
u in his behalf. 1t must be remembe
that we are speaking quite generally, as
must do IN discussing national acts; and
entertain no doubt TINT the best mind
heart of the nation was upon the side
mercy. This, however, awaited but hi
it undoubtedly saved some lives, aud
could have had the force which justly
longed to 1t, IL might have saved them
upon that dark and fatal day. Still, 1t
not be denied that there was a cry for BIZ
and IL 10 not worth while now to ask whe
II was that of the minority or the malt
OF the British people. Execution has
done on Allen and Larkin and O'Brlen-
hangman, Calcralt, has come to the re
of the British empire-and now, what L
many hTb BllcNepi anu uiNh1 "AN 49,
but what next? THIS is the eternal
tIon about Ireland which never receive
answer. What have we to expect, e.
further violence and new hangngsf b
shed and blood avengedP murders JUG
and murders extra-judicialP constant
ment OF the body polite to the Ieglm
1.-THE gibbCt and the grave9" pie
prospect, truly; but yet, what other
pect is there7 How many times is thi
old story to be repeated Really, it
seem according to the theory, until a
Irishmen have gone either to Heaven
America Why, this was Cromwel'st Il
Castlcreagh's theory, and we presum
it's the theory of Calcralt, her Maj
hangmanl
The following is published in the
chester Guardian as the last letter
Fenian O'Brien, alias Gould, address
his brother, Just before the writer wa
euted:
NEW BAILEY Pm
Nov. IA, 1885
M Dear Brother. intended writ
you; but having seen letter addrei
The governor OF this prison, by Mr..
and knowing from that you must
disagreeahle stale of suspense, there
may as we'll let you know how am
With reference to the trinl and all con
with II, it was unfair from beginning
aud If ! should die in consequence,