The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1867-10-17
amsndment has essn proposea aip the

ana SuDmlCCcQ TO tno foICs Of tdc Pco-
pie; so as to admit colored men to the
suffrage on the same footing with the
white men; and after most animated
canvass in its favor by the leading pub
lie men of the dominant party in that
state, the news comes to us, as write,
that it has been rejected by an over
whelming majority. p
Now, will there be any punishment
attempted upon the people of that state
for refusing 70 extend the right of suf-
frage to negroes? If not, is any to lie
reasonably unprecedented upon the peo-
pie of North Carolina, if they shall
come to like deter mination, for rea-
sons far more powerful and controlling
If any penalty Is to be imposed. should
it not rather be upon those states where
the negro is not numerous and has been
freeman for generations, if not from
before the foundation of the state, Gas
in Ohio,) than in this state, where they
constitute one third of the population,
and the generality are necessarily, from
their recent condition of slavery, in the
grossest ignorance2 1t is dcrogatory to
the congress of the United States to pre-
sumo. that for negative vote on this
full remonstrance, they would think OF
visiting the electors of state with pun
isbment: and if, in the excitement of
the fever, they should, their constitu-
ents in the great states already mention
ed, as we'll as Others, who have mani
tested no disposition to make the Gov
eted change in their body of voters,
would be quick to perceive, that what
is ours to-day may become theirs to-
morrow: that presidents accul; .ulate
and constitute law, and that, as
their representatives shall have done
to others: SD may it be done to them
However this may be, the change pro
posed is in fundamental article OF the
state constitution, deeply affecting the
security. safety" and peace of society,
and the promotion of the civilization
and happiness of its members. 1t is do
nestle and concerns ourselves only, and
we must act upon it in the choice al
lowed US according to our convictions
of duty. The elective franchise is not
necessary to the protection amy ofthe
rights or immunities of the freedmen
before the law.
BY the present constitution, and the
bill of rights which has stood untouch-
ed since 1776, the free colored man is
now, and always has been entitled to
all the guarantees as to life, liberty, Sc
curity and property, which are vouch-
sdfed to the white men-as much so as
women, minors and adults OF the white
race, who have not paid public taxes.
The question before us therefore is not
one of protection to him, but whether
he is qualified for the exercise of pollti-
Cal power here, which is denied to him
in so many states of the north. I have
no prejutlices against the colored race.
AS member of the legislature in years
gone by. voted for their liberation on
all proper applications according to
the then state of the law in the prac-
tice of my profession aided several in
establishing their claims to freedom
against white men holding them as
slaves, and prosecuted and defendad
their pleas rs freemen and since their
liberation recommended to the legis-
lature in q published communication,
in reply tn inquiries from certain of its
members, promptly to concede to them
the right to testify in the courts of jus
tice,-wbich was done. l wish them,
now, all the happiness and prosperity
which can flow from an upright and
virtuous course of life in their new Con-
dition. But it is better for them and for
us, that the elective franchise shall re-
main as heretofore, with the white
race, ensuring stable, tranquil and sa-
lutary state of society, in which every
individual, of whatever complexion,
shall be protected in all his rights,
rather than incur the hazards of the
anarchy, disorder and insecurity which
will ensue from the change in ques-
ton.
Deeply solicitous as am to see the
old and constitutional relations of the
states of the south to the Union restor-
ed, and general harmony re established,
l cannot consent to overthrow the Or
ganism of civilized society in vain
and Quixotic attempt to effect that re-
suit. prefer to ask congress to re-
consider the propriety of the course
which has been adopted, and would
pray them to remember that the des-
tructian of state, which will be the
effect of the measures proposed, can
never be the means Gifts restoration;
and that to compel her adoption of q
change in her constitution by striking
out a provision which stands conspicu-
ously, as we have seen, in those of other
great states of the Union, and which
they Indignantly refuse to remove, is
to atfix badge of lnferiority utterly in.
consistent with their ever hereafter
being considered an association of
equals.
There are two modes ofmaking such
an appeal without any direspect to con-
gress LIST, By electing a convention
which shall frame such a constitution
as is deemed fit for the people ofNorth
Carolina, and asking appreciation there
of. 2nd, By voting against conven
ton. And inasmuch as the only spe-
ciic requirement Of the act of congress
is as to a provision in the constitution
for negro suffrage, which we consider
it ruinous to adopt, should prefer the
latter. Conventions, with power over
the fundamental law of the state, are
not called OF choice, except in causes
where change is desired, but if the al
teration proposed is not approved,
there is no occasion for the call. To
me, we who concurred in, and most
heartily approved their decision, it was
sublime spectacle in February 1861,
to see the people of North Carolina re-
ject the proposition made by the legis-
lature to call convention to consider
the subject of secession. The presses
and politicians of various shades of
opinion, were, in the confusion and un-
certainty of the times, nearly unani-
nous in favor of the call. But the peo-
nile seeing the critical condition of aE