The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-07-20
Veto No, IL,

veto No. IL.
The message of the President of the United
States, transmitted to Congress yesterday, in
which he vetoes the Supplemental Reconstruo-
ton bill, is possessed of a dual nature: it is
not only vicious, but it is weak. We can
partially excuse an official document which
does not meet our views, provided the author
deals with his subject in mastery manner.
We can admire, intellectually, the cogency
of his sophism and the ability with which he
defends an indefensible position.
Thus we read with considerable pleasure
Attorney General Stanbery's opinion, our
indignation at its deductions being modified
by our admiration of the subtleness with
which he sought to defeat, by argument, what
was plainly the intention of the law. But in
reading veto No. II we feel nothing but the
most unmitigated contempt: we feel contempt
for the document itself, and for the man who
could pen it. It's tone throughout is vicious
in the extreme. 1t is calculated to do great
damage to the cause of reconstruction. 1t can
produce nothing but evil. 1t is insolent and
breathes a determination to resist the law. In
one place he says
"N hist hold the Ch1ef Executive authority
of the United States; whilst the obligation rests
upon me to see that all the laws are faithfully
executed can never willingly surrender that
trust, or The powers given for It's execution L
can never give my assent to be made respon-
slble for the faithful execution of laws and, at
the same time, surrender that trust and the
powers which accompany IL, to any other exc
cutive officer, high or low, or to any number of
executive officers"
Which means clearly that if the law is
passed over his veto, he will refuse to
execute it; that he will decline to keep to
his oath of Office to faithfully execute the laws;
and that, unless his approval is given to each
bill, he will consider it unconstitutional In
fact, he assumes judicial as well as legislative
and executive functions. And while accusing
Congress of encroaching on the President, he
in reality is assuming the functions of the
Supreme Court. But while he says the
legislative is invading the executive, the
executive is really uniting in himself the
three departments of the Government. The
people are to decide whether it is safer for
constitutional liberty to have power "cen-
tired in $50 men or difused among one."
The conclusion of the Message is the sublimity
of bathos. He says
''The remedy is, nevertheless In their hands.
|
| If not controlled by fraud and ovoiawed by
| arbitrary power, or from apathy on their part
| too long delayed, With abiding confidence In
| their patriotism, wisdom, and integrity, l am
| still hopeful of the future and that in the end
| the rod of despotism will be broken, the armed
| heel Of power be lifted from the necks OF the
! people, and the principles of violated Consti-
tuition preserved"
He has faith in "their patriotism herr
being the Southern people. He calls the ex-
Rebels patriots and denounces the rule of
Congress as ga rod of despotsm, Z" ''the armed
heel of power" and "a violation of the Con-
stitution." Nowhere in the famous Western
tour was any speech he made so hagrantly
offensive to decency as is this carefully pre-
pared Message of the President of the United
States.
Not only, however, is the document vicious,
but it is weak to a surprising degree. It's ar
euments are untenable. The most elementary
logic will show them all to be fallaoy. Any
Constitutional textbook will exhibit their
mistakes TO diigent schOOl-bOy. He Carps