The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-07-19

cute them cannot be laws, for nothing Is a law
efthe United States which the President is not
bound to execute. The startling question: then,
is, whether the President of the United states
has the right to treat as laws, In any actual IN,
stance, the several provisions OF this Dill that
thority9
division of the executive power Of the Federal
Government was exhaustively discussed IN Jhe
net5 ordained that "the exeontive power of
the United States should be vested in Presi-
dent, to hold his office for four years" When.
ever, then, the United States has or exercises
power, and that power or any part OF 10 is exc
cutive, there is no constitutional possibility Of
the President There is nowhere in the Consti-
tuition any power given Congress to exonerate,
or given him to abdicate either as to a particu-
lar law, or as to the laws applicable to particu-
There is q constitutional provision for his re-
moval II he fails of firm fidelity. The only safety
of public liberty is in his responsibility, and a
power in him to forego his constitutional duty
is only another name for the ruinous privilege
of Sinking a constitutional countability,
Nor could he, by corrupt and reasonable col
lusion with the legislature, exonerate himself
from his sworn duty, under pretense that Con
gress had exercised power of erecting q special
or local executive for particular law or class
of laws. If he could not procure such an exon
Grafton how can he accept such ?
An act passed by Congress to be executed
OF the United States is not law. AS well might
the city councils of Washington pass such an
act. 1t would be an enactment ultra Uires. Their
would be beyond their powers. But though
Congress has larger powers, 1t has not this
power parucle more than the councils OF thls
city II their charter, the Constitution, does not
What, then. is the Presidents duty9 He has
solemnly sworn to execute faithfully the office
of President of the United States, and to the
best of his ability preserve, protect, and defend
the Constitution, There are fourteen volumes
of statutes in the United States He is bound to
execute every one of them when occasion calls
But If enactments exist which forbid him to
70 fhnir rrNyic hxyd tinr1 hfF
plication, 1t is impossible that they can be
laws, and If not laws, they cannot repeal,
modify, hinder, obstruct, or embarrass laws,
much less Constitutions, State or Federal. II
epactments purporting 10 be In force In the
United States as laws OF the land. yet
by Ethe only Executive which can exc
cutes law, are put into practical ope-
executives, and the operations of these persons
ontraVene or hinder in any degree other laws
really in fol ce, nobody can pretend to doubt
what the case is, what the Presidents duty is,
and what are the consequences OF any hesita-
tion or taltering on his part. When such a col
authority of insurgents or revolutionists (or,
what are the same things, executive officers
not agents of the only Executive) actually
arises, be the abstract merits of the controversy
what they may, and be the motives of the par
es gooG OF o b OF der
pendence for the time on the courage, pru-
dence, and fidelity of one man-the general
There Is even more matter of anxious and
earnest solicitude at such a time as this, when
the chosen agents of new, vast, and anoma-
lous goverhm ment over one-third OF the country,
q government unknown either in State or
Federal law, and which threatens to utterly
swallow up both, are military chieftains, armed
and prepared for any of those fell enterprises,
whether of tyranny or reform, which in all ma
tions have proved an irresistible temptation to
popular and aspiring soldiers, especially in
times of high party contention upon funda-
mental theories when the noblest motives fire.
quently but fatally reinforce revolutionary
designs, seduced by enthusiasm in the absence
ofse!tled ideas of policy and law in the public
mind of the day.
We give the above Impressions, with which
we are profoundly moved. We speak for our
selves only; but we could not better certify our
sincerity than by confessing that they may be
overdrawn. But If SO. only the event could
convince us OF the fact. We fear they are too
true. ...
Statesmen! soldiers citizens! pause and con-
sider Is there occasion for these terrible possi-
bllities? Retract the exorbitancy of partisan
zeal; still the tempest of partisan resentment;
hush the persuasive but bad promptings of ann
bition; remember only the great truths of old,
and rally to your country Its laws, its Constitu.
ton, and its sworn ministers.