Ellsworth American. [volume] (Ellsworth, Me.) 1855-current, 1867-12-13

gives Mr.. Johnsons fears full enough to be
understood readily. The rounding off Of
the paragraph is the work of skillful dem
agogue:' With the political privileges torn
from white men" The wfite men that he
sees put in the back ground and robbed of
political privileges are the "rebels lately in
arms =
It lis manfestly and avowedly the object
Of these laws to confer up0h negroes the
privilege ofvoting, and to disfranchise such
a number of white citizens as will give the
former clear majority at all the elections
in the Southern States. This, to the minds
OF some persons, is 80 important. that ayio-
lation3 of tie Constitution is justified as a
means Of bringing it about' The morality
is always ftlse which excuse wrong be-
cause it proposes to accomplish desirable
end. We are not permitted to do evil that
good may come. But in this case the end
itself is evil, AS well as the means. The
snhjugation of the States to negro dOmna
ton would be worse than the military des
po;sm under which they are now suffer
ing 1t was believed beforehand that tae
people would endure any amount of mlli
tary oppression, for any length of time.
rather than degrade Themselves by suhjec
ton to the negro race. Therefore they
have been left without a choice. Nero
suffrage was established by an act of Con-
gress, d the military officers were com
mand,l to supcrintcnl the process of cloth
ing the negro race with the political privil-
eyes torn from white men
The negro disposed of in two columns
the constitution is next to be defended and
upheld. The coolness would be refreshing
in July:-
How far the duty Of the President, ,to
preserve, protect, and defend the cousti-
tuition, requires HIM to 20 Ill opposing an
unconstitutional act of Congress. is a very
serious and important question, on which
have deliberated much, and felt extreme
" anxious to reach proper conclusion
Where an act hls been passed according to
the forms of the Consultation by the su-
/ pfeme legislative authority. and IS regular
ly enrolled a,aong the public statues of the
country, Executive resistance TO it. espec
ially in times of high party excitement.
would be likely to produce violent collision
between the respective adhefants OF the two
branches of the Government. This would
be simply civil war: and civil war must be
resorted to only As the last remedy for the
worst of evils. Whatever nj sht tend to
provoke it shonld b. most carefully avoid
cd. A faithful and cun nscientinus Magis
trate will concede very much to honest
error. sid something even to preserve NAL
ice. before he VIII endanger the pnblic
peace and he will not adopt iorcihle meas
ures. or such as might lead to force, as
long as those which are pcaca5.e remain
tupen to him or his constituents. 1t Is true
tacuses may occur!n which the Executive
would be compelled to stand on its rights,
aud maintain them. regardless Of coase
uurnces If Congress should pass an act
which is not only in a palplhle conflict with
the Constitution, but will certainly, if car
ried out produce immediate and irreparable
mi nv TO the organic ructure OF the Gov
eminent, and if their be neither judicial
remedyfor the wrong it will inf ctmOr po yer
in the pe0peto to protect themselves without
the official aid of their elected leader; it.,
for instance, the legislative Department
lrass an act even through all the forms OF
law to abolish co oldnat department O.
the Governmental such a case the Presi-
dent must take the high responsibility OF
his office, and save the life OF the nation at
all hazards. The so-callcd reconstruction
acts, though as lainly unconstitutional as
any that can be imagined, were not allow
I'd to be in the class mentioned. The peO-
1 pie were not wholly disarned OF the power
OF self defence. In all the Northern States
they still held in their hands the sac ed
.f.l.o Al onl of IN, ha
licve that in due time they would come to
the rescue of their own institutions. 1t
gives me pleasure to add that the appea!
to our common constituents was not taken
in vain, and that my confidence in their
wisdom and virtues seem not to have been
misplaced.
The Tenure of Office law is next discuss
ed and with considerable feeling Mr..
johnson does not like to be hampered by
the laws of Congress, it is incOnvenient,
and therefore unconstitutional. "Heal
him " as they say in Parliament:
The Constitution invests the President
with authority to decide whether remov
al shall be made in any given case; the
act of Congress declares, in substance, tina,
, he shall only accuse such as he supposes to
be unworthy of their trust. The Constitu
. ton makes him sole judge i'll the premises
but the statute takes away his jurisdiction.
transfers it to the Senate, aud leaves him
nothing hut the odious and sometimes
inprac cticable duty of becoming a prosecu-
tor. The prosecution is to be conducted
before tribunal whose members are not,
like him, responsible to the whole people,
but to separate constituent bodies, and who
may hear accusation with great distayor,-
The Senate is absolutely without any
known standard of decision applicable to
to such case. Its Judgment cannot be
anticipated for it is not governed by any
rule. The law does not define what shall
be deemed good cause for removal. 1t is
impossible even to con- icture what may
or NAV not be so considered by the Senate
The nature of the subject forbids clear
proof If the charge be incapacity, what
evid nee will support it Fidelity to the
Constitution may be understood in thon-
slnd different ways; and by violent party
men, in violent party times. unfaitlitulness
to the Constitution may even come to be
considered meritorious. If the officer be
accused OF dishonesty, how shall i. be made
out! viii itbe inferred from acts uncQn-
ueeted with public duty, from private histo
nv from general reputation! Or mus the
President await the commission of an act
ual misdemeanor in office? Shall he in
the meantime risk the character and inter
ests of the Nation in the hands of men to
uhon ho caunot rive his confidence p