The weekly loyal Georgian., 1867-08-10

l
| the Constitutional Amendment, which
was simply "proposition undetcr.
mined at the time of the surrender"
The present propositions made BY
Congress are also undetermined since
the surrender, and ii Mr.. Hill and all
others in his condition will accept them
aud surrender their right to hold office,
as promptly and cheerfully as he says
the slave holders Of Georgia surrendered
their property, our difficulties will soon
be settled, and we shall have peace and
returning prosperity. We shall see
capital come in and develop the country.
We shall have peace and plenty for the
farmer, business for the merchants, en-
ployment for the mechanic, and bread
for the poor. We shall then begin TO
receive part of the benefits OF the com
mon government as well as its burdens.
We shall have representation with a
voice in legislation, and share in the
appropriations made out of the fund to
which we, in common with the people
of the North, are contributors.
But who can tell, from the above
quotations from "Mr. Hills Notes.
whether the abolition of slavery was
one of the ''terms OF peace 2" quote a
little further. He says, while discussing
the terms of peace:
II repeat, the only demand made by
the United States in the beginning was
that the people of the Confederate
States should lay down their arms, and
return to their homes and obey The
laws" Again, '.The question is, did
the United States during the ,car aud
6eJore the surrender make any other
demands, or avow additional purposes
and make them known to the Confede-
rates ?"
II have been unable to find any
other, and believe no other man is able
to find any other legitimate or official
demand or declared purposes"
After all this, Mr.. Hill says 'Of all
the delusions OF. the revolution, the
greatest was that of supposing that
either party to the late conflict was
fighting to preserve the Union under
the Constitution And again, "The
result is the preservation of territorial
Union, but the utter destruction of the
constitutional Union. Consent was the
beauty of the old Union-force is the
power of the new"
From alt these contradictory state
ments, who can gather from Mr.. Hills
notes what are the issues settled by the
war, and what the law of peace? In
one breath the war was waged by the
United States to preserve the Union
under the Constitution, and in the next
the greatest delusion of the revolution
was that of supposing that either party
was fighting to preserve the Union
under the Constitution. In one number
the Constitution is destroyed and a
union of forco substituted for the
Constitutional Union; and in another
we are told to stand By tie Constitution
as oar only hope; and that we arc
still in the Union and ''always were"
in it.
Ii seems, however, from all Mr.. Hill
insist that the abolition OF Slavery very Mas
part of the terms Of the surrender. nor
was it part OF the law OF terms of peace.
Yet Mr.. Uill most cheerfully yielded it,
aud in violation of the Constitution, if
his present position be correct, favored
q Convention to make the sacrifice of
this vast amount of property which was
protected by the Constitution, all to be
done by legislation "outside of the
Constitution But there was no per
jury in that, for while the legislation
destroyed the peoples property, it did
not interfere with the right of ambitious
men to hold Office.
Mr.. Hill prctends to quote from
writer on the law of nations to show
that no terms of peace can be enforced
by the conqueror that are not made
known to the conquered before they
lay down their arms. He is careful
not to give the section, page or edition
Of the work from which he quotes on
this or other points. But what if the
conquerUr should impose other terms
What is the penalty for so doing Mr.,
Hill says it makes him infamous, and
is Just cause Of teur. How does this
help US? Mr.. Hill tells us again and
again that the government of our con-
qucrors is nor infamous !. that they
who control it are pcVmed traitors,
acictcd traitors, libellous, etc. Then
the penalty of becoming infamous,
according to Mr.. Hill, has no terrors
for them, and will not relieve us. But
it is just c0atse Cf. ca,' if they impose
new terms. This may be, but how
does this relieve us? What do we
gain by another declaration of war
We are disarmed, with no means Of
supporting the war.
The Government has its vast armies,
and navies, and boundless armaments,
and resources at command. Why. then,
advise us of our right to declare war
again? Is Mr.. Hill not yet satisfied
with the shedding Of blood =? Iti simply
worse than madness, as any man of |
sense well knows, to attempt further !
redress OF our grievances by war. Ii |
our means are exhausted, and we have !
no further ability to maintain war, what |
is left TO Us but submission? This !
dispoaeS, without further notice, of all |
Mr. Hills subtle argument to prove
that we are not q conquered pe0ple, sub |
iect to the will Of the conqaerors. Ii
we have laid down our arms and sur
rendered at discretion, aud have no /
further ability TO resist, why are we not |,
subject to the will of the conqueror |
Neither subtle ingenuity, nor human
reason, can change this plain, undeui.
able fact However much we may
deplore it, canjor compeIs us to admit !
that it is Il stern reality. We arc a |
conquered people, unable to make fur
ther successful resistance, and are sub
ject % the will of our conquerors.
The Com missioner of the General
Land Office is taking views to obtain
accurate information in regard to the
extent Of the several railways OF the
United States those completed and
those projected and begun. To this
end he has opened correspondence with
the State authorities in order to have.
the correctness of the data tested which
the Commissioner has collected. It is
intended to reflect the aggregate
extent of the railway system in the next
annual report OF the General Land
Office in connection with details as to
the immense land grants made by
ronoro,o fe id IN the a;Iu,o,- s.x.4o.,e