Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1867-03-05

an accusation so vague as to be scarcely
intelligible and found to be true upon mol
icreditable evidence. Not one of the nine |
lmillions was heard in his own defense.
1.-THE representatives of the doomed parties |
were excluded from all participation inTthe
trial, and the conviction is to be followed
| by the most ignominlous punishment ever
inflicted on large masses of men, It91 1dis-d
franchises them by hundreds of thousands
and degrades them all-even those whoa ared
admitted to be guiltless-from the rank lofI
| lfreemen to the condition of slaves. nj 4p9r 4
4 The purpose and object of the bill and the |
general intent which pervades it from be- |
| ginning to end, is to change the entire
/ Structure and character of the State Gov 4
i erpmepts, and compel them by force to the /
adoption of an organic law and ,regula-ll
lion which they are unwilling to adopt, ifl
left to themselves. 1eiii Hl-5r9a = Z. iIai
| The negroes had not asked for the privi-s
lege of voting. The vast majority of them
have no idea of what it means. This bill
not, only thrusts it into their hands, but
! compelS them aswell as whites to use il in.
| a particular way.EN they do not form
Constitution, with prescribed articles in it, 4
and afterward elect g. Legislature, which
4 will act upon certain measures in a pre-
scribed way, neither blacks nor whites can
be relieved from the slavery which the bill
| imposes en- them. ..... 80. 4, zs-rs- gfsilj "A
Without pausingI here to consider the
policy, or impolicya of Africanizing the
Southern part, of our territOry. / would
simply ask the attention of Congress to
! that manifest, well-knOwn and universally
] acknow ged rule of Constitutional law,
which declares that the Federal Govern
| ment has no jurisdiction, authority or pow
er to regulate such subjects for any State,
| or to force the rightof suffrage out of the
hands of white people, and into the hands
of negroes. g.- Is...,} 5ts3 .v5er .s.l D. si4ig|
| In an arbitrary violation of this princi-
| II Il
/ and its operation will be begun as soon as
| the General andhis troops can be placed.
The dread alternative between its harsh
/ rule and compliance with the terms OF this
measure is not suspended nor are the peo-s
pie afforded any time for, free deliberation.
The bill says to them, take martial law
/ irst. and then deliberate; and when they
4 have done all. that this measure requires
them to do, other conditions and contingent
cies over which they have no centrol, yet
4 remain to be fulfilled before they can be
I relieved from martial law. .s1ggu91aai ID o..
| Another Congress must first approve the
Constitution made in conformity with the,
/ will OF this Congress, and must declare
| those States entitled to representation in,
/ both Houses. The Whole questipnTremains
4 open and unsetHed, and must again occupy
the attention of Congress, and in the mean
time the agitation which now prevails will
continue to disturb all portions OF the peo-
/ ple.l ,tl5z 4efa. 4s .al .,r 5 .5l3Hb
j The bill denies the legality of the Gov
ernments of the ten States which partici-
pated in the ratification of the amendment
4 to the Federal Constitution abolishing slav-
/ ry forever within the. Jurisdiction of the
United States, and practically excludes
4 them from the Union. GH e6ur.uaaH fa
! If this assumption of the bill be correct,
their concurrence cannot be considered as
having been legally given, and the impor-
tant fact is, made to appear thatthe consent
lrNf f%Yr ,,fl CEoAa -
number, has not been cOnstitutionally OBJ
tanned to the ratification of that amend
ment,, thus leaving the question of slavery
where it stood before the amendment was
Eofficially declared to have become part of
the Constitution. s.asualsE H- 3aaig ii
Il That the measure proposed by this bill
violates the Constitution in the particular
1 mentioned, and in many ways, is too clear
to admit of the least doubt. 1T only re-
mains to consider whether the injunctions
of the Instrument ought to be Obeyed or not.
!. | think they ought to be obeyed tor reasons
(which i will proceed to give as briefly as
II possible ,5F. lsasat i.ry b g1s-- 9gg.
In the first place, it is the only system of
free Government which we can hope to
have, as a nation. When it ceases to be
! Ethe rule of our conduct, we may perhaps
. take our choice between complete anarchy
and a consolidated monarchy. and a total
Idissolution of the Union. But, national
! Liberty, regulated by law, will have passed
beyond our reach. G.H!aG l.-a-.r4 !.
Il It is the best form of Government the
world ever saw. No other is or can be so
J well adapted to the genius, habits or wants
of the American people, combining the
strength of the great empire with the un-
speakable blessings of local self-govern-
) ment; havinga central power to defend
the general interests and recognizing the
authority of the State as the guardian of
; individual rights.
II
J abroad, and our peace at home, and was Or
} dained tofOrm more perfect union, estab-
lish justice, insure domestic tranquility,
and promote the general welfare provide
for the common defense, and secure the
: blessingsof liberty to ourselves and our
posterity. These great ends have been at
tanned heretofore, and will be again, by
; faithful obedience to it; but they are GER
q tain to be lost if we treat with disregard its
sacred obligations. 1t was to punish the
gross crime of defying the Constitution and
vindicate its supreme authority that we
carried on bloody war of four years. dura-
ton. Shall we now acknowledge that we
/. sacrificed a million of lives, and expended
2 billions of treasure to enforce Constitu-
ton which is not worthy of respect and
f preservation? Those who advocated the
: right of secession, alleged in their own
7 justification that we had no regard for
-llaW. and that their rights of property, life
2 Constitution as administered by us. If
j we now verify their assertion, we prove
2 that they were in truth and fact fighting
! for their liberty; and instead of branding
their leaders with. the dishonoring names
of traitors against righteous and legal
2 Government, I'VE elevate them in history
+ as self-saerificing patriots, and conseerate
) them to the admiration of the world, and
place them by the side of Washington,
Hampden and Sidney. No; let us leave
J them to the infamy they deserve. Punish
5 them as they should be punished according
to law, and take upon ourselves no share
of the odium which they should bear alone.
It is part of our public history which
can never be forgotten, that both Houses
of Congress, in July, 1861, declared in the
form of solemn resolution, that {" the war
was and should be carried on for no par-
: pose of subjugation, but solely to enforce
5 the Constitution and laws, and that when
this was yielded by the parties in rebellion
: the contest should cease, with the consti-
tutional rights of the States and individu-
| adopted and sent forth to the world unan-
imously by the Senate, and with only two
5 dissenting voices in the House. 1t was ac-
e cepted by the friends of the Union in the
South as well as in the North, as expressing
e honestly and truly the object of the war.
: On the faith of it many thousand persons
3 in both sections gave their lives and their
fortunes to the cause. To repudiatei it now
e by refusing to the States and individuals
} within them the rights which the Consti-
f tuition and laws of the Union would secure
, to them, is a breach of plighted honor for
: which can imagine no excuse, and to
e which cannot voluntarily become party.
The evils which spring from the unsettled
f state of our Government will be acknowl-
q lodged by all. Commercial interconse is
q impeded, capitals in inconstantperil, public
- securities fluctuate in value, peace itself is
ty,A thp 90 Of ,,OIit