The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-12-30

arbiter between the great parties that divide
and threaten both France and Europe. He has
heretofore assumed TO guide the great social
and political revolution that looms up among
the European naions. He has taken sides
once for all against it, and now evidently aims
al placing himself at the head of the conserva-
tive or reactionary party in Southern Europe.
How far this change has been produced by the
adroitness of Bismark the admirable do
nothing policy of the Pope, or by the mere
irresistible logic of events it is scarcely worth
while to inquire. 1t is sufficient to mark the
fact that he has thrown aside all disguise, aud
appears in the character of the religious and
political defender Of the Pope
He has broken once for all with the popular
and democratic party in Italy aud France.
Through the mouths of his Ministers he has
announced that the continuance of the tenn
pOral power is essential to Catholic Christen-
dom, and that France will not permit Italy to
acquire Rome as her capital. A few years ago
he helped to fight the battles of progress in
Italy against the old worn-out dynasties, and
evidently intended to complete the act by Civ
ing Rome to the new nationality which he
helped to evoke. When he executed the
treaty of September and withdrew the French
troops from Rome, he declared that the further
occupation of the Eternal City was an impos-
sibility and an outrage to modern civilization.
That treaty implied that the Pope and the
King of Italy should be left alone to
come to terms, and was universally re-
garded in that light He now recedes from
that position, and declares that France will not
permit Italy to possess Rome.
This action has deeply offended the revolu-
tionary party in France and Italy, but it
makes the French Emperor the idol of the
clerical and reactionary party. The step was,
no doubt, taken with due deliberation, and
indicates that Louis Napoleon has unbounded
confidence in the peasantry of France, whose
votes are as much under the control of his
agents as the franchises of the Southern
negroes are under the guidance of the radicals,
and nearly in the same way. He has agents
in every village of France to marshal the
voters. By means of the curate, the Mayor,
the schoolmaster, the prefect, the gendarmes,
and other officials who are appointed by him,
he can regulate the suffrages at his will.
But even in the rural districts the Govern
ment members begin to be returned with con-
stantly decreasing majorities. Whether the
support remains to be seen. But it is con-
trary to the policy and instinct of revolution
ary France, to which the Bonapartes owe
everything. It is certainly remarkable that
at the very moment when Austria is throw
ing of the influence of the clerical party,
Louis Napoleon should attach himself so firmly
to it.
The future is big with the consequences of
this event. 1t points to new conficts-new
dangers to the peace Of Europe. The ultimate
result can scarcely be doubtful. 1t will be
fatal to the dynasty for the sake of which Louis
Napoleon, in his premature old age, attempts
to turn back the tide of events in France and
Europe.