The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1867-05-06
Mr.. summers views ON Reconstruc.

II
| week we take the following letter Of Sena.
tor Sumner, addressed to Theodore Tilton
editor of that journal:
SENATE CHAMBER, April 20, 1867.
Nv Dear Sir,-You wish to have the
North reconstructed" 80 at least that II
shall cease to deny the elective franchise
on account Of color. But you postpone the
day by insisting on the preliminary of Q
constitutional amendment. j know your
vows to the good cause but ask you Il
make haste. We cannot wait.
| OF course We can always wait for the
needful processes; but there are presen,
reasons why We should allow no time to be
lost. The question must be settled ,cithou,
DELAY. In other words, it must be settled
before the Presidential election which is q,
hand. Our colored fellow-citizens at the
South are already voters. They will vote
at the Presidential election. But why
should they vote at the South and not al
the NorthY The rule of justice is the same
for both. Their votes are needed at the
North as well as at the South. There are
northern States where their votes can
make the good cause safe beyond ques-
ton. There are other States where their
votes will be like the last preponderant
weight in the nicely balanced scales. Leg
our colored fello,o- citizens uote IN Mary!dna,
and that State, ,ao,o so severely tried, acsa DC
fired for Human Rights forever. Let them
vote in Pennsylvania, and you will give
more than twenty thousand votes to the
\ Renublican cause, Let them vote in New
YORK and scales which hang so doubtful
will incline to the Republican cause. IL
will he the same in Connecticut. l men,
ton these by way Of example. But every
where the old pro -slavery party will KICK
the beam. Let all this be done, | say, be-
fore the next Presidential election.
Among the proposed ways Of doing it is
| nv a new constitutional amendment. But
this is too dilatory. 1t cannot become
operative till after the Presidential cleo
ton. Besides, it is needless. Instead OF
amending the Constitution, read it.
Another way is by moving each State,
and obtaining through local legislation
what is essentially right Of citizenship.
But this again is too dilatory, while 1t
turns each State into political malstrom,
and submits question of national interest
to the chances of local controversy and
the timidity Of local politicians. This will
not do. Emancipation was national act,
proceeding from the National Government,
and applicable. to all the States. Enfran-
cbisement, which is the corollary and COM
element of emancipation, must be ma
tional act also, proceeding from the Ma.
tional Government, and applicable to all
the States. If it be left to the States IN
diyidually, the result, besides being tardy,
will be uncertain and fragmentary.
There is another way which is at once
prompt, energetic, and comprehensive. 1t
Is by act of CONGRESS, adopted by major
ity of two-thirds in spite of Presidential
veto. The time has passed when this power
can be questioned. Congress has already
exercised it in the rebel States. | do not
forget its hesitations. Only year ago, when
insisted that it must do so, and introduced
a bill to this effect, was answered that
constitutional amendment was needed, and
| was voted down. A change came, and
in happy moment Congress exercised the
power. What patriot questions it now
But the power is unquestionable In the
other States also. 1t concerns the rights
of citizenship, and this subject is as essen
tally national as the army or the navy.
Even without either of the recent con-
stitutional amendments am at loss to
understand how denial of the elective
franchise simply on account of color can
be otherwise than unconstitutional. ICdn-
not see hop, under National Constitution
,rhich does not contain the uord "aohlte"
or "black," there can be any exclusion ON
account of color. There IS no such erclu-
sion in the Constitution. Out OF what text
is this oligarchical pretension derived i!
But, putting aside this question, which Will
be clearer to the jurists of the next gene
ration than to us, vouch the authoritative
words of the Constitution, making 1t our
duty to guarantee q republican form OF
government in the States. Now, the great
est victory of the war, to which all other
victories. whether in Congress or on the
bloody field, were only tributary, was the
definition of a republican government &C
oordinp to the principles of the Declare
ton Of Independence. A government
which denies the elective franchise on &C
count of color, or, in other words, sets up
onv 6 oualifications of votesin their nature
:, c,,,nountatle, cannot be republican; for
the first principle in republican govern
ment is equality of rights according to the
principles of the Declaration of Indepen-
dance And this definition, insist, is the
browning result of that war which beat
down the rebellion under its feet. 1t only
remains for Congress to enforce it by ap-
pirate legislation.
But there are two recent constitutional
amendments, each of which furnishes am
pie and cumulative power.
There is, first, the amendment abolishing
slavery, with its clause comforting on Con-
gress the power to enforce it by appropri-
ate legislation, in pursuance of which Con-
gress has already passed the civil rights act,
which is applicable to the North as we'll as
the South. Clearly, and most obviously
beyond all question, if it can pass ciual
rights act, it can also pass political rights
act; for each is appropriate to enforce the
abolition of slavery and to complete this
work. Without it the work is only half
done.
There is yet another amendment re-
Gently adopted by three-fourths of the loyal
States, which is itself an abundant source
of power. After declaring that all persons
born or naturalized in the United States,
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are
"citizens," this amendment proceeds to
provide that "no State shall make or en-
force any law which shall abridge the
privileges or immunities of citizens of the
United States"; and Congress is empow-
cred to enforce this provision by appro-
pirate legislation. Nothing can be palmer
than this.
Here, then, are three different fountains
of power in the Constitution itself, each
sufficient. the three together three times