The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-07-22

delibcration has at last succeeded in appoint
| ing tho right men in the right place
HON. d. II. HILLS "NoTEsn AND SPEECH.
The Hon. D. II. HILL, ono of Georgia's dis
| tinguished sons, whom in days como by her
people delighted to honor, during the Inst few
weeks has ttillated the whole realm of passiv-
ism by his 'Notes on tho Situation" published,
we believe, in the Augusta Chronicle and Seni-
mel. We do not know how many Of these
| Notes have been issued. We hive Numbers
IL and 13 now lying before us, published in
the Louisville Courier, where they appear
under large headng: "Splendid Series of
Patriotic Papers" And certainly they havo
struck chord which vibrates extensively
through the heart of the South; otherwise they
would mol be 80 widely republished. 1t is easy
at time of strong popular excitement or
deep feeling to make o great reputation for
wisdom, patriotism and public virtue, by SIM
ply studying and pandering to popular
prejudice. This is easy, we say, requires no
marked ability, and certainly is no test of
moral courage. We have q right to expect
something more from leader of tho people
If he is worthy the confidence and high posi-
tion with which his fellow citizens have On.
| trusted him, he should be himself superior 10
prejudice, and endeavor TO bring the truth
home to the Understandings of his constituents;
the naked truth, as seen through the medium
of sober fnct and practical common sense.
This Mr.. HILL Inns not done. On the contrary,
he is running with the current, and sees his re-
ward in the popular plaudits which greet him
NIL around.
We had expected otherwise of Mr.. HILL. Wo
knew TINT long before the close of the wnr he
had lost faith in the success Of the Confederate
cnuse; we gave him credit for some foresight
and practical good sense, and fully expected
that ho would be ono of the frsL 10 scek to heal
the breaches between the two sections of the
| country, and that he would do so by the only
practical way, viz; advising them to accept the
proffered conditions of those who nlone had the
power to dictate the terms on which our re-
admission into the Union should take place.
Instead Of this, Mr.. HILL writes espendid
series of patriotic papers," arguing ably,
lcarnedly, eloquently, if you will, that Congress
had no right TO enact laws such ns, upon ex-
animation, he finds the Reconstruction Acts.
This same fact is proclaimed in every one of
tho "Notes" we have seen. This is the sum
ond burden of the "Notes." SO again in his
FIVE column speech delivered in Atlanta July
l6, 1867, he rings the charges on the unoon-
Htitutionality Of the Acts of Congress. He
opens in very ambitious strain: stHuman
governments" he says, "like everything else,
nat 10
preserved by constant watchfulness, courage,
and adherence to correct principles These
remarks apply with unusual force TO free gov
ernments, which are the most difficult OF all 10
maintain" All very true, even though not
altogether original. But while these general
observation would be quite appropriate in the
mouth Of an undergraduate speaking his
''piece," they come with bad grace from an old
secessionist,' who long ago made the discovery
embodied in this eIordium, aud carried his
"watehfulnessi courage and adherence to the
verge Of counselling war The floor Of Con-
gress, before the war, was the place where
these themes could DO properly discussed. Our
rights under the Constitution could there be
debated ad Hbitum. We we're members Of tho
Union, entitled, without doubt or question, 10
the full enjoyment Of all the rights guaranteed
by the Constitution.
But the moment wo seeded and made war
against the United States, our relations to that
instrument underwent change. When delibe-
ration failed, and discussion was fruitless, we
resorted to the ultimd ratio-the arbitrament of
tho sword. In this also We failed after long
and bloody struggle. What thrns Shall we
now return again to those gladiatorial exhibi-
tions in the constitutional amphithentrei Mr..
HILL seems to think this the proper course.
To read his "Notes" one would suppose there
had been no war, or that he at lenst had for
gotten that there had been war. Some Of
bis arguments are the eame as we were in the
habit Of hearing daily in 1860. Can it be that
the distinguished ex-senator has become
oblivious Of the intervening period, and simply
continues the argument he begun seven years
ago?
70 show the potency of his reasoning we
will adduce one Of his strong points. He says:
at Is my business to support the Constitution,
and my duty and pleasure to persuade others
to do SO. somo Of you who favor the accep-
tance Of the Military Bills take an oath to this
effect, and still intend to vote for convention
which you admit to bo contrary to the Consti-
tuition! How is thisf If you have q con-
science have said enough. II you vote for the
Constitution you are pe1urtd" Now this 10 Of
o piece with the entire long and labored argu-
ment. If the premise were granted, the CON-
slusion would bo inevitable. Grant that VIC
have not fotfeitcd our rights under the Consii-
tuition, and Mr.. HILL is right, but in assuming
this ground he bags the whole question. Pre-
cisely here IL the split. Mr.. HILL, and others
with him, persistently contend that we mover
became aliens OF enemies, that We never for
fcited our constitutional rights; the war with
them was no moro than prolonged political
discussion, that could not change the status Of
the combatants. These postulates, however,
are not conceded by the representatives Of the
people Of the North. They contend that when
we entered the arena Of war wo thereby not
only Voluntarily surrendered our rights under
the Federal compact, and sought redress by o