The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1867-02-14
THE NEW SCHEME FOB RECONSTRUCTION.

upon the nrst page OF to-day,S issue. we invite
careful perusal of the document, concoeted by
leading public men of the South, and placed before
the country with the sanction of distinguished
names, including the executive ebead of the Gov
ernment.
Of course widely variant views will be and
have been presented and public opinion is scafce-
lily begun to be moulded upon the acceptance OF
rejection of this measure-the woud-be panacea
for all the ills that bcset the down-trodden South
| The FIRST section declares the Union perpetual,
ond nrobib;ts secession forever hereafter. As to
| be prohibition, it is of no consequence to this
section for the present generation, and perhaps
for all future generations. As a remedy, seces
sion failed, and there is an end of its utility But
the Union is not perpetual, and until the seeded
Southern States are unequivocally acknowledged
co-couals in the Government, the assertion is
croundless and futile. At the present moment,
the Union is severed far more effectually than Sc
cession could make it. Fanatical majorities have
pronounced this decree, and it is irrevocable
by the power creating it. Politicians of differ
ent hue may not believe this theory of the ul-
traists but their opinions are not forcibe enough
to compel action to the contrary. The Union,
then, is dissolved already for all practical pur-
poses, and cannot be made perpetual, +" so long
rs this extreme party confines 10 hold the reins of
government.
The Federal debt is next declared sacred and
invoate, while the State debt is repndiated if in
Cured sin aid of insurrection or rebellion" II
we are not mistaken, South Carolina has once re-
fused acquiescencc to this proposition ut least so
far as relates to certain portion of her debt in
Cured during the so-called rebellion. Why, then,
deliberately stpltfy herself by this new declara-
ton
The third section declares citizenship, and for
bids States from making or enforcing any law
abridging the privileges or immunities of citizens
Of the United States The 'scivil rights bill,' as
We understand it, confers this authority and in
cludes the prohibition. Only one object can be had
in view to incorporate this feature and that is, to
prevent the Supreme Court from pronouncing the
present law unconstitutional. This contingency
might arise, and we are not disposed to forestall
the judiciary in this manner.
But it is the fourth section of this amendment
that affects the people of the South, and in fact
comprises the chief end of the entire article. We
will endeavor briefly to clucidatc its provisions
Representation is declared to be in accordance with
population. In other words, etcry individual is
counted in the basis of Congressional representa-
ton. But when State shall, fer any reason of
race; color, or otherwise, exclude any of the male
inhabitants, twenty-one years Of age and recog
nizcd citizens, from voting for elective officers,
then the said State is prohibited from counting the
excluded class in the basis of representation. For
instance, if South Carolina excludes the negro
from voting then that class is not counted in her
quota for representation in Congress, and only the
white inhabitants are entitled to be computed
So far this provision is not mainly Objectionable.
One or two representatives from this State would
answer, while The present political party controls
the public policy. Four or six would not be more
powerful against the encroachments and designs or
that party, except to uphold the Executive veto,
and two more years will certainly place the Execu-
tive in accord with the legislative majority There
FORE we do not object to this provision of the
amendment, especially as it grants the privilege OF
fourth section concludes with the declaration that
"no State shall require as property qualification
for voters moro than two hundred and fifty dollars
worth of taxable property" nor more education
than is sufficient to read the Constitution in Eng
lish and write his own name 1t does not require
either property or educational qualification, and
thus far leaves the question of suffrage in the
hands of the States respectively 1t circumscribes
their action, however, and to that extent is obec
iionable. s
Such are briefly the main features and effects of
The proposed amendment to the Constitution of the
United States. Accompanying this "basis of set
tlement, and by far the most prominent and eff
fective weapon of compromise, is another amend
ment to State Constitutions, which confers impair
tial suffrage upon "every male citizen who has
resided in this State for one year andin the county
Tor distrct) in which he offers to vote six months
Immediately preceding the day of election" and
who can read the Constitution in English and write
his own name, or who may be the owner Of two
hundred and fifty dollars worth of taxable proper
ty, with proviso that all entitled to vote sha
continue TO exercise the elective franchise, and not
be disfranchised by the adoption of this amend
ment.
Both the amendments are presented to the coun-
try and it is alleged that North Carolina assumes
the initiative in this popular movement. Poor,
crest-fallen Palmetto will follow. Now, what is
the result? The Legislature of North Carolina
now in session, cannot indicate its opinions except
by The adoption of the amendment comforting i'm
partial suffragein that State The Constitution of
the United States remains unchanged by the action
of North Carolina, or by the united action of all
the seeded States. They have the poor privilege
to suggest, but they are poweress to enact. Ad-
,iirnr for The saln nf arnnmnnt TINT MI the intn