The aegis & intelligencer. [volume] (Bel Air, Md.) 1864-1923, 1867-09-13
THE NEW CONSTITUTION,


being circulated throughout the county, and
will, we hope, receive careful and impartial
consideration. The moro it is examined the more
it will commend itself to the favor and win the
approval Of our people,
1t is impossible that each provision should
meet universal assent, but what is Objectionable
to one person is acceptable to another, and man
never yet fashioned a work alike pleasing to all.
We must remember the various sectional and To-
cal interests and views 10 be consulted and har-
monized, and we will appreciate the success of
the efforts made by the Convention.
We trust every citizen will read and judge for
himself, and earnestly hope that the new Const-
tuition may be heartily adopted.
We note few of its prominent features. 1t
restores and secures to ALL unjustly disilanchsed
in 1864, the right to vote, and go recognizes the
principles upon which alone the republic can
stand that government is the creation the peo-
pie. The odious test oaths and restrictions are
abolished, and obedience TO the laws is the only
test of loyalty
1t recognizes the supremacy of the Federal
Constitution, within its sphere, and the reserva-
ton of the tights and powers not granted
(See articles 2. and of the Bill of Rights.)
Itrecognzes The right offrcedom of speech and
of the press of trial by jury, and exemption
from martial law, and the tme-honored guaran-
tees of our old Constitution.
1t confers upon the Governor a qualified veto
to suspend inconsiderae or corrupt legislation,
and to invoke the sober second thought of the
law-making department, whilst it points public
attention to proposed legislation.
1t abolishes the Offices of Lieutenant Governor
and Private Secretary, and increases the duties
of the Secretary of State.
1t restores fair representation to the countless
while it gives ample projection to the city of
Baltimore
1t puts new guards upon the Treasury, and
prohibits the making Of public debts by the legis-
lature and municipal authorities.
1t prohibits the legislature from passing laws
to pay for cmancipated slaves.
1t restores to the General Assembly the power
to regulate the rate of interest.
Itremoves from the Constitution the regula-
ton of the public schools, and the present expen-
sive and irresponsible SYSTEM but compels the
Legislature, at its first session, Ito establish
throughout the State thorough and efficient
system of free public Schools" and provide for
their maintenance.
1t gives control of this important subject to
the popular branch of the Government, which
must reflect the will of the people, and can i'm
prove and modify the machinery and adopt de-
tails 10 the changing wants and extended expe-
rience of the community.
The present system was fixed in the Constitu-
ton of 1864 as a political engine above popular
control, and excluding from participation in its
management all who would not, by obnoxious
test oaths, bind themselves to the work of a
usurping faction.
There is no efficient public school establish
ment in the United States which is not the Gre
alton OF, and amenable to, the Legislature of the
State.
So much of the exist ing system as has proved
beneficial, the Legislature can and will re-
tain; its defects will be supplied and its evils
removed.
By the change in the Judiciary system, not
only have suitors the more satisfactory decision
of three judges but the cost to the State of spe-
cal judges, greater annually than the additional
salaries, is saved. Frmer confidence in the
opinions of full bench will diminish the number
of appeals, with the incident delay and costs.
So with the attorney general who is required
to render all the services for which the State now
pays special assistant counsel amounts annually
greatly exceeding the whole salary of this officer,
and such special counsel are prohibited in flu
lure.
The Radicals will resort to Misrepresentation
and perverson to prejudice public opinion, and
produce hostility to the new Constitution. How
faithless and tyrannical they have been in the
past, we know, and ifby apathy on our part, or
needless trust in them, we fail to vote for the
Constitution made by our friends, we directly
endorse the usurpation of 1864, and surrender
our dearest rights to the control of its abominable
enactments. Their past course we cannot forget,
and it is our own fault if we do not comprehend
the motives of their opposition.
The new Constitution puts the State in the
hands of its people, restores their sovereignty,
and secures their power. Will they blindly sur
render the opportunity which may not again be
offered2
Can any conservative democrat, can any good
citizen really prefer the Constitution of 1864 to
that of 1867 ? Can they be again deceived by
their perfdious opponents2 Will they, induced
by objection to special provisions, or by malign
radical Inventions, condemn or fail to sustain
fundamental law, in the main wise, patriotic and
benefcent, or from any consideration fail to give
such vote as will not only secure its adoption,
but show that adoption to be the potent decree Of
an irresistible majority?
What Does one Vote Matterp