The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1867-03-06

THE PRINCIPLES, MOTIVES AND OBJECIS
THAT CONTROL HIAI-H1s VIEWS OF TIE
SHERMAN INIoU1TY, &c.
The editor of the New York Ctisen
Col. Halpine, publishes in the last issue
of his paper the outlines of a converse
tion he had with the President on the
goth ultimo. We quote Col. Halpinc's
iletter:
-"T6e trouble is" said the President
uthat instead of inquiring what we are
and our present poyers, we insist on ma,
king ourselves something else, and inyen-
ting new powers which it cannot be for
our benefit to WELD. We make the mis-
take Of becoming inventors instead of
applying ourselves to become discoyorers.
4cuThere are now a score of plans OF re-
constructing the Southern States before
theeouhtry, and the public mind is undu-
.lv anitated as to- which shall be adopted.
Amendments are proposed to the Constr
tuition, amendments Of every possible
character; whereas, if people, instead OF
inventine new things, would seek to dis
cover what already exist, they would find
altthe powers they need to accomplish
their, legitimate wishes in the Constltu-
,tionsas it stands
s.The Constitution guarantees repub-
lican form of government to every State,
and SAYS that no State shall be deprived
of its representation in Congress without
its own consent. Well, on the other hand,
some of our people say that they will not
allow men who participated i'll the rebel
lion to be their peers, and to have voices
in the great council of the nation. They,
therefore, demand a observation-disclosures
ment on this head; and 50 likewise for
every other evil that they can. find or
fancy to beteXisting. -
o'aButf does not the Constitution itself
provide q remedy forthis very evil, where
It SAYS, that each House of Congress shall
be absolute Judge of the elections, returns
and qualifications of its own members !?
Nav not each House, under this, while
rejecting any prominent ex-rebcl or man
obnoxious for disloyalty who shall be sent
from. any Of the so-called Confederate
States, at the same time net deprive the
State of representation, but merely say:
sThis man we reject under our constitu-
tionai prerogativc We do not, however,
DENY the right of your State TO ieprescn-
tAtion, whenever you shall send US a
proper man ,,
effect of this course. We at once divide
the public opinion of the State so treat
,ede4at present made unit under the ban
of indiscriminatc exclusion. We hold ont
o great reward for the election of loyal
men, and attach 9 penalty, which the
people of the State must themselves I'M
nose, ferEthe restraint Of active <partici-
nants in the late rebellion. There are
scores and hundrcds of ambitious men OF
lovaf record in every State who would
then be naturally forced to the surface.
but under the present system OF indls-
criminate exclusion it can make no differ
ence whether loyal OF disloyal Senators
and Representatives shall be sent.
aEven let Ius take, an extreme case.
Supp6se' the State of Georgia should send
Alexander H Stephens to the Senate, and
that the Senate Should say: I'VE ac-
knowlotIge' the right Of Georgia to repre-
scntati6n; we acknowledge that the Gre
dentiaIs of Mr. Stephens are made out in
the proper form; but in.view of1his con-
nection with the rebellion, and former
connection with the United States, We
i11 the exercise of our constitutional priv
ileceAdo not choose to accept Mr.. Ste
nhens as our peer; and must insist that
Some man Of loyal record shall. be sent in
his place.
i-,@Would not the Georgians at once COM
mencc looking around tor some one who
could satisfy these conditions? And
would not an immediate impetus be given
toward building up y loyal sentiment in
that State? The wounds our country has
suffered arc not vital, though the deple-
ton of blood was great. There were
none of9the great bones broken, for the
framework Of the Constitution still re-
mains, main and is efficient, if we could only
abstain from further irritating surgery.
The best healing in surgery is that which
the doctors describe as by tho first inten-
ton, or force Of nature; but our violent
doctors in Congrcss-and this is spoken
with no disrespect TO that body, but as a
fact of obscrvation-will still insist on
tearing open the wounds afresh, in order
to'force faster healing by caustic appll-
cations and the actual cautery.
aWhat we necd-what we vitality need,
both for payment Of the national debt
and to enable us to assume a, proper for
cign policy, too long, | confess, delayed
is harmony, internal peace, and u condi-
lion OF restored confidence that will draw
capital to develop the industrial! resources
Of the South, and to assist the Southern
planters in reorganizing the shattered re-
iations of labor We need all this to
make the national burdens cndurable.
Every bale of cotton, every barrel Of su.
gar, every tierce Of rice, every hoSshead
of tobacco raised in the cX-rcbel States
must furnish propcrtionato reduction
to the taxation Of tho North; and must