The Pacific commercial advertiser. [volume] (Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands) 1856-1888, 1867-06-29

Both b.liger'nts, however, RETAINED from actual
hOstilitie. All upon the confusion II the Treaty Of
Prague, the King of the Netherlands conceived that
the dissolution Il the German Buud released him
FROM an Obligations 90 Germany. AMI even. it seems,
h"pel that Re PIu-siIu garrison, which, ever since
lolj, had occupied the fortress Of Luxembourg IN the
name Of the toniviertcy, might be withdrawn There
was some c0nt.lrt Of opinion between the Dutch
Government and Count Bismarck GA that score, but
the latter showed very little Of his ordinary inperi-
5u>ncss in his dealings with Holland, and, satisfied
with the possession II the fortress, prOfesSe1 his will
ingness TO adjourn the settlement Of any other points
i'll dispute.
The subject of Parliamentary Reform is still
the principal topic of discussion in England.
While the masses are peaceahly hut firmly and
constantly demanding reform, the politicians are
putting them of with half measures. But the
time must come, and that before long, when the
people will obtain their rights.
The point at issue in the House of Commons, says
the New York Spectator, was the question OF . how
not 10 do it., and of course, the House decided IN
favor of the pisraeli plan of half reform. The Tory
Bill takes back nearly all it gives. This is more
particularly the case with reference 70 the class of
= compound householders who constitute a major
ity of the persons whom it is proposed TO benefit.
Under the existing system persons having offices,
stores or buildings of any kind, Of the yearly value
of SO, may vote, whether they reside on the prem
ises or not. The Tory Bill, with a great show Of
literally, reduces the qualification To g. but
attaches the conditions that the occupants shall reside
on the premises, that they shall live there two years
before exercising the franchise and that the tenant,
not the landlord, shall pay the rates. The effect Of
these restrictions is 10 limit the franchise 10 about
one-third of the number Of persons who would other
wise Toe entitled to vote.
Mr.. Gladstone took exceptions TO these limitations,
and he attempted TO rescind them 50 rs TO carry out
a really popular system Of reform. lie proposed,
therefore, to substitute for the various impediments
to the franchise in the Tory Bill, the simple plan of
comforting the electoral privilege on occupiers of
-. -. e. = IL ~. 1 - O. No
matter whether they resided on the premises or not
and without any distinction as to the payment of the
taxes by the tenant on landlord. 1t was i'll vain that
Mr.. Gladstone, Mr.. Bright, and other true friends Of
reform pointed out that u landlord could distranchise
tenants of obnoxious political views, by paying their
taxes for them, and adding the amount ~ the rent.
Perhaps this very feature recommended it to the
House of commons, composed as il is of landlords.
At any rate the Disraeli plan was adopted, and the
Gladstone amendments were rejected by a majority
that will probably secure to the Tory Ministry the
honor of passing 4 Reform Bill, and securing Il lease
Of power for several years to come.
Mr.. Gladstone, i'll the management of the Parlia-
mentary struggle, committed seSeral errors which
had the effect of alienIting a portion of his party
whose votes helped to swell the Tory majority. Upon
certain details of the bill he was conciliatory when
he should have been firm, and he was firm when he
should have been yielding. The result was that he
could not keep his party together upon a question of
vital Importance TO the principle OF reform. lie did
not recognize that Il majority was almost certain to
vote for the narlowest possible extension OF reform.
Mr.. Gladstone should lave accepted this fact as a
difficulty to be overcome, not a. an obstacle to be
dismayed ut. He threw up the sponge on the first
blood, abandoned the great position OF leader of the
progressive party in England. Perhaps Mr.. Bright's
firm, resolute hand may grasp the falling sceptre.
In that case the Tory Reform Bill, i'll place Of settling
the question for n couple of generations, may be
only the signal for a renewed popular agitation that
will wrest from the ruling classes a share of their
long monopoly of power. But however this may he,
it is probable that MIR. Gladstone viii sink to a Sec
ond place i'll English politics, and perhaps follow, in
place of leading, the grand popular movement.
In this connection occurs the subject of uni
versal manhood suffrage. The doctrine has found
n powerful advocate in Count bismarck. When
the Prime Minister of the Prussian Monarch adj
vocatcs universal suffrage, it certainly indicates
that the world is advancing. At Il recent sitting
of the German Parliament Bismarck said:
Universal suffrage is n legacy which has been
transmitted t. us by the national aspiration for
German unity. The Governments would prefer n
different system but they have not proposed any
substitute. | know nothing more absurd or more
pitiful than the PrussiaH law which sanctions elcc-
ton 10y classes and by indirect suffrage, caprice, ant
harslness, accompanying the tax-rated suffrage. 1t
would not be prudent TO combine the right IL the
suffrage with social on class distinctions. Indirect
suffrage alters the expression of public opinion !;
direct and universal suffrage Will introduce talent
into Parliament.
These observations were received with loud
cheers.