Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1867-01-09

equal and moderate provision, that In fu-
ture, the representative population of each
State shall be ascertained by making pro-
portionate deduction from the whole popu-
iation thereof, if its laws exclude from the
privilege of voting, any male citizens, not
criminals, of the age of twenty-one years.
/ have yet to learn that any plausible objec=
tion can be offered to such a provision.
The third clause of the proposed amend
ments excludes from Congress, and from the
| Colleee of Electors, and from all offices, CIV
| il and military, of the United States, or OF
any State, persons who, as functlonarlas OF
the United States, or as Executive or ) udi-
clal officers of any State, have heretofore
sworn to support the Constitution of the
| United States, and afterwards violated their
oath by engaging In rebellion against the
same, unless Congress, by vote of two
thirds, shall have removed the disability of
any such persons.
The fourth clause affirms the validity of
the debt of the United States and prohib-
its the assumption or payment OF the rebel
debt, or of any claims for the loss or eman-
cipation of any slave.
The fifth clause provides that Congress
shall have power to enforce the provisions
of the other clauses by appropriate ieglsla-
ton.
That these wise and moderate provisions
will meet the hearty appreciation OF the Le
gislature, | cannot doubt If proposed by
two-thirds of each House of Congress and
ratified by three -fourths of the Legislatures
of the States the Constitution provides
that they should stand as adopted amend
ments of that instrument.
A question has been raised whether the
States lately in rebellion, and not yet restor
ed to their privileges by Congress, are to be
counted on this vote-in other words, wheth
er those who have rebelled and been sub
dued shall be entitled to potential voice In
the question of the guarantees to be requir-
ed of them for future obedience to the laws.
So monstrous proposition is, 1t appears to
me, not supported by the words or spirit of
the Constitution. The power to suppress
insurrection, includes the power of making
| provision against It's breaking out afreSh.
| These States have made an un iust war upon
our Common Government and their Sister
States, and the power given by the Constr
tuition to make war on our part, includes
the power to dictate, after our success, the
terms of peace and restoration.
The power of Congress to guarantee to
every State a Republican form of Govern
ment, would cover much more cogent action
than has yet been had.
The duty imposed upon Congress, to pro-
vide and maintain republican governments
for the States. is to be accepted In the broad
est meaning of the term. 1t is not a mere
formal or unnecessary provision. The pow
er was conferred, and the duty enjolned, to
preserve free Institutions against ali en-
croachments, or the more violent elements
of despotism and anarchy. And now that
treason has by rebellion, subverted the gov
ernments of a number of States, forfeiting
for the people all the rights guaranteed by
the Constitution, including even those OF
property and life, the work of restoration
for these States rests with the National Gov
ernment, and it should be faithfully and
fearlessly performed.
By their passage by Congress, and the
declaration of the people at the late cleo
tions, the faith of the nation is pledged to
the amendments, and they will be fairly car
ried out, and their benefits given to the re-
bellious States. But when the amendments
shall have passed into the organic law, should
the people lately in rebellion persist in their
rejection, and In continued dlsebedleuce, and
the obstruction of the execution OF the ma
tonal laws, it will be an admonition to the
nation that the anin,,ss and force of treason
still exist among a people who enjoy none OF
the privileges of the government, save OF It's
generous tolerence. With their rejection,
all hope of reconstruction, with the ce-ope-
ration of the rebellious States on basis
that would secure to the Republic the logi-
cal results of the war, will have vanished,
and the duty must then devolve upon the
government, of adopting the most effectual
method to secure for those States the char
acter of governments demanded by the Con-
stitution. They are without lawful govern
ments-they are without municipal law, and
without any claim to participate in the gov
ernment On what principle of law can the
rehelEous States complain If after thcy have
rejected the fair and magnanmous terms
upon which they are offered brotherhood
with us, and participation in all the bles-
sings of our freedom, and they have refused,
if the government, in the exercise OF Its
powers, should enter anew upon the work OF
re con struction at the very foundation
and then the necessity will be forced upon
us to discard all discrimination in favor of
the enemies of our nationality, to give us
and them enduring freedom and impartial
Justice
The Constitution has defined treason, and
has given express power to suppress insur-
rection, by war, if necessary. 1t has not
provided, in detail, the terms to be granted
after such war. How could it do so? 1t
would probably not be contended by the
| widest partisan, that these States had
right to be represented in Congress at
time when they were carrying on open war "a
| gainst the government, or that Congress was
not then lawful body, notwithstanding
their exclusion. How then have they re-
gained the right of representation Surely
not by simply laying down their arms when
they could no longer hold them The Uni
| ted States have the right, and it is their du-
ty. to exact such securities for future good
conduct as they may deem sufficient. and
the offenders, from whom they are to be ex-