The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-08-06
THE NEW YORK PRESS.
EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF THE LEADING 1oUHNAAs'
UPon CURRENT ToPIcs-oohPlLhp bv
DAY FOR THE EVENING TELEGRAPH
nhs Uneasy Fssllng in EUROPE.

s,any before the outbreak of the German war.
That war. as nearly every one who studied its
causes or took pains to estimate its results
foresaw. solved but one or two points of the
European problem. 1t gave to Italy coveted
nrovince--all indeed that she had failed to
aobieva nj Villafranoa. 1t gave all the unity
to North Germany which was attainable by
mere force of arms. 1t wrested from Austria
the Presidency of the Federal States. 1t
created sovereignty in place of that Presi-
danov. and it made William of Prussia the
head of a strong consolidated monarchy with
ont the incumbrance of petty principalities,
aiming to hold coordinate authority and ambiti-
Gus to figure as equals in tue Federal Diet. 1t
was "a gigantic step towards the reconstruction
OF Europe. But it was in no sense a browning
act. 1t showed rather what was possible to be
done, than made it clear that an uLtimdtum had
been presented. The Treaty of Prague was a
truce, and nothing more. 1t as little partook
of the nature of permanent settlement as did
the hasty peace which followed the battle of
Solferino. That peace was delusive, as every
one felt 1t to be when the treaty was signed.
Italy was not content. Those disinterested
lOokers-On who had hoped and prayed for
Italian unity knew that the expedient was one
of a temporary kind, and that the antagonism
more bitter by the suspension of hostilities
which the intervening authority of France had
brought about. 1t was the same when the
battle of Sadowa following the virtual surren-
der of the Venetian provinces which Austria
proposed to the Emperor of the French, made
an end to Austrian supremacy in the Ger
man States. Prussia had gained too much
in too brief a time to be content with the
results which her prowess had won. She
out Nha L nnHn
and Hanover. She had declared against the
existence of the free cities of the federation,
and the Wealthiest and most pretentiOus of
them all had she put under such tribute as no
conquering power since the time OF the first
Napoleon had conceived to be possible. She
had not only driven her rival out of her posi-
tion as the head of Federal Germany, but she
had made that rival contribute to the expenses
incurred in the spoliation. She claims all the
rights and titles won by the Austro- Prussian
victories in war for the possession of the
Danish Principalities. And she had thrown
down the challenge to France by substituting
q Prussan force for the Federal contingent in
the great fortress of Luxembourg.
These in brief, were the grand results of
the German struggle of 1865. 1t was measure
bly, European struggle, inasmuch as it
changed the leadership of Central Europe, and
raised Italy from the position of an inferior
d
after claim voice in the councils of the lead
ing Governments. But the German struggle,
from the simple fact of its assuming the pro-
portions of contest for the territorial read
justment of Europe, failed to reach that end.
1t left the balance of power essentially where
it was, except that Prussia stepped into the
place of Austria, with much more than
Austria's ambition or her power of provoking
the jealousy and the hostility of other States.
Treaty of Prague were of such character
that France especially could not be indifferent
to them. The Emperor of the French
had mixed himself up SO far in the con-
fiiot that he had made France partisan of
Austria in the very heat of the conflict. He
had undertaken to define the limits beyond
which Bismark and his royal master should
not pass. He had found his advice contemned
and his assumed right of intervention scorned.
He had seen three months struggle win for
Prussia rank which made her territorially
and otherwise the peer of France, either in
the field or in council. And he had succeeded,
as he had never done before since his election
as President of the French republic in con-
vincing the people of France that war was de-
sirable; that it was necessary if the honor oi
the nation was to be upheld; and that the en-
pire might safely discard its motto of HPeace, u
at least long enough to make Prussia
amenable to the judgment of neighborine
powers. The distraction of the Paris Exhibi
ton; the temporary suspension of belligerent
movements which the Treaty of LondoI
brought about; the legerdemain of bringing
the leading sovereigns to Paris, have all served
a purpOse-an important purpose. They
have diverted to a certain degree the atten
tion of France and of Europe from the fac
that every gun factory in the country was al
full of orders as it could hold that the En-
peror's Government has the power, and is
using it as it has probably never been useC
before under the present reign, to raise tn,
effective strength of the army to little short o
million OF men; and that sharp and threat
ening correspondence has been going on be
tween Paris and Berlin since the day that tn
Treaty Of London was signed. The pretext TO
that correspondence is the new attitude whicl
Prussia assumes in the disposition of tn
Schleswig question. The real inspiration O
the correspondence is the prevailing sentimen
in France-alike among 0rleanists and Bona
partists and Lberals-that the Government
and people of France have been snubbed b.
Prussia; first, during the progress of the wal
when Austria's appeal for the intervention G
Napoleon was answered by the thunders
Sadowa: next, when the Emperor's deman
for an eouivalent for Prussia's territorial az
ouisitions was met by the reinforcement of th
garrison of Luxembourg. That sentiment I'll
Fmneror of the French finds it convenient
raooonize and to bow before. Its recognitio
will be a distraction from the accumulate
nernIexities of the Mexican question: and it
on these grounds chiefly that new Europe'
war may be said to be foreshadoweo'
wha R.st specimen OF Kentucky LOyalt
From tIte Herald.
-, 80. =. Vo,,t,1clrv will daValO