The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1867-01-12
The impeachment.


ments on the impeachment move
ment:
The object contemplated in this
resolution Of Mr. Ashley, then, is the
moval Of the President from Office.
But why remove him, when the
charges preferred against him, or
, when, at least, the ''hieh crimes and
misdemeanors' of which he has been
guilty have been a common thing
with all his predecessors as party
leaders, from Gen. Jackson down to
poor Pierce and Buchanan, to say
nothing of the lamentcd Lincoln? 1t
seems little rough and uncharitablc
that President Andrew Johnson
should be the first victim to the wrath
of Congress, and particularly when
he has ceased to be an obstruction to
the Legislative policy OF Congress,
and when over two-thirds vote in
both houses is secured against him to
the end of his term of Office. In this
situation of affairs, it appears to us
that if this impeachment movement
be followed up to its legal conclusion,
it will be productive of a mischievous
, confusion in our political parties. q
serious panic and arrangement IN our
affairs, and needless and damaging
delays on those practical measures OF
legislation demanded to meet the
general interests and wants OF the
country We think it altogether
probable, however, that the Judiciary
Committee of the House Will be oc-
cupied to the end Of the present Con-
grcss in their preliminary inSestiga-
tions, and that, with the meeting OF
the new Congress in March, the in
tervening chapter of events may
serve to bring = treaty Of peace and
cooperation between the two heuscs
and the President.
The New York Times, alluding to
the injurious effect Of the movement,
is evidently opposed to il. That
paper says:
1t is this feature Of the matter
which causes apprehension and alarm,
and especially among the business
classes Of this city. They fear the
results OF the rechlessness of the
leaders in Congress. Itmay seem all
very we'll to these leaders to indulge
in wild and extravagant language. in
furious outbursts and violent dcnun-
cations, and to propose schemes cal
culatcd to upset things generally. 1t
probably suits their notions OF party
policy and party necessity, TO carry
matters to the lurthest possible ex-
tremc, and then suggest their being
carried :: trihc further. 1t may
seem fine even to try experiments
upon the strength and capacity Of
our institutions and form Of Govern
ment, and show how they may be
racked and twisted before they give
signs Of falling to pieces. But there
are Others who are quite is much in
tercsted in these matters as members
of Congress, and who are beginning
to apprehcnd that there may be peril
to the country from its control bv
those whose political principles are so
unbalanced, and whose resentments
and passions find such violent ex-
preston. The course that has been
pursued upon the impeachment bust
ness, the spirit that has been dis
played Ill It's treatment, and the pro-
gress within Il few days in making it
a matter of practical legislation and
action, have added greatly to these
apprehensions. 1t is hooked upon as
such q gratuitous disturbance of the
peace OF the country, such a prolong-
ing of our political difficulties, such
an uncalled-for interference with our
| progress toward harmonious rela-
tions, and such an inherently danger
Gus procedure, that it can be regard
ed only as the work of those who care
nothing for the public welfare, and
are intent only upon their own selfish
ends.
The formal charges that these
parties propose to prefer against Pre-
sident Johnson in their articles Of
impeachment, are no more than those
with which We have become familiar
from the speeches Of his assailants.
Nearly all Of them would be dis
missed at once by any court, and if
they ever come before such a body as
the Senate, we have no doubt Of the
disposition that will be made OF
them.
KING CorToN. Cotton has
been dethroned; if he is ever inau-
rated again his sceptre must be 81
spindle. address of g5lm. ". Bm'tceU