The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-08-17

/
out that Grant could not help himself, and that
In accepting the Office he only obeyed orders, as
! soldier must. Some avoid Grant altogether
| IN gingerly manner, and content themselves
with showering abuse on the President. One
| affects to believe that some important points
| in the Grant Stanton Johnson correspondence
are "desiqnedly kept back" by the President,
and seeks to get over the troublesome atair
with a knowing and mysterious shake OF the
head One designates the appointment OF
Grant as "Jacobin trick, and hints that
unless he enters his protest against other acts
alleged to be in contemplation by the Presi-
dent he will ''destroy himself" or at least
'sufer in some measure the loss of that pres
tige which has heretofore attached to his
name" Another asks, "But what of Grant Y''
and answers his own question by declaring
that che should have taken the responsibility
Of disobeying an illegal order" Another "does
not mean to say that General Grant is in SYM
pathy with the real purposes of the Presi-
dent, but afhrms that if he had "refused to
lend himself to the arbitrary suspension of an
officer against whom no shadow of charge
had been laid, the President must still have
been practically powerless." The special
Seward organ of this city says nothing at all,
being evidently waiting nervously to see where
the next blow will fall. Even Wendell Phil
lips, who has more brains and boldness than all
the other radicals put together, while casting
whole bucketfuls of his abuse over Johnson
Wilson, Seward, Fessenden, COnkling, and
Sherman, announces that he will "forbear
comment" on the action of Grant ''until events
show their course more fully"
But the most curious feature in all this ra Ii
cal perplexity and CONSERVATION is the houn-
dering of Greeley. He is as much bothered
about Grants acceptance of the War Office as
the Copperhead organ was a short time ago
over the Tennessee election. He announces his
conviction Gin the kindest spirit" that Grant is
not radical of the Ben Butler and Ashley
school. He assails Grant, who is soldier, for
not mixing in political controversies and
criticizing the acts of the President. He COM
plains that Grants able report on the condition
of the South ''eHectively5 used up partisan
electioneering account got up to radical order
by Carl Schur2. He quotes the questionable
authority of Tribune correspondent to prove
that President Johnson once said to somebody
that General Grant was a supporter of his
policy, although Greeley will not hesitate to
stamp the statements of the President as not
altogether reliable. Then, did not Grant ac-
company Johnson when he swung around the
circle Did he not actually stand by the side
of the President when he once made speech
at the White House And has he not now
accepted the appointment to the War Office
asks Greeley.
After all this convincing testimony, it is very
probable that the people generally will become
satisfied that General Grant is not a negro
supremacy radical of the Ben. Butler and
Ashley school. They will no doubt conclude
that he is simply patriot and a plain honest
man, who is resolved to do his duty to his
country without regard to the Copperheads
who fought him during the war, or the radi-
Gals who are fighting him now. Whether the
politicians will find out any thing more definite
in relation to his political sen iments is very
doubtful. For two or three years the Confede-
rate generals tried to discover his positions and
vain. 1t is not likely that the bOttled-up radi-
cal generals and political guerillas will be more
successful.