Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1867-03-07

Our objection to the impeachment rs
hitherto proposed has been founded upon
the shadowy nature of the charges which
would render the issue of q trial very un-
certain. To impeach and acquit the
President would be surely to convict his
accusers of o most dangerous partisan-
ship. But to impeach the President upon
theground evident to the whole country
that he was deliberately thwarting the
loyal national will in reorganizing the
Union would be very different. There
would be very grave and natural doubt
whether merely technical plea should
avail. If, however, the Governorships
should be given to Thomas, Sheridan, and
others, whom the whole people trust, the
President would show a sincere desire of
fair play which would be of the best
promise. .
So far as the civil reorganization of the
rebel States is concerned the Senate bill
of reconstruction is merely tentative
1t leaves the initiation Of civil order un
settled and in this it seems to usi inferior
to the Louisiana bill. The question is
inevitably suggested by the present bill,
who shall begin the effort for civil gov
crnmcnt? May any person who is not q
felon nor excluded by the amendment
call convention to frame constitution?
And IL "the people of any one of the
said rebel States" may proceed to politi-
cal action, how many of them may do
so? The Louisiana bill provided for a
registry; and although the military Gov
ernor under the new bill may be here
after authorized to take the initiative,
the Louisiana bill appointed elections
and made it the duty of the Secretary of
War to register voters.
The Senate bill, however, is undoubt-
edly in harmony with the general wish
| to leave as much local action as may be
wisely left to the rebel States. If 1t Is
| found that no action is taken, and that
inaction is undesirable, q further step
will be taken by Congress. The whole
movement of Reconstruction necessarily
proceeds slowly but surely. The people
have clearly no intention of going back
ward. They began very moderately with
the Constitutional Amendment. Its re-
lection has by no means dismayed them
They do not recede but advance. The
new bill secures directly what the
Amendment was intended to reach in.
directly, general suffrage and persona
protection. If this fails to start the
wheels of State reorganization the peo
pie in Congress will advance to the mex
step for which the Louisiana bill pro
vides, the initiative of State government
by national authority although no
| wholly u1lUer tne terms OF tnuC DILL
Under the present bill the attitude o
, those who are accustomed to ocontrol pub
lie opinion and action in the rebel State
= will probably be sullen and defiant
: They will encourage passivity. 1t will
3 then be for Congress to decide whether
.1 government established by the few VIII
may vote shall be regarded as the gov
. ernment of the State, or whether tn
E State shall be held directly by the mill
Q tary hand until due proportion of tn
: people shall consent to vote.
, OF course this is not pleasant alter
1 native. But the situation offers only
0 choice of evils. We must either tOlerat
the present condition of the South, O
| we mustsecure the protection and justic
r which are now denied. The first alter
g native Is simply impossible. Honor an
a humanity forbid. We must then accer
: the other. All but few persons in tn
= States concerned may for various reason
g refuse to vote. We cannot make thcr
1 vote, and we certainly shall not be &C
l creed or cajoled by their not voting int
: thestupidity of surrenderng to their will
: Time is the great physician. We ca
: wait If the Southern citizens can. Blu
= we beg them not to cherish the fatal dc
, lusion that they can tire us out. Th
r loyal people know distinctly what the
8 fought for, and they will secure thei
Q victory If they have to wait fora gener,
@ tiOn.