The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1867-07-23
RECONSTRUCTION.
SPEECH OF HON. JOHN A. LOGAN,
OF ILLINOIS,


July II, 1867,
On the Supplementary Reconstruction Bill, and
in reply to Mr. Robinson, of New York.
Mr. Logan said:
MIR. SPEAKER: 1t was not my inten-
tion to have taken any part in this de-
bate, but L cannot get my own consent
to sit and listen quietly any longer to
such extraordinary speeches as have
again and again been pronounced on
this floor within the last few days. If
the wisdom of the policy of excluding,
from representation in this Hall, the
South, had ever cost me doubt it could
never again cost me another. More
earnest advocates of their political theo-
rles and more eloquent apologists for
their darkest crimes traitors have not.
i'll the South or elsewhere, than they
have here. A resolution blotting out
the Constitutions of the United States
and the respective States is recommen-
ded by one gentleman, who evidently
means thereby to intimate that in his
opinion at least this House had already
destroyed everything like fundamental
law in the land, and trampled ruthless
ly in the dust the liberties ofthe people.
Mr.. Eldridge. That is what thought
and what l meant.
Mr.. Logan. [ so understood the
gentleman, and the thought occurred
to me at the time, sir, that it was strange
indeed, passing strange, that the gen
tleman did not discover during those
four fearful years of blood and carnage
through which the true friends of hu-
manity, liberty, the Constitution and
the Union had to pass to deliver them
from impending destruction, who it was
assailing them then.
Mr.. Eldridge. Will the gentleman
yield {?
Mr.. Logan. I decline. Why did
it not occur to the gentleman, when
mighty armies of brave men, command
ed by skillfill generals, were lowering
in a menacing attitude around this de-
voted city, spurning our country's flag,
mocking our patriotic professions, in
sulting loyal citizens, ignoring private
rights, and perpetrating public outrages,
that the Constitution, the Union, and
liberty were in danger then? Why
does the gentleman wait until the war
is over, the Constitution is no longer in
peril, and those who stood fast and firm
near it and by it, when it's banner was
streaming on the breeze of battle, are
attempting to devise the most practical
| bic and polite means to restore at the
earliest moment to this whole land
permanent and .healthful tranquility
and prosperity? Why does he wait
for such a moment to announce the
startling discovery that our Constitu
tion is threatened and liberty is in
peril?
Mr.. Eldridge. Does the gentleman
desire me to answer his question
Mr.. Logan. No, sir; one Interrupt
tion encouraged invites another. Is
it not strange, l repeat, that the same
gentlemen who are so easily alarmed
now about the perils that compass
about the Constitution of the country
and the liberties of the people, while
peace is benignly smiling upon us, saw
no terror or threat in the glitter o1
bayonets or the frowlI of fbatteries when
our beloved land was swarming with
millions of open enemies and the earth
was trembling under the martial treao
of serried hosts and the loud roar O.
angry artillery? Then when there
was war, and no peace, they could raise
the cry of "peace, peace and when
| peace at last has come they aver it has
not come, but that we are still in the
midst of bloody wal, war upon the
Constitution we fought TO save, a war
upon the liberties we bled to preserve
"Treat your southern brethren kindly.
win them by Affection" is the cry Of
the Democracy. Rather,'' said one
of them, that jeff Davis and his CO.
adiutors had succeeded than that the
President of the United States should
be impeached." Such language is
worthy only Of representative ot
South-C Carolina or some other rebel
whose hands are red with loyal blood
No wonder that in party boasting Of
such types of patriotism there should
be many, very many, enthusiastic fol
lowers, who saw nothing reprehensible
in the conduct of the open, avowed
defiant, and belligerent enemies of the
Republic, but who do find much to de.
plore and denounce in the adhesion now
to principle Of those, who stood like a
wall of adamant around our flag when
the mad waves of secession threatened
to deluge with blood the eternal rock
upon which our fathers had planted it.
Our dead I suppose are to sleep in for
gotten graves, while the rebel slain
must be apotheosized, and we who
fought with and survive the brave boys
in blue-\
"Who fighting fell, and falling fought
are to be stigmatized with opprobrious
epithets, while the traitors who thirsted
for our blood are to be meekly and
sweetly called "our brethren"
Mr. Mungen. [ rise to question OF
order. My point of order is, that the
gentleman is not discussing the bill be-
fore the House, as the rules require him
to do.
The Speaker. The Chair has not
seen that the gentleman from Illinois
has wandered at all from the legitimate
limits of debate. He is debating the
question of reconstruction. If, how
ever, the gentleman can point to any
specific remarks which have been in
violation of the rule the Chair will pass