The south-western. [volume] (Shreveport, La.) 1852-1870, 1867-04-10
Letter Of Hon. Albert sGallatin Brown, of
MISSISSIPPI.
TERRY, HINDs COUNTY, MISSISSIPPI,

Letter Of Hon Albert Gallatin Brown, Of
MISSISSIPPI.
! TERRY, HlSDs COUNTY, MissIssIPPI,
March %, 1867.
Messrs. Wm. Il. Allen, Il. Hilsheim, and others:
/ Gentzemen-Your letter of the 10th, inviting ar
expression of my views the situation of our public
affairs, was received yesterday.
Since the surrender, have not meddled in poltica
affairs, and have studiousy avoided every act that
might be construed into attempt to interfere in
matters with which "proscribed rebel had nothing
to do. Even now hesitate to the propriety of the
course am about to take in answering your inquiries
As | do not volunteer my opinions, hope to escape
censnre for expressing them To those who think it
most becoming men in my situation to keep quiet,
am free to say that is very much my opinion.
AS | speak reluctantly you will not be surprised il
I say little possible. To my mind it is only
necessary to FIX in thoughts the present political
status Of the Southern States to enable US without
effort to arrive at proper conclusions to what these
States ought to do
Thought at the beginning, and now think, the acts
Of secession valid and that they took the States
that passed them out. The fact that forced
to say these facts void ab i,aito did not make
them SO in law We fought, as think, out of the
Union, and not in it. We fought to maintain an in
dependent and separate nationality which bad
ated. And when we ceased to fight and gave up our
arms we laid them down at the feet Of the conqueror
From that day to this, we have ceased to have any
political rights which the conqneror bound to re-
specs We often confuse ourselves by thinking too
much on the inconsistencies Of opponents instead
of arguing consistently aud logically from our own
premises to own conclusions. What if the Radi-
Gals do say never out of the Union, aud then
propose to take US back on their own harsh terms ?
We know out, and that on fair terms, are
willing to go back While l say this, utterly deny
| that we committed any treason, foreigner cannot
commit treason, however he may offend against the
laws and constitution Of another country than his own
| in other respects.
| By the act of secession we passed from under the
Constitution of the United States and lost all claim on
it for protection. We could consistently demand
protection under this Constitution after we had thrown
it off, and made another aud as hoped a better
oIe for ourselves.
! 1 have said, when we laid down our arms and ac-
knowedged ourselves conquered ceased to have
any political rights which the cOnqueror was bound to
respect. am not to be understood in this as saying
! that the conqueror may rightfully do with he
peases He is bound to treat Us he has treated other
conquered people, and other conquerors have their
conquered in modern times. Whether he does so or
not not we, but God and the civilised world, be
the judges.
If the conqueros imposes harsh and inhuman terms
he degrades himself and not his victim. 1t is to my
mind exceedingly absurd for conquered people to
talk of being degraded by submitting to the will of
the conqueror Is lone traveller degraded because he
submits to be robbed bya bandit am not compar-
are unarmed, helpless, and completely in their
power a solitary footman in the power of robbers
1t remains to be seen whether they will honor them
selves by tempering power with mercy, Or degrade
themseves-not us-by contrary course. We have
nothing to do but submit.
It does to Inc that some of people, after
swallowing camel, are now straining at gnat. At
ter taking down at gulp negro emanc patton and all
the attendant measures | am incredulous to their
straning their throats by swallowing the batch of
measures proposed by Congress. 1t is nauseatng
DOSE and would not take it if could help myself.
But know the doctor; ii don't take this, and do it
promptly, he will, his next round, give some
thing worse, and very likely stand by and make me
take it. Itisa part Of his system to give very scken
ing doses and in quick succession, and make the pa
tent take them. 1t is useless to grumble-the pa
tent is in the hospital, with both arms off and no
think very cruel but what Can we do? True, We may
play the part of sick child and say to ourselves if
we do get well we will thrash him. But | guess
when we get well, if do, shall feel so good
that won't want to thrash anybody.
After ALL the measures proposed by Congress,
though harsh not so bitterly severe they might
have been. They have been generally read and
ably commented on, that shall torbcar any analysis
or criticism on them in detail Sone Of their
worst features | will barely allude to. One of these
negro suIfrage-and its twin slser-negrO educa-
ton-haye been generally commented on as extremely
harsh and especially when taken in connection with
the proposition to dstranchise and forever prescribe
large portion of the most intelligent whites.
These measures are rendered unnecessarily harsh,
and as | think, extremely dangerous to the safety
and best interest Of the hole country by being made
too broad. OF this may speak as between ourselves
but, as have said before on thegenerd subject you
and l not to be the judges. For example, it
very harsh, and think altogether unnecessary to dis
franchise so large number of our teEigen whites
to throw the number Of States in all probability
,,ta tl., A., ,oftL tLo
whites. Surely it would have been sufficient to vim
dicate an idea to have diSfranchsed enough in each
State to make example. The men who have done
this thing will remember, when I fear it will be too
late that the interest of this country is intimately
blended with their own-so intimately, indeed that it
will be found impossible to inhct permanent injury
on without seriously damaging the other l am
as you know, among the prescribed but am satisfied
The right to vote should lever exercise unless for
the benefit of my country, and | want no Office
Therefore, the law, if it passes, will give me
Germ for myself, and beg my friends not to include
me in their thoughts when they considering what
to do on this subject.
As to educating the negro and letting him vote,
should not oppose it original proposition if it
was to be done at the right tme in the right way,
and by the right The negro is a fixture in this
country. Heis not going out Of it, he is not going
die out and he is not going to be driven out Nor is
his exodus from the country desirable. frank in
saying if they-every of them-could be packed
in a balloon carried over the water and emptied into
Africa, | would not have it done, unless indeed it
already arranged that the balloon should return
by way of Germany, Ireland Scotland, etc., and
bring return cargo of white laborers
If the negro is, stay here, and it is desirable to
have him do so, what is the duty of Intelligent white
towards him? Why, to educate him, admit him
when sufficiently instructed to the right of voting,
and rapidly possible prepare him for safe and
rational enjoyment Of that equality before the law"
which, free man, he has right to claim and
which we cannot long refuse TO give.
have scheme of my this subject, based,
think, rational and comprehensive view Of the
relations existing in this country between the two
races but orhear to give it, it has been superseded
by the much ultra, and fear, dangerous scheme
submitted by Congress, and which shall be
PEELED to accept in all its amplitude
. Pardon the dg-essons and proixitics into which
am but too conscious Of having run, and will draw
this letter to close.
l think shall be compelled to submit to all that
Congress has done may do, and this being so l
would have people do it as gracefully possible
hot indeed pretending they like it--that would be
disgracesul-but without any murmurings childish
regrets.
Only word in conclusion. earnestly hope every
white man in the State who is not disqualified will
make every needul preparation to vote when the time
comes-and that all who can vote will do 50 calmly,
nd with to