The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-02-08
| The High Court of Impeachment Under
| the Con stituLtOn.
From the Herald.

From the Herald.
''But for all that" said Calico, 'the world
does move;" and this is the keynote, the
great idea upon which this journal was founded
and the secret of its success. When, looking
carefully at the drift of events, the pressure of
public opinion, and the necessities of the age,
we first boldly struck out for a Constitutional
amendment abolishing slavery, the proposition
was pooh-poohed in some quarters, denounced
in others as involving an overthrow of the
Constitution, and was generally classed with
''the Popes bull against the comet" But
! public opinion was brought to bear by the dis
cussion of that amendment until it was fixed in
the supreme law of the land. In the same way
the doubts, the incredulity, and apprehensions
which prevailed when we first broached the
saving alternative of Andrew Johnson's I'M
peachment, are rapidly disappearing. Journals
of all parties and all sections are joining in the
discussion. The great body of the people, in
having their attention drawn to the Consttu-
tion, the precedents established, and the teach
ngs of history, are already disabused of the fall
lacy that there is something of that divinity
about our President which hedges in king.n
and they realize the fact that, under the powers
OF the two Houses of Congress, his impeachment
and displacement are as plain a case as the
removal OF village postmaster
1t is necessity Ill a constitutional Govern
ment that in some department the ultimate
perience ia England established this authority
in the Parliament over the King, after many
bloody conflicts, from 1926 to 1885, when, under
the Prince of Orange, the subordination of the
King, through his Cabinet to the Commons,
was established. Thus even the great and DOW
erful Duke of Wellington, as Prime Minister,
in coming into conflict with the Commons on
the Reform bill OF his day, found himself as
powerless as the weakest OF his predecessors.
His resignation involved the submission of the
King to the Commons, the law-making repre-
sentatives of the people. Our Constitution,
framed upon the English model, embraces the
English system in the matter of impeachment;
but ours is more direct and explicit in subordi-
mating the President himself TO the will of the
| two Houses.
An adverse vote of the Commons displaces the
English Ministry, and the King or Queen ap-
| points new set of ministers, in accordance
with the vote, and this ends the conflict. With
us the Cabinet is not disturbed by an adverse
majority i'll the Commons or House of Repre-
| sentatives; but the President and Cabinet, in
| pushing their hostility to usurpation of the
exclusive powers of Congress- may be impeached
| by the House, and removed on conviction by
| the Senate. The security of the Constitution
| against Congress is in the people, and in their
| election every two years OF new House of
| Representatives, with onethird of the Senate
| by the State Legislatures.
Hence the safety of the sovereign power of
the Government in Congress. Nor does this
| sovereign power over the President depend upon
his conviction by the Senate. An opinion of
| Madison is quoted by a Copperhead contem-
| porary TO prove that Mr.. johnson cannot be
suspended; but we think it proves, If anything,
| that he can be. We have had, however, enough
| of the constitutional opinions of both Madison
| and Jefferson in their State rights heresies and
! their disastrous consequences, as developed in
the State rights of sovereignty secession, and
rebellion. A terrible war has washed out all
those bold heresies inlthe blood OF half million
of men. We live in a new age, too, OF common
schools, common sense, railroads, steamships,
and telegraphs. We have safely passed the first
and severest ordeal of a great political reVolu-
ton. Certain great issues have been decided by
that final appeal TO the bayonet, and these
issues must now be established in the Govern
ment, or the party charged with this response
Olllty must go to pieces. Andrew Johnson
Diocks the way. He must belremoyedi or Con-
giess IN the surrender of its rightful authority,
VIII lall INTO disgrace; and the Executive, as ne
Pleases ull the people can reach him, may De
Seward. ~
when brought beforeIthe Senate for trial, Mr.,
johnson, as the prisoner at the bar before thai
hlgh court, may be suspended or be permitted
nohlhallS 10 hold his office, as on his parole o.
I honor. he VIII probably be allowed his parole
| IN view oil short trial and speedy conviction
| Ills case heed not occupy more than ten o.
| hiteen days. The broad charge of usurpatiOn
I | and the specifications in reference to hi
assumptions OF the law-making mower over tn
Rebel States, will be ample enougb for al
d ! purposes There will be ne necessity Il