Nashville union and dispatch. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1866-1868, 1867-01-10

I population, and possessing within ltseli
these resources, which If not thrown away
OF lamentably misdirected, would secure to
it long courses Of prosperity and selfgov-
ernment. Three years had not elapsed
when Congress was called upon todetermine
the prOpriety Of retroceding TO Maryland
and Virginia the jurisdiction cf the terri
tory, which they had respectively relin-
quished 70 the government Of the United
States. Il was urged on one hand, that ex-
elusive jurisdiction was not necessary, or
useful to the government that it deprived
the inhabitants of the district Of their po-
litical rights; that much of the time Of
Congress was consumed in legislation per-
tanning 10 il that its government was ex-
pensive that Congress was not competent
to legislate for the district, because its
members were strangers TO its local
concerns, and that il was an example Of a
government without representation, an ex-
pertinent dangerous to the liberties of the
States On the other hand it was held,
among other reasons, and successfully, that
the constitution, the acts Of eession Of
Virginia and Maryland, and the act Of
Congress accepting the grant. al couieni-
plated fhs exercise Of exclusive legislation
by Congress, and that its usefulness, il not
It's necessity, was inferred from the incon-
yenience which was felt for want of it; that
the people themselves, who. It was said,
had been deprived of their political rights.
had not complained, and did not desire
retro1ession; that the evil might be rem
edied by giving them representation in
Congress when the District should become
sufficiently populous, and in the meantime
a local Legislature; that if the inhabitants
had not political rights, they had great
political influence; that the trouble and
expense of legislating for the District would
/ not be great, but would diminish, and
! might in a great measure be avoided by a
local Legislature, and that Congress could
/ not retrocede the inhabitants without their
consent.
Continuing to live substantially under
the laws that existed at the time of ces-
| sion, land such only having been made az
were suggested by themselves the people
/ of the District have not sought, by a local
! Legislature, that which has generally been
willingly conceded by the Congress Of the
| nation. AB general rule, sound
/ policy requires that the Legislature
/ should yield to the wishes of the people,
/ when not Inconsistent with the constitution
and laws; the measures suited to a com
munity might not be well adapted to the
| condition Of another, and persons best
! qualified 10 determine such questions are
/ those whose interests are to be directly
| effected by any proposed law. In Massa-
| chusetts, toE instance, male persons are
allowed TO vote without regard TO color,
provided they possess a certain degree Of
intelligence. In population in that State
Of l,23l ,OG6 there were, by the census of
| 1850, only 1902 persons of color, and of
the males over twenty years Of age there
were 339, ,OS6 white to 2,6O2 colored The |
( District dnring the war became a place of
refuge for those who escaped from servi- |
tude, and it is the abiding place |
Of considerable portion of those |
who sought within its limits a shelter |
from bondage. Until then held in
slavery, and denied all opportunity for |
mental culture, their first knowledge Of |
government was acquired when by confer |
ring upon them freedom il became the ben |
eiactor of their race-the test of their |
capability for Improvement began when |
for the first time the care of free industry |
and the avenues 10 intelligence were opened |
70 them.
Possessing these advantages but q limited |
time-the greater number perhaps, having |
secured them near the close Of the war-we /
may well pause to inquire whether, after 80
brief probation, they are, as q class, Capa-
bic Of an intelligent exercise Of the right |
Of suffrage, and qualified to discharge the |
duties Of official position. The people who |
are daily witnesses of their habits Of
thought have expressed the conviction that |
they are not competent to serve as electors, |
and thus become eligible for Office in the |
local governments under which they live.
clothed with the elective franchise, their |
number already largely in excess of the de- |
mand for labor, would be soon increased |
by an influx from adjoining States, and /
drawn from the fields where employment |
is abundant, they would in vain seek it |
here, and so add to the embarrassment al
ready experienced from the large class of |
idle persons congregated In this District, |
hardly yet capable of forming correct |
judgments. Upon the important the ques-
tiOns that are often made in the issues of a |
political contest, they could be made sub
servient 10 the purposes Of designing per- |
sons, while in Massachusetts under the /
census Of 1850, the proportion of white to
colored males over twenty one years Of age /
was one hundred and thirty to one, here
the black race constitutes nearly One-third |
of the entire population of the whites.
The same class surrounds the District on /
all sides, ready to change their residence at |
a moments notice, with all the facility Of
nomadic people in order to enjoy here
after a short residence, a privilege they |
find nowhere else 1t is within their power /
in one year to come into the District in
such numbers as TO have the supreme con-
fr1l of The avrrbi ,raA 10 a.
by their own officers, and the exercise Of |
all municipal authority, among the rest the |
power Of taxation over property, in which |
they have no interest.
In Massachusetts,, where they have en-
loved the benefits of thorough educational |
system, a qualification of Intelligence is
required, while here suffrage is extended |
10 all without discrimination, as well to |
the most incapable, who can prove resi-
dence in the District Of one year. as TO /
those persons Of color who, comparatively |
few in number, are permanent inhabitants.
and have given evidence OF qualification,
and are recognized as useful and respecta-
bic members Of the community. Imposed |
upon an unwilling people, placed by the |
constitution under the exclusive legislation
of Congress, il would be received as an ar
bi'AsAAg tANAbAaS AA A'oMCA anu az an iilulCd- |
tion by the country OF the purpose OF Con
gress 10 compel the acceptance Of negro
suffrage by the States.
Il would engender a feeling Of opposi-
ton and hatred between the two races.
which, becoming deep-rooted and irradica-
bic, would prevent them from living to-
gether In mutual friendliness. Carefully |
avoiding every measure that might tend 10
produce such a result, and following the
clear and well ascertained popular will, We
should assiduousiv endeavor to promote
when that popular will leads the way, pre-
pare for the gradual and harmonious in
PRODUCTION OF this new element into the
political power Of the country.
Il cannot he urged that the proposed |
extension of suffrage in the District of |
Columbia IA necessary Ia enable persons 1
of color 10 protect either their interests or
their rights. They stand here precisely |
ms they stand I'm Pennsylvania, Ohio. and |
Indiana.
Here, as elsewhere, in all that pertains
10 civil right, there Is nothing 10 dis
unglish this class Of persons from the citi-
zens Of the United States for they possess
the fdll and equal benefit of all laws and
proceedings foT the security of person and
property, as enjoyed by white citizens, and
made subject 90 like punishment pains
and penalties, and % none other any law
statute, ordinsnce, regulation or c,lstom, 90
the contrary notwithstanding, nor as has
been assumed. are their sutirages Lecessary
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