Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1867-02-14
NEW SERIES--VOL. 7, NO. 30.

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men duly elected, who bear true faith
to the Constitution and laws | op.
pose these amendments because they
force the States to yield their
right 10 regulate suffrage; because
they destroy tho equality Of the
States, and because they contain the
elements Of destruction to the govern
ment Of the Republic.
The Federal Constitution expressly
provides that "The powers not delega-
ted to the United States by the Con.
stitution, nor prohibited by it to the
States, are reserved TO the States re
spectively, or to the people"
In turning to look at the amend
ments separately, / shall consider
them but briefly, az the reasons have
already given are 20 my mind the most
potent that can be given. The first
and fifth sections taken together, ere
ate citizenship in all persons born
here or naturalized, and give power to
enforce that right Of citizenship This
/ proposition, in the light of current
events, means that negroes are citi-
zens, and that Congress shall have the
right to protect them in that privilege.
In taking care Of the negro the amend
mont entirely fails to provide for a cit-
izenship for the children Of naturalized
citizens who are not born here, so that
under this clause the most iliterate
negro is a citizen, whilst the person
who comes into this country at five
years ofage and whose father becomes
naturalizcd at once, is worse of than
the negro. The second clause Of this
section prevents the States from abridg-
ing the privileges or immunities ofcit-
izens Of the United States in other
words, negroes are citizens, and no
State shall say they are not the equal
Of the white man in every sense. Priv
ilege means everything that it is de-
sirable to have" 1mmunity-"a priv.
ileged freedom from anything pain
/ full" BY the one we obtain an actual
good, by the other the removal of an
evil. When the power TO enforce
these privileges and immunites in IA
vor Of the negro is vested in Congress,
/ is IL possible TO conceive Of any Of the
dearest rights ofwhich we are possess
ed, that Congress may not bcstow up
on him alsoY Equal protection of the
law, and the rights Of life, liberty and
property, with the right TO enforce
them By appropriate legislation by
Congress, gives the power to enact
laws regulating and controlling the
liberty or property Of the citizen and
providing for equal protection Of the
law Ifthis be the power granted,
what further need have we of the State
government Consolidation is accom-
! plished when this is perfected, for even
1 il concurrent jurisdiction be granted
to the Federal and the State Govern
ments, the former are superior
The second section resolves itself
into n threat to the States, in compel
I ling them to grant universal negro
suffrage or submit to a loss Of political
power. 1t seems wrong for we Of
Pennsylvania to vote TO infict this
upon others when we arc unwilling to
accept it ourselves; or, the reverse OF
the proposition presents itself Shall
we be compelled to grant it or submit
to the loss Of n representative in Con-
/ rress If we must do this, where is
I our mower TO control Our own RIGHT OF
suffrage?
Lhis, be it remembered is not quail
fed or restricted negro suffrage. 1t
is not the comparatively harmless in
fusion Of the educated negro and the
negro soldier c0ntended for one year
ago by Senators on this floor; but Il
is unlimited and unqualified negro sue.
fragc. The rudest, the most illitcrate
and brutal of this favored race are
gifted with this high privilege and
made our equals at tho ballot box.
The words Of the amendment are, ain
any way abridged" 1t necessarily
follows that fyou abridge the right
by declaring that only the negro sol
dier shall vote that your power is cut
short to the extent Of all Of your ne
groes who are deprived Of the right,
/ Can IL be that this is serious Are
these people, just released from bond
age, uneducated and depraved, fit to
aid in governing
1t is unjust and unequal, for under
/ it fourteen States must yield suffrage
to omancipatod slaves or submit to loss
of representation, whilst nearly all of
the remaining States preserve their
representation without alteration OF
their rule Of suffrage In South Car
olna thereare four hundred and twelve
thousand colored persons; in Massa-
chusetts, nine thousand six hundred,
To South Carolina negro suffrage is q
serious things to Massachusetts it is
I trivial. fthe proportion were changed
we would hear nothing from Massa-
chusetts in favor OF such scheme.
Under this rule the States will be un-
equally treated.
1t is unjust and improper to assume
the whole population as a basis ofrcp-
resentation, and then to complicaie
the rule by controlling the State in
its regulation ofsnil'rage The varied
population of our widely scattered
States, their soil, climate, and loca-
ton may place in one section large
class Of persons to whom all viii re-
fuse suffrage. Yet, by this rule, the
State is punished for so doing The
use of such a complication is proof
positive Of the purpose of those en-
ploying it to control, by their power,
this important right. Population is a
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