The Jeffersonian. [volume] (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1853-1911, 1867-01-10

the amendments are so moderate and rea
sonable In their character that it would
have been astonishing if the people haG
failed to approve them. That every per
son. born in the United States and free
whether by birth or, manumission, is a
citizen of the United States, and that nc
State has right to abridge the privileges
of citizens of the United States = these
age principles which were never seriously
doubted anywhere, until after the insane
crusade in favor of slavery had been for
some time in progress. What is called
the decision of the Supreme Court of the
United States in the Dred Scott case has
made it expedient and proper to re-assert
these vital principles in an authoritive
manner, and this is done in the first clause
of the proposed amendments.
The right of prescribing the qualfca-
tion of voters is exercised by the respec-
tive States, under the Constitution of
1889; three -ffths of the slaves were
counted in ascertaining the representative
! population of the several States The
amendment to the Constitution abolished
slavery in all the States and territories
Though it was formerly otherwise in
most, if not all, of the old Southern
States, yet for many years past free ne
groes have not, in any of these, been per,
mtted to vote. At present, therefore,
the late slave States would be entitled to
count the whole of their former slave pop
ulation as basis for representation, in
stead of three-6fths thereof. That is to
say, they would have in the existing ratio
about twenty more members of Congress
than they had before slavery was abol-
ished, and the free States would lose the
same number, making difference of
about forty members of Congress, or, say,
one-sixth of the whole body. In other
words, the treason of the rebellious States,
the suppression of which has cost US so
many hundreds of thousands of precious
lives, and so many thousands of millions
of treasure, would be rewarded by giving
them vast increase of political power
This absurdity, the second clause of the
proposed amendments, designs to prevent,
by the just, equal and moderate provision,
that in future the representative popula-
ton of each State shall be ascertained by
a proportionate deduction from the whole
population thereof, if its laws exclude
from the privilege of voting any male cit
izens, not criminals, of the age Of twenty
one years. l have yet to learn that any
plausible objection can be offered to such
provision.
The third clause Of the proposed amend
ments excludes from Congress, and from
the College of Electors, and from all off,
ces, civil or military, ofthe United States,
persons who, as functionaries of the Uni
ted States, or as Executive or Judicial
officers of any State, have heretofore sworn
to support the Constitution of the United
States, and afterwards violated their oath
by engaging in rebellion against the same,
unless Congress, by vote of two thirds,
shall have removed the disability OF any
such persons.
The fourth clause afirms the validity
of the debt of the United States, and pro-
hibits the assumption or payment Of the
Rebel debt, or any claims, for the loss or
emancipation of any slave.
The fifth clause provides that Congress
shall have power to enforce the provis-
ions of the other clauses by appropriate
legislation.
That these wise and moderate provisions
will meet the hearty appreciation of the
Legislature. [ cannot doubt. If pro-
posed by two thirds of each House of Con-
gress and ratified by three -fourths of the
States, this Constitution provides that
they should stand as adopted amendments
of that instrument.
A question has been raised whether
the States lately in rebellion, and not yet
restored to their privileges by Congress,
are to be counted on this vote-in other
words, whether those who have rebelled
and been subdued shall be entitled to
potential voice in the question oftbe guar
antics to be required of them for future
obedience to the laws. So monstrous a
propoeition is, it appears TO me, not sup
ported by the words or spirit of the Con-
stitution. The power to suppress insur-
rection includes the power of making pro-
vision against its breaking out afresh.-
These States have made an unjust war
upon our common Government and their
sister States, and the power given by the
Constitution to make war on our part, in
cludes the power to dictate, after our sue
cess, the terms of peace and restoration.
The power of Congress to guarantee to
every State a republican form of Govern
ment, would cover, much more cogent ac-
tion than has yet been had.
The duty imposed upon Congress, to
provide and maintain republican govern
ments for the States, is to be accepted in
the broadest meaning Of the term. 1t is
not mere formal or unnecessary provi-
sion. The power was conferred, aud the
duty enjoined, to preserve free institu-
tions against all encroachments, or the
more violent elements Of despotism and
anarchty. And now that treason has, by
rebellion, subverted the governments ola
number of States, forfeiting for the peo-
pie all the rights guaranteed by the Con-