The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1867-02-04
1'hc Conflict Between the President and Con
Gress-Thc Teachings of History.

| 1'hc Conflict Between the President and Con !
Gress-Thc Teachings of History.
Had the studies of Andrew Johnson as a
politician extended beyond the official ex-
amples of Andrew Jackson and the election
eering State rights dogmas of Jefferson, he
| would hardly have attempted at this late day
as statesman that fatal experiment OF taking
into his own hands the exclusive powers Of the
legislative department. AT all events, Pres-
dent Jackson's ~ take the responsibility"
has been fatally misapplied by President John
son in assuming too much, and history, there
fore, may be applied to warn him of the con-
! sequences.
/ Modern times have witnessed three great
national revolutions, each Of which has been
fraught with instruction for the future guild
ance of mankind. The first of these reyolu-
tons was in England. Beginning in the reign
of Charles the First, it was prolonged with
varying fortune throughout the period of the
Commonwealth and the succeeding reigns of
the Second Charles and James, and was finally
brought to close by the accession to the
throne Of William Of Orange in 1858. The
second Of these revolutions was in France.
Begun in the reign of Louis the Sixteenth, and
hav ing Witnessed during its progress, success
sively, the establishment Of republic, con-
sulate, an empire, q kingdom, second time
| republic and q second time an empire it can
scarcely be said after the lapse of the greater
part of q century to have YET. neared its ter
mination. The third and the youn yest OF these
revolutions has been in our own land and in
our own day. Its origin is but of recent
date. During the brief period Of its
existence the nation has waded through
oceans of blood and experienced all
| the desolating effects OF q fearful civil war.
A gigantic rebellion has been suppressed, our
old political system, resting upon African
slavery, has been put down, but the work Of
reconstruction on the new basis Of universal
liberty remains still to be done.
Az these revolutions have originated in diff
ferent circumstances and have been maintained
that the lessons which they will severally be-
queath to posterity will be precisely the same.
There is one lesson, however, which the first
two have already taught, and which the third
promises to teach with equal emphasis. and
that is the absolute folly Of the Executive
stubbornly to resist the legitimately expressed
win Of the people. Pity it is that the history
of the United States, which in many important
particulars has revealed such a marked i'm
provemcnt on the history OF older nations,
should have to furnish another such lesson
| But so it il to be. We have said something of
Mr.. Johnson's historical studies. There are
some who read history wisely and to profit.
There are others who read history but cannot
understand it There are others, again, who
read history, and who, though understanding it
refuse to be guided by its teachings. Presi-
dent Johnson, if q reader Of history at all. GER
tainly does not belong to the first Of these
orders. He is neither so stupid nor so ignorant
that he can be classed with the second. From
his known tenacity to his pet crotchets we
are more willing to believe that he be-
longs to the last. With or without the knowl-
edge of the past, he certainly is placing
himself in the teeth of the very difficulties
which cost Charles the First and Louis the
Sixteenth their heads and which drove James
the Second, Charles the Tenth and Louis
Philippe each from his throne and country into
exile. Nor is it for a moment to be imagined
that the defeat of Andrew Johnson in the
struggle which he so doggedly and SO fool
ishly maintains, though il cannot be so disas-
trous either to himself or 10 the Union, will be
| less complete than in the cases to which we
have referred He has engaged In a contest
| in which he must 60 down.
| We do not mean for moment to question
the right of the President to veto, within GER
tain limits, the proceedings of Congress. The
time, we trust, is far distant when the Presi-
Dental Office will be regarded in the light Of a
merely honorary situation. II Is and II ought
to be position OF importance and Of power.
1t has many duties, and 1t has doubtless many
cares. The President is chief magistrate OF
the nation. The right to veto, which Is vested
in him by the constitution in virtue OF his
Office, is his special and distinguishing pre-
rogative. In certain circumstances the exer
else Of such prerogativc may be not only
legitimate, but just II Is power, however
which is dangerous and cannot be used with
too much wisdom and caution. Intended for
check, 1t never was meant to be an obstruc-
tion. II certainly never was the design Of the
trainers Of the constitution, "a it certainly