Mississippi index. [volume] (Columbus, Miss.) 1865-18??, 1867-07-30

an unenYiable reputation whose friends
say "you mean him" when / am speak
ing of treachery and showing the evil
consequences Of a certain line Of policy.
l have no personal attacks to make on
an enemy, even if / have one. God
knows ifI could, with my own hands, l
would gladly place crown Of imperish-
able honor on the brow of my most Bit
ter foe, if l could thereby rescue my
country from the perils that environ it,
fApplause) But ifI have an enemy, and
have vindictive spirit, and desired him
to become forever Infamous, could ask
no more of him than that be should sup
port the hellish schemes of those who
are now seeking to subvert the OOnstitu-
ton and destroy our liberty. He is dig
ging a grave for himself which pOsterity
will never water with a tear Let him
alone. / have come to discuss the pres
ent phase of the revolution.
We have had a war which ragged furi-
Ously for four years. 1t originated sim
ply in difference Of opinion as to our
rights under the Constitution. This
difference existed from the first. 1t ex-
isted among the trainers of the COnstitu-
ton. II could not be settled by argu-
ment, and an appeal was made to the
sword. 1t was an open, manly fight
There was nothing secret or ambiguous
in the issue. 1t was waged by men in
fluenced in the masses by patriotic emo
tiOns on both sides; and it was not to de-
strOy the Constitution, but to assert on
each side their different views On our
side it was asserted that the States we're
separate and independent sovereignties
and that the Constitution was compact
which each party was at liberty to dis
solve at will, and so we seeded and de-
clared ourselves out of the Union. On
the other hand, it was cOntended that
we were not out of the Union, nOtwith-
standing our secession acts, and that the
Constitution was not a compact, but
binding law upon the States resulting
from a compact, and therefore no one of
the number could dissolve the connection
at will. Upon this issue we went to
war. The war was fought till we laid
down our arms and agreed to what our
enemies said, that we were in the
Union.
But there is now another question to
settle tits still within the range of ar
gument. Its proportions are huge. The
issues are startling. II is not diher-
ence of opinion as to what the COnstitu-
ton means, and what are our rights un-
der it; but its object is plainly, unmis-
takably, to set aside the Constitution
and provide something else. I have
never doubted that we were coming to
this issue. In speeches made by Ine five
six, eight, and ten years ago, predicted
this, and every page Of our history since
that time has verified the correctness of
the prediction. The people of the North
honestly love the Constitution, but the
leaders there hate it and intend to de-
stroy it, and the cOnvulsiOn through
which we have passed has thrown the
opportunity OF making the effort into their
hands and the present military bills and
the one which is not yet promulgated as
law, are the means adopted to accom-
plish their design. These bills are pro-
posed for our acceptance. There is a re-
markable feature in these measures, that
while force is employed to execute them
they are yet nOminally submitted to us
for our acceptance or rejection.
object to the whole scheme, because
it is unconstitutional. A distinguished
man, pardon me, I ought to say nOtO-
riOus individual, said to me a few days
ago, that / ought not to waste time to
prove the uncOnstitutiOnality of these
measures, thing which every man, wo-
man and child in the country knew, and
yet he was for accepting He spoke
truthfully. That lettering, gray-haired
candidate in Pennsylvania for perpetual
infamy, who is building for himselfa mon
ument Of malignity that will OVertOp the
pyramids Of Egypt, said the COnstitu-
tion had nothing to do with It. I shall
never get done shudderlng, and horrors
will never cease to rise up in my mind,
when l see men taking an oath TO sup
port the Constitution, and then legislat-
ing to put in force measures which are
outside of it. A great many of four own
people fippantly say the Constitution is
dead. Then your rights and hopes for
the future, ard all hope for your children
are dead. ] ask every man, if the Con-
stitutiOn is dead, why are we always, ev-
cry day, and at every new step, required
to take an Osth to support iti
Now, 1 affirm that these military bills
are not only contrary to the Constitu-
tiOn, but directly in the face of the am
nesty oath you were required to take af-
ter the surrender. The government
thought proper, in accepting your sub
mission to take your oath to support the
Constitution Of the United States and
the Union of the States. Why was that
oatn required if the Constitution was
dead
But it is said the Constitution does not
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