Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1867-03-14

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law, which declares that tho Federal
Government has no jurisdiction, au-
thority, or power 90 regulate such
subjects for any State. To force tho
right of suffrage out Of the hands Of
the white people, and into the hands
cf the negroes, is an arbitrary viola
ton of this principle. This bill inn
poses martial law at once, and its OPP
erations will begin so soon ms the gen.
eral and his troops can be put in place.
The dread alternative between its
harsh rule and compliance with the
terms of this measure is not suspend
ed, nor the people afforded any timo
for free deliberations The bill says
10 them: Take martial law first, then
deliberate. And when they have done
all that this measure requires them TO
do, other conditions and contingencies
over which they have no control yet
remain to be fulfilled; before they can
be relieved from martial law another
Congress must first approve the con-
stitutions made in conformity with
the will Of this Congress and must
declare these States entitled TO repre-
sentation in both Houses The whole
question thus remains open and unset
tied. and must again occupy the at
tention OF Congress and in the mean-
time the agitation which now prevails
will continue to disturb all portions of
the people. The bill also denies tho
| legality of the governments of ten OF
the States which participated in tho
ratification Of the amendment to tho
Federal Constitution abolishing sla-
very forever within the jurisdiction of
the United States, and practically
excludes them from the Union. III
this assumption of the bill be correct,
their concurrence cannot be consider
ed as having been legally given-and
the important fact is made to appear
that the consent of three-fourths OF
the States, the requisite number, has
not been constitutionally obtained to
the ratification of that amendment,
thus leaving the question Of slavery
where it stood before the amendment
was officially to have become part of
the Constitution. That the measure
proposed by this bill does violate the
Constitution in the particulars men,
toned, and in many other ways, which
/ forbear TO enumerate, is too clear 10
admit of the least doubt. 1t only re-
mains to consider whether the injunc-
tions of that instrument ought TO bo
obeyed or not. think they ought to
be obeyed, for reasons which will
proceed to give as briefly as possible.
In the first place, It's the only system
OF free government which we can hope
TO have as a nation when il ceases TO
be the rule of our conduct we may,
perhaps, take our choice between COM
plete anarchy, a consolidated despot-
ism, and total dissolution in the Union.
Sut natioral liberty, regulated by
law, will have passed beyond ourreach.
II is the best frame Of government
the world ever saw; no other is, or
can be, so well adapted TO the genius,
habits, or wants of the American peo-
pie, combining the strength Of great
empire, with unspeakable blessings Of
local sclfgovernment, having CEN
trail power to defend the general in
terests, and recognizing the authority
of the States as the guardians of in
dustrial rights. 1t is ''the sheetan-
chor Of our safety abroad, and our
peace at home 1t was ordained "to
form a more perfect Union, establish
Justice, insure domestic tranquility,
promote the general welfare, provide
for the common defence, and secure
the blessings of liberty TO ourselves
and to our prosperity" These great
ends have been attained heretofore,
and will be again by faithful obedi-
enco to it, but they are certain TO be
lost if we treat with disregard its sa-
cred obligations II was TO punish
the gross crime of deying the Consti-
tuition, and to vindicate its supreme
authority, that we carried on a bloody
war of four years duration. Shall
we now acknowledge that we sacri-
feed a million of lives, and expended
billions Of treasure, TO enforce n Con-
sttution which is not worthy of respect
and preservation. Those who advo-
Gated the right of secession, alleged in
their own justification, that we had
no regard for law, and that thoir
rights Of property, life, and liberty
would not be safe under the Constitu-
tion, as administered by us. II we
now verify this assertion, we provo
that they were in truth and in fact
fighting for theirliberty. And instead
of branding their leaders with the dis
honoring name of traitors against
righteous and legal government, wo
elevate them in history to the rank Of
selfsacrifcing patriots consecrato
them to the admiration Of the world,
and place them by the side of Wash.
ington, Hampden, aud Sydney. No.
Let us leave them to the infamy they
deserve Punish them as they should
be punished, according TO law, and
take upon ourselves no share of tho
odium which they should bear alone.
It's a part Of our public history, which
can never be forgotten, that both
houses Of Congress, in July, 1861, de-
clared in the form of a solemn rcsolu-
ton, that the war was, and should DO
carried on, for no purpose of suhjuga-
tion, but solely to enforce the Consti-
tuition and laws, and that when this
was yielded by the parties in rebellion
the contest should cease, with the
constitutional rights of the States, Of
individuals, unimpaired.