Nashville union and dispatch. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1866-1868, 1867-01-09
MICRO SUFFRAGE.
'The Presideht's veto Of the District
Suffrage Bill.

all sides, ready 20 change their residence at
a moments notice, with all the facility Of
nOmadic people, in order to enjoy here
after a short residence, a privilege they
find nowhere else. 1t is within their power
IN one wear 10 come into the District in
such numbers as 10 have the supreme CON
troll Of the white race, and to govern them
By their own officers, and the exercise Of
all municipal authority, among the rest the
power Of taxation or sr property, in which
they have no interest.
IrMassachusetts, where they have en-
ioyed the benefits Of thorough educational
system, a qualification Of intelligence is
required, while here suffrage is extended
to all without discrimination, as well TO
the most incapable, who can prove resi-
dence in the District Of one year, as to
those persons Of color who, comparatively
few in nu.aber, are permanent inhabitants,
and have given evidence Of qualification,
and are recognized as useful and respecia-
bic members Of the community. Imposed
upon an unwilling people, placed by the
constitution under the exclusive legislation
Of Congress, il would be received as an ar
bitrary exercise Of power and as an indica-
ton by the country Of the purpose Of Con-
gress 10 compel the acceptance of negro
suffrage by the States.
It would engender a feeling Of opposi-
ton and hatred between the two races,
which, becoming deep-rooted and irradica-
| bic, would prevent them from living to-
gether 10 mutual lriendliness. Carefully
| avoiding every measure that might tend to
| produce such a result, and following the
clear and we'll ascertained popular will, we
/ should assiduously endeayor to promote
/ kindly relations between them. And thus,
when that popular will leads the way, pre-
pare for the gradual and harmonious in
| PRODUCTION Of this new element into the
/ political power Of the country.
Ii cannot be urged that the proposed
extension of suffrage in the District OF
Columbia is necessary to enable persons
of color to protect either their interests OF
their rights. They stand here precisely
as they stand in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and
Indiana.
Here, as elsewhere, in all that pertains
to civil right, there is nothing to dis.
tinguish this class of persons from the eiti.
zens Of the United States, for they posses
the full and equal benefit of all laws and
proceedings for the security of person anc
property, as enjoyed by white citizens, anC
made subject to like punishment, paini
and penalties, and to none other; any law
statute, ordinance, regulation or custom, Il
the contrary notwithstanding, nor as hal
been assumed, are their suffrages Necessary
to aid a loyal sentiment here, for the loca
government already exists of undoubted
loyalty to the government, and sustained
by communities which were among the
first to testify their devotion to the Union
and which, during the struggle, furnished
their full quotas of men to the military
service Of the country.
| The exercise Of the elective franchise il
the highest attribute of our American Cit
zens, and when guided by virtue, intelli
gence patriotism, and proper apprecia
tiOns Of our institutions, constitutes thu
true basis of the government which tn,
sovereign power is lodged in the body o
the people.
Its influence for good Of necessity depends
upon the elevated character and patriotism
Of the elector, for If exercised by persons
who do not justly estimate Its value, anC
| who are Indifferent as TO its results, il viii
only serve as a means Of placing pOwel
in the hands of the unprincipled and am
| bilious and must eventually end in tht
complete destruction of that liberty o
which it should be the most powerful con
servator.
Great danger il therefore to be appre
hended from an unlimited extension of the
elective franchise to any new class il
our country, especially when a large ma
/ iority Of that class in welding the powel
that is placed in their hands, cannot be ex
pected correctly to comprehend the duties
and responsibilities which pertain to suf
frage. Yesterday, as il were, four millions
Of persons were held in a condition Of
slavery that had existed for generations
to-day they are freedmen, and are assumed
bv law 20 be citizens. It cannot be pre-
sumed from their previOuscondition of ser.
vitude that, as 4 class, they are rs well in
formed as TO the nature OF our government
as the intelligent foreigner, who makes our
land the home Of his choice. In the case
Of the latter neither a residence Of
five years and the knowledge of our
institutions which it gives, nor attach
meat to the principles Of the constitution,
are the only conditions upon which he can
be admitted to citizenship. Hemust prove
in addition a good moral character, and
1 thus give reasonable ground for the belief
that he will be faithful TO the obligations
which he assumes as q citizen Of the repub-
lie. Where a people-the source Of all
political power-speak by their sudrages
through the fundamentally of the ballot
box, il must be carefully guarded against
the control Of those who are corrupt in
principle and the enemies Of free institu-
tons, for it can only become to our politi-
cal and social system a safe conductor Of
healthy popular sentiment when kept free
from demoralizing influences. In the
hands Of the patriotic and worthy our
government will be preserved upon the
principles Of the constitution inherited from
our fathers.
il follows, therefore, that in admitting to
the ballot-box a new class Of voters, not
qualified for the exercise OF the elective
franchise, we weaken our system of govern
ment instead Of adding to its strength and
durability. In returning this bill to the
Senate, deeply regret that there should be
any conflict of opinion between the Legis-
lTtive and Executive Departments Of the
government, in regard to the measures that
virtually affect the prosperity and peace of
the country, and sincerely desire to recon-
cile the States, with one and the whole
people, to the government Of the United
States.
Il has been my earnest wish TO coop
crate with Congress in all measures having
for their object proper and complete ad-
iustment Of questions resulting from our
late civil war. Harmony between the CO.
ordinate branches of the government, which
is always necessary for the public welfare
was never more demanded than at the
present time, and it will therefore be my
constant aim TO promote as far as possible,
concert ofaCtiOn between them. The differ
ence of opinion that have already occurred,
have rendered me only the more cautious
lest the Executive should encroach upon
any Of the perog4tives of Congress, or bv
exceeding in any manner the constitutional
limit Of his duties, destroying the equilib-
rum which should exist between the sew
eral coordinate departments, and which is
so essential to harmonic the working OF
the government. / know it has been urged
that the Executive department is more
likely to enlarge the sphere Of its action
than either Of the other two branches of
the government and especially in the ex-
ercise Of the veto power conferred upon it
by the constitution.
1t should be remembered, however, that
this power is wholly negative and con-
in its character, and was in
tended to operate as a check upon uncon-
hasty or imprudent legislation,
aud as a means of protection against the |
invasion of the just powers Of the EXecu- !
tive and Judicial departments.
Ii is remarked by Chancellor Kent that |
30 enact laws is a transcendent power, and |
if the body that possesses It be a full and 4