The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-08-13


three years. The House is not to exceed sixty |
members.
In North Carolina the Senate has fifty mem
bers, and the House of Commons one hundred
and twenty.
In Ohio the Senate has thirty-fve and the
House about one hundred members.
In Oregon the Senate has thirty and the
House sixty members.
In pennsylvania the House has ninety-nine
members, and the Senate thirty-three
In Rhode Island the Senate has member
from every town or city Of the State: and
the House one member from every town
and city, and one additional from every por-
tion of population exceeding half the ratio
the whole number being limited to seventy
two.
In South Carolina the Senate was oomposed
of member from each election district and
an additional one for Charleston; and the
House had one hundred and twenty-four
members.
In Tennessee the House has seventy-hve
members, and the Senate twenty-five.
In Texas the Senators must not be less than
nineteen nor more than thirty-three; the Re-
presentatives not less than fOrty-fve nor more
than ninety.
In Vermont the Senate has thirty members
chosen annually; the House, one member for
each town.
In Virginia the Senate has thirty-four mem
bers elected for four years; the House one
hundred and one.
In West Virginia the Senate has eighteen
members; and the House forty-seven.
In Wisconsin the Assembly has not less
than ffty-four nor more than one hundred;
the Senate not more than one-third nor less
than one-fourth of members of Assembly.
In eleven of the States the number is either
fixed at one hundred, or limited not to exceed
that number. In fifteen States the number is
fixed below one hundred. In seven States the
number is fixed, ranging from one hundred
and twenty to two hundred and forty. In
four States the representation is by towns, and
increases with the growth of population, with
additions also by the creation of new towns.
Negro Supremacy and a Counter RevO-
tIOn-The Presidents Position.
From The Herald.
The President hesitates. No practical step
seems to have been taken in the attempt to
relieve the Cabinet of Mr.. Stanton, since the
receipt Of his defiance. Reporters assure us
that Mr.. Johnson has fortified himself with the
opinion of his Cabinet as to his right to purge
that body of obnoxious elements-the body
deciding that he has the power. Others tell
us that the Presidents resolution to eject Mr..
Stanton has undergone no change, but that
he will have a little "calm deliberation' be-
fore he acts. He will take counsel of his fears.
"Councils of war never fight" and for good
reason: they are only called when the case
is desperate, and judgment takes no account
of the only things that can give success in
desperate emergencies. Unimagined inspira-
tions that defy calculation-bold strokes
startling acts-these achieve success in cases
where councils of war always surrender; and
these, in moral sense are now the elements
OF the Presidents position. He has gone too
far to deliberate. Retreat would be ignominy
and degradation; standing still would be no
better. There is but one thing to do he must
go forwards and calmness is not the quality
that is wanted now, but courage. some
modlcum OF such resolute energy of purpose
as guided the acts of Andrew Jackson would
be worth to him all the zeal deliberation"
that even ended in milk and water. He has
of his own will come to open ssue with
Secretary; the Secretary has thrown in his face
a sneeriDg defiance, and he "deliberates." If
the Secretary triumphs the President will
stand before the nation the veriest pigmy that
! ever held so proud place. But if the Presi-
dent go to the limit OF possible action in the
! premlses-f he show the will to rule-the
! occasion opens to him the promise of a better
! future than it seemed possible could ever fall
! to his share.
The radicals have blundered into position
! that gives the President golden opportunity
! "a chance to redeem his administration-to
! obliterate the memory of his great errors in
taking advantage of the greater errors of his
enemies. He can yet convince the radicals
that, in giving up impeachment, on the ground
that they could have no man more suitable to
their purposes in his place, they counted with
only one-sided view of the possibilities. The
country is justly alarmed at what has already
become evident in the realization of the radical
party programme. 1t is clear that this pro-
gramme means no less than niger supremacy
in ten States, and the consequent division of
| the country on worse basis than that which
| led to the Rebellion. We fought to free the
nation from party domination guided by slave
holders and we fall under party domna-
ton based on the votes Of the slaves we made
free. We have set them free to make them our
masters. We exchange a white tyranny for
black tyranny. This was not what the people
meant when they gave lives without limit and
money without stint to prosecute the war.
Even those who desired to free the slaves would
not have made them masters of the political
destinies of any part of the nation; yet some
thing very near to this must be the result of the
policy of the radical leaders. Political domina-
tion in ten States is given to the niger; and
what did he do to deserve it From fifty to a
hundred thousand enlisted on our side, out of
four millions, and the remainder stayed at
home ana did what they could against us and
our cause in growing the corn that fed the
Rebel armies. Not a single insurrection-not
one organized blow for freedom-came from
these slaves and sons of slaves during four
years of war that taxed the utmost energies
of their masters. They were held in bonds by
men at war with the nation, and they never
added the WEIGHT Of ona itfla effort from thai r