The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1867-10-05
THE coNsTfTTIoNaLiTY AND ExPEDIENCY
OF THE CORRESPONDENTS OF RECON
STRUCTI0N. FI N


dnal principles of human rights. These
nrinciples have been little understood and
GROSSLY misrepresented by those who AFRO
cate to themselves the distinction OF being
the intelligent men and the representative
men of the Southern people. The Congress
of the nation, which has organized some Of
these principles into law, has been denounced
far and wide as lawless assembly, which
has trampled under foot every mandate OF
the Constitution, in prosecuting malignant
and relentless war of oppression upon Il
crushed and helpless foe Those amongst
us who have advocated these principles have
been held up to public indignation, as actua-
ted by the vile passions OF personal revenge
and malice. -..n ''
We would remove these prejudices as far
as lies in our power. We would reason with
those, who are at all disposed to listen to
reason With this object in view, tried to
hit upon some subject, the discussion OF
which would bring out, in their fullest force
and effect, the underlying principles of the
Republican party. l have accordingly Sc
lected "THE CoNsTITUTIoNALITY AND EXPE-
DIENCY OF THE RECONSTRUCTION PLAN OF
CONGRESS- as the theme best calculated to
serve this purpose.
I announce the first proposition as follows
Ct/DNtCty
asa State lecied scdr against the government Of
the United States, size forfeited all her rights as
a State under the Constitution.
The contrary opinion is maintained by the
vast majority of those, who have heretofore
been the leading politicians of the South, to-
gether with the Northern Democracy, and
Andrew johnson at the head of the column.
This anti-natonal party argues that to be
once State is to be always a State; that
there can he no State suicide; that it is i'm
possible for State, as such, by any act,
which she can commit, to forfeit and lose
any of her rights under the Constitution
She may attempt to secede by the most for
NAL act and may actually wage war against
the government with all her resources, but
the attempted secession being imperative
and void, she still remains State precisely
as before with her local constitution and
laws unchanged, and that by simply placing
the administration in the hands of loyal
men, the offence is purged, the State is quick
ened INTO new life and the status as it exis-
ted before rebellion is at once revived.
Such is the doctrine. 1t We accept it as
true, what are we bound to accept along with
it as logical consequences
In the first place, the whole argument
lies within a very narrow compass. If the
general government possessed the constitu-
tional right to coerce State, it possessed, as
a natural result. the right to legislate for
such State as conquered territory. Turning
the proposition the other way, if the recent
legislation of Congress be unconstitutional,
then Congress must stultify itself by saying
that the war of coercion was tyrannical and
unjust
But if the rebel States have forfeited none
of their constitutional rights, they are Justly
entitled to the exclusive control of all their
internal affairs. They may pass what laws
they please, and so long as these do not come
in immediate conflict with the constitution,
there would be no power on earth to inter-
fere to prevent their execution. To illus
trate. Although the colored race has been
declared emancipated, laws may still be pass
ell which refuse to recognize the marriage re-
lation among them it may still be made
crime to teach them to read and write: they
may be reduced to serfdom or finally be re-
enslaved. The rebel war debt may be as
sumed. Those fire tried Union men who
were true to the government in its hour of
peril may be DISTINGUISHED for their loyalty
In one word, it would be in the power of
these alleged States to adopt system of leg
islation which would turn into ashes all the
fruits of the war, costing so much blood
and treasure
Again, if these States had lost none of
their Constitutional rights, it would have
been in their power to have defeated any |
proposed constitutional amendment Being
more than one-f,urth of the entire number
of States, they might have vetoed by a sol
id rebel vote any such amendment, although |
the same might have been unanimously ap- |
proved by Congress and the voice of every |
loyal man in the nation!
Further, what is to become of West Vir-
ginia if the Democratic hypothesis be the
true one? The, constitution provides that
no State shall be dismembered without its !
own consent. Must the act of 1862. which |
created this State, be declared void, and gal |
liant West Virginia be stricken from among |
the stars 81 .- r
Add TO this the endless difficulties and
confusion, which must arise If the acts of |
Congress, requiring two-third]s majorities be |
declared null and void by reason of the ex- |
clusion of the representatives of constitu-
tlonal States. Or worse than this, the revo-
ton which must take place if the President
should proceed to act upon the assumption
that Congress itself is an unconstitutional
body!
Finally, and to crown all the forepoinp
- eiiC iSb|Cl oIdtcS nave IOrIelC6Q
none OF their rights, then they are entitled to |
Immediate representation. Aye, and not
this alone, but they were entitled to such rep
resentation while the rebellion was fragrant.
Picture to yourselves Thompson, Yancey.
Floyd, Mason and Slidell in Washington
from 1861 to 1865, cooperating with their
brethren in Richmond, voting against sup
Plies OF men and money to prosecute the
war and conspiring with Northern traitors
to lncite rebellion and insurrection there
These are some of the monstrous conse-
quences we are compelled to accept. if we
take the ground that the rebel States have
forfeited none of their constitutional riohts
and that the legislation of Congress Inon
reconstruction is unconstitutional.
But can we accept theni2 Must we saw
that there is such divinity which doth
hedge IN rebel State, that Congress is pow
erfess to break the charmed circle and to pro-
vlde protection by irreversible guarantees for
the future safety and security Of the nation
Is 1t possible that we have such a Constitu-
tlon and government, that we are to sit oui-
city by and see the State government glide
into hands still red with the blood of 5aifa
million victims of men who are bid;nG
their time to stab again at the nations life
Are these" once more to take their seats in
congress and concoct their future consn;ra-
'acies, while the government is allowed No I
bower to protect itself against their treason.
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