The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-02-23
A TALK WITH THE PRESIDENT.
Mr.. Johpson,s Personol Views
WON T0.day's Ne,o York Cllzen.

and inVentiDg new powers which it cannot be
Tor our benefit to WELD. We make the mistake
OF becoming inventors, instead of applying our
selves to become disCovereTs.
'There are now score of plans for recon-
structing the Southern States before the coun-
try, and the public mind is unduly agitated as
10 which shall be adopted. Amendments are
proposed TO the Constitution, amendments of
every possible character; whereas, if people,
instead OF lnVentng new things, would seek to
discover what already exist they would find
all the powers they need TO accomplish their
legitimate wishes in the Constitution as it
stands.
THE Constitution guarantees a republican
form OF government to every State, and says
that no State shall be deprived of its repre-
sentatlon In Congress without ITS own consent
wen, on the other hand, some OF our people
say that they will not allow men who partici-
pated in the Rebellion to be their peers, and to
have voices in the great council OF the nation
Tney therefore demand Constitutional amend
ment on this head; and so likewise tor every
other evil that they can find, or fancy to be
existing.
"But does not the Constitution itself provide
remedy for this very evil, where it says that
each House of Congress shall be absolute Judge
OF the elections, returns, and qualifications of
Its own members May not each House. under
this, while rejecting any prominent ex-Rebel or
man obnoxious for disloyalty, who shall be sent
from any OF the so-called Confederate States, at
the same time not deprive the State of represen-
tation, but merely say:-This man we reject
under our constitutional prerogative. We do
not, however deny the right of your State to
representation, whenever you shall SEND us
proper manT
"See for moment what would be the effect
OF this course. We at once divide the public
opinion OF the State so treated-at present made
unit under the ban of indscriminate exclu-
SION. We mold ont a reward for the election of
loyal men, aud attach penalty, which the peo-
pie OF the State must themselves impose, for
herestraint OF active participants in the late
Rebellion. There are scores and hundreds of
ambitious men of loyal record in every State
who would then be naturally forced to the sur
face, but under the present system of lndiscrim.
nate exclusion 1t can make no difference
whether loyal or disloyal Senators and Repre-
sentatives shall be sent.
Even let US take an extreme case. Suppose
the State OF Georgia should send Alexander H.
Stephens to the Senate, and that the Senate
should say:-'We acknowledge the right of
Georgia to representation; we acknowledge
that the credentials of MIR. Stephens are made
out in the proper form; but in view of his connec
ton with the Rebellion, and former connection
with the United States, vein the exercise of
our constitutional privilege-do not choose tos
accept Mr.. Stephens as our peer; and must in
sIst that some man Of loyal record shall be sent
in his place.
would not the Georgians al once commence
looking around for some one who could satisfy
these conditions And would not an imme.
diate impetus be given towards building up a
loyal sentiment In the State The wounds
our country suffered are not vital, though the
depletion OF blood was great There were
none of the great bones broken, for the frame
work of 1.-The Constitution still remains, and Is
sufficient, II we could only abstain from further
irritating surgery. The best healing in surgery
is that which the doctors describe as by the
first Intention or force of nature; but our
violent Doctors in Congress-and tins is spoken
with no disrespect to that BODY, but rs fact of
observation-will still insist ON tearing open
the wounds afresh, In order TO force a faster
healing by caustc applications and the actual
'What we need-what we vitality need, both
for payment Of the national debt and to enable us
have proper foreign poliCy-too long, confess.
delay eds harmony, internal peace, and a
condition of restored confidence that will draw
capital TO develop the industrial resources OF
the South and TO assist the Southern planters
in reorganizing the shattered relations OF labor.
We need all this to make the national burdens
of sugar. every tierce of rice, every hogshead OF
tobacco raised in the eX-Rebel States must fur
nish proportionate reduction to the taxation
of the North, and must CO. so tar as 1t may be
worth, towards restoring an equilibrium in our
foreign exchanges, which must be the first fun
damental step towards a return TO the hard
money basis, instead of paper currency.
LAS for myself, my convictions IN politics are
things that cannot change to suit the eXpedt'
encies of this, or any other moment. They have
grown with my growth, they have strengthened
with my strength, and they are TO me only less
sacred, and as much 20 be preserved, as my
religious faith. Attempts are made to make II
appear that my words at different times have
been inconsistent; but were not the etrcum
stances inconsistent under which the apparently
contradictory words were spoken, or opinions
giveng During the high storm OF Rebellion, ol
In the ufet neat OF uh fuuelutuCtt hOIhs hCA'
proper TO be said which would be utterly i'm
proper In times Of peace. We put broken
limb in splints 10 hold II quiet, whether the
patient will or no; bat 20 insist on holding the
spnts there when the limb Is restored, or wheI
further examination shall have proved tha
the wounds, though deep, we're only flesh
wounds, leaving the bones uninJured-thii
would not be wise surgery, but cruelty; no
statesmanshIp, but baTbsrous usurpation.
II am accused OF usurping power, when my
whole life has been one continual battle
against the tendency Of bureaucracy OF arlsto
cracy-the concentration OF power In the hand
of q few. / was accused OF usurplng poWe
for my veto OF the first Freedmens Bureau
hill. although the veto was voluntary putting
away from me OF a patronage aud power morj
unlimited than was ever previously offered Y
any President. / am for holding all possible
power In the hands Of the people permanently
/ am In favor OF always finding the minimum
of power necessary TO be delegated TO any Off
cials. or 10 the general Government, aud onl
allowing the minimum 10 be given.
''But look even at this bill Of Senator SheI
name, and see what 1t does, or proposes doing
It is only less Objectionable than the House 0l
in that II does not openly supersece the Pres
dent representing the civil power. In favor
the General commanding the armies OF th
United States. But II violates the constitution
proyisiOn guaranteeing a republican form
government, and substitutes military de
potsm over the late Tevolted states IL al
franchises nearly all the intelligent whites, al
gives universal suffrage TO the lsnoranth p'SGa &C.
thus overriding the provision thht ehch ola
shall determine who shall be entitled 10 lts 81
frage. II also null6es the Constitution
amendments, by practically declaring the eAls
ing Governments of the Southern states lllegt
so that their adoption Of the amendments mu
be without validity. IN.
AGnvarnmpnn the sOurpp Of mower. tnHte