The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-07-19
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Byona ne Times.
One of the secrets of Lord Stanley's success
as the Foreign Minister of England doubtless
lies in his ability to Judge of passing events,
not AZ they affect the personal or domestic
sentiment of civilized communities, but as
they seem to bear upon national interests, and
the working out of national policy. 1t is
nuality of craftsmanship which is clearly
brought into view in the Minister'S reply to
che request for information respecting Maxi
milian's death, made by a member OF the
House of Commons. That reply, it will be
seen, discourages any appeal for vengeance
AGAINST the Princes murderers. 81 do not
see. says Lord Stanley, "what especial notice
Is possible or required on the part of the
British Government" In other words, the
Foreign Secretary holds that the Queens ad-
yisers we're not responsible, in the first in
stance, for the mal-adventure which culmi-
mated in the tragedy at Queretaro that they
ceased to have any special interest in the ad-
ministration of Mexican affairs when the Tri-
partite treaty was brought to a close at Sole
dad; that the French proteotorate formed no
part of the original scheme of Intervention;
and that in the imperial project which fol-
lowed, England had no other part or lot than
the recognition of what appeared to be the
de fdcto Government of Mexico.
The British Secretary not only refuses to be
committed to hasty declaration of sympathy,
but he bars the door rgainst any appeal in that
direction, by roundly denying that the execu-
tiOn Of the Emperor is in any sense the affair
of England or of the English Government
The Foreign Minister'S words seem, at first
blush, to be unnaturally cold-considering the
excited state of public feeling throughout the
greater part of the Continent;-in all the Court
circles of Europe; among the higher and the
lower classes of English society; and evenhere
among our own people. Outside OF the more
violent faction in Congress, there has been but
one expression in regard to the execution at
Queretaro. That expression has been one of
thorough execration against the bloody orders
of EscObedo's ourt-martial. OF all this,
Lord Stanley was thoroughly well informed
when he announced in the House of Commons
that the murder of Prince Macmillan was no
concern of the British Government. Are we
to condemn the British SecretaryP Is his
indifference an insult to the general sympathy
of civilized communities for the courageous
and self-sacrifcing victim of C@sarism? These
are questions which we venture to think a
great many here and elsewhere may not, with
out some prompting, take the trouble to study
at all. And yet they deserve some share of
study, if we care to interpret fairly, justly,
ana WIN anyJnnB ike ulScrlmlnaIlOu Ine
policy of our own Government.
While individual members of the Admins
tration may hold the execution of Macmillan
to have been a wanton insult to the sentiment
of Christian communities, it does not follow
thRt it is our business or our duty to step for
ward as avengers of the deed We did moi
aid in any manner in bringing the Prince
Macmillan into the meshes of that selfish and
fatal policy which caused his ruin, and which
struck the latest and most terrible blow
against the aspirations of the House of Haps
burg. We not only did not invite the Pro
tectorate of France nor the erection of an I'm
perial dynasty to give play for the expert
ments of modern Cesarism; but we protested
and protested when our authority and infu
ence were held, momentarily, Of little account
against the adventure of the Austrian Prince
from its beginning down to the day of thu
departure of the French troops. The fat,
which overlook the amiable, single-mindet
Prince, sad and horrible as it was, doe
not place us, as a nation, in the position
either of mourners or avengers" We shoul
be 10th to think that any great number Q
the American people do not cherish a hearty
wholesome, and earnest detestation of tn
Wretched faction which, in its temporar
triumph, now camors and shouts for blood
But we should be equally unwilling to have
said that in determining our future policy i
regard to Mexico, we were guided by an
other considerations than those of broad ma
tional character. Whatever arguments weig
with the British Foreign Secretary in deter
mining his abstinence from all intervention i
Mexican affairs until the game of the dominar
faction shall have further developed itsel
apply with double force here. Our policy ha
favored the revival, whether for good or evi
of what is supposed to bear the outward SEN
blance and character of a republican Govern
ment. But we are no more responsible for th
acts of its agents than we are for those of tn
Governments of Hayti, Peru, or Abyssinia
We have desired to see the country work ou
its own salvation; we have not only dscou
ragged assaults upon its independence; but "
have given it the only remaining chance
can have, to show itself worthy of indepen
dence. 1t has made an atrOcious beginning
1t has committed the objectionable folly
rejecting advice which would have saved !
from the scorn and the contempt of civilize
nations and of all who have long predicte
its ruin. But when all this is said, the DOM
nant faction in Mexico has not, so far, gone
the length Of demanding chastisement at on
hands.
The murder of Macmillan we are no MOI
called upon to avenge than we are required I
ioin an expedition for the release of I'll
English captives in Abyssinia. And to thi
extent, we can fairly appreciate Lord Stanley
seeming indifference. 1t is not the indifference
we assume, of callous feeling any more thS
is Secretary Stewards representation of Il
santa Anna case. Prudent governments ha'
to see TO it that they do not hastily becon
sentimentalists The indulgence of sentime
costs money. It costs nations tremendo
suns. II cost Great Britain five hundred m