The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-02-05

THE Conflict Between the President and
COngress-The Teachings of History.
From he Herald.
Had the studies of Andrew johnson as
politician extended beyond the official examples
of Andrew Jackson and the electioneering STATE
rights dogmas of Jefferson, he would hardly
have attempted at this late day as statesman
that fatal experiment of taking into his own
hands the exclusive powers of the legislative
department. AT all events, President Jackson's
sT take the responsibility" has been fatally mis-
applied by President johnson in assuming too
much, and history, therefore, may be applied to
warm him of the consequences.
Modern times have witnessed three great
national revolutions, each of which has been
traught with insu uCtiOn Tor the future guidance
of mankind. Tue first of these revolutions was
in England. Beginning in the reign of Charles
4he First, it was prolonged with varying for
tune throughout the period OF the Common
wealth aud tue succeeding reigns of the Second
Charles ana James, and was finally brought TO
q close by the accession to the throne OF Will
liam Of Orange in 1858. The second of these
revolutions was in France. Begun IN the reign
of Louis the Sixteenth, and having witnessed
during its progress, suCcesslVeiy, the establish
meut Of republic, a consulate, an empire,
KINGDOM q second time a republic, and second
time an empire 1t can scarcely be said, after the
1apse of the greatnrpart OF century, to have
yet neared its termination. The thud, aud the
youngest Ol lu6St ItNOlullOuS udS UGGu III OuE
own land and in our own day. It's origin is
but of recent date, During the brief period of
ats existence the nation has waded through
oceans of blood and experienced all the DESC
tatlng effects of a fearful civil war. A gigantic
Rebellion has been suppressed, our old political
system, resting upon African slavery has been
put down, but the work of reconstruction on
The new basis of universal liberty remains still
10 be done.
AS these revolutions have originated in diff
terent circumstances and have been maintained
for different objects, it is not to be expected
that the lessons which they will severally be-
queath to posterity will be precisely the same.
There is one lesson, however, which the first
two have already taught, and which the third
promises to teach with equal emphasis, and
that is the absolute Jolly of the Executive
stubbornly to resist the legtimately expressed
will Of the people, Pity 1T is that the history
of the United States, which in many important
particulars has revealed such marked inn
provement on the history OF older nations,
should have to furnish another such lesson.
But so it is to be. We have said something of
Mr.. JOhnsOn's historical studies. There are
some who read history wisely and to profit
There are others who read history but cannot
understand it, There are others, again, who
read history, and who, though understanding it,
refuse to be guided by its teachings. President
johnson, if a reader of history at all, certainly
does not belong to the first of these orders. He
is neither so stupid nor so ignorant that he can
be Classed with the second. From his known
tenacity to his pet crotchets, we are more will
ing to believe that he belongs to the last. With
or without the knowledge of the past he GER
tainly is placing himself in the teeth of the very
difficulties which cost Charles the First and
Louis the Sixteenth their heads, and which
drove James the Second, Charles the Tenth
and Louis Philippe each from his threne and
country into exile Nor is it for moment to
be imagined that the defeat of Andrew Johnson
in the struggle which he so doggedly and so
toolishly maintains, though it cannot be so DIS
astrous either to himself or to the Union, will
no lpugn I'M of thau in thn fo NH,
have referred He has engaged in contest in
which he must go down.
We do not mean for moment to question the
right of the President to veto, within certain
limits, the proceedings OF Congress- The timas
we trust is far distant when the Presidential
Office will be regarded in the light of a merely
honorary situation. 1t IS and it ought to be a
position of Importance and of power. 1t has
many duties and it has doubtless many cares
The President IS Chief Magistrate OF the nation
The right to veto, which is vested in him by the
Constitution in virtue of his Office is his special
and distinguishing prerogatiVe. In certain cir.
cumstances the exercise of such prerOgatiye
may be not only legitimate, but Just. 1t is
power, however which is dangerous, and can
not be used with too much wisdom and caution.
Intended for a check, it never was meant to be
an obstruction. 1t certainly never was the
design Of the trainers OF the Constitution, as it
certainly never can be for the interests of the
nation, thatit should be exercised in open ded-
ance OF the expressed will Of the people. Such,
has placed himself and from which it has now
become necessity to eXpel him.
we are willing to be generous in our interpre-
tatlon OF the Presidents motives We can un-
deTstand how he may be encouraged to perse-
we're in his obstructive policy by conscientious
scruples. But so it was with Charles the First.
Louis the Sixteenth, James the Second, and the
Others. They were all men of certain or uncer-
lain conscientious scrupes. But their scruples
and excuses, good or bad, neither justified their
polcy nor aYerted their fate. What, then, should
when scruples and excuses incline him in one
direction and the popular will demands that he
move III anotber9 Has he no choice but to resist
The popular will or violate the teachings of
conscience! He has a choice. He can re-
sign. In not adopting this course the Presi.
dent, we think, has made a grand mis-
take. He would have shown himself greater
philosopher if instead of undertaking that
now celebrated stumplng tour to Chicago he
had remained at the White House. ponderino
the lessons of the past; and the world wouI3
posterlty would have accorded him a nohler
name, IT, when the fall elections were ended
and the will OF the people had been so minis,
takably expressed, finding his Conscience stiu
nnbending, he had voluntarily RESIGNED a nosi.
tion which experience taught him he co1ld an
neither with comfort to himself nor with salts
faction to the country. But he has NOT Vet lost
his opportunity. Resignation even now on bis
part would cover multitude Of sins while bis
impeachment and removal, which are certain
as matters now stand, will be inseparable from
unqualified disgrace. Prerogatiye' wbetSer
royal or presidential, must yield to popular
right and the sovereign powers of the National
Legislature.