Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1867-04-24
SLAVERY.


The matter Of slavery was dealt with
by the Constitution with an unfortunate
tenderness and the result bias demon
strated the inutility Of compromises in
regard to great interests and vital qUes-
Cions, and how short-lived q Govern
ment must needs be, when it a only
he created by means OF such compro-
misses. The existence Of slavery in the
States, and its legality as giving title 20
slaves as property, are palpRbly recog-
Hized by the Constitution; and yet
slaves are cautiously described as hper-
sons held 20 labour or service The
prohibition Of the slave-trade, until after
q certain period, is carefully provided
against, equally without the use Of the
word slave though those imported
are broadly recognized as property, by
the levy Of a duty or tax upon them,
which Of course was so much added 70
she price paid FOR them by the purchaser
after importation. When such persons
held to labour or service escaped into
another State, they were to be delivered
up on demand and proof Of the master.
fit was moi intended that this should
devolve upon the State into which they
escaped, and upon its citizens aud mag
~istrates, the duty Of delivering them
up then the Constitution was, in this
respect, 8 fraud. The meaning of the /
phrase wa too obvious TO need judicial
construction. II vas an agreement on
al hands, that they would 50 deliver up
Gugitives; and not THAI they would
simply not preuent the oWneC from
catching them if he could. To " deliver
up" imports an act to be done by them
ss.yes,-aetion, not passiveness.
It was probably not imagined that any
Of the States would ever seek to evade
the force Of this provision by bubbles,
or take the ground that they were at lib
srty to forbid their own magistrates and
officers aiding the master 20 reclaim his
slave. or deny the use Of their jails,
wherein 20 confne fugitives. Still less
was it anticipated that any Of them
would by Law Dake it a penal ofFense for
the owner to eis4nf bis property, and TO
prove his title in such manner as should
be required by the act o. Congress in that
regard. OF course it vas net dreamed
81. that Senatorial honour and aceenCy
would ever fall TO so low an ebb, as that,
when Connecticut had passed such laws,
one Of her Senators should stand up ia the
Senate, and make his State both cow
ard and liar, by protesting that the
purpose Of the villainoss iGw was not to
prevent the recovery Of fugitive slaves.
but t. guard against the kidnapping oil
free persons. II that State was
base enough TO enact such a law, she +,
should have had courage enough to stand
by it and avow what her purpose was. {
Nothing so strikingly proved the decay
Of the Senate and the deterioration of {
the race Of public men, as this incident ]
OF palhy cowardice and falsehoOd. e
For the right Of transit through or
temporary residence in a State, by a cit d
izen 81 another State, with his slaves. c
the Constitution made no provision II
most unwiseiy, a. subsequent events q
hSve proved. One would have thought 81
that ia an instrument much IN the ma. b
q a Treaty between independent Il
States, pUecise stipulations would have v
been made oE this subject, otherwise to Of
become difficult and dangerous: but so Ia
great was the -sensiEgeness OF the dele. in
gates from some OF the Northern States, st
as toslavery, that the Constitution re- q,
trains from defining or restricting the q
power Of Congress in regard to st, even Oh
the District Of Columbia. Nothing is al
more common, ia such bodies, than so to cl
sur e or 90 around dangerous aues- re
tons and the result is always the same. W
They arise at last, and the whole fabric tb
sxplodes. or
Massachusetts,, to buy the votes NJ Al
south Carolina and Georgia for what ar
vas against both their interests and m
heir principles, that is, for a National No
;gvernment, the virtual o5literation 4,
4 die State s~overeignties, 0 TIE 40
lbjugslIon Of the small States, bar co