The weekly clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1863-1882, 1867-03-21
Letter of Hon. j. w. Robb.


GENTLEMEN: You have called upon me
for an expression of my opinion in reference
to the course we should pursue in view of
the recent legislation by Congress. ] thank
you for this public expression of your conf
dence, and while in responding give you
frankly the result ofmy reflections, l ask of
those who differ with me in opinion to re-
member that am called upon to give my
opinion as to what is the wisest course to be
pursued, and am not called upon to express
the degree of indignation with which view
the late national legislation still less am
called upon to give the measure ofmy hatred
and detestation of the Radical party.
These even within my own breast may or
may not exceed in violence the passion of
those most bitter in their denunciations
but of what avail would be such expression
of animosity at the present time? It's only
effect can be to fill us with deeper sense OF
our humiliating condition and excite the
| merriment of our foes, unless it be intended
to incite to instruction and armed resist
| ance which of course l do not impute to
any one. only refer to the subject because
| there is a disposition with many to be gov
| erned by their passions rather than the die
tates of reason. These passions may be just,
but we cannot subject our fortunes to their
| guidance. To reason, and to reason alone,
| belongs the mastery and the empire; her
| light is the only light we have to guide us.
will, therefore, gentlemen, in responding
to your call, endeavor to divest myself of all
passion and prejudice, and give to the sub
ject submitted to me calm and careful con-
sideration, asking for my conclusions favor
able reception only in SO far as they may be
found predicated on established facts or be
the necessary deductions of right reason.
I can not view negro suffrage in any other
light than that of an unmitigatsd evil, with
out the slightest tincture or alloy of good,
leading eventually either to the extinction
of bis race upon this Continent, or, through
civil commissions, to the final overthrow of
the Republic and the total extinguishment
of liberty in the Western Hemisphere. be-
lieve that all writer's upon the subject of
government both ancient and modern, have
agreed, when speaking of the spirit of the
government, that Despotism was based upon
slavish fear, Monarchy upon the principle
of honor, Republics upon the public spirit
and exalted virtue of the people. If this be
true, and no one will doubt it who will recall
to their remembrance how, step by step, as
the ancient republics progressed in corrup-
ton, they paved the way to the destruction
of their liberties, then it follows as night the
day that when an ignorant horde of stupid
| and besotted men, destitute of intelligence,
of patriotism, of pride, and of all exalted SEN
timent. are to enjoy the elective franchise
fate is sealed, the prop which supports it is
gone. What was it but this element which,
swayed by Tiberius Grachuss and the DEM
agogues of Rome, first violated the Con-
stitution, and, through succession of con-
vulsions. led the way as we'll as created the
necessity for Caesars usurpation
The refined and philosophical nation of
France did not understand genuine liberty f.;
| they loved it but they failed to maintain it.
| How fitted, then, must these people be who
| yesterday were slaves, and who cannot be
made to comprehend the difference between
forms of government. We want no stronger
sign of decay, no surer evidence of the down.
fall of a Republic, than the loss among the
people of all pride and glory in the name of
| citizenship. When it ceases to be an honor,
and is degraded by being conferred upon
scullions and serfs alike, the exalted public
1 pIf NUh oh 70 1nll
maintain it is gone, and in its stead rises for
evil the spirit of discord, turbulence and
anarchy. Demagogueism must spEing from
such field as naturally and necessarily as
vegetation from the earth
Entertaining these views in reference to
negro suffrage, should urge resistance if
there was any possible or probable method
of doing so successfully. Let us, then, look
at our real situation, and at the means of re-
sistance at our disposal. We are an impov-
erished, disarmed and powerless people, con-
| quered, and at the mercy of our ,conquerors
Men may differ in their opinions as to what
| is or should be reserved to MS of con-
| stitutional right, or as to how far the Con-
gress of the United States is bound by the
obligations of the Constitution in its legis-
| lation towards us, but there can be no differ
ence of opinion as to our actual situation
At the conclusion of the war, when the
people of these States surrendered to the
armed forces of the United States, our people
had the right to believe from the repeated
expressions of President Lincoln and the
resolutions of Congress, that the war was
waged not for conquest or subjugation, but
for the restoration of the Union; and this
was at that period, in all probability, the
true sentiment of the Northern mind, but as
the war progressed the public hatred in.
creased, and at its termination, we found the
Legislative branch of the Government con-
trolled by party whose animosity towards
us knew no bounds and who determined the
instant we became subject to their power, to
resist and prevent any plan of reconstruction
which did not insure the perpetuation of
their power, as well as crafty their malig-
nifty. We need only glance at their record
for the last two years, to be convinced that
malignity and lust of power are the ruling
motives of the Radical majority in Congress
The Conservative party of the North and the
President, who has executed to the fullet.
extent his constitutional power in our be-
half, have both sustained overwhelming de-
faof. and ran do nothing at uresar1t towards