Nashville union and dispatch. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1866-1868, 1867-04-04

y
language of Daniel Webster, who in speak
ing Of the South American States says;
A military republic government
formed on mock elections, and supported
daily BY the sword, is q movement indeed,
but retrogra6e and disastrous movement
from the regular and old fashioned mon
archical system" and adds, in regard TO
Republican Institutions:
off men would enjoy the blessings of Re-
publcan government, they must govern
themselves by reason, by mutual counsel
and consultation, by sense and feeling OF
general interest, and BY the acquiescenee of
the minority in the will of the majority
properly expressed and above all, the
military must be kept according 70 the
language Of our bill of rights, in strict sub
ordination to the civil authority. When
ever this lesson is not both learned and
practiced, there can be no political free
dom. Absurd, preposterous is it, scof
and a satire on free forms of constitutional
liberty, for forms of government to be pre-
scribed by military leaders, with the right
of suffrage-to be exercised at the point of
the bayonet"
Surely time will come when such views,
so wise and salutary, will find once more
a resting place in the minds of the Ameri-
can people viii the popular enthusiasm
which has been so adroitly nursed rust
forever? Will the prestige which sue
cessful war has invested the dominant
party in Congress never be dissipated
Are there no disintegrating qualities hid
den in their midst Is it possible that 50
large and powerful party can continue to
live when no longer forced to harmony
by the fear of successful opposition, or
solicited by the purpose of outside antag-
onisms? ga IL .1aE
Again, all this system of legislation,
whether in Congress or in our own State
Legislature, is carried through and pushed
to their conclusions by miROrities, without
giving to the people an opportunity to cor
rect them, and frequently in direct conflict
with their wishes. No one will have the
temefity to dispute the known fact that
our present Legislature are the representa-
tives OF mere handful of our people, and
that even the wish Of that constituency was
not consulted or obeyed in their recent
legislation-bHt they acted alone from the
promptiugs of their oEn feelings, and with
the view Of retaining power. And yet
their legislation is the law Of the land, and
must be Obeyed so long as it remains unre-
pealed, or not declared void by the courts.
The Supreme Court has unanimously
decided the franchise laws" passed by the
Legislature first elected under the amend
ed constitution" constitutional, therefore,
its provisions are part of the constitution
of the State, and should be, accordingly,
faithfully observed. Ny opinion az to their
~. Ii
been more than once announced to you.
1t differed from the opinion delivered by
the court, but it was a mereopinion; theirs,
whether right or wrong, is authoritative, and
l declare to you, in all frankness, should
be acquieseed in. lr r 4 @@
/ did not believe that national stability
would be promoted by incorporating into
the body polite this element of colored
suffrage. Ignorant, uneduoated, and just
emerged from slavery, the colored citizens,
as class, in my opinion, did not posses
the qualifications necessary for the full and
intelligent exercise of the ballot. / be-
lieved that it would require time in which
to prepare them for its iudicious use.
thought that they would have to be in
structed by that slow and gradual develop
ment which is necessary for the full reali-
zation of their capacity for selfgovernment;
that would be after years of struggle and
toll; that as a class, they would reach that
standard of culture and information which
would Justify the comforting upon them of
political equality. They have never, as
race, found ed in their native land great
empires, or rescued themselves from the
tyranny of others, and that, therefore, time
might be allowed for their instruction, and
for the allaying of the animosities yet
actively in operation, originating from diff
ferences III caste and race, and incident to
the former relationship which they occu-
pied towards each other.
Our lawmakers came to a different con-
clusion, and yield my opposition, as it is
the law. They are voters, entitled to all
of its privileges and benefits, and this day
address them as constituents, whose po
litical power is as great in the ballot-box
as the most favored of our own race.
have no animosity, or hatred, or jeal-
ousy towards the colored people. For
their welfare and happiness | feel now, as
/ have always felt, kind solicitude. Liv-
ing in a community where they were held
in slavery, their owner and master by
purchase and inheritance, | always en-
deavored to do my duty by them. How
have performed that duty, let those who
know me answer. This day ! have in
my employment, under compensation,
the very servants who | formerly
owned. They have never deserted me. L
will not prove ungrateful and forsake
them. In their hands, during this terri
BILE war, | risked my life and all of my
worldly goods They never betrayed the
trust committed to them. They protected
what was placed under their charge Do
Gle faithful and affectionate, can never
forget them, and will protect them in the
enjoyment or all their civil rights as sa-
credly as / would my own.
Such appeals as may make to the col
ored citizens for their support, will be pre-
dictated upon the same reasOnings that |
address to all other qualified voters. Laws
which affect our welfare now equally af-
fects theirs, and legislation which would be
tyrannical and oppressive upon the white
voter, would be equally soupon the eolored.
Let my history in regard to them as
race, speak for itself. ! ask no more; and
to them leave the question for their own
unprejudiced decision.
One other suggestion, and by no means
the least interesting to us all, is the expense
and cost Of these military establishments"
national and State. Our own history
furnishes US startling evidence of their ex-
tent, and warning us of the danger Of ma
tional bankruptcy. How many troops will
be required to furnish the proposed pro
lection? Sixty thousand national forces,
and eight thousand State troops. These
troops will cost the nation sixty millions
of dollars, and the State eight millions, if
all the troops are called into active service.
This money is to be wrung out of the sinews
and labor Of the citizens, whether white or
colored.
Ii there is any necessity for such an
armed force, the question of cost would not
be canvassed; but when time of profound
peace, with but slight opposition to the
enforcement of the laws, We know that
there is no necessity for standing army,
and we warn you Of the dangers, and d.
rect your attention soberly to the inevita-
bic results.
The practical question with the people
Of the Southern States Is, what shall they
do? My advice to them is to organize their
State governments under the provisions Of
the bill. | would not hesitate one moment.
The terms are more liberal than our home
Legislature has granted to our own people.
La fact, the terms of the bill were opposed
by my colleagues from the third add sixth
districts, because they were too liberal to
Rebels. With my devotion TO a govern
ment of law, in preference to a military
government, | would infinitely prefer