The Daily clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1866-1888, 1867-04-11
From the N. o. Times.
Letters from Glen. LOmgstreet and
Judge Campbell.
NEW ORLEANS, April Q, 1867


Letters from Glen. LonEstreet nn
Judge Campbell.
NEW ORLEANS, April @, 1867.
To tie Editor of the New Orlean
Times, Since your publication of m
letter many questions have reacho
me as to the prospects of our politics
future and our duties at this crisis
My former letter was intended to NEE
all questions, and was as much in dc
tail as a mere soldier should venture
in field entirely new to him. | hay
no inclination, however, to avoid du
ties or responsibilities, whatever ma,
be the form in which they are pre-
sented.
But to attempt, at this time, gen
eral discussion Of the merits and de
merits of all matter that is thought I,
be material to the subject, which ab
serbs our interest, would require NOR
time and labor than are at my dispo
sal Besides, such discussion woult
leave us just Where our armies sur
rendered. / must ask, therefore, tina
those who are inclined to consider my
views will excuse the "bluntness of
soldier"
The surrender OF the Confederat,
armies in 1866 involved:
l. The surrender Of The claim to tn,
right of secession.
2. The surrender of the former DO
litical relations of the negro.
3. THE Surrender of tie Southern Con
.federacy.
These issues expired upon the fields
last occupied by the Confederate ar
mics. They should have been buried.
The soldier prefers to have the sod
that receives him when he falls cover
his remains. The political questions
ofthe war should have been buried
upon the fields that marked their end.
Our most cherished objects of this
earth, blood ofour blood, life of our
life, if not duly deposited as ordained
by an All wise Providence, become
offensive So must it be with this dead
matter. 1.-THE funeral rites ofthe South
ern Confederacy have not been per-
formed, let us, with due solemnity, pro-
coed to the discharge of that painful
duty, and let us deposit in the same
grave the agony of our grief, that we
may the better prepare ourselves for a
return to the duties of this life.
1t may be well to remark that our
efforts at reconstruction will be vain
unless we embark in the enterprise
with sincerity of purpose which will
command success. Great deeds are
not accomplished by the cold support
Of Indifferent approval; they must be
built of "sterner stuff" We must APP
ply ourselves with diligence, and with
United resolution, if we hope to lift
he darkness that threatens our future
md secure comfortable issue from
difficulties that surround us.
The Fabian policy seems to be the
me mostin favor amongst us familiar
y termed the system of mastery in
lctivity." This policy has achieved
,reat notoriety from the fact that a
distinguished Roman general (Fabius
at the head of a well-organ-
zed and well-disciplined army, by his
uperior strategy and tactics, delayed
he progress of the march of the Car
and saved Rome. That
re can assume to be in a condition to
mploy mastery inactivity" without
he organization of political party,
r even the organization of political
Tub, is beyond my understanding. We
tight better be likened unto the bird
lat conceals its head in the sand, and
once begins to grieye at the danger
, its pursuers, who are now left alone
/ the vast desert a
Before we undertake to change the
purse of impending dangers, we |
lould endeavor to remove all obsta-
es that may be likely to impede our
rogress in the work of reconstruc-
on. The chief of these is the opin.
N that prevails, to some extcnt
nongst our people, that we cannot
} wrong, and that Northerners cannot
} right. / have no doubt but the
me feelings, with regard to them
Ives, may be found amongst the
people. Both sections are
boring under misapprehensions
hich they should strive to correct.
9TH are subject to the frailties of hu
an nature, and each should extend
arity if they expect it in return.
It us, then, begin to dispel the delu-
On, and see if we can establish our
him to greatness.
1t is now too late to go back to look
,er our rights under the law and the
1t is of no practical i'm
rtance for us to know whether we
We been deprived of these rights by I
Vful or unlawful process. We know
It they are gone, and that the only
ailable law is martial law, and the !
ly right, power The more we seek ]
law, when there is no law, the great {
will be our confusion. Law at best !,
4 slow process by which to recover
t possessions; to attempt to recov- 7
them under doubtful laws and 8
inst power, is futile.
some think that the question of re- f
lance is admissible in deciding our Il
lrse of action. But this is a grave
or, even if we had the power to re
and reasonable hope of success
resistance. For when a people re-
to the violence of war they should e
prepared to show to the world Just sa
Sc of war. What cause can we
m unless we say that we did not g
wv what we were fighting for in the Sc
; just ended. Sc
If duty resolves itself into two very "a
pie propositions, viz: relieve our Of
res from our present embarras- II
It's by returning to our allegiance, ~ ~
,ood faith, to the General Govern je,
1t under the process laid down by 70
Igress, or seek protection under Ia,
lie foreign government Those who 81
,rmine to remain should speed the IN
k of reconstruction, and put our tn
pie in condition to make their own an
, and choose their own officers for t tEI
r execution. ha
am one of the particularly dis ma
chised, for / have been informed ''
4 the highest authority that l am