The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-10-15
THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS.


From the ~. Y. Herald.
WASHINGTON, Oct. 12.-The same degree of
excitement does not seem to pervade the public
mind here, on political subjects, now, as was
observable during the past week or two; at least,
the outward manifestation of it IS not so strik-
ing at the present time. 1t would be an error,
OF course, 10 suppose from this that the deep in
terest usually felt in the progress of political
events, when the country Is involved in domestic
troubles, is failing in intensity; on the contrary
when the great national questions now dividing
the sentiment of the country are touched upon
in the course of conversation, the persistence
with which each clings to his own political theo-
ries, and the earnestness which charaCterizes his
expression of them, shows beyond doubt the
profound interest iet in the issue of the existing
national complications.
The probabilities of these differences being
brought to crisis during the coming winter
have been, and are yet, the absorbing topic of
discussion; and in nearly every case, supposing
that both Congress and the President are deter
mined to resist each other as long as the shadow
OF pretext caL be found in the Constitution
and the laws, the course likely to be pursued
by either is found to terminate In violence and
strife. The hope is generally expressed when
these matters are under discussion that, before
anything calculated to precipitate an armed
conflict between the two antagonistic branches
OF the Government is done, either one or the
other will hesitate in taking the fatal STEP and
thus hold the great question at issue in abey.
ance until it can be finally adjusted by the
expressed will of the people.
Many affect to disbelieve that the President
entertains the slightest intention to resort to
every means provided by the Constitution, in
order to maintain his position against what he
is convinced would be unwarrantable usurpa-
ton on the part of Congress. They assert that
the President has never plainly announced any
such determination; and that if he should
harbor any such purposes, when the time for
action came he would not dare to do anything
that would lead to open conflict. But the Presi-
dent has, not had any occasion to make public
his intentions in such an emergency; he has
spoken freely among his friends of what he
conscientiously believes TO be his duty, should
the executive powers and prerogatives be assailed
and his views and course of action have been
frequently made publicity himself in his last
veto message, which he informed Congress that
he did not mean to surrender the powers and
privileges conferred upon him by the Constitu-
tiOn, and by his friends on numerous occasions
since. The President has so repeatedly ex-
pressed his conviction that it is the solemn duty
OF the President to support and defend the Con-
stltutlon, that there is abundant reason to con-
clude that he will not tamely submit to be
forced aside from what lie believes to DC his
duty to the country.
can be no charges brought against him such as
the Constitution prescribes shall be the sole
grounds for impeaching the Presidents that such
those charging him with differing in affairs of
public policy with the dominant party in Con-
gress: Besides, Mr.. johnson believes that the
members composing the present Senate cannot
justly sit in judgment on his trial, even admit
ting that good and sufficient reasons for his i'm
ReaShme1t can be found Ser by " the House s OF
openly expressed 1T as their opinion that Mr..
johnson has been guilty of high crimes and mis-
demeanors, have denounced him in unsparing
terms on many public occasions, affirming that
he should be deposed from authority. The
President, it is understood, entertains the belief
| that trial of the President OF the United
! States should be conducted on principles OF as
! strict impartiality and justice as that of the
! most insignificant offender against the law.
| Who is there to guarantee justice and fair
| -, u AI,on ,xla,& ln 10
| peached and the Senate proceeds to judge his
! case, Notwithstanding his protest against their
| competency TO act as jurors therein, who has
the power to interfere for the purpose of secur-
| ing justice? The supreme law of the land pro-
! vides that the President may be impeached for
| certain specified offenses, and removed II found
! guilty. 1t also requires that certain forms for
| the attainment OF justice shall be observed in
! the trial. If these requisites are not complied
| with, the attempt TO arraign and bring to trial
| the Executive head of the nation is unlawful
| and therefore an act of resistance to the Gov
| ernment. The attempt to suspend the President
| from the functions Of his Office pending the
| trial would be inaictng the punishment before
the accused is found guilty, and therefore an act
| OF injustice. These are the principal views of
| the Impeachment question which are said to
have been expressed by the President at diff
terent times when in conversation with friends.
Mi. Johnson regards his official position as
one entrusted to him by the people, who require
| of him that no portion of the republic shall be
| oppressed by unequal or uncons titutioDal legis-
|
| people of the once Rebel States are as much In
| need OF defense and protection from party the
| leaders of which acknowledge that they are
| acting outside of the Constitution, as the Gov
| eminent was in need of defense and protection
| in 1861 from party which acted under similar
principles. The President sees that the country
has grown familiar with the fierce denInciations
which have, ever since the close of the war,
been hurled at the heads of the greatly SHINING,
but also severely punished Southern people:
and II any man raises his voice in their behalf
he Is at once branded as Copperhead, who Is
endeavoring to compass the destruction Of the
| Government. This denunCiation has had a
twoiold effect. Upon public men whose courage
was equal to their knowledge, it has had the
effect TO bring them into public disgrace, and
| thus deprive them OF their power to do good
and upon those whose courage was less than
their knowledge, it has had the effect of forcne
them into a tacit support of measures which
their own sense OF right and justice condemns.
In the case of the leaders Of the radicals
country and party seem to be synonymous; all
regard for the Constitution has been cast aside
and usurpation rei2ns supreme. The effect
upon the people of the confined belaborinG
OF the prostrated South has been equally per
nicioUs The popular sympathy being so con
stantly excited against the former Rebels by
leaders, the people have forgotten that the same
| crime against the Constitution of the country
| may be committed by those Who thus lead theil
Judgment astray. While the attention of tho
| people is kept fixed on the past errors of the
South, the President, doubtless, thinks he see,
the radical leaders betTaying their own trust
breaking their oath with the Constitution
which they are sworn to support protect, anC
| defend The people of the ten States of thu
| Union, whose crimes, though great, canuo
| make them other than brothers and American
citizens, are reduced to a condition as oppres