The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-06-21

We presume that, in view OF Ine dangers
which now menace the country, there will be
a general and hearty concurrence of sentiment
among all loyal men in favor of a meeting of
CONGRESS on the Sd of July. Each conservative
Republican must, we should think, recognize
the necessity for such meeting.
Labor and Capit0I-Mr. Wade's "JumP
Forward"
From The Times.
We imagined that the despatch published
the other day, from Lawrence, did Senator
Wade injustice. 1t seemed scarcely credible
that any man occupying his position would
arraign the inequality of wealth as wrong to
be remedied by legislation. We were not
willing to believe that the doctrine of dividing
property, and adding to the rewards of labor
by a legislative inroad upon the hoard of the
capitalist, is to be imported into our politics
and made the groundwork of future agitation.
1t is now apparent, however, that the Senator
has not been misrepresented. The telegraph
did not pervert his words. The letter we pub
lished yesterday, from our special correspon-
dent who was of the Senatorial party, more
than confirms the original statement.
Nor can Mr.. Wade's declarations be con-
founded with demands growing out of the
war, or the uses to which the war is put by
extremist agitators. When Mr. Stevens in
ssts upon confscation, it is a result of the war
and punishment of its promoters. He pro-
poses to make the property of Rebels pay for
the Rebellion and for the reward of Southern
loyalists, so-called, without in any manner
touching the general rights of property. So
is it also with Wendell Phillips. He contends
that the freedmen should be made sharers of
lands reclaimed and rendered valuable by
their enforced and unrewarded toll. Both
propositions are at variance with the usages of
modern war and the instincts of civilization,
and the adoption of either would imperil the
foundation in which all property rests. But
they are not presented by their authors in
this light or, perhaps, with any definite con-
ception of their certain tendency.
Mr.. Wade occupies altogether different
ground. He does not speak of the Rebellion
he considers that disposed of. He does not
dwell upon reconstruction and its penalties;
! these are, in his opinion, settled. He pro-
claims himself radical of the breed that is
always far ahead. The war has brought
the country up to his standard in respect of
slavery and the slaves. And, not content
with being in advance on the subject of
female suffrage, he proclaims that he is snow
ready to take another jump forward, il neces-
sary." We suppose he means necessary"
to justify his title as an ultra radical. For
conservatism in all its phases-co institutional
governmental, financial, social-he has no
thing but contempt; it is all hypocrisy and
cowardice."
This time Mr.. Wade's "jump forward" is
into chaos. lie passes over the heads of
Stevens and Phillips at single leap. He
springs from the domain of American repub-
licanism to the region of French socialism.
He does not in specific terms indorse Proud
hon and assert that property is theft, /" but
he assails the whole industrial and business
! fabric of the country, and sends forth PROPOSE
Of
goods, the limitation of capital, and the more
ample recompense of labor-al by the acts of
! Congress.
'The terrible distinction which exists " be-
tween the laborer and the capitalist is not a
discovery of which Mr.. Wade can claim the
credit. 1t is fact which has long engaged the
attention of thoughtful men, and sometimes
of philanthropists by no means profound in
thought. Missionaries have proposed to re-
move it by laws and combinations, and more
often by revolution; but in vain. The fact re-
mains and grows in its proportions. The folly
OF attempting to destroy it by legislation is,
however, conceded even in quarters where the
most insane forms of agrarianism and social
ism once found favor. Instead of invading
the sanctity of property, and SO uprooting
the great incentive to thrift and persevering
industry, the philosophy Of to-day addresses
itself to the power possessed by organized
labor to advance from a condition of depen-
dence and insufficient wages to one of com.
fort and independence. The cooperative prin-
ciple is doing for labor what violence or legis
lation never yet accomplished. The laborer:
themselves begin to comprehend the power
which is in their own keeping, and they are
manifold indications of movement in this
country towards a state of things which has
already yielded wonders in England, France
and Germany.
The cooperative movement, however, is essen
TALLY conservative movement. 1t recognizes
the rights and sanctity of property, to begin
with. 1t places no reliance upon acts of Par
lament or Congress, or upon the threats an6
promises OF demagogues. 1t aims at the eleva
tlon and enrichment Of labor by wise use o
the strength and means which are at its com
mand. IL mas no need of agitation or agita
tors. 1t disclaims dependence on politicians
And it works gradually patiently, and witha
peacefully, with q very proper contempt fo
the men who would pervert it to the purpose
, of a reckless partisanship.
The President of the Senate. with all hi
advanced radicalism is long way behind tn
cooperative workers in his political econom'
3 and his sagacity. Compared with their prac
tieal wisdom, his talk at Lawrence is as tn
empty defamation Of demagogue, who, con
sciously or unconsciously, is endeavOrng Il
raise spirit which will not lie down at hi
e bidding. He calls for Congressional legisla
: tion that shall shorten the hours OF labor and
: at the same time increase its pay. He de
Q clares that "a more equal distribution of capi
tal must ba wrOuobf ont ~ and that nm