The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1867-03-15

is to change the entire structure and
character of the State governments and
compel them by force to the adoption
OF organic law and regulation, which
they are unwilling to adopt.
Ifleft to themselves, the negroes will
not ask for the privilege of voting.
The vast majority of them havenO idea
of what it means. This not only
thrusts it into their hands, but compels
them as well as whites to use it in q
particular way, and if they donot form
a constitution with prescribed articles
in it, and afterwards elect legislature
which will act on certain measures In
the prescribed way, neither blacks nor
whites can be relieved from the slavery
which the bill imposes upon them.
Without pausing here to consider the
policy or impolicy of Africanising the
Southern part of our territory, would
simply ask the attention OF Congress to
that manifest, well-known and univer-
sally acknowledged rule ofConstitution-
al law, which declares that the Federal
Government has no Jurisdiction, au-
thority or power to regulate such sub
jects for any State. TO force the right
of suffrage out of the hands ofthe white
people, and into the hands of negroes,
is an arbitrary violation of this princi-
pie.
This bill imposes martial law at once,
and its operation will begin so soon as
the General and his troops can be placed.
The dread alternative between its harsh
rule and compliance with the terms of
this measure is not suspended, nor are
the people afforded any time for free
deliberation. The bill says to them
! take martial law first and then deliber-
ate. And when they have done all
that this measure requires them to do,
other conditions and contingencies, ov-
er which they have no control, yet re-
main to be fulfilled before they can be
relieved from martial law. Another
Congress must tirstapprove of the Con-
stitution made in conformity with the
will of this Congress and must declare
these States entitled to representation
in both Houses. The whole question
remains open and unsettled and must
again occupy the attention ofCongress,
and in the emeantimetheag agitation which
now prevails will continue to disturb
all portions of the people. The bill al
so denies the legality of the govern
ments of the ten States which partici-
pated in the ratification of the amend
ment to the federal Constitution abol-
ishing slavery forever within the juriS-
diction of the United States, and practi
cally excludes them from the Union.
If this assumption ofthebill be correct.
their concurrence cannot be considered
as having been legally given, and the
important fact is made to appear that
the consent Of 3-fourths of the States,
the requisite number, has not been con-
stitutiOnly obtained to the satisfaction
of that amendment, thus leaving the
question of slavery where it stood be-
fore the amendment was officially de-
clared to have become apart of the Con-
stitution. That the measure proposed
by this bill violates the Constitution in
the particular mentioned, and in many
ways, Twill not enumerate,) is too clear
to admit of the least doubt. 1t only
remains to consider whether the injunc-
ton of the instrument nughttO be obey
ed or not. l think they ought to be
obeyed for reasons which | will pro-
ceed to give as briefly as possible. In
the first place it is the only system of
have as nation when it ceases to be
GIle vi OuI WC may POA-
haps take our choice between complete
anarchy, consolidated monarchy and
total dissolution of the Union; but
National Liberty, regulated by law,
will have passed beyond our reach. 1t
is the best form of government the
world ever saw. No other is, or can be
so we'll adapted to the genius, habits
or wants of the American people. Com
bining the strength of the great empire
with the unspeakable blessings of local
self-govTnments, having controlling
power to defend the general interests,
and recognizing the authority of the
State as the guardians of Industrial
rights. 1t is the spot-anchor OF our
safety abroad and our peace at home.
1t was ordained to form more perfect
Union, e. tablishjustice, insure domestic
tranquility, promote the general well
fare, provide for the common defense,
and secure the blessings of liberty to
ourselves and our posterity. These
great ends have been attained hereto
fore and will be again by faithful obed-
ience to it, and they are certain to be
lost if we treat with disregard its sacred
obligations. 1t was to punish the gross
crime of defying the Constitution and
vindicate its supreme authority, that
we carried on bloody war of four yeas
duration. Shall we now acknowledge
that we sacrificed a million of livesand
expended billions of treasure to enforce
a Constitution which is not worthy of
respect and preservation?
Those who advocated the right of Sc
cession alleged, in their own justifica-
ton, that we had no regard for law,
and that their right of property, life
and liberty would not be safe under
the Constitution as administered by
us. Ifwenow verify their assertion,
we prove they were in truth and fact
fighting for their liberty, and instead OF
branding their leaders with the dishon-
oring name of traitors against a right
eous, legal, government, we elevate
them in history of self-sacrificing patri-
OTIS, consecrate them to the admiration
of the world, and place them by the
side of Washington, Hampden and
Sidney.
No. Let us leave them to the infamy
they deserve, punish them as they
should be punished according to law,
and take upon ourselves no share Of a
Union which they should bear alone.
1t is part of our public history which
can never be forgotten, that both
Houses of Congress in July, 1861, de-
clared in the form of a solemn resolu-
ton, that war was and should be car
ried on for no purpose of subjugation,
but solely to enforce the Constitution
and laws, and when this was yielded
by parties in rebellion, and control
should cease with the constitutional
rights of the States and individuals un-