New-York tribune., 1867-08-07

CaITln thtIn
Those bills were introduced and supported by Liberal
Ministries because 1T was believed that the strength
of the Liberal party would receive very large acces
slOns from this class of intelligent wOrkingen, and
they were opposed by the Tories for the same
1t was considered that the success of any one of
those measures would have destroyed, for time GER
tany all chance of the ascendency of the COnserva
tive party and would have put the Government of
England in the hands of the Liberal party, still
further hberalzed by the accession OF great number
of constituents known to possess Radical opinions.
do not by this statement mean to deny that these
measures of Reform supported and opposed on
other grounds that either party doubted that the
good of the country really was to be secured by its
triumph. But am stating how the Reform question
was regarded and dealt with as a measure of party
politics, and what were the considerations which, If
they were not the most powerful at least
to mems minds. If the two parties were to be judged
by their leaders, broad discrimination would have
to be made between them; for while ever
doubted the sincerity of Mr. Gladstone no one ever
suspected Mr.. Disraeli of conviction, or imputed
to him an opinion which he not ready TO support
or To abandon, exactly as either might contribute
most TO the success of his political schemes Still,
men are neither good nor bad in classes, and the
Tory squires have creed which may be much less
enlightened but is not less genuine than the prin-
cipes of their Liberal opponents.
AS party measure, then, Reform was consistently
supported by Liberals and consistently opposed by
Tories. Reform bill was as much the private
property of Earl Russell Tariff bill was the pecu
liar charge of Henry Clay. The measures proposed
in successive years differed detail, but they had
this common characteristics they all dealt with the
existing constituency of Parliament as body that
was to be enlarged by limited number OF, voters
from specified class, and of character well ascer-
tanned Down to the overthrow of the last Ministry,
and till the meeting of Parliament in the beginning
of this year, that was what Reform bill under
stood to mean. 1t was not believed that Tory Min
istTy could desire to bring in bill which should
answer to this character which should be, IN
the language of Mr.. Bright an honest bill.D
1t was, nevertheless, considered that the pres
sure of public opinion would compel them
to offer at the beginning of the session some measure
of an ilusOry character; that they would be beaten
it, upon the distinct ground of its narrOwness, or
its dishonesty and that the Russell Ministry would
return TO power TO introduce again the measure of
last year. with such notifications as circumstances
might demand Lord Derby is reported TO have SAID
before Parliament assembled: If we don't bring IN
a bill shall be out in fortnight, and II we do we
shall be out before Easter
to speak of the Ministry and Parliament together as
having drifted into policy which neither, at the
outset, contemplated as possible result OF leglsla-
ton, much less intended to put into statute. II is
natural TO base such theory upon the events OF the
session but think it fairly questionable whether
Mr. Disraeli is much astOunded at the position IN
which he finds himself as is generally supposed.
meant to keep office by any possible means
and that the by which he has kept office viz,
the bill of to-day is measure satisfactory 70 the Tory
leaders, though at the start would have been scout
ed by all OF them, as 1t was by Lord CranboTne Gcn
Peel, and Lord CarnaryOn; when 1t was 50 developed
by successive amendments that its real tendency be-
came manifest The latter, by their retirement from
the Ministry, have earned reputation for fidelity to
principles. which has brought them small measure
who remain compose Ministry which has sacrificed
everything for office, and which, in order TO per
petuate the existence of the Tory party as a
political power has abandoned the ideas which were
the breath of its existence. And here we arrive at
the secret of the present BILL and the explanation of
the alarm with which il is received by Liberal pOti
clans. 1t cOnfers the franchise, not only upon the
wOrkingmen whO are a Reinforcement TO the Lib
erals, but upon some hundreds OF thousands OF Ia
oTa Do O1 'e Or With NO poca
opinions, no education, no intelligence upon pubic
aairs and whose votes the Tories expect TO control
by their influence as land owners, or purchase ont
right by bribery This is the residuum" which MIR.
Bright breads.
Walter Bagehot one of the latest and abest
her statesmen nave to deal with a community IN
which primitive barbarism hes as recognized basis
TO acouired civilization What this Reform bill
does is TO transfer political power from the acquired
civilization TO the primitive barbarism. The result
of a revolution tremendous no man pretends to
announce by any precise and intelligble pre-
diction. Mr.. Lowe sees in it the disappomt-
1en I6 the shame e GG OF fg 1 g ma
qualifying with many forms of reiteration his
assent to the principle of the b-that is to House
hold Sutirage-speaks in the same sense as the
writer whom have quoted above, -" Looking" he
saws, to the factlamentable indeed, but which no
man can deny-that there is class, hope class
constantly diminishing III number the extension of
the franchise 10 whom can probably he of no adyan-
tage TO themselves 10 the country at present,
should have been willing TO consent 10 some prOpO-
sition which fell short of household suffrage pure
and simple And he responds 10 Mr.. Loves Grafton
of despair with nothing more confident than the
expression of hope at any rate, these walls Will
not inclose anything in the shape of Parliament
that is less worthy of great nation than the Paria-
ment which is tonight assembled (which s re-
mark that may be said to have two edges. Mr.. Glad
stone sits silent.
We in America have been accustomed to regard
Mr. Bright as a statesman, who believed in equal
rights IN a sense not very unlike that IN which an
American statesman accepts them. But II we desire
to understand English politics will not do to INSIST
upon analogles drawn from our own experience. IL
is a maxim with us that the People may be trusted
power is in every instance exercised with lntallbe
wisdom But III the long run, the popular Judgment
is the true one and governments more or less sue
cessfu in proportion 1t expresses and executes the
will of the people whose consent II ~ based. with
u.s. those are fundamental and common place max
inns. fear that few can be found IN England 10
assent TO them; and American unless he lives IN
New-YOrk where local self-gOyernmont is owing 10
exterior causes failure does not readily understand
the enormous disparity in the intelligence OF different
classee In this country which compels an Engishman
10 qualify his faith in the people at large. Let us
try TO imagine New York diffused throughout the Re-
public; may then arrive at a conception Of what
universal suffrage would be in England. There as
are o minority. We have therefore thought II neces-
sary 20 put the city under guardianship of the State
IL il were proposed to this order and suTTen-
der the State TO the control Of the Common Council
of New York City, the emotions we should experience
might help us 10 comprehend the alarm of really
Liberal men in looking forward to the possible re-
suits of the Reform bill OF to-day. q, W. s.
THE DUBLIN UNIVERSITY.
On the oath there was an adjourned debate
Oh Mr.: Fawcett's motion 10 throw open the fellowship
and scholarships Of Trinity College, Dublin, to Others
than members of the Established Church The most
ol.ta fha