The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-08-23

the Presidency we're intended 10 be, or should
be, the reward of simple suffering in good
cause would be well founded. But the Presi-
dency ought to be nothing Of the kind Mr:
Johnson himself Is the result OF this mode OF
compensatng martyrs, and IL is generally at-
mitted that he is not satisfactory result; ana
"a this time of confusion and uncertainty
thing can well be more unfortunate than
no distraction of the public mind by Oandi-
Ine who owe their appearance in the Held
oates to the fact that they have received
NANNY IN at his hands. Nobody can deny,
perseeuUN Q, the brilliancy and value of the
lor nssSnT oh both Sheridan and Stanton
soIyloes S' Ia msn to the country; but then, when
nave renaSIeu = now talked of for the Presi-
slIner s Vi SIeh ~, both begin to be talked of
oen9y 9 5osI st ~ so much because of the
SpiIIiancv and value OF their services as Of
Mr.. JohnsOn's hOstih ~ tbat - u di.AS
manner in the discussA ;. oIa;ras 20 nOT S sSinS
on touching General Cram ",4ai ,,J "nJ I
every day grows hercer, hIs oondarv imnort-
qualities are treated as OF - Lin1 - a.
ance the absence of hostility Il lia. a.t on INC
part of Mr.. Johnson occupying h ILss pl%co'
Another way in which Mr.. 0MusOn
proving misChievous is in retrieving no toPe-
tation of the impeachers. 1t is not n UPOSS!
BILE that Congress may find itself compel oS,
he perseveres in his present course, be. ore
it has done with him to go to extremes, aA"
actually depose him from Office. But Con-
gress cannot do this without indirectly raising
the reputation of the men who got up tho
impeachment cry year ago, and who, as
politicians, are perhaps as little qualified to
inspire or direct great public movement i'm
trOublOus times as any set of men who have
ever secured places in the government of q
free country. In the wisdom or discretion Of
Messrs. Ashley and Butler the public has now
little confidence, and we believe the success
of such men in deposing the President, ON
such evidence as they have had to offer at
any time during the last year, would have
been real misfortune, which our ohildren's
children would have had cause to rue; and
yet if Mr.. Johnson has yet to be impeaohed or
deposed, the effect will be to secure the inn
peaohers high reputation for sagaoity and
foresight, and to endow them with an amount
of influence which, during the next year or
two, they are almost certain to abuse.
MIR. Johnson is mischievOus also in this
that small, feeble, and insignificant though ho
be, the precautions which it is necessary To
take against him are likely to become prece-
dents, and to lead to serious changes in the
character of the Government. The powers
which Mr.. Lincoln was unavoidably allowed to
assume during the war, combined with the
goodness of his character, had the effect of
greatly exalting the executive, and correspond
ingly depressing the legislature. 1t was his
seeing these powers welded by his predecessor
which have caused the present difficulties, and
it is his assupmton of them which has led to
his being despoiled not only of his usurped,
but also of most of his ordinary authority.
The executive, as Congress has now left it, is
but shadow of it's former self, and should no
reaction take place in the public mind, it will
doubtless soon begin to seem useless to keep
it up in its present condition. II would
be absurd to pay an ordinary man, selected
for almost anything but his wisdom, $4,000
year, with a free house, for writing
out his opinions on the affairs of the nation
once year in message, and this is really all
that the President now has to do. To be sure
he has still the power of ''suspending" officials
but it remains to be seen whether even the ex-
ercise of this pOwerunde certain circumstances
may not lead to his own disposition. We NAV
be sure that If Mr.. Johnson should be turned
out of Office either for suspendng Stanton or
removing Sheridan, none of his successors will
ever exercise even this shadow of authority
unless he has Congress overwhelmingly ON
his side, and if Congress has to be overwheIm-
ingly on the Presidents side to enable him to
exercise his functions, what becomes of the
of the Executive, and why not
abolish it altogether, and let the Legislature
do as the English Parliament does-elect its
own prime minister, and turn him out when
he fails to give satisfaction
We are not finding fault beforehand with anv
measures which Congress, when it meets.
may deem it advisable to take for the public
safety. We feel quite satisfied, after all that
has happened, that it will do neither more nor
less than may be necessary. But we think
it desirable that Congress, as we'll as the
public, should remember that whatever is done
with regard to Mr. johnson will serve the
purpose of precedent as regards his success
sors and that, therefore, the effect upon the
structure of the Government of all steps
taken in his case should be carefully con-
sdered. This is not time to legisate under
the guidance of enthusiasts like Mr.. Stevens
or Mr.. Boutwell,, or partisans like General
Butler; and by enthusiasts we mean simply
persons whose feelings overbsar their reason.
and by partisans persons who are more
anxious for victory than for either truth or
justice.