The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-11-28

the laSt TWO years, anu pTeSeHlcu spcCIa0lo .h"o
has 10 example here, and none i'll England since
the era OF the Stuarts, began with the advent OF
the present Chief Magistrate. The catastrophe
that lighted him to his place, while 1t smote the
heart OF the nation with grief and horror was the
last expiring armed effort of the insurrectlon Inc
capital of the rebel government had fallen; lts
chiefs fugitives; its flag Was in the dust; the
strife Of arms had ceased. The hosts that had
been gathered for the overthrow Of this nation
had either melted away IN defeat and disaster or
passed under the conquering hand OF the republic
The extraordinary mission of the Executive was
fulfilled. Although, us the commander-ln-cnef
he might possibly treat with belhgerent III
arms the cessation of the war in the overthrow OF
the rebellion, and the unconditional surrender OF
the armies, had determined that power 10 hold
the conquered territory within our military grasp
until the sovereign power of The nation vestlng III
the representatives the same which had glrt the
sword upon the thigh Of the Executive and placed
the resources of the country, IN men ana money,
at his command, should be ready to declare It's
will in relation to tho rebels it had conquered was
all that remained for him to do. But the duties OF
this sovereign we're not yet at an end AN extent
OF territory of almost continental dimensions, des
olated by war; but still swarmng with millions OF
people, was at our feet awaiting the sentence
which il had deserved. :,
The local governments swept away, as they had
BEEN in the opinion of the President himself, by
the whirlwind of the rebellion were IN rulns Whle
communities were in anarchy, the courts outlaw
ed the social tic dissolved, system OF pretendeu
laws existing in deadly conflict with the law OF the
conoueror people subdued, but sullen and full
of hate and hostile ever to the power tnat hau
overthrown them loyal clement asking I0r Pro-
teciion. new and anomalous relation without a
parallel in history about which the wlsest OF
statesmen might well hesitate and differ, superln-
duced fratricda strifes that had ruptured tne OIL
einal ties and paced its objects in the conditlon OF
public enemies; a large army to be hsDanoed, ana
such indulgenC extended, such punishment IN
ficted. and such security demanded for the 1nture
as the interests of peace and justice might require
Never IN the history of this or any other state
have questions more numerous anu VITAL, lnore ue-
cate or difficult requiring grayer delDeratlon OF
involving the exercise of higher governmental
powers presented themselves for the consideration
of people, and never was Congress conVoKed IN
a more serious crisis OF State. Inc dutles ana
responsi,i,ties of the men who formed ana organ
lied the Union of these States, and OF those who
assembled here in 1861 to consult upon and pro
vide the means for suppresslng this great repei-
lion, we're as nothing in the comparison, and de-
manded certainly no higher saSacity and no broad
er wisdom than the task of bringing back the dis
membered States and fusing these jarring and
discordant elements into one harmonious whole.
For this great work the supreme Executive OF
the nation, even though he had been endowed by
nature with the very highest OF organizing facul,
ties. was obviously untitled by the very nature of
his Office If Mr.. Lincoln had survived, 1t ls not
to be doubted, from his habitual Difference to the
pubic will that although q citizen OF loyal state
and enjoying the public confidence in the highest
possibie degree he would have felt it to be his
duty to convoke the representatives OF the people
to Law down his sword IN their presence and to re-
fer it to their enlightened and patriotic Judgment
to decide what was to be done with the territories
and people that had been brought under the au-
thorlty of the Government oy our arms.
The bloody hand of treason unfortunately moved
him away in the very hour OF the nations triumph.
But if these were reasons which could have made
this duty an imperative one with him, how power,
fully were they reinforced by the double effect OF
the tragedy that not only deprived the nation oil
its trusted head, but cast the reins OF Government
upon a successor. The new President was him.
self in the doubtful and delicate position OF q
citizen of one of the revolving States which were
to be summoned for judgment before the bar OF
the American people. 1t was perhaps natural that
he should sympathize with the communities from
which he he'd mainly differed only on prudential
reasons, or in other words, as to the wisdom OF
the revolt at that particular juncture OF affairs.
II other arguments had not suffined to convince
him of the necessity of referring all these great
questions to the only tribunal on earth that had
the power to decide thom, it ought to have been
sufficient that he owed alike his honor and his
accidental powers to the generous confidence OF the
loyal States. He expected, OF course, that they
would insist-as they had right to do-upon such
conditions a. would secure to them, If not lndem-
nty for the past at least the amplest securities for
the future. Instead, therefore, OF conyoklng the
Congress OF the Unied States to deliberate upon
made up his mind to undertake that mighty task
himself, to forestal the Judgment and the wishes
of the oyal people, and TO neutrall2e tho power TO
undo his work by bringing in the rebel States
themselves to participate in the deliberations upon
any and all questions which might be LEFT Tor set
tement.
To effect this object he issues his imperial pro-
carnations, beginning with that of the 29th of
May in virtue, as he says, OF his double authority
as President of the United States and commander
l.. 80 80 1aolo orin OnVQrnmnntS
of these States to have pershed. creating, under
tho denomination OF Provisional Governors. civil
Offices unknown to The law, appointing to these
offices men who were notoriously disqualified, by
reason of their participating In the rebellion, from
holding any office under this Government, and yet
allowed to hold the same and exercise the duties
thereof at salaries fixed by himself and PAID out OF
tho contingent fund of one OF the departments IN
clear violation of the acts of July I'd, 1862 and 9TH
of February 1868. Declaring, moreover, at the
same time, that the government OF these States
had been destroyed, he assumes it to be his in
dividual right as being himself the State, rather
the United States, to execute the guaranty OF the
Constitution by providing them with new ones,
and accordingly directed his pretended Govcr-
nors to order Conventions OF such OF the people as
it was his pleasure TO Indicate, TO make consttu-
tions for them, on such terms and with such pro-
visions as were agreeable to himself Unprovidcd,
however, of course, in the absence OF Congress,
with the necessary resources to meet tile ex-
DonSCS OF tDCSc OTBil!ZllIOIlS, HUI Oull ulcCtS
the payment of portion OF them out OF the con-
tingent fund of the War Department. but with
boldncss unequalled even by Charles L. when he.
too, undertook to reign without parliament, pro-
vides for deficit by authorizing the Seizure OF
property and the appropriation OF moneys belong
lug to the Government, and directing his Cover
nors to levy taxes for the same purpose from the
subject people.
The further reading Of the report was dis
penscd with, excepting the conclusion, as follows
In acc ,rdance with the testimony herewith sub
mitted and the view Of tho law herein presented
the committee are Of opinion that Andrew john
son President of the United States Is guilty OF
high crimes and misdcmeanors requiring the
interpostion of the constitutional powers OF this
House.
In that upon the fina surrender of the rebel ar
miles, and the overthrow of the rebel government,
the said Andrew Johnson, President OF the United
States, neglected to convene the Congress OF the
United States, that by its aid and authority legal
and constitutional measures might have been
adopted for the organization OF loyal and cons.itu-
tional governments in the States then recently III
rebellion.
In that in his proclamation to the people Of
North Carolina of the 29th day OF May, 1865, he
assumed that he had authority to decide whether
the government of North Carolina, and whether
any other government that might be set up there
in, was republican in form, and that in his office
of President it was his duty and within his power
guarantee to said people republican form OF
government, contrary to the constitution, which
provides that tho United States shall guarantee to
every State in this Union republican form of gov
ernment, and contrary also to deliberate opinion
of the supreme Court, which declared that Con-
gress is invested exclusively with the power TO de-
eide whether the government OF a State is republ-
can or not.
In that he did thereafter reorg lnize and treat i
plan OF government set up III North Carolina un-
der and III conformity to his OWN advice and dircr-
ton, as republican in form. and entirely restored
to IFS functions as i S,ate, Notwithstanding Con-
gress ) the braneh Of :hc government IN which,
by the constitution. such power ls exclusively
vested and Notwithstanding Congress did refuse
to recognize such government as n legitimate gov
ernment, or as government republican in form.
In that by public proclamation and otherwise
he did, in the year 1865, invite solicit AMI convene
in certan Cthe, States then recently in rebellion
conventions Of p.rsons, many OF whom were known
traitors who had been olsani4 ID ii IN attempt to
overthrow the Government Of the United States,