The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-06-11

and principles are almost nature to the child
of the nineteenth century, which were abso
lutely unknown to the sages of Greece and
Rome. But we fight on the grand scale STILL
There is no worlds court of appeal to which
the fierce disputes of nations may be carried.
The Prospects Abroad,
From the World.
"Agglomerations," to use the word which
the Emperor of the French substitutes for
the long-favored term of "nationalities" bid
fair to become the universal law of political
organism. With the unifcation of Italy and
of Germany small States have been almost
entirely erased from the map of Europe, and
an immense stride has been made towards the
realization of the doctrines, based partly on
chronological theory, partly on patriotic ex-
altation, which Kossuth, Mazzini, and the
advanced school of reformers in general, so
zealously proclaim to be the sole means of
political regeneration and social advance
ment. At the antipodes, Australia is growing
up into one of the future great empires of the
earth. On this side of the Atlantic, the CEN
tripetal and centrifugal forces, which since
the close of the Revolutionary war have been
struggling with more or less intensity, have
finally met in death-grapple, and so com
plete has been the victory of the one as to
orbit has not been completely changed, aud
that we are not doomed to terminate our
career in the central fire of despotism. How
ever this may be- the principle of aggregation
is in America, as in the rest of the world,
triumphant over the tendency to division and
to contracted fabrics of government.
Thus far the victory of nationality" has
not been productive OF those fruits of univer-
sal brotherhood and beatitude which have
been predicted. The great changes of terrific
rial distribution have been effected by the
time -honored method of arms, not by moral
suasion or the preachings of republican exiles.
Consequently, the new nationalities have
taken the shape of military monarchies. The
exertion of force has rendered it more difficult
to keep the ways of peace in future. Alarm
at the display of newly awakened powers agi-
tates jealous potentates, and causes additional
exertiOns to increase military efficiency. The
first result of German unity is to convert
France into an arsenal and a camp. The
great nation, of which Frederick said, were he
the King, not gun should be fired in Europe
without his consent, cannot tamely resign
the European hegemOny to this king
dom of yesterday. Hence, on the one
side somewhat ostentatous reports of
the marvellous performances of the
Chassepot gun and the copper field
piece, while the other, not less significantly,
points to the attested efficiency of the needle
gun and the contemplated application of its
principles to artillery. France is sanguine of
repeating Jena, and Prussia, fresh from Sadowa
dreams of Rosbach and Waterloo, which the
Berliners regard as no less victory of Blucher
than of Wellington. With such ideas floating
about in the heads of two nations, and worse
STILL of two great armies, a bloody trial of
strength can hardly be avoided at more re-
mote period, Notwithstanding the adjustment
of the Luxembourg question.
In logical extension of the ideas of "na-
tionalty" fertile causes of quarrel are to be
found when occasion suits. Doubtful and
obscure as the whole question of race is to one
who reflects how ineXtricably blended are the
successive waves of migration and of conquest;
how various, and even how antagonistic, are
provinces of the same nominal nationality;
what opposite characteristics mark the Lom-
bard and the Sicilian, the Andalusian and the
Catalonian, the Tyrolese and the Hanoverian,
no faltering hesitation will arrest the progress
of an iron-willed statesman like Bismark or
prevent his marching straight on TO the fulfil
ment of his work, until the fatherland embraces
all the regions where the Teutonic speech is
heard. Holland and Denmark may, when the
time is ripe, be brought into the fold in virtue
OF common origin and similar language. The
same plea will serve France tor incorporating
Belgium, while the Unsuitable appetite of Russia
will demand the provinces to which the
SclavOnic tongue or the Greek religion gives
her a claim OF affinity. Under these legitimate
consequences of the principle of nationality
and of races, there are seeds enough of future
wars to explain the ardor with which kings
and kaisers are arming, and to justify an indef-
mite postponement of the millennium.
In whatever way the trial of strength may
end, there is little prospect of any increase of
rational freedom. A continuance or even in
crease of gigantic armaments, and constant
state of hostile watchfulness, are not likely to
be favorable to internal reform or constitu-
tional education. Should Prussia overcome
France in the wager Of battle, and succeed in
fusing the whole German speaking people into
one compact and manageable power, she will,
with her admirable martial organization, and
probable future maritime development, become
undoubtedly the most formidable of European
States. The remarkable vigOr of her growth,
and the elan with which she has seized her
present position, seem to indicate the upward
couEse of one of those great States which have
at different periods OVershadOwed the rest OF
Europe, and provoked coalitions to restrain
their inordinate ambition. All the great
powers have had alliances formed against
them. The House of Austria, both in its
| Spanish and German branches, was thought
| dangerous to national independence, and both
| Henry of Navarro and Richelieu strove to form
| a general combination against it. France
| under Louis XIV and Napoleon, Great Britain
| in our Revolution, and Russia in the Crimean
| war. have had to contend with the united
| forces of Jealous rivals. Prussia, welding the
mower of the medieval German empire, and
| guided by the genius of Bismark and Won
| Moltke, may well appear formidable enough
| 10 call forth a new coalition.