Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1867-04-26

uneA pected transaction, forbear to fasten
upon it hostile construction or to insist
upon rights and interests which are incapa-
bic OF being maintained.
Another Important Letter from General
I.ongstreet.
| New ORLEANS, April g.
To the Editor Of the Netr O, leans Times ::
Since your publication of LILY letter many
questions have reached me as to the proS-
poets of our political future and our duties
at this crisis. My former letter was inten-
ded to meet all questions, and was as much
in detail as mere soldier should venture
in field entirely new to him. have no
inclination, however, to avoid duties or re-
sponsibllities, whatever may be the form in
which they are presented.
But to attempt, at this time a general
discussion OF the merits and dement's of all
matter that is thought to be material to the
subject, which absorbs our interest, would
req lire more time and labor than are at
my disposal. Besides, such discussion
would leave us just where our armies sur
rendered. [ must ask, therefore, that
those who are inclined to consider my
views, will excuse the "bluntness of a sol
dier''
The surrender of the Confederate armies
!
l. The surrender QfH claim to the right
Of secession.
2. The surrender of the former political
relations of the negro.
3. THE su1Temtler Of tie 1Souhle7w Con-
fe0eracy
These issues expired upon the fields last
occupied by the Confederate armies. -
There they should have been buried. -
The soldier prefers to have the sod that re-
ceives him when he falls cover his remains.
The political questions of the war should
have been buried upon the fields that
marked their end. Our most cherished OBJ
jects of this earth, blood of our blood, life
of our life, if not duly deposited as or
dained by an allwise Providence, become
offensive. So must it be with this dead
matter. If the last funeral rites of the
Southern Confederacy have not been per-
formed, let us, with due solemnity, proceed
to the discharge of that painful duty, and
let us deposit in the same grave the agony
Of our grief, that we may the better pre-
pare ourselves for a return to the duties of
this life.
It may be we'll to remark that our efforts
at reconstruction will be vain unless we
embark in the enterprise with the sincerity
of purpose which will command success
Great deeds are not accomplished by the
cold support of Indifferent approval they
must be built of ''sterner stuff" We must
apply ourselves with diligence and with
united resolution, if we hope to lift the
darkness that threatens our future, and Sc
cure comfortable issue from the difficult
| ties that surround us.
| The fabian policy seems to be the one
most III favor amongst us +; tamiliarly term
ed the system of mastery inactivity. -
| This policy has achieved great notOriety
from the fact that d distinguished Roman
| general (Fabius Maximus,l at the head of
well-organized and we'll disciplined army,
by his superior strategy and tactics, delay
| ed the progress of the march of the Cartha-
genians and saved Rome. That We Can as
sumo to be in condition to employ mas
terly inactivity . without the organization
of a political party, or even the organiza-
tion of q political club, is beyond my un-
derstanding We might better be ikened
unto the bird that Conceals its head into
the sand, and at once begins to grieve at
the danger to its pursuers, who are now
! left alone i'll the vast desert.
Before we undertake to change the course
| of impending dangers, we should endeavor
to remove all obstacles that they may be
likely to impede our progress in the work
of reconstruction. The chief of these is the
opinion that prevails, to some extent
amongst our people, that we cannot do
right. [ have no doubt but the same feel
ing, with regard to themselves, may be
found amongst the Northern people. Both
sections are laboring under misapprehen-
sions which they should strive to correct.
Both are subject to the frailties of human
nature, and each should extend charity if
they expect it in return. Let us then, be-
| gin to dispel the delusion, and see if we
can establish our claim to greatness.
It is now too late to go back to look after
our rights under the law and the Constitu-
ton. 1t is of no practical Importance for
us to know whether we have been deprived
of these rights by lawful OF unlawful pro-
cesses We know that they are gone, and
that the only available law is martial law,
and the only right, power. The more We
ask for law, when there is no law, the
greater will be our confusion. Law at best
is slow process by which to recover lost
possessions to attempt to recover them
under doubtful laws and against power, is
futile.
Some think that the question of resist
ance is admissible in deciding our course
of action. But this is a grave error, even
| if we had the power to resist and a reason
able hope of successful resistance. For
when people resort to the violence Of war
they should be prepared to show to the
world Just cause tor war. WHAT course can
we claim unless we say that We did not
know what we were fighting for in the war
just ended.
Our duty resolves itself into two very sim
pie propositions, viz: Relieve ourselves
from our present embarrassments by re-
turning to our allegiance, in good faith, to
the general government under the process
laid down by Congress-, or seek protection
under some foreign government. Those
who determine to remain shonld speed the
work of reconstruction, and put our peO-
pie in condition to make their own laws
and choose their own officers for their exc
cution.
lam one of the particularly disfran-
chised, for I have been informed by the
highest authority, that I am one of those
who will be the last to receive amnesty. [
regard this as one of the results that be-
long to the hazards of revolution and l
have no better cause of complaint than
those who have lost their slaves
It is frequently said nowadays, that
CONSTITUTIONAL government is failure, but
thescause and effect are not appreciated
If there is failure, the fault is with the