The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-03-13
CHARL Els TON.
WEDNESDAY MORNING, MARCH 1s, 1857.
UNIVERSAL suFFRAGE-oUR DUTY.


UNIVERSAL sUFFRAGE-oUR DUTY.
We do not desire to disguise the difficulties with
which universal suffrage surrounds US. Forced upon
us in manner calculated if not intended, to Wound
the most natural susceptibiGtes OF proud and
sensitive people, called into exercise so hurr'eoy
and 40 unguardedy that the best interests
are perilled by its sudden and Ignorant acaon' ls
will require all our patience, and WISDOM, anu
self-control to prevent immediate evil but Leu US
remember that this very institution OF slavery was
not our choice-that it was estabhsheo "ltnou'
onr consent, and supported and fostered by our
| Northern friends for the profits which the slave
trade rave them. If the problem was now to es-
tab]ished slavery instead Of to abolish, it would
look eoually difficult in advance. But we founo
il and we dealt with it. What we made OF it the
world sees now; and if to-day four millions OF
slaves have. without violence, been converted into
! free men, it is because their long discipline
had taught them industry, obedience 70 la"'
and the elements Of christian truth. MUCH as
we owe to their years Of labor, both they and
| the United States owe it to us this day thAt
their emancipation has been effected without
min and bloodshed. Slavery was forced upon
! ns and as we used it the result was prosperity
to the country, wealth and power to the master,
and a steady elevation of character to the slave.
Now. if the North forces upon us emancipation and
snfraee. we are of the same blood as our fathers,
and where they left off we can begin. They made
of the African savage an intelligent and christian
laborer. We can make of the freedman content
ed and useful citizen. The North l6st it's interest
in the slave when he ceased to be to them means
of profit the same North will lose its interest in
the freedman when he ceases to be an instrument
of political power. And just as soon 90 the former
| master and the present freedman understand each
other-ust as soon as they both feel that they can
not escape from each other-that they must either
live together kindly or they must both perish
mserably-he will no longer be an object Of zeal to
fanatics or demagogues. = -.
The task before us is not an easy one. The first
great difficulty which will meet us is this. The
freedman will not be left to his natural feelings,
nor to the legitimate influences which surround
him. Suffrage has been given him not for his
benefit or ours; but avowedly to furnish political
power to others, he is made o citizen to supplant
the State; he is made freeman to take away hber:
ty from others. The men who have made him Tor
use will try to use him. ...,rs..
The next difficulty is, that the ignorance Of the
great mass Of the,new voters will afford both Gu:
couragement and opportunity to those who will
wish to use them for selfish and sinister purposes.
There are, especially in our cities, thousands fin
teIligent freedmen, many Of whom have been free
for more than one generation, who are to day cap
able of the temperate and judiciouB exercise Of
their right Of suffrage. But the vast majority Of
tho newly created voters do not undersMtand, IL q, and
cannot Tor some years be made to understand, the
meaning of the simplest issue to be decided by the
ballot-bo1. The very words that cenvey the idea
Of "counttry," government" republic !" slegislar
tion;" viii be to them as much an M known Lam
guags as the gibberish their grandfatl lers spoke
when 8rst brought from Africa. ail;.y,!h.
In such condition. what can we do -. -.
Il We can put ourselves in full, rnreseryed, hon
est communication l with the military authority in
command here, and with the Commissioners Of the
Freedmen's Bureau. It is hard for us to aeknowl-
edge and still harder to- bear military supremacy,
but it is only justice to recognize that nlitasy
irule, as far as ne have known it, has been neither
rude nor tyrannical There may have been casesz IN
which We disapproved its action, but no one can
deny that on the whole, It has been considerate Of
liour feelings and respectful OF our rights So Of
the Freedmen's Bureau, since the appointment OF
General scorT. We may, and very justly do; con-
slider the whole system an intoierable nuisance,
which we would like to see abolished. But Gene
raj SCOTT has administered his Office with tirne6s
and an anxious desre to .donght. His predeces-' l
sor and, the iniquitous legislation Of Congress,
made his field, Of operations the most perplexed'
and difficult in the South but while he has done
full Justice to the freedmen, the planters have
found him patient, just and courteous. Now,
whatever may be the intentions OF desire Of the
extreme Radicals, these mon have not, and these
men viii not, excite OF permit war OF races. They
Are white men Of our race and blood they are
accustomed to obedience and discipline; they have
avery solemn responsibility ) they comprehend as
no man living here can fail to do, the edgencies of
this crisis they will not allow fraud or yiolence;-
and we 20 to them in the spirit OF true brave
men, who wish not to prevent the freedmen from
the exercise Of the privilege which the law has
given them, but with the purpose OF teaching them
how to use that privilege for. their good and oars,
for the salxaton:Gof that State which is to-day
theirs as it is ours, We will find at their hands
earnest juditieus and effective cooperation.
f 2. In the next place We can, with perfect self
respect, consult with those freedmen whose intel
ligence and character enttle them to our respect
and to influence among their own people. We all
know many Of them whose names have been
familiar to us from boyhood; and there is not
Southern gentleman, not a man of confederation IN
any walk of life who does not feel sure that they
Will recognize his rightto advise, and treat bis ad-
wise with Difference. Many Of them have been for
years among us leading blameless and useful iyes'
and Il thoy naturally rejoice at that elevation
which the full privilege Of citizenship gives them
it is no matter Of SURPRISE Indignation or sneer.
They know better than we do the wishes and
the rrejudices Of their own people. They feel as
fully as We do that universal suffrage is unfair to
their characters and dangerous to their interests,
and If the opportunity is offered they will act with
us respectfully and cordially.
8. With regard to the great mass OF field labor
ers whose intelligence has not been cultivated
enough to begin to comprehend the issues upon
which they will be called on to vote, that very igno-
rance will for long time prevent any interest On
their part in elections and it is not likely that the
aeitators of mischief who will nfest the cities and
the coast will trouble the more remote country
districts In most of these districts there has
been comparatively little disturbance in old rela-
tions there has been some change of freedmen
from one plantation to another, but as general
rule they are at work in their old neighborhoods,
and have manifested neither ncivility or insubor-
dination. Indeed, throughout the State the con-
duct of the freedmen during the late war has prov
en- kindliness of feeling and patience of spirit |
which ought to furnish the foundation of lasting
goodwill. Unable to judge Of the merits OF the
questions which conventions and constitutions in
volve, they will be governed by their personal fan
cies and by the small interests which concern
them. And wherever their employer is kind and
just, wherevsr wages are regularly paid and "a
tions liberaly furnished, it will be found, as gen
era r7,le that they will either give themselves no