The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1867-04-03
For the Mtelligencer.
THE TRUE ouEsT1oN-.-oUR DUTY.
BELrox, S. c., March q, 1S

JAMES A. HoYT, EsQ.-Wy Dear Sir AS yGtr
late co-aborer, take the liberty of expressing to
you, briefly, my views as citizen upon What
conceive to be the true question presented for the
consideration Of our people, and our and their duty
in the premises. do this The more unhcsitating-
ly, from the fact that have fears of your mis-
interpreting my motives Upon all questiofs of
public policy hitherto, we have been in accord
and Upon the question of Reconstruction under
the Sherman Bill, present you my views now,
with the full assurance that you will consider thefii
with your habitual candor and intelligence
Enter any circle of socety-gO into any neigh
borhood you please, and first of al you will hear
asked, "Shall we adopt the Sherman plan of Re-
construction" "Shall we accept Negro Suffrage?"
'.Shall we consent 10 disfranchise olir prominent
and trusted leaders, who are no guiltier than we
arc and EaselS desert them?" These inquiries
are worse than idle, and betray total ignorance
of our situation and rights. They prcsupposc
power to accept reject, which does not belong to
our people, for they must remember that the same
powers that overwhelmed the Confedcracy, have,
by the fat of Cogre5s, obliterated the States that
composed it, and can and will dictate uncondition-
al terms TO their citizens. The old dream of a
National and State governments, administered
within the limits of written constitutions, neither
encroaching upon the other-the executive, legis-
lative and judicial departments working harmoni-
ously together, and security to life, liberty and
property resulting necessarily, is still upon our
people. If the terrible shock of our revolution
i Iod t1,o 10 fo
transpire that will. Fhcre was day when our
people were free to accept or reject any PROPOSE
tion, but that day has passed-that freedom of
choice is buried in sea of blood. You, and l,
and thousands of our brave comrades, drew The
sword--1st. To assert and maintain the sovereign.
ty of the States I'd. To yindicate the principle
of individual liberty Sd. To maintain the integ-
rty of the institution of slavery, and in doing so
prevent the very state of things which are now
upon us, viz: Negro citizenship and Negro Suf-
fragc. We stakcd these upon the arbitrament of
the sword, and while Lee, and Johnston, and
Hampton were in the saddle, was the time to use
leaden arguments in .t7ei. support-to maintain
our liberty, to consider all questions, and endorse
or reject them. Yol. and l, and thousands of
others did our whole duty in the premises, and
had we been sustained by the nine hundred thousand
who gnobly deserted their colors, the disgrace of
Appomattox had not occurred bur principles had
been yindicated, and our freedom of opinion and
action secured. The opportune moment was al
lowed to pass by unimproved, and our people, in
stead of dreaming about what aras, should think
about what is-should realize that they have passed
through terrible revolution, in which old things
have passed away and all things have become new,
and they should act upon the new state of things
just as they are, not as they would wish they were
They should recognize the fact that State soyer-
eighty is abolished-slavery is abolishcd-he na-
ture of our government has so far been changed
that neither written constitution, nor the execu-
tive, the judiciary, all combined, have been
able to restrain she action of the legislative de-
partment-that the will of Congress is the SUI
preme law of the land and that maddeHed and
infuriated constituency sustains it in its acts of
prescription and usurpations. Hence We are to
have just so much freedom of individual action
and opinion upon political anestions Dis C5T.gsess
may allow to US, and no more.
|
Sherman Bill, negro citizenship and suffrage, and
the disfranchisemcnt of our leading public men,
there could be no doubt what our response would
be. We gave an indignant no for four years on
the tented field, and if allowed and it would avail,
would do so at the ballot box. But our discretion
in the matter being limited by the action of Con-
gress, are we, and the people at large left any
choice in the matter-are we entitled to say yea
or nay? Let us see. Congress having set aside
the Presidents plan of reconstruction, has adop-
ted the plan of AR. Sherman. His Bill declares
the ten Confederate States to be Military Districts,
and provides for the appointment of military gov
nors. 1t declares the existing State governments
merely proyisional-to continue during the pleas
urc of Congress, or until superseded by State gov
ernmcnts organized under the provisions of the
Bill, and to exercise just such powers, and no 9TH
ers, as the military commander may grant: 1t
DISTINGUISHES all who held an executive legis:
lative or judicial Office, and took oath To- sup-
port the Constitution of the United SatesS prior
to the war, and afterwards engaged in it.; and it
directs al other male citizens over twenty one
years of age, black and white To- vete, and if elec
ted, to take seat i'll the Convention to frame o
State Constitution. Fl makes provisions for q
State Convention, which I need not enetmerate.
Here, then, we see that afl right Of choice upon
our part whether The negro shall be citizen and
votc and whether our leading men shall be dis
fsanchised, is denied u.s. Whether we are willing
or not, they are disfranchised, and the negro en-
iranchised. Il will not stop to argue, as hear
some, that suoh action is unconstitutional, and the
Supreme Court will 50 declare it. Rome, i doubt
lot, protested, while burning, to Nero against fd-
Cling; but Nero still ddled, and Rome still burn
ed. As sensible would it be, and avail as much
to- protest against the action of body which has
set the Constitution aside defcd the President and