Litchfield enquirer., 1867-07-18

i tended.
 PETROLEUM V. NASBY, P. N 1 (Which is Postmaster and Professor in the 1 Ham and Japheth Free Academy for the 1. development uv the intelleck uv all ra-
 ces irrespective nv color.)
 CHARLES KINGSLEY ON THE ENG- LISH RICH AND POOR.
 headed dS oaste, "y uhatss n"Ss aad ''The Explosive Forces" are just published l in volume.
 There are only two classes in Eng land, says MT. Kingsley, the rich and the poor.
 ''Those who live by capital (from the wealthiest landlord to the smallest village shopkeeper), and those who live by hand labor. Whether the division between those two classes is increasing or not is a very serious question: Continued legislation in favor of the hand -laborer, and a benifi- cence toward him, when in need, such as no other nation on earth has ever shown, have done much to abolish the moral divis- ion. But the social division has surely been increased during the last half century by the inevitable tendency, both in com merce and agriculture, to employ one large capital, where several small ones would have been employed a century ago. The large manufactory, the large shop, the large estate, the large farm, swallows up the small ones. The yeoman, the thrif- ty squatter who could work at two or three trades as we'll as till his patch of moor, the hand-loom weaver, the skilled village craftsman, have ell but disappeared The hon difficult to invest his savings, has been more and more tempted to squander them. To rise to the dignity of capitalist, how ever small, was growing impossible to him, till the rise of that cooperative movement, which will do more than any social or po- litical impulse in our way for the safety of English society and the loyalty of the Eng fish working classes. And meanwhile-ere that moment shall have spread throughout the length and breadth of the land, and have been applied, as it surely will be some day, not only to distribution, not only to manufacture, but to agriculture likewise till then, the best judges of the work ing mems worth must be their employers; and especially the employers of the north ern manufacturing population. What their judgement isis sufficiently notorious. Those who depend most on the working men, who have the best opportunities of knowing them, trusting them most thor oughly.
 ''As long as great manufacturers stand forward as political sponsors of their own workmen, 1t behoves those who cannot have had their experience, to consider their opinion as conclusive. As for that ''influ- ence of the higher classes which is said to be endangered just now; it will exist, just as much as it deserves to exist Any man who is superior to the many, whether in talents, education, refinement, wealth, os anything else, will always be able to infu- ! ence number of men-and, if he thinks itworth his while, of votes-by just and lawful means. And as for unjust and un- lawful means, let those who prefer them as it did before ; and be always quite bad enough to allow bribery and corruption, jobbery and nepotism, quackery and arrogance, their full infiu- ence over our home and foreign policy An extension of the suffrage, however wide, will not bring about the millennium It will merely make a large number of Eng lishmen contented and loyal, instead of discontented and disloyaL. It may make, too, the educated and wealthy classes wi ser by awakening 8 wholesome fear; per- haps, 1t may be, by awakening a chival- alrous emulation. It may put the younger men of the present aristocracy upon their mettle, and stir them up to prove that they are not in the same effete condition as was the French noblesse in 1789."
 Again:
 "Behind all classes and social forces-I had almost said, above all-stands fourth estate, which will ultimately decide the form which English society is to take: 6 press as different from the literary class of the ancien regime as is everything else English; and different in this-that it is free.
 ''The French revolution, like every revo- lution lit seems to mel which has convuls ed the nations of Europe for the last eighty years, was caused immediately may have been its more remote causes-by the suppression of thought; or, at least, by sense of wrong among those who thought A country where every man, be he fool or wise, is free to speak that which is in him, can never suffer @ revolution. The folly blows itself off like steam, in harmless noise; the wisdom becomes part of the gen. eral intellectual stock of the nation, and prepares men for gradual and therefore for harmless change.
 AS long as the press IS free nation IS guaranteed against sudden and capricious folly, either from above, or from below. As long as the press is free, nation is guaranteed against the worse evil of preris- tent and obstinate folly, cloaking itself un- der the venerable shapes of tradition and authority For under free press nation must ultimately be guided not by caste, not by class, not by mere wealth, not by the passions of mob-but by mind; by the net result of all the common sense of its members; and in the present default of genius, which is uncommon sense, common sense seems to be the only, Ii not the best safeguard for poor humanity. ." 1 Hawley B. Nichols, of the Park House Tn Newtown, was shot Friday night by Robert Montgomery, New York detective, who was attempting to arrest him on charge of being an accomplice with a band of