The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-02-27

A TALK WITH THE PRESIDENT.
The Principles, Motives and Objects tim,
!. Control Htm-H1s Views OF the Sherman
Intquity, &c.
The editor of the New York Citizen, Col. HAL
PINE publishes in the last issue of his paper the
outlines Of conversation he had with the Presi-
reader will perceive that the President maintains
the ground he has all along held, and will there
fore conclade that the late runors attfbuting to
! him willingness to compromise with the Radicals
are without foundation. We quote COL HALPn1E's
letter:
sThe trouble is,n said the President, ssthat in
stead Of inquiring what we are and our present
powers, we insist on making ourselves something
for our bsneft to WELD. We make the mistake OF
becoming inventors, instead Of applying ourselves
to become discoverers.
seIthere are now score o. plans Of reconstruct,
ing the Southern States before TIE country, and
shall be adopted. Amendments are proposed to
the Constitution, amendments Of every possible
character; whereas, if people, instead of in
venting new things, would seek to discover what
already exist they would find all the powers they
Constitution as it stands.
>aThe Constitution guarantees republican form
Of government to every State, and says that no
State shall be deprived Of its representation in
other hand some Of our people say that they will
not allow men who participated in the rebellion to
be their peers, and to have voices in the great
council Of the nation: They, therefore, demand
likewise for every other evil that they can find or
fancy to be existing,
a1 sBut does not tie Constitution itself provide a
remedy for this very evil, where it Says that each
House Of Congress shall be absolute Judge OF the
members? HAY not each House, under this, while
rejecting any prominent eX-rebel or man obnoxious
for disloyalty who shall be sent from any Of the
socalled Confederate States, ut the same time not
deprive the State of representation, but merely
prerogative. We do not, however, deny the right
Of your State to representation, whenever you
shall send us proper man
stsee, for moment, what would be the effect OF
this course Went once divide the public opinion
Of the State 30 treated-at present made a unit
under the ban Of indiscrinlina5e exclusion. We
hold out great reward for the election Of loyal
men, and attach penalty, which the people OF the
State must themselves impose, for the restraint OF
active participants in the laterebelon. There are
scores and hundreds Of ambitious men Of loyal
rec ord in every State who would then be naturally
forced to the surface, but under the present 6ys-
tenn OF indiscriminate exclusion it can make NO
difference whether loyal or disloyal Senators and
Representatives shall be sent.
seEven let us take an extreme case. Suppose the
State Of Georgia should send Alexander q. Steph-
ems to the Senate and that the Senate should say:
we acknowledge the right Of Georgia to represent
tation; we acknowledge that the credentials OF Mr..
Stephens are made out in the proper form; but in
mer connection with the United States, vein the
exercise Of our constitutional priyilege-do not
choose to accept MIR. Stephens as or peer; and
must insist that some man Of loyal record shall be
sent IN his place. { &
ssWould not the Georgians at once commence
looking around for some one who could satisfy
these conditioner And would not an immediate
impetus be given toward building up loyal senti-
ment in that State? The wounds our country has
suffered are not vital, though the depletion Of
blood was great. There were none Of the CREST
bones broken, for the frame work q the Constt1-
abstain from further irritating surgery, The best
healing in surgery is that which the doctors de-
scribe as by the first intention, or force OF mn
ture; but our violent doctors In Congress-and
this m spoken with no diarespect to that body, but
as fact of observation still insist on tearing
open the wounds sfresh, in order to force faster
healing by csustic applications and the actual eau
ssWiat we need-what We vitality need, both for
payment Of the national debt and to enable us 10
assume proper foreign policy, too long confess,
ton Of restored confidence that will draw capital
to develop the industrial resources Of the South,
and to assist the Southern planters in reorganiz.
ing the shattered relations OF labor. We need all
this to make 1.-The national burdens endur4ble.
Every bale Of cotton every barrel OF sugar, every
me % sx,rebef statssS Smssst farnish pfoportonnte
reduction to the taxation Of the North; and must
go, SO fer as il may be worth, toward restoring an
be the first fundamental step towards return to
the hard money basis instead Of paper currency.
GAS for myself, my convictions in politics are
things that cannot change to suit the expedl-
grown with my growth, they have strengthened
with my strength, and they are to me only less
sacred and as much to be preserved, as my re-
hgioua faith. Attempts are made to make it ap-
pear that my words at different times have been
inconsistent; but were not the circumstances in
consistent under which the apparently contradic-
tory words were spoken or opinions given. During
the high storm Of rebellion or In the first heat Of
its subsistence, words were proper to be said which
would be utterly improper ID time OF peace. we
put broken limb in splinss to hold it quiet,
holding the splnts therawhen the limb ia restored,
or when further examination shall have proved
that the wounds, though deep we're only fesh-
wounds leaving the bones uninjured-this would
not be wise surgery, but cruelty; not statesman
s1 AM accused Of usurplng power, when my
whole life has been one continual battle against the
tendency Of bureaucracy or aristooracy-the con-
centraton Of power in the hands Of the few.
was accused OF usurping power for my veto OF the
first Freedmen's Bureau Bill although That veto
age and power more unlimited titan was-eEer pre-
viously offered to any President am for holding
all possible power in the hands Of the people per-
manently am in favor Of always finding the
any officials, or to the General Government, and
only allowing that minimum to be given.
s'But look, even at this bill Of Senator Sherman's,
and see what it does, or proposes doing2 It is
only less Objectionable than the House BILL in that
it does not openly supersede the President, repre-
senting the civil power, in favor Of the General
commanding the armies OF the United States. But
it violates the constitutional provision guarantee
ing republican form of government, and substi-
tutes military despotism overt lately revoltod
States. It DISTINGUISHES nearly all the intelligent
whites, and gives universal suffrage to the igno
rant blacks, thus overriding the provision that
each State shall determine who shall be entitled to
it's suffrage It also nullifes the constitutional
amendments, by practically declaring the 6existing
governments OF the Southern States illegal, SO
chat their adoption Of the amendments must be
without validity.
"Eyerywhere there is tendency to substitute
the government as the source Of power, instead
Of the people;' and it is against this tendency I
am at issue. The Sherman bill denies the writ Of
habeas corpus, whenever such shall be the plea
sure Of an arbitrary military commander, in whose
power to rule over them the people Of the subju-
gated district shall have no voice. It also strikes
down the right Of early trial by civil court and
bv Jury Of The peers Of the accused. In fact, it
fundamentally uproots all those popular and con-
stitutioual guarantees Of freedom which were ex
torted from King John by the Barons of England
in tho signature Of Magma Ctarta-that basis of
our common law.
at is for the principles Of our common law and
o,,o,,aa,, and FOR thA rirhta tho ,uhnla