The Columbian. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1910, 1867-03-01


before the present Congress, or so far as
we can judge from present indications
of what its character will be, the House
which is to meet on the coming fifth of
March? Every member of that body |
during the trial of the cause acts in the
capacity of judge and juror, and yet |
1T Is notorious fact that the majority |
who control its action, have prejudged |
the case, and pronounced sentence of |
eviction before the first witness was
examined. DO you say my allegation |
is too strong? Is it not a matter of fact |
known to everybody, that every promi- |
nent Democrat, every Democratic cam
didate for office especially, for the last
five or six years has been publicly
charged with having given aid and
comfort to the rebels? Is this not true
with regard to every prominent Demo-
crat in this State-yes, in every State?
Is it not true with respect to the Demo-
cratic party as whole, that they have
been thus charged, and that the more
prominent members of that party have
been hunted and bounded by the Radi-
Gals? Is it not true that the same char
ges have been made, and persisted in
for the last five years by the very men
who now constitute the majority, the
controlling power in Congress? Have
they not time after time, officially and
unoflicially, denounced the President of
the United States, members of the cab
met, their fellow-members of the House,
as guilty of the crime of treason, and
especially of giving aid and comfort to
the rebellion?
With some of them, to have voted for
John G. Breckenridge in 1860, is conclu-
sive evidence of the guilt of treason.
With others, to have voted for General
Mcclellan, was giving aid and comfort
to the rebels. Others, again, pronoun-
ced the verdict of "guilty" against every
! Democrat who dared to question the
constitutionality or the propriety of any
of the war measures of Lincoln's admin
istration. Lincoln was the Government,
and to oppose him, was to oppose the
GOvernment-ergo treason. Nay, these
same men later denounce every man
who sustainS the reconstruction policy
of President johnson, or diSsentS from
even the most radical measures of the
present Congress, as guilty of encour-
aging treason and melting new rebel
lion. Four years ago, Seward was one
of the chief priests of these loyalists,
and the tinkle of his little bell could
consign any unfortunate Democrat to
the dungeons of Il military prison. Now,
in the judgment of this Congress, Sew
ard is traitor. Seward is encouraging
Southern opposition to the Government.
Seward is melting another rebellion be-
cause he stands by the President whom
he and they elected, in his efforts to
restore the unity of the States.
Now, sir, / ask you-I ask every mem
Der of this House, / ask the freemen of
Pennsylvania, what chance would any
State, North or South, have for flil
and impartial trial on charge of Civ.
ing aid and comfort to the rebels during
the war, before such body as the pres.
ent Congress? a body whose proceed.
ings in the investigation would be gov.
crned by none of the established rule.
of evidence as to the competency ol
credibility of the witnesses or the relev
ancy of the facts proposed to be given il
evidence. A body that docs not recog
nize itself as bound by any established
precedcnts or controlled by the law IL
eXpounded by the Supreme Court of the
United States. Why, sir, do you sup.
pose that the trainers of this amend
mcnt or its advocates here, would dare
go before the people of Pennsylvania
|, and seriously propose that any, even til,
! humblest individual, charged only will
the crime of assault and battery, shoult
, be compelled to go to trial before such /;
court-a court, every member of whicl
J had pronounced him guilty before hi
case was called? No, sir. In such cast
, an act for change of venue would bt
applied for and passed. Yet such is til,
court before which, under this section
Il member elect to Congress must answe
to the grave charge of treason. l repeat
then, that the House could only fairly
try the charge and declare the appican
; ineligible upon the proper evidence OF
: his having been tried and convicted OF
the crime in court of competent juris
: diction. But if it be still insisted upol
that the House might try IL membe
elect on this charge, and reject him OF
/ any evidence they deem sufficient, thel
t | reply that they can do this withou
the Constitution as it is or over the Con
( stitution as it is. They have done it agail
2 and again within the last six years.
= But suppose that instead of mcmbe
G of Congress it is an elector of Presiden
/ and Vice President, whose eligibility /
questioned under this section, wha
\ court, what tribunal shall try the case
@ Shall the electoral college be constitute,
a a criminal court to try one or twenty q
e its members on the charge of haVin
D given aid or comfort to the enemy dun
: ing the rebellion? Suppose the resul
: of election for President and Vice Pres
! ident depended on the admission or re
e lection of any one member, what woul
| be the chance in that body for fai
c trial? Suppose, again, that the Post
: master General should appoint Post
Il master mt some cross road III the bac
t townships of Bradford county, and hi
+ predecessor, unwilling to give up TIL
$ post of honor and profit, should alleg
5 that the appointce had been giving al
f and comfort to the cncmy-perhar
e charge him with being engaged in tha
e terrible conspiracy of Fishingcreek
. where General Cadwallader and hi
@ brave army won such uniading Laurel
t in arresting peaceable farmers for simpl
c holding Democratic opinions. Whf
n court or tribunal shall take charge o
u this case? Who shall determine tn
e guilt or innocence? Or suppose that
q is the case of n Justice Of the peace or
f constable in one of the many TOWNSHIP
= of this or some other State whose elig
n bility is denied, and who is declare
Il disqualified under this section of til
@ amendment. Before what court sha
Il he appear or to what power shall he al
!? peal for an opportunity to defend hin
Is sclfagainst the base charge, or how con
IS pei his aCcuser make good the charge
t, | might go on to multiply cases an
ii increasing the difficulties that woul
= arise under this section, but enough HI
v been said to show that the difficulties
'e the way of rendering it effective are ;
IF numerous as the officers, State and N
N tional, within the limits of the UniOl
N But, perhaps, some one will answer thi
r under the fifth section of this amen,