The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-08-20

before
Congress had pronounced its Ant-Stanbery
Interpretation. To Schofeld, Pope, Ord. and
Sheridan, the General communicated opinions
which should shame the Tribune into silence.
not to say apology. He afirms the power of
removal as existing in the District Command
ers, and Tepudiates the statement that he dis
approved of its exercise in the case of Cover
nor Wells. He suggests conditions touching
registration which are at variance with the lax
notions of the Attorney General. And, gene
rally, he has exerted his whole influence in
support OF the District Commanders, on occa-
slons which have furnished points of contro-
Versy. 80 far, then, as speech becometh a
soldier, General Grant has spoken unequivo-
oally on the side of Congress and its policy.
Financial Troubles and Mysteries,
From The ~. Y Herald.
A radical contemporary begins to be
alarmed at the gathering cloud of financial
troubles. He is appalled, at the accumulation
of the public debt. He stands aghast at the
enormous aggregate of taxes paid by the
people OF the United States, and which, he saws,
although considerably reduced from the maxi
mum they attained in 1865, must probably
exceed 5OO,000,000 per annum. In passing,
we must say that our impression is that they
never reached higher annual figure than
S5OO;OOO,O 900. Startled out of the proprieties
OF consistency, our radical neighbor even
echoes the popular Outcry for such readiust-
ment and simplifying of our taxation "as
may render it considerably less irksome." He
is beWlldered, moreover by "the seeming
paradox" of an immense and steadily increas-
ing migration from countries that owe little
and tax lightly, in comparison to this overbur-
dened republic. He declares it is a puzzle to
political economists 'that the volume of i'm
migration should be not merely maintained
but largely augmented under the pressure of
gigantic debt, high tariff, heavy internal
taxes, and an inflated, irredeemable currency"
Partially recovering his senses he next blum
ders upon solution of the puzzle. 'Immi-
grants are still pouring in at the rate of a
thousand per day, and all of them who know
how to do anything, and will do it, find en-
ployment and remuneration. Labor is as we'll
PAID IN the average, and as comfortably sub
sisted, as 1t was when we had next to no debt,
light taxes, and currency convertible into
specie at par. The real estate of the country
could be sold to-day for more money (reduced
to specie) than it was worth ten years ago.
Most OF our people are prospering; many are
amassing wealth. Houses are being built on
every hand, lands are being improved; new
farms are being hewn out of the forest
and carved from the wild prairie; our railroads
are being extended at the rate of a thousand
tional industry in 1867 will be larger than that
of any former year, We need not multiply
words to prove that this solution of the mys-
ferrous puzzle. The American people are rich.
Notwithstanding their burdensome taxation.
because their country is inexhaustibly rich.
Ours is new country, with daily developing
resources of incalculable wealth. Our cheap
and fertile and boundless lands have three
times the productive capacity of the old Euro
pean countries. Our agricultural inventions
surpass any in the world, and unite with
steamboats,, railways, and the telegraph in
marvellously quickening and facilitating the
progress OF American industry and trade. The
national wealth is so rapidly accumulating
that the public debt even if it were to remain
undlmlnlshed, would become less and less
burdensome in proportion to the DEVELOPMENT
OF gigantic strength to sustain it.
AT present, indeed, many of the taxes Gas,
Tor instance, the cotton tax to which the
people submitted as war measures are almost
intolerable, because no longer necessary, and
In some cases palpably unjust Our contem-
porary asks, ''Do we not need new political
economy, recognizing and adapted to this state
OF facts 7" We most certainly do need a politi-
cal economy adapted to the actual state of
things; but not new one, and by no means
sueh high tariff economy as our neighbor
advocates in his fundamental idea that a tariff
is something good in itself--a measure which
1t would be wise for a community to adopt,
even II they had no need of revenue. We are
inclined to agree with political economists of
quite different school, who teach that ftarif7'
Is another name for ''tax, (" and that a tax of
any kind can only be more or less of burden |
upon the people who pay it, and cannot in
the nature of things be a benefit to them. At
tne same time we recognize the practical |
advantages, and, in certain sense, the praoti- |
cai necessity, OF moderate taxes on articles of |
utlIlty, and OF high taxes on articles of lux |
uFy, including commodities the consumption |
Vi WnlGh does not impede production. And, |
especially, we insist upon it that our Govern |
Ineht should have and should use full powers |
70 collect It's dues, without being exposed in |
Ine coIlection OF customs and of internal reve- |
Iue 10 such trightful losses as have been dis |
crossed crossed Dy the imperfect investigation of recent
frauds upon the Treasury of the United States. |
ouc1 frauds as.have been lately perpetrated on |
COLOSSAL scale in the articles of whisky, petro-
ieunl, ana tobacco should henceforth be rendered |
impossible.
AS 10 the influx of immigrants in spite OF |
Our own gneVous taxation, II should be re- |
naenDered that they are glad to escape from |
tion.
as TO the evil of inflated currency, that |
matters less than might seem to be the case; |
ana our contemporary might not be so much |
alarmed II he would reflect that it is frequent |
ana sudden fluctuations of the money market |
ihat play the mischief, rather than the nomi- |
haliy nigh figures which the price of gold may |
happen 10 reach. Let almost any figure but |
remain steadily the same for a long period, |
ana all transactions ara suralu and safely aC- !