The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-05-06

since the present Republican party Will run
one candidate or two, and the tactics proper
for us to pursue might be essentially varied
bv sobism in that party. 1t is our policy to
take tbe utmost advantage of their mistakes,
rivalries. and intestine quarrels--a policy
which REQUIRES us to practice for long time
to come a "wise and mastery inactivity
accompanied with great vigilance and wari-
ness.
The Republican party must confront two
difficulties, both OF which tend to bring u
early into the field. The first of these is, that
the march of events is depriving the party Of
available issues; the second, that the scramble
of competing candidates and their eagerness to
head one another off, are unfavOrable to post
ponement. The war; as q political issue, is
dead; negro suffrage, as soon as the Southern
States have reorganized, will be either dead
or a source of disintegration, since no question
will then remain but its extension by Federal
authority into the loyal States. The Republi-
can party, when called upon to tell what they
intend to do for the ensuing four years, will
have no ready answer, because there is no
policy on which they are agreed. To 60 into
the Presidential election seated on dead horse,
with their face turned towards the crupper,
is a kind of campaign which no party would
wish to court. It is only by an early begin
ming that the Republicans can succeed in con-
structing platform that does not look merely
to the past. The fact that Chase, Stevens,
Sumner, and other conspicuous leaders are
trying to put the party in advance of the
Congressional policy, betokens a consciousness
that the ground is rapidly sliding from under
them, and that Southern acceptance of the
Reconstruction acts will otherwise leave it
without any living issues.
When the party meets in a National Con-
vention it will encounter this dilemma-either
it must construct a platform consisting of
dead issues, or it is liable to be split asunder
by an abortive attempt to make Summers
policy the party creed. If there were tolera-
BILE unanimity in favor of any candidate, this
difficulty might be got over; but rival and
conflicting ambitions will rather magnify than
belittle differences, inasmuch as the adoption
of the old or the new platform will determine
the fate of particular candidates.
The situation is entirely different from what
it was in 1864 when Mr.. Lincoln was able to
dictate his own nomination. The reluctance
of the country to make change of admins
tration in the very crisis of the war, cut the
snews of all other candidates. 1t insured the
unity of the party, and made the Convention
a mere registering body to authenticate a
nomination demanded by the party sentiment.
But since the death of Mr.. Lincoln the Repub-
lican party has had no recognized head. Mr..
Chase has lost his ascendancy over the bank
ing and commercial interests by going into
the Supreme Court. Mr.. Colfax has appa-
rently as good chance for the nomination as
the Chief Justice. Simon Cameron, between
whom and Chase there is an invete-
rate feud has recovered his political
status, and if any intrigues of his can pre-
vent Chase's nomination, they will not be
wanting. Cameron will try hard for tn g
nomination himself, and his triumphant skill
in circumventing Stevens and Forney in the
contest for the Pennsylvania Senatorship,
nrOVpS that his homes NOT aDSnrd. He is
at least powerful enough to prevent the vote
of Pennsylvania being given for any other
Republican candidate, and his chance for the
nomination is perhaps as good as that of either
Chase or Colfax. Wilson, Butler, Stanton,
Banks, and several others are longing, and
will soon be intriguing, for the nomination
Their rivalries are likely enough to set the
party by the ears, more especially since its
vital issues will presently be obsolete, and
the contest be squabble among the heirs
of dying party for the distribution of its
assets,