The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-09-30

tbo old system of slavery, to the condition of
hl citizenship, is so great that 1t is not at all
surprisinR that many conservatives should be
somewbat alarmed at the new order of things
In the late Rebel States. Yet we think that
careful reflection will convince any candid
man that impartial suffrage is the only safe
basis Of reconstruction.
II is evident that somebody, sooner or later,
in the Rebel States, must be clothed with poll
tical power. Nobody contemplates the military
governments as a permanent arrangement.
Their function is merely temporary, to pre-
serve peace and protect life and property,
until constitutional civil governments can be
established.
The question, then, not as question OF sem
timent or philanthropy, but as one of prac-
tical craftsmanship, recurs-To whom shall
political power in these States be granted
This question can be properly answered only
by keeping in mind the great and controlling
fact that these are States which have lost their
governments through protracted and san
culinary attempt to overthrow the power and
authority of the Government of the United
States. The state of things which we are
called to confront, is one which grew directly
out of and was caused by the Rebellion. Re-
construction was carried on with constant
reference to this fact. To ignore it would be
to act in the dark, and without any guiding
principle.
Now, if the people of the South were all
Rebels, or pretty unanimously SO, the problem
- ;nJa ho. dal;
cate and perilous one. The powers conferred
by the Constitution upon States in this Union
are so vast and varied, so capable of being
welded against the integrity and safety of the
nation itself, as we have had abundant evi-
dence in the Rebellion just suppressed that
the policy of clothing Rebels who have just
been defeated in an effort to overthrow the
Government with these tremendous capabilities
of doing mischief, would be question of the
most serious moment. And if it presented
itself in this form, an indefinite occupation of
the late Rebel States by military force, dis
tasteful and dangerous to our republican in
stitutions as such a proceeding must be, might
be the only alternative left. Fortunately,
the problem does not present itself in this
form. By a providental arrangement, the
people of the late Rebel States are divided
into two great classes, viz, the loyal people
and the disloyal people; and these classes are
nearly equal in numbers. The disloyalists
comprise, generally speaking, those who sup
ported the Rebellion, and are all white; the
loyalists comprise all the colored people, and
in some of the States quite large percentage,
though decided minority, of the whites.
Now, the real question which at present
divides parties on the subject of reconstruc-
tion, is as to which of these classes should be
entrusted with the controlling political power
in the reorganized States. The Democratic or
Johnsonian plan is to put the power into the
hands of the disloyal class, and to make them
the dominant element in every reconstructed
State. This they propose to accomplish by
disfranchising all the colored citizens, who
form the great majority of the loyal class.
Political power being confined exclusively to
the white race, and all the colOred citizens
being disfranchised, the Rebel ele-
ment would have full and undis-
puted supremacy in every one of the
reconstructed States. 1t would do this, when
in every one of them an absolute majority of
aU the people would be loyal to the Union; for,
taking the colored citizens and the white 10y
alists together, they form majority Of the
people of each of the Rebel States. This plan,
then, would inevitably result in the formation
of Rebel Ohgarchy in the South, filed with
hatred to the Union, having full possession of
the State governments, and ready at any
opposition movement to turn all their powers
against the nations integrity and life. The
arms of the arsenals, the militia, the revenues
and resources of all these States, would be
exclusively in the hands of men who hate the
Union, who have done their best to destroy it,
and who might, under more favorable circum-
stances repeat their bloody experiment with
better prospects of success.
now In view of the terrible struggle through
whloh we have just passed, the precious lives
we have sacrificed, the enormous amoupts of
money we have spent, the tremendous dolt
we have heaped up, we ask seriousIv vvbotbor
this plan proposed by Mr.. Johnson and 49,
Democratic party is wise or safe Ia q 60
an one as should commend itself 70 tho ~,
servdtive sentiment of the country Can vu0
afford to incur such a national risk We 40
not now ask whether it would be lust 70 The
disfranchised citizens, or to the loyal white
minority put under the feet of ruthless Rebel
Oligarchy. We purpOsely exclude all conside
rations except those Of pure governmental
ri