The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-02-07
Wendell Philips ON Impeachment gain

WendeU FhllIpS on impeachment A gam.
From the Aptt-SlaUeyy Standard.
The only thing that looks like an argument
against impeachment, is that it is a dangerous
measure. No doubt 1t Is so. No doubt i'm
peachlng the President is a dangerous measure.
But is letting him stay as he is, and where he
is, two years longer, any less dangerous! II
any man can snow us a path to safety which
has no danger in it, of course W. will gladly
walk therein. But this is a battle. In battle
both sides run risks.
1t was very dangerous for General Grant to
set out on the bloody path to Richmond. But
it was more dangerous to lie still in his Wash
lngton camp; hence GTantmoyed toward stitch
mond. General Mcclellan is the only COM
mander we ever heard of who required to have
it demonstrated that certain step incurred no
risk before he would ia Ike 1T. We hope Con-
gress will not fight this battle on Mcclellan
principles. The ht soldier for Mcclellan to lead
was Shakespeare's cOurtier, whose only obiec-
ton to gunpowder was that II killed people,
The opponents of impeachment as a danger
Gus measNren ought to be mustered into the
same company.
When our fathers put the power to impeach
the President into the Constitution, does any
man suppose they did not forcsee that its use
would always be dangerous! Did history show
4 them any sovereign prince quietly submitting
to be checked and deposed! They knew well
! that in Poland!every noble had the right to veto
| every act OF the Sovereign Council. But no
noble dared to exercise the right till he had
4 mounted the feetest horse money would BUY,
and got to the extreme edge of the Assembly;
to his horse and fed at his utmost speed
4 Our impeachment is like power. No man
4 could be President without party. No sane
= man would ever adopt or perseVere IN policy
4 without adherents. OF course, therefore, in
y every supposable case, impeachment OF Presi-
"A dent must always be the collision of two great
parties. This is inevitable IN the very nature OF
our Government. To talk of its danger, there
fore, is like talking TO sick man OF the bitter
ness of his medicine. II is less bitter than his
disease, aud therefore he takes 1t.
All the great poWersIof Governments are
"a dangerous. We set up the delicate and COM
plicated machinery OF government simply and
only that we may safely use dangerous powers.
Lancets are dangerous instruments. The use OF
surgeons is, that when lancets are needed, such
= men know how to use them safely. So with
swords, and the other high powers OF govern
ment. II Congress is to avoid the use OF any
power that may do harm, how many Will be
left it? In times of danger, wise and brave
men ask not which is the safe path, but WHICH
is the safer.
In the simple unity of despotism there, is but
one danger, which ls the danger that the
despot may task too severely the patience OF the
victims Avoid that, and the course OF the
Government Is always smooth. Despotlsm Is
like the course OF the cannOn-ball; direct, obey
ing single force. The policy of republics is
y like billiard ball, bounding and rebounding az
the bidding of many forces, Freedom IS the
result, not OF simple but complicated govern
ments, check and balance. Tue whole merit OF
such Governments is their ability TO use dan
gerous powers with safety. The power o.
impeachingI Judges, Presidents, and Senators
" is one of these.
our fathers gave it to Congress because they
saw II was necessary. No man has shown that
"a the use of 1t today against this President
4 would incur any danger other than such as
avery possible use OF 1t in every possible cast
would incur. To yield to such bugbear is tC
say there ought to be no such power in tn
Constitutiou. The Constitution puts sucl
a Dower in the hands of Congress- and says-Il
a ftting case use IL. Does any man maintain
That case more urgently requiring 1t can pos
sibly occur? II this man ought not to be in
peached can you imagine case which Woul
demand that remedy? Can you imagine a
hour or national mood in which II could 0
more safely tried than at this hour and IN TN
moodG o...
The case then, anticipated in the Consnlt
tion has occurred Whoever Omits TO use th
remedy prescribed In that instrument IS Ooun
TO show that any use OF 1t, at any tlme' rlst
the nations safety to such au extent thGt, pra
tically speaking, the American people nave
means OF checking traitor Ulce seated IN "
Presidential chair. They must always supm
to four years OF ruin, and trust their survlVlI
il to the possibility OF change for the oett'
after four years, and to the recuperatiVe powe
of the nation. IT, in 1851, Buchanan had hi
three years instead of three months TO rule '
must have submitted TO be ruined The risk
Imposition would have been too great III
admission Of such principle is the first step
degDotism. Whoever maintains 1t Is only II
01aUtcOtUrier OF another Louis Bonaparte.
WENDALL PuILLIPa,