The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-03-12
THE MILITARY BILL.

The passage Of the supplemental Bill reported
from the Judiciary Committee of the Senate viii
relieve us of the necessity Of any discussion as to
what action tho government Of the State should
take in the execution Of the Military Bill. When
passed. and the Indications are that it will be very
soon it makes it the duty of the Brgadier General
commanding the Department to establish register
of legal voters to provide the necessary machinery
for such registration, to issue call for ConEen-
tion and to regulate the details OF the election for
that body. These powers may be delegated to the
Provisional Governor but it is not worth whlle Row
70 snticpata whcthnr he should accept them.
This will, Of course, depend very much upon the
relations between tho Military Commander and the
Governor, and in this State, we can safely leave
the decision, should it ever become necessary, to
the intelligence and patriotism Of our present
Chief Magistrate.
II But while the State Government is thus relieved
from any participation in the Legislation necessary
ito carry out the provisions of the Military Bill it
lis clear to our people that the alternative OF
Saceepting and acquiescing in Q Military Goyern-
ment, ratfef sKKh orgahzing under the new sys-
ktem, IS taken away, and that by the FIRST septem=
Hbes at 7aff65st We VIII Be f5fted S5
political edrnce Of this State from its lowest fou-
datIons. II there arc those VINO delnde themselves
Hwith the hope that this sacrifice be avoided !;
THAT the Supreme Court will be found an altar Of
kefuge to which we can escape from the persecu-
zion oe powerful and resolute conqueror, we will
not attempt to disturb the delusion. Time will
cruelty correct it. It once held in this State
that upon all the great questions Of the polit-
ical relations Of the Federal Government and
tho States, the supSeme Court had no right
to pass Judgment, and we VIII fnd that one,
/ at least, Of our articles Of State Sovereignty
/ has become incorporated into the conHtita-
honal theory Of the country. And if it
were not so, we have yet to see an occasion in
which the Judicial authority Of any government has
ventured to array itself against any policy which
the supreme political power Of that country has de-
cared to be necessary for its interest As between
the Government and the individual to the honor
of the Magstracy be it said, that they have never
hesitatod to vindicate the Independence Of the ju
dietary and to do right to the citizen. And it may
be that in the military provisions Of this Bill there
are powers which the Supreme Court might feel
authorized to limit, or to abrogate, but on the
great principle Of the Bill, the right Of Congress
to prescribe the mode Of restoration Of the unre-
presented States, and the terms which may be i'm
posed in the exercise Of that right, the Supreme
Court will never undertake to pass its solemn judg
ment. rs ~ AZ s1-r.,
II The sacrifice which we are called on to make is
indeed q great one-sreater, we may SO; without
sexaggeratioR ssan has ever 6een forced upon
people. But it is Of the last Importance for
Wis to understand its extent, to how far il is
the necessary consequence OF our failure, and
whether the elements OF even this radical change
aantrolled for good Hnna the fpr.nat lion nf
the constitution tie population Of the South has
bean divided into two clasSes-the free white and
colored slave population. For all political pur
poses, except to add to the Southern representa-
ton in Congress, this latter population had really
no existence The relation between them and
their masters influenced the socisl habits and the
local laws Of the States in which they lived, but
their presence had no effect whatever upon those
great principles Of civil right which -terine the
character Of national government I That this is
So is evident from the fact that the great Of
the owners Of these slaves the political population
Of the South-have always been in party afilistion
with the Democrats Of the North; that is to say,
the perfect political sympathy between the North
people and the white Southern political popula
ton was in no way disturbed by the presence OF
these slaves. Upon all questions Of constitutional
right Of the character and extent Of Federal pow
or, of State sovereignty Of the prerogarive of the
citizen as to life, liberty and person, and upon
most questions Of mere policy, the slayeholders
and the non-slave-holders Of the United States
could and did think and act together. Now, in
what. does the emancipation Of the slaye, with
ac6nseauent Eg6t Of Suffrage. affect this relation
What new clause does it add to the stitnEon7 ?
What right does it take away from the free white
msn winch he 3eImerlX 9ogsssssd = What new
political element does it add to those constituents
when -haye hitherto gone TO make up what Is
known as the american -df-Et7ef11sspn
Our readers must bear in n1nind that we are not
discussing now the effect of this change upon
our social habits, our local laws, nor Cur rela-
tive strength as compared with other States,
but simply this quesion-Does The euapcipa-
ton Of the slave, with the right Of suffrage IN
any mafaria1 pfinciple, alter the Constitution.
Of the United States f We -nEd ourselves
made this change, We had, By State laws,