The New York herald., 1867-02-07

idea upon which this journal was founded and
the secret Of Its success. When, looking
carefully at the drift Of events, the pressure of
public opinion and the ne cessities of the age,
we first boldly struck out for constitutional
amendment abolishing slavery the proposition
was pooh-poohed in some quarters, denounced
In others ~ involving an overthrow Of tho
constitution, and was generally classed with
"the Popes bull against the comet" But
public opinion was brought to bear by Me
discussion Of that amendment until 1t vas
fixed In the supreme law Of the land. In she
same way the doubts, the incredulity and sp-
prehensions which prevailed when we first
broached the saving alternative Of Andrew
Sohnson's impeachment are rapidly disappear
Ing Journals Of al parties and oil sections
are joining In the discussion. The great body
of the people, in having their attention drawn
to the constitution, the prscedents established
and the teachings Of history, are already disa-
bused Of the fallacy that there il something Of
that divinity about our President which
"hedges in king" and they realize the fact
that under the powers Of the two houses Of
Congress his impeachment and displacement
are as plain o case as the removal Of village
postmaster.
II is necessity IN constitutional govern
mcnt that in some department the ultimate
sovereignty over all the others shall exist. Elk
periencc in England established this authority
in The Parliament over the King, after many
bloody conflicts, from 1925 to 1858, when,
under the Prince of Orange, tho subordinaton
OF the King, through his Cabinet, to the Com
mons, was established. Thus even the great
and powerful Duke Of Wellington, rs Prime
Minister, in coming into conflict with the Com
self as poworless as the weakest of bis prcde-
cessors. His resignation involved'the submis-
sion OF the King to the Commons, the law max
ing representatives of the people. Our coasti-
tuition, framed upon the English model, en-
braces the English system in tae matter of i'm
peachmeDts; but ours is more direct and ex-
piicit in subor1inating the President himself to
the will Of thu two houses. An adverse vote
of the Commons displaccs the English Minis
try, and the King or Queen appoints new set
OF ministers, in accordance with the vote, and
this ends the conflict With us the Cabinet is
not disturbed by an adverse majority in the
Commons or House OF Representatives but
the President and Cabinet in pushing their
hostility to usurpation Of the exclusive
powers Of Congress, may be impeached by the
House and removed on conviction by the SEN
ate. The security Of the constitution against
Congress is in the people and in thsir election
every two years Of . new House OF Represent
atives, with onethird OF the Senate, by tho State
Legislatures.
Hence the safety Of the sovereign power Of
the government in Congress. Nor does this
sovereign power over the President depend
upon his conviction BY the Seneic. An opinion
OF Madison is quoted by a coppcrhcad contem-
porary 70 prove that MI. johnson cannot be
suspended; but we think it proves, ii anything,
that be can be. We have had, however, enough
Of the constitutional opinions Of both Madison
and Jefferson in their State rights heresies and
their disastrous consequences, Us developed in
the State rights Of sovereignty, secession and
rebellion. A terrible war has washed out all
those old heresies in the blood Of half million
schools, common sense, railroads, steamships
and telegraphs We have safely passed ths
first and severest ordeal Of great political
revolution. Certain great issues have been
decided by that final appeal 70 the bayonet,
and these issues must now be established in
the government. or the party charged with this
responsibility must go to pieces. Andrew
johnson blocks the way. He must be removed
or Congress. in the surrender of its rightful
authority. will fall into disgrace, and the Execu-
tive, rs be ~ ,ses till the people can reach
him, may be President or King, as prophesied
by Mr.. Seward. y
When brought before the Senate for trial
Mr.. johnson, as the prisoner at the bar before
that high court may be suspended or be per-
mitted nominally to hold his Office, as on his
parole Of honor. He will probably be allowed
bis parole, in view Of short trial and speedy
conviction. His case need not occupy more
than ten or fifteen days. The broad charge OF
usurpation and the specifications in reference
TO his assumptions OF the Law making power
over the rebel States will be ample enough,
for all purposes. There will be no necessity 10
lengthen the case by Juggling in his famous
| of-band inaugural address in the Senate, or the
stump speeches Of his Chicago pilgrimage, or
| his excuses for the New Orleans massacre, Or
his appointment OF rebels and coppcrheads to
office, or his revocation of certain orders OF
General Sickles, thereby reviving the negro
| whipping post and cat-o'-nine-tais OF the old
| North Carolina slave code. On tho broad issue
Of executive usurpa ton he may be impeached
tried, convicted and removed within the limit ol
ten days. Nor will his removal stir up another
civil war or set the Potomac on fire. He will
| go of as quietly as John Tyler went OF from
the White House, only 70 find ut the dock that
even the steamboat had left him.
Our belligerent copperhead organs, there.
fore, may stop their senseless clamor; the Man.
l haitian CInh NAV cuoy,ord thos~ hox;ur, So, al