Staunton vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1860-1896, 1867-12-06

almost DESTROYED official accountability. The
President may be thorgughly convinced that an
officer is incapable, dishonest, or unfaithful to
the Constitution, but under the iawswhich have
the Senate, and ask the privilege of supplying his
place with ! better man ~ the Senate beregard-
ed as personally or POLITICAL hostile to the Pres-
dent it is natural, and not altogether hnreason-
able, for the officer to expect that it will take his
part far possible, restore him to his place,
and give him triumph over. his Executive supe-
rior The officer has other chances of immunity
arising from accidental defects Of evidence, the
mode of inyeetig it, and the secrecy of the
hearing. 1t is not wonderful that official NAL
feasance should become bold in proportion as the
delinquents learn to think themselves safe. am
entirely persuaded that under such q rule the
President cannot perform the great duty assign
ed to him Of seeing the laws faithfully executed,
and that it disables him most especially from en-
forcing that rigid accountability which is neces-
sarY to the due execution of the revenue laws.
The Constitution invests the President with
authority to decide whether removal should be
made in any given case, the act of Congress de-
clares, in substance, that he shall only accuse
such as he supDoses to be unworthy of their trust
The Constitution makes him sole judge in the
premises; but the statute takes away his juris-
dction, transfers it to the Senate, and leaves him
nothing but the odious and sometimes impracti-
cable duty of becoming prosecutor. The prose-
cution is to be conducted before tribunal whose
members are not, like him, responsible to the
whole people, but to separate constituent bodies,
and who may hear his accusation with great dis
favor. The Senate is absolutely without any
known standard of decision applicable to such
case. Its judgment cannot be anticipated, for it
is not governed BY any rule. The law does not
define what shall be deemed good cause for re-
moval. 1t is impossible even to conjecture what
may or may not be so considered by the Senate.
The nature of the subject forbids clear proof. If
the charge be incapacity, what evidence will
support it? Fidelity to the Constitution may be
understood or misunderstood in thousand diff
ferent ways, and by violent party men, in vio-
lent party times, unfaithfulness to the Constitu-
ton may even come to be considered meriterious
If the officer be accused of.dishonesty, how shall
it be made out? Will it be inferred from acts
unconnectcd with public duty, from private his
tory, or from general reputation? Or must the
President await the commission of an actual mis-
demeanor in Office 2 Shall he in the meant
risk the character and interest of the Nation in
the hands of men to whom he cannot give his
confidence? Must heforbear his complaint until
the mischief is done and cannot ue prevented
If his zeal in the public service should impel him
to anticipate the overt act, must he move at the
peril of being tried himself for the offence of
slandering his subordinate? In the present cir
cumstapces Of the country, some one must be
held responsible for official delinquency of every
kind. 1t is extremely difficult to say wherethnt
responsibility should be thrown, if it be not LETT
where it has been placed by the Constitution
But all just men will admit that the President
oaght to be entirely relieved from suchresponsi-
Utility, if he cannot meet it by reason of restric-
tons placed by law upon his action
The unrestricted power of removal from Office
| is very great one to be trusted even to Il Mag
istrate chosen by the general suffrage Of the whole
people, and accountable directly to them for his
acts. 1t is undoubtedly liablesto abuse, and at
some periods of our history perhaps has been.
abused. If it be thought aesiFab1s'and constitu-
tional that it should be SO limited as to make the
President merely common informer against
other public agents, he should at least be per-
mitted to act in that capacity before some open
tribunal, independent of party politics, ready to
investigate the merits of every case; furnished
with tire means of taking evidence and bound
to decide according to established rules. This
would guarantee the safety Of theaccu when
he acts in good faith, and at the same time Sc
cure the rights of the other party, | speak of
with all proper respect for the present SEN
ate but it does not seem to me that any legisa-
tive body can be so constituted as to insure its
fitness for these functions. $3.50 ~
1t is not the theory of this Government that
public offices are the property of those who hold
them. They are given merely as trust for the
public benefit sometimes for a fixed period, some
times during good behavior, but generally they
are liable.to be terminated at the pleasure of the
appointing power, which represents the collective
majesty and speaks the will of the people. \ The
forced retention in Office of Single dishonest
person may work great injury to the public inter-
ests The dangerto the public service comes not
from the power to remove but from the power to
appoint. Therefore twas tina: the trainers of
the Constitution left TIE power ofremoval unre-
stricted while they gave the Senate q right to
reject all appointments which, in its opinion,
were not6t to be made. A little reflection on
this subject will probably satisfy all who have
the good of the country at heart that our best
course is to take the Constitution for our guide,
walk in the path marked out by the founders Of
the Republic, and obey the rules made sacred by
the observance of our great predecessors.
The present condition of our finances and cir
culating medium is enc to which your early CON-
sideraton is invited.
The proportion which the currency of any
country should bear to the whole value of the
annual produce circulated by it's means is ques-
ton upon which political economists have not
agreed. Nor can it be controlled by legislation,
but must be left to the rrevocable laws which
everywhere regulate commerce and trade. The
circulating medium will ever irresstibly flow to
those points where it is in greatest demand. The
law of demand and supply is as unerring as that
which regulates the tides of the ocean, and in
deed currency, like the tides, has its Gibbs and
flows throughout the commercial world.
AT the beginning of the rebellion the bank
note circalstion Of the country amounted to not
much more than two hundred millions OF Cellars
now the circulation of National Bank notes and
those known as illegal tenders is nearly seven
hundred millions. While it is urged by some
that this amount should be increased, others con-
tend that decided reductiouis absolutely essen
tial to the best interests of the country In view
of these diverse opinions it may be well to as
certain the real value of our paper issues, when
compared with a metallic or convertible curren-
cy. For this purpose, let US inquire how much
gold and silver could be purchased by the seven
hundred millions Of paper money now in circula-
ton? Probably not more than half, the amount
Of the latter-showing sthat when our paper cur
rency is compared with gold and silver, its COM
mercial value is compressed into three hundred
and fifty millions. This striking fact makes it
the obvious duty of tho Government as early as
may be consistent with the principle of sound
political economy, to take such measures az will
enable the helder Gifts notes and those of the
National Banks to cOnvers shem, without loss
into specie or its equivalent. A reduction of our
paper circulating medium need not necessarily
follow. This, however, would depend upon the
law OF demand and supply, though it should be
borne in mind that by making legal-tender and
bank notes convertible into coin or its equva-
lent, their present specie value in the hands of
their holders would be enhanced one hundred
per cent. 81.
Legislation for the accomplishment ola result
so desirable is demanded by the highest public