The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-11-23
Tho Royal Speeches.

The English Parliament and the French
Legislature have both been formally opened
with speeches from the throne. The Emperor
appeared and delivered his speech in person.
The Queens speech was read by royal COM
mission. There is some food for thought in
this difference. The Emperor of France re-
tains his popularity and his power by doing
his own work. The Queen loses her popu-
larity and her power by leaving her work to
be done by others. Many things might be
said on this subject, if we felt disposed to go
into particulars. This much, at least, it is
safe to say, that if a little less of Napoleenism
would be blessing to France, little more of
Napoleonism would be blessing to England.
Where monarchy exists, its success depends on
the avoidance of two opposite extremes. Too
much projected, monarchy is liable to become
bore; too little projected, it is liable to be-
come nuisance. We have the two extremes
exempli6ed in France and England. Napo-
leon is too much of despot; Victoria is too
much of an automatOn. 1t is no longer to be
denied that if the French people had occasion
to complain that the Government is too much
in the hands of one man, the English people
are of opinion that little more of Napoleon.
ism is the thing which, of all others, they most
need. The fashionable world of London, in
cluding, of course the West End shopkeepers,
are heartily sick of the Queens retirement
This feeling has been very much aggravated
by the protracted illness of the Princess of
Wales. Even the English people will get
tired Of monarchy if it cannot or will not keep
up the excitement of court.
The Queens speech does not appear to have
had any special excellence. We do not forget,
ofcourse, that the speech was composed by
Lord Derby and his henchman Disraeli. IL
10 III
the extreme. If il erred at all, it erred by
defect. The Rmperor's speech, on the other
hand, was full and exhaustive. It is his own
speech-an expression of the thoughts of his
own active and obserVant mind-and no one
can read it without feeling that it is worthy Of
the ruler of a great country. We are not
blind admirers of the Emperor Napoleon. We
think he has made during his reign some great
and serious mistakes. But perfection is not to
be looked for in mere mortality even ii that
mortality should be found to live in the persons
Of imperial philosophers. History will con-
denim him for the part he has played in the
September Convention business; but history
will justify the conclusion he has arrived at
in regard to the consolidation of Germany.
We are not satisfied that the Emperor is quite
pleased to have on his northern border so
powerful neighbor as Prussia has become;
but he has shown his wisdom by yielding
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not resist. We cannot say that Napoleon has
never attempted the impossible but we can
say that he has never stupidity persisted in
the attempt. In this Roman difficulty Napo-
leon has heavy task on hand; but we are
not without reasons for believing that, If life
is spared him, he will bring it to a satisfac-
tory issue. The September Convention un-
questionably rendered his interference neces-
sary; but though originally in our opinion,
grand mistake, the September Convention may
prove the means of finally and satisfactorily
settling the Roman question. No one is now
more fully convinced than Napoleon himself
that the Pope, to remain a great spiritual
ruler, must cease to be temporal prince. II
will be seen, from the Emperor's re-
marks, that the efficiency Of the army
is the object of his constant sOlici-
tude. II is equally manifest from the
tenor of his speech that European war is no
longer to be decided. To be ready for any
emergency is wise policy; but his desire to
maintain the efficiency Of the army does not
imply that the Emperor wishes war. 1t
is gratifying to learn that the Western