The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-03-06

sentnttvcs q Bill entitled SAN Act to Pro
vide for the More Emefcnt Government a
the Rebel States.o
! 10 he House Of Representatives
| l have examined the bill tsto provide for tl
more efficient government of the rebel States Will
the care and anxiety viii h its transcendent i'm
| portance is calculated to awaken. I am unable tx
give it my assent, for reasons so grave that hope
statement Of them may hrvo some influence OF
the minds of the patriotic and enlightened mer
| with whom the decision must ultimately rest
| The bill places all the people Of the ton States
therein named, under the absolute domination ot
military rulers; and the preamble undertakes tc
give the reason upon which the measure is based,
and the ground upon which it is justified. It de-
clares that there exists in those States no legal
governments and no adequate protection for life
or property, and asserts the necessity OF enforcing
peace and good order within their limits. Is this
true as matter Of fact2
1t is not denied that the States in question have
each Of them an actual government, with all the
powers, executive, judicial and Legislative which
lied like the other States Of the Union, and, like
them, they make, administer, and execute. the
Laws which concern their aoq9 q9esstsising such func-
listing de IaeH is itself the law Of the State upon
al matters within it's jur .sdiction; 10 pronounce
the supreme law-making power of an established
State Illegal is to say that law itself is unlawful.
made for the preservation Of order, tho suppression
Of crime, and the redress OF private injuries are in
substance and principle the same as those WHICH
lied countries. They certainly have not succeed
ed in preventing the commission Of all crime,
nor has this been Accomplished anywhere
IN VpnT n
offenders sometimes escape for want of
vigorous prosecution, and occasionally. per
of Jurors. It is undoubtedly true that these evils
have been much increased and aggravated, North
and South, by the demorahzing influence OF civil
test has engendered. But that these people are
maintaining local governments for themselves
which habitually defeat the object Of all govern
secure, is in itself utterly improbable, and the
ment Of tho bill to that effect is not supported BY
AL the information have on the subject convincos
mo that tho masses Of tho Southern people and
those who control their pu lie acts while they en-.
policy, arc completely united in tic effort to reor
gani1e their society on tho basis Of peace, and to
restore their mutual prosperity US rapidly and .
completely as their circumstances Will permit.
The bill, however, would seem to show upon its
face that the establishment OF peace and good
order is not it's real object. The fifth section de-
operate in any State where certain events shall
have happened These events arc: First the
selection Of delegates to State convention by an
election at which negroes shall be allowed to VOTE
Second, the formation of State constitution by
the convention SO chosen Third, the insertion
into the State constitution Of q provision which
will secure the right of vot1ng at all elections to
negroes and to such white men as may not be dis
franchsed for rebellion or felony. Fourth, the
submission OF the constitution for ratification to
negroes and white men not DISTINGUISHED, and its
actual ratification by their vote. Fifth, the sub
mission Of the State constitution to Congress for
eF n at nan and be o
certain amendment to the Federal Constitution
by vote Of the Legislature elected under the new
ut inc ~ OF oser ss
o United States. All these conditions must be fuI- M
a be raieVed ae rom rom the bondaee Of military an doina
ton; but when they are fulfilled then Immediately
the pains and penalties Of the bill are to cease, no
and without any reference to- the security of life
property The excuse given for the bill in the pre-
amble is admitted by the bill itself not to be real
Themiitary rule which it establishes is plainly to
be used-not for any purpose of order OR for the
prevention Of crime, but solely as means Of coer
eng the people at1 The ct principles and
right to exercise their own judgment.
not in its whole character, scope and object with
out precedent and without authority, in palpablo
conflict with the plainest provisions Of the Const
ciples Of liberty and humanity for which our an
cestors on both sides Of the Atlantic have shed 30
much blood and expended SO much treasure.
The ten States named in the bill are divided into
five districts. For each district an officer Of the
army not below the rank Of brgadier-general, is
to be appointed to rule over the people; and he is
enable him to perform his duties and enforce his
authority. These duties and that authority, ns
defined by the third section Of the bill, are ito
property, to suppress insurrection disorder and
violence, and to punish or cause to be punished
all the people OF each district is that OF an
absolute monarch. His mere will is to take the
place Of all law. Tho law Of the States is
iects placed under his control, and that
is completely displaced by the clause which
declares al interference Of State authority to be
what are rights Of person or property, and he may
protect them in such way as, in his discretion,
ali the lands and goods in his DISTRICT and he may
distribute them with cut let or hindrance to whom
he pleases. Being bound by no State law, and
there being no other law to regulate the subject,
can make it as bloody as any recorded in history,
he can reserve the privilege of acting upon the
impulse OF his private passions in each case that
arises He is bound by no rules Of evidence; there
is indeed no provision by which he is authorized
OF required to take any. evidence at all Every
thing is crime which he chooses to call go, and
be guilty. Ho is not bound to keep any re-
cord, or make any report Of his proceedings. He
| may arrest his victims wherever he finds them,
without warrant, accusation, or proof Of probable
Gayse. II he gives them. a trial before he in
| mercy not because he is oommanded SO f5eGe and
To casual reader of the bill it might seem that
some nd Of trial was secured by it to persons &C.
| cused Of crime; but such is not the case. The
oic r s'may allow local civil tribunals to try Of
fenders" but Of course this does not require that
he shall do so. any Sta te or Federal court pre-
sulnes to exercise it's legal jurisdiction by the trial
Of malefactor without his special permission he
can break it up, and punish the judges and Jurors
as being themselves malefactors. he can save lis
friends from Justice, and despol his enomes con
| trary to justice.
It is also provided .ilat che shall have power te
organize military commissions or tribunals;" bu
! this power he is not commanded to exercise It il
merely permissive, and is to be used only tfwhe1
| in his Judgment it may be necessary for the tria
Of offenders" Even il the sentence of a commits
sion we're made prerequisite to the punishmen
OF party it would be scarcely the slightest checl
upon the officer, who has authority4o organize i
| as he pleases, prescribe it's mode Of proceeding
appoint it's members from among his own subordi
Mates, and revise all it's decisions. Instead Of miti
eating the hardness Of his single rule such tri
| bunal would be used much more probably to diyid
the responsibility Of making it more cruel an.
unjust.
Several provisions, dictated BY the humanity Q
Congress, have been inserted in the BILL apparent
ly to restrain the power OF the c. mandinR officer