The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1867-01-19
Tri-aVeekly STANDARD.
RALEIGH. n. g.
SATURDAY,, JANUARY 10, 1867.

We entirely agree with the views of Gov
Swain, in regard to the oath referred to, bu
not in regard to the legality or necessity OF
some test OATH That which suits our mind
best, is the one adopted by Congress. July 9
1862. We have no malign or hostile spirit
toward those who would be excluded by
this oath-UniOn Register.
The following is the language of President
Swain, endorsed by the Register:
Il object to it as setting a dangerous
trap for mems consciences and offering the
most tempting brides for the commission OF
perjury. l object to it as having tendency
to array neighborhood against neighborhood
and man against man, for years to come,
and lastly. L object to it as impracticable
! and absurd.
have no hesitation in expressing the
| opinion that, if the question could be pro-
pounded on oath tomorrow, nine-tenths of
the voters of h-Carolina would be COM
! PEELED to swear that on the 4th of March,
1864 they did not know that the President
of the United States had issued any Procla-
nation on the Sth day of December, 1868 :;
nay more, that at the present moment they
did not know what were the conditions of
amnesty proposed by that proclamat on"
And now, first as to our friends of the
I
ion on any terms that may be prescribed by
Congress. If that body says we must return
under the oath of 1862, we reply agreed
If it says return under tie oath in Mr. Ste
ven's and Mr.. Ashley's bills, we say agreed
If it says return under a new and different
oath from the above oaths, we again say
agreed. Mr.. Stevens and Mr.. Ashley have
both accepted the oath which is so objection
able to President Swain. They seem to think
1t sufficiently strong, without the aid of the
oath of 1852. These gentlemen are certainly
good radical authority. We do not see
why we should be more exacting or more
radical than they are.
But our friends of the Register do not
perceive, it seems to lis, the design of the
Sentinel. The object of that paper is to de-
feat the work of reorganization on loval
basis by producing the impression that there
is but a handful of Unionists in this State.
1t thinks, if 1t can possess Congress with
this idea, that that body. if it must direct
a re organization, will adopt universal am
neSty and universal suffrage. thus placing
traitors on the same high ground with low
alists. and putting it in the power of the Sc
cession leaders 10 inianle. influence and mis-
lead the colored voters. Hence it is con-
SANITY declaring that there are not more
than five thousand white Cnionists in the /
State. Il Is pleased, therefore, with the test
oath Of 1862. because that oath would in its /;
opinion. reduce the Unionists to that num-
Der. Now. we believe there are ten thousand
white voters in this State who can take the /
Congressional testoath as it stands, in letter
and spirit, and there are thousands more who .
can take it in spirit, but who are debarred
from doing so by its letter; but is it not cy-
cry way advisable that the State should be
re organized by the thirty thousand who can
ley's bills 1t seems to us it is Let us take.
for example, the case of the Hon. A. FL. |
Jones, member elect to Congress from the
District of this State. Mr. Jones
was conscri pied and forced into the army in
1864. He subsequently escaped and crossed
the lines. But, while he was in camp,
his friends voted for him in Henderson and
Pennsylvania for the House of Commons
They did so for two reasons, first, to take
him out of the army and thus save his life
and secondly, in order that he might take his
seat in the Legisla ture and aid Mr. Pool, Mr..
Mr. Dick, and other Unionists in the work
of stopping the war by State action and re-
storing the Union. We supported Mr.. Jones
in this journal, and urged the people to vote
for him. He was defeated by small major
ity. Now, if Mr.. Jones sought" that Office
g under State in revolt, he cannot take the
oath. But he says he can take it, and we
think he can, honestly. But would it not be
hard, under the circumstances, while he was
allowed to take part in recognizing the
State, to ban and exclude from the polls
those friends of his who thus supported
him9 We think our friends of the Register
will agree with US that it would.
But President Swain objects to this oath,
and, we presume, to any oath, as {" a danger
GUS trap for mems consciences." The trap"
will catch no bird that does not walk into
it. "The fowler sctteth his snare in vain in
sight of the Bird Every one can see the
SO trap" We warn President Swain that
it will be set, and that we do not want his
political friends to go near it. Let them
avoid the I" trap and thus keep their con-
sciences" in their immaculate purity.
President Swain objects to the oath, be-
cause it will array neighborhood against
and man against man.
What have we now, but strife between
and between man and MANI
and what is this but the result of that
very mild obligation, the amnesty oath
President Swain remembers the fable of
the old man and the wicked boy who
stole the apples. Tufts of grass were first
tried on the wicked boy; then sticks; but
it took rocks at last to save the apples
and properly correct the boy. 1t is so with
respect to the oath. The Union mast be re-
stored. 1t can be restored only by the loyal
people, Tor COnOress will MI |