Gold Hill daily news. [volume] (Gold Hill, N.T. [Nev.]) 1863-1882, 1867-02-15

~ WV ""o NV sNSS
night. The newspaper report Of the
speech has never been revised by me-.
The notes of the reporter were submit
ted to me, and corrected to some extent
before being published, but not so
thoroughly as | could have wished.
The report was substantially correct.
If | had any idea that it would have
been so extensively circulated as it has
been, and been republished in so many
places throughout the country as it has
been, | should have prepared a copy for
the press in the. first instance. But |
had no such thought, and therefore let
the report go as it did. There are
several verbal inaccuracies in it, but
the main points appear sufficiently clear
for all practical purposes. The country
certainly i, in great peril, and no man
ever had heavier or greater responsible
ties resting upon,h him than you have in
the present momentous crisis.
Yours, most respectfully,
ALEXANDER II. STEPHENS.
Hon. ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
Springfield, Illinois.
REPLY OF Mr.. LINCOLN.
For your oWn eye onty.)
SPRINGFIELD, H., Dec. %, 1860.
Hon. 4. n. Stephens:
My DEAR SIR:-Your obliging answer
to my short note is just received, and
for which please accept my thanks. |
fully appreciate the present peril the
country is in, and the weight Of respon-
sibility on me. DO the people Of the
South really eOtertain fears that a Re-
publican administration, would, directly
or indirectly, interfere with their slaves,
or with them about. their. slaves, If
they do, I wish to assure you, rs once Il
friend, and still, | hope, not m enemy.
that there is no cause for such fears.
The South would be in no mole danger
in this respect, than it would be in the
days of Washington. suppose, how
ever, this does not meet the case. You
think slavery is right, and ought to be
extended; while we think it is tcrong,
and ought to be restricted That, |
suppose, is the rub. 1t certainly is the
only substantial difference between us.
Yours, very truly, A. LINCOLN.
.-1' Mr.. STEPHENS TO Mr.. LINCOLN.
CRAwFoRDsvILLE, Ga, Dec. 30, 1860.
DEAR SIR:-Yours Of the ed instant
was received two days ago. hold it
and appreciate it as you intended. Per-
sonally ! am not your enemy-far from
it; and however widely we may differ
politically, yet ! trust we both have an
earnest desire to preserve and maintain
the Union Of the States if it can be done
upon the principles and furtherance of
the objects for which it was formed. 1t
was with such feelings ON my part that
I suggested to you in my former note
the heavy responsibility now resting on
you, and with the same feelings ! will
now take the liberty Of saying in all
frankness and ea%rnestness, that this
great object can never be attained by
force. This is my settled conviction.
Consider the opinion, weigh it, and pass
upon it yourself. An error on this
point may lead to the most disastrous
consequences. Twill also add, that in
my judgment the people of the South
do not entertain any fears that a Repub-
lican administration, or at least the one
about to be in~augurated, would attempt
to interfere directly or Immediately with
slavery in the States. Their apprehen-
sions and disquietude do not spring
from that source. They do not arise
from the known anti-slayery opinions
of the President elect. Washington,
jefferson, and the other Presidents are
generally admitted to have been anti
slavery in sentiment. But in those days
anti-slavery did not enter as an element
into party organizations.
Questions of other kinds, relating to
the foreign and domestic policy-com-
merce, finance and other legitimate OBJ
iects of the General Government-wcre
the basis of such associations in their
day. The private. opinions of %individu-
ais upon the subject Of African slavery,
or the status Of the negro with US, were
looked to in the choice Of Federal Off
GERS, any more than their views upon
matters of religion, or any other subject
over which the Government, under the
Constitution, had no control. But now
this subject, which>is confessedly on all
sides outside of the constitutional action
of the Government, SO far as the States
are concerned, is made the ~"central
idea" in the platform Of principles an
nounced by the triumphant party. The
leading object seems TO be simply, and
wantonly if you please, to put the insti-
buttons Of nearly half the States under
ban of public opinion and national con-
demnation. This, upon general princi-
pies, is quite enough Of itself to arouse
a spirit not only ofsindignation, but of
revolt, on the part of the prescribed.
Let me illustrate. 1t is generally con-
coded, by the Republicans even, that
Congress cannot interfere with slavery
in the States. 1t is equally conceded
that Congress cannot establish any form
of religious worship. Now, suppose
that any one of the present Christian
churches or sects prevailed in all the
Southern States, but had no existence
in any one of the Northern States IN
der such circumstances suppose the
people Of the Northern States should
organize a political party-not upon a
or domestic policy, but with one
leading idea of condemnation Of the
doctrines and tenets Of that particular
and with the avowed object of
preventing its extension into the COM
mon Territories, even after the highest
judicial tribunal Of the land had decided
they had no such constitutional power
And suppose that q party so organized
should carry a Presidential election
Is it not apparent that a general feeling
Of resistance to the, success, aims and
of such a party would necessa-
and righfully ensue2 Would it not
inevitable consequence p And
the more so, If possible, from the admit
ted fact that it was a matter beyond
their control, and one that they ought
not, in the spirit Of comfy, between CO.