The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-12-14

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cans. The truth is that, "touohy" as our
people have long been reputed to be- there
are no audiences in the world so little likely
as American audiences are to PREJUDICE what
ever may be offered to them in virtue Of extra
neous circumstances. Neither in London nor
Paris is the average Of public audiences so fair
and candid as in New York. An evening
journal comments, possibly by way Of Joke,
upon the "quiet good order and attention" of
Mr.. Dickens first audience in this city as
worthy of notice, in view of the notorious
"vulgarity and bosterousness and general bad
behavior" Of American assemblages. II this
was meant as a quiz upon British notions of
American public gatherings it was hardly
just to forget that the only British writer who
has made a special study OF this point in our
ways and works, Mr.. Oxenford, of the London
Times, has taken particular pains to speak Of
American, and especially of New York audi
ences as remarkable for their good breeding
and decorum. This superiority is only a
natural fruit Of the superior average education
of the American people. When Robert loves
idea shall have been realized, and England
shall have educated her "new masters, SINH
lar results may be looked for even there.
Mr.. Dickens's visit may be made useful to his
own couDtrymen if he will take the trouble, as
no doubt he will, to impress this lesson OF his
experience upon their minds. New York, Mr..
Dickens may take it as certain, is but fair
representative of America in this particular.
How things went at Boston we cannot say,
nor does it much matter; for Boston, though
an interesting and, we believe, virtuous city,
is very far from being in any respect oharac-
teristically American. people who look
upon Sumner as statesman, and prefer
baked beans to Blot, are capable of any
thing. The only positively Objectionable
feature of the Dickens readings in this city
so far, for example, is Bostonian. We mean
the attempt to turn Mr.. Dickens into
reading-master, by inducing his hearers to
buy at the doors small pamphlet copies of the
selections which the great novelist is to read
on a given evening, and to fix upon these
printed pages the attention which should be
given to the reciter himself. This abominable
practice, which originally came upon US with
Rachel, and had some slight excuse in the
presumable unfamiliarity of foreign audiences
with the French tongue and with French ira
gedies, may perhaps have been necessary in
Boston, where the literary culture of the in
habitants is chiefly confined to the Atlantic
Monthly and the effusions of "Timothy Tit
comb" 1t has no such treason of being"
here, and ought to be promptly "squelched"
at the doors before it can get into the house.
It's effect in the days Of Rachel used to be to
frighten everybody, at brief intervals, into the
belief that severe rainstorm had suddenly
set in. The peril of this being conjured, how
ever, Mr.. Dickens will have quite as much
| reason to be proud of his New York hearers as
his New York hearers to be pleased with him.
The First of the New Constitutions.
From the ". y Evening Post.
We published recently an outline of the
| Constitution which the Alabama Convention
has presented to the people of the State for
adoption, and which is subsequently to go to
the Congress of the United States for ratifCa-
tion. 1t is the first of that crop Of new Consti-
tutions that is to grow up out of the war and
| its consequences. 1t deserves, on that ac-
count, more than usual study and reflection.
| 1t exhibits the negro for the first time as a
participator in legislation, and may be re-
garded also as a specimen of the kind of politi-
cal document which is likely to be prepared in
other Southern States, under the recent acts
of Congress.
This constitution begins with strong and
comprehensive bill of rights, to which we pre-
sumo no American will object. The greater
part of it seems to be taken from the Declara-
tion of Independence, or from the preamble to
the old Virginia Constitution passed in the
early days of the republic, when the popular
inspiration was strong, and the sentiment OF
| liberty animated the hearts of all men. So far,
then, it cannot be otherwise than excellent.
These old formulas of truth, intended to guard
the people from the encroachments of power,
cannot be too familiar to us, or too often re-
| peated in those fundamental organs of Govern
ment, which are the pledge and shield of our
freedom.
In the distribution, too of the various de-
partments of the State government in the de-
scription and limitation of their functions, the
Alabama charter follows pretty closely the
best models of the free States, improving upon
their provisions, in some respects, and fall
ing behind them in few, If any. ALI offices
are made elective, but the judges serve for
six years, senators for four, and assemblymen
for two. A board of education is instituted,
and specific taxes set aside for the support Of
those by whom its purposes are to be carried
into effect. In all this again, the Convention
appears to have been governed by the ex-
amples of the free States, where political or
ganzation is supposed to be the most ad-
vanced and perfect. 1t would have been
better, doubtless, to render the tenure OF
judges during good behavior; but, as the Con-
vention of our own State boggles over that
point, we are not to be surprised that they
hesitate in Alabama.
But now comes the important query-who
are to be the electors by whom this new Gov
ernment is to be empowered Who are to
vote under it and to hold Office under it
The general answer is, ''all male citizens,
native or naturalized, twenty-one years oil
age, who have been residents of the State fol
one year" which is as liberal as it can be-
but the Assembly is ordered to provide a regis.
tration of such citizens, from which the follow
ing classes Of persons are excluded
First. Those who, during the late Rebellion
inflicted or caused to be inflicted any cruel ol
sailor, marine, employe, or citizen of the
| United States, or who in any other way vic
lated the rules of civilized warfare. Second
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