Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1867-08-13
NorKs oN rHr sIruArIos- 10. 4

fatal to the very life OF all American
principles Of government, letus now pro-
ceed to examine the reasons urged to
justify or induce their acceptance by our
people. After careful consideration
find that all the reasons which have
heard or read are included in the follow
ing five propositions and allegations:
1. We are helpless, 1t is alleged, and
can neither resist nor prevent the adOp-
tion of these measures.
2 That If we refuse to accept this plan
Of reeonstruetion, a worse one will be
provided. An appeal to our fears, and
therefore a strong or rather dangerous
position.
8. That if we reject this plan congress
wifi become more offended, and viii con-
fiscate our property, and take the sub
I stance we have left. This is an appeal 10
our svarice-a very dominant passion ol
human nature. az
4. That we of the south are a con-
quered people, and are bound to accept
the terms of the conquerOr, and that
these bills are the. terms Of the CEN
queror.
g. That the negro, being now free and
made citizen, is entitled both for bis
protection and in accordance with the
principles Of popular government, to po-
litical as well as civil equality with the
white race, and that civil equality will
be idle without political equality.
This last position is urged chiefly by
northern supporters Of these bills, and
! has 4 semi blance Of consistency and pFin-
ciple, and I have, therefore, included it
10 the list of arguments or positions to be
answered. -...--
I have no difficulty whatever in find
ing the most satisfactory replies to all
these alleged reasons. Indeed, l affirm,
with absolute confidence, that all the
/ good which it is claimed will come of the
! acceptance of these measures, will come
and only come of their rejection and
that all the evils which it is alleged will
result from their rejection will necessarily
and naturally result from their accept
anee. But find it very difficult while
writing and impossible while speaking,
to exhibit what I do not feel; and, while
making the analysis, it will be task to
exhibit any respect either for these posi-
tions or for those who use them. For
the educated Politieian-the man. who
has experience in public affairs and who
aspires and labOrs to be teacher and
counselor of the people-and who urges
these teachings and cOunsels, " am eX-
ceedingIy filed with contempt :" because
] Il
I sciously desecrates the truth, and reek-
I Iessiy, but with most cOneiliating ad-
( dress, hazards every interest of the people
only that he may take the benefit of be-
ing "on the strong side" Alas what
pen shall ever be able to recount the
[ countless horrors which have resulted
from-been wrought by-that demoniae
spirit of our political leaders to be on the
strong side, and to make issues and pam
der to passions " 70 keep the strong side ~
This spirit made " bleeding Kansas, y
rent the union in twain, drenched the
! county in blood, and clad the people
with mourning; demOralized, deceived
7 and betrayed the most gallant people
under the cycles of the sun to the most
humiliatiDg subjugatiOn, and now eOun-
sells, urges, threatens to compel dishonOr
to people who have nothing but honor
left.
But 1 know there are many people
who are honest, and even Intelligent on
most subjects, who commit grave politi-
cal errors and mistakes. II would be
! strange if they did not when there are 50
many Influences to deceive. In popular
I governments, therefore, and more espe-
/ eiaIly now, since SO much power is pro-
! posed to be given to so much ignorance,
/
argument, lest he make q tool Of his
| hearer.
/ First, then, il is said we are helpless
/ and can't prevent the success Of these mill
/ itary bills. Well, if this is true lChy ask
! oar CONSENT ? If success does not depend
| on consent, why beg, and coax, and
/ threaten to secure consent? If We must
! be disfranch ised and have an "enemy's
| government - forced upon Us, spare US
! the gratuitOus dishOuOr Of conseuUug
/ If fiend, with the power, should come
| to burn your house, or rape your wife, or
| kill your family, and should cOoly
ask your consent, saying you had better
| consent, for if you did not be would burn,
| or rape, or kill anyhow, and perhaps,
| being iucensed by your refusal, do all !;
would you consent? | like the spirit of
| the old Roman centurion A deeemvir,
/ a ruler of the strong side, became enam-
/ ored of the centUriOn's daughter. He
| first persuaded, but persuasion failing to
/ secure consent, he resorted to his power,
! the power of his office. When the hour
I of supposed helplessness was reached,
1 the father snatched knife and plunged
! 1t into the breast of his daughter, eX-
/ claiming, This is all, my dearest daugh-
| ter, can give thee to preserve thy chss-
! tity from the last and violence OF a ty-
ract.n And what was the result in
\ heather Rome? The soldiers and people
I honored the father, and rose with iudig-
nation and abolished the decemviral
power of Rome forever, and the guilty
| decemyirs slew themselves. And to this
Z day this thing Is told as q memorial of
( the noble father, and OF the glorious army
and people who avenged him. And the
1 daughters name was VlrgilIjG. The vir-
| tue of all our daughters, and the pride of
all our sons are secure only in our sense
of honor as people.
| But are we helpless? IL we eontem-
plate resistance by arms, [ eoncede that
| now we are helpless. But cur strength
! is not in arms. Our strength is in the
constitution. If the constitution is strong
we are strong and if we are helpless the
| constitution is helpless. l have shown if
1 the military be forced upon US, the con-
| stitutiOn is destroyed. On its parapets
alone let as mount our guns anu fire on.
The most startling evidence of our pro-
| gress toward anarchy, is the idea with
some, l fear many Of our people, that
! the constitution can do US no good. The
very thought should alarm every man
on the continent who has property, or
! liberty, or peace, or who desires to get or
! to keep either. The only possible hope I
have in the future for anything good or
safe to the people Of any section and Of
/ any color, is founded in the belief that
/ the constitution is not dead-is not help
! less. 1t has been sadly disregarded,
abandoned and trampled on, / admit
! But its enemies are too cruel. They in
slst upon dealing their blows too often.
too quickly, and too recklessly. Their
I motives are becoming manifest. The
murderer's intent is at last being seen.
The people will come to the rescue; thew
viii come in wrath, and these long riot
ing enemies will call on the very noun
tains to hide them. II I am mistaken
il the constitution is dead II the people
have lost the will to save it, these pstri-
ots and christians and al order-lOving
men have but one duty to perform. That
duty is TO pray-pray earnestly-pray
increasingly, that the Caesar of American
history would come, and come quickly.
Our noble governor sought to test the
eonstitutionality of these measures before
the supreme court by a bill in the name
of the state. | am glad he did so. 1t
was a manly effort, for which our chill
dren will praise him. Besides, he gave
the court an opportunity of deciding an
important question which may be one
day involved. He failed to get the test,
because the court was not able to decide
that it had jurisdiction in the form in
which the question was made; not be-
cause Georgia was not a state, but be-
cause Georgis being state, the question
as made was political only. But the
humblest of the ten millions Of the people
OF the ten states, whose rights Of person
or property are interfered with by one OF
these military officers, can make the
question, and make it judicially and
then the court must decide it, and will
decide it, and can decide it only in favor
of the citizen, l do most earnestly hope
that every citizen, whose property is
seized, or whose person Is arrested, under
pretense of these military bills, will
promptly appeal 10 the law. l am aware
that our people are attempted to be
heightened from this appeal to the courts
| because they are told it will be years be-
fore this decision can be forced This
is not true. A decision on writ of hd-
| beds corpus must come at once from the
district court, and in a short time from
the supreme court. But, If this delay is
to defeat the application, would not peo-
pie for the same reason assert no right
by the law, and thus submit to all out
RACES or take the law in their oWn hands
And must the right on which all rights
depend be Abandoned because the law is
sloW2
But, it is said, that while the courts are
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