The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-06-10

and appointed another, in whose capacity and |
integrity LouisianiaBs of all parties have con-
fdence. Is 1t proper that the President shall |
step in to restore and strengthen the corrupt |
creatures whom Wells appointed for his own |
base ends Z Is it expedient-wOuld it be even |
decent-to set aside the good men whom |
Sheridan selected to make room for the bad |
men whom Wells had no right in law or equity |
to appoint Mischief has already been wrought |
by interference in this case. The order of the
Secretary of War, staying the proceedings of
Sheridan's Board, is for the time triumph
for Wells nominees, and the vitality impor-
tant work of providing for the repair Of levees
and the relief of those who have suffered from
inundations, is paralyzed in the interest of a
notoriously untrustworthy faction.
The merits of Wells removal are substan-
TALLY the same. We have expressed the
opinion that the manner of Sheridan's action
in deposing Wells was more passionate and
less dignifed than we should have desired il
to be. But Of the one essential fact, that
Wells was treacherous, unworthy funo-
tionary, and that public interests will be bene-
flied by his deposition, we have no doubt. Oar
only doubts relate to the manner of removal,
not to the removal itself. Sheridan NAV have
erred in the display of feeling under the pro-
vocation of Mr.. Stanton's despatch but the
country win repose confidence in his estimate
of Wells as a corrupt, tricky and dishonest
official, and a hindrance to reconstruction.
under his protection Can he wisely, or even
safely block up Sheridan's path, and undo
| what he has declared to be necessary, for the
sake of Wells or any combination he may
| form
We are persuaded that in these and all
similar cases wide latitude must be left to the
| judgement of the Commanding General The
| law invests him with almost unlimited autho-
rity, and in the nature of things he must be
left to act very much upon the promptings of
| his own mind. He alone can determine the
| weight and tendency of the circumstances i'm
mediately around him, of which persons at
distance can form but very imperfect esti-
mate. And he is justified in expecting cordial
and unwavering support from his superiors at
| Washington, especially when his course is
| susceptible of the clear and strong vindcation
| which may be offered in behalf of all that
| Sheridan has done.
Whatever, then, be the decision of the Attor-
ney-General respecting the general principle
| which is understood to be under his conside-
| ration, we trust that the President will sus-
n tain, in their entirety, the proceedings of
Sheridae in the cases which are the immediate
source of the discussion. There would be no
! improperly, perhaps, in laying down a rule
for the future guidance of the military COM
manders, though even this rule should not be
| adhered to too rigidly. But so far as the past
! is concerned, the obvious duty of the Execu-
/
Sheridan in respect of these removals.
AS to the removal of Sheridan himself, we
earnestly hope that the intrigues which are in
progress looking to this result will not be
countenanced by the President. The demand
should not be listened to for a moment. 1t
originates in quarters opposed to reconstruc-
tion, with help from quarters which seek to
use reconstruction for their personal advan-
tage. These are not accusers that can be en-
couraged with propriety in any question, and
assuredly not in question affecting the iudg-
ment integrity, and patriotism of Sheridan.
Nominations for Presidency-Caucuses
and Conventions Versus the Popular
VIII.
From the Herald.
We are on the eve of great change in that
important part of our political machinery, the
nomination of men for the Presidency. Can
didates who are merely the results of party
bargains-who owe their prominence to the
greater or less strength of this or that clique
in some set assemblage of huckstering politi
cians-who are the accidents of political con
dition, and represent only the compromises
and cheats of party strife-such men can nc
longer be accepted by the country as rallying
points for the expression of the popular pur-
pose on great questions or as the deliberate
selections of the national will for the highest
place in the gift of the people.
Washington was nominated for first Presi-
dent by the acclamation of the countryside
spontaneous expression of every part of the
people; and that was a case in which there
could be no doubt who should be advanced
to the first political dignity. But in subse-
quent elections, as no man was so definitely
the representative of the national ideas-aS
differences on points of policy began to origi-
nate parties, the parties were put to choosing
from their leaders the best type of themselves
and ablest defenders of their principles. Cau-
cuses Of Congressman were the first machinery
for thus settling party choice; and these
caucuses acted with comparative honesty; for
the men they put in nomination-all our early
Presidents-were strictly typical of the great
divisions of national thought, and were also
men of high character-men who had achieved
distinction for ability and worth.
But from the caucuses this work of orga-
nizing the people for elections fell into the
hands of conventions as they exist at the pre-
sent time. In these bodies originated the cor
ruption of the country that now appals the
people. Decentralization, beginning there,
spread into all parts of our political system,
until honor and honesty are no longer regarded
as having any association with politics, and
votes and offices are bought as openly and un-
blushingly, with as little sense of shame in the
transaction, as though they were fish in the
market. Conventions began by cheating the
people they were chosen to act for-putting up
second and third-rate men, with whom they
could make terms, rather than great leaders,
who would not stOOp to tread the devious ways
OF corruption. Thus some OF the great men OF