The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-12-16


with views habitually temperate, and an in
fuence resulting from long and faithful ser
vice Of his State, might be relied upon to
cooperate with the administration of the law
in moulding the opinion of Virginia, and
adapting it to the circumstances of the time.
The speech which Mr.. Hunter is reported to
have delivered in Richmond on Thursday, in
connection with the Conservative Convention,
tends to disturb these pleasant anticpations
1t shows that Mr.. Hunter belongs to the Bour-
bon family, and, clinging to the traditions of
his old party and his State, fails to realize the
changes wrought by the war. He forgets that
the Hampton Roads conference produced no
result, and that the reconstruction he de-
nounces is the product Of an authority acquired
by war, as one Of the consequences of the OBJ
stinacy which he helped TO cultivate. Had his
interview with Mr.. Lincoln been followed by
an acceptance Of the terms which the National
Government was then prepared to concede,
Virginia, as represented by Mr.. Hunters
friends, might have rightfully claimed adhe-
renee to the compact. The fact that Congress
legislates by virtue of conquest, not of negoti-
alton or bargain, entirely changes the case.
And when he protests in the name of State
rights, and pleads for white supremacy, under
cover of the State will, he mistakes the posi-
tion of affairs, and urges considerations which
have lost their efficacy.
tary rule to the Government that will grow up
under reconstruction. That is a matter Of
taste, and the gentleman is entitled to his
opinion in regard to it. But the alternative is
not available. The country will not permit
military rule except as an expedient, bridging
the chasm between the chaos which followed
the war and the order which will reign in
restored Union. The only choice left to Mr..
Hunter is, then, acceptance of the law as the
creation Of power against which 1t is folly to
kick, or resistance, involving the forfeiture Of
the influence he might otherwise have exerted
in respect Of revision and amendment.
The latter course i5 that which Mr.. Hunter
has chosen, and the grounds on which he
attempts to vindicate il show how completely
he misapprehends the situation. Some of his
points, while well suited in the latitude in
which he spoke, reveal more of prejudice
than of truth or candor. From his condem-
nation of ''negro rule" and his declaration
that the principle of political equality on
which reconstruction rests is "the highest
crime in nature" the inference might fairly
be that negro acknowledgment and white dis
franchisement have gone together. His argu-
ment is hollow, his fear fallacious, except on
the supposition that the law enaots negro
supremacy. Only from this point of view
are the classes of Hayti and Jamaica, which
he is alleged to have cited "as results of negro
rule" at all suggestive or appropriate. But
the supposed analogy does not exist. Between
the state of things in Hayti and that which
exists in Virginia no parallel can be found.
For though the Virginia freedmen are en-
franchised, all but an insignificant fraction of
the Virginia whites retain the franchise.
And as the latter outnumber the former, with
the advantages of intelligent organization and
the manifold influences OF property on their
side, it is clear that unless they throw away
their opportunities, "negro rule' in Virginia
;Ixy ha oNa
If it is, it will be because the white majority,
by sheer inaction, the result of objectionable
pride, allow the contest to go against them by
default.
This policy of the malcontents, indeed, is a
blunder throughout. A manly remonstrance
against the more extreme features of the re-
construction scheme would come with pro-
priety and effect from persons honestly desi-
rous of profting by the opportunities afforded
them. Their arguments in favor of imposing
qualifications upon negro suffrage, and OF re-
straining eXtravagances into which the Con
ventions may run, would be entitled to con-
sideration if accompanied by evidence of a
desire to cooperate with Congress in the work
of reorganization. The action of the Alabama
Convention and the promised measure oi
Senator Wilson sufficiently prove the exist
ence of disposition to recognize this spirit,
and to recompense promptly services of this
character. But Mr.. Hunter, and such as he
| forfeit claims to attention by their dogged re-
fusal to yield single point. They deny the
authority of Congress and denounce IFS work.
They insist that, Notwithstanding the wal
and emancipation, the doctrine that "this is
white mans Government shall be scrupu
lousy adhered to. They do not object merely
to universal negro suffrage; they denounct
any scheme for conferring suffrage on blacks al
'the highest crime against nature" Wha
can be done with few political leaders of this
stamp2 What parley can be held with mer
who talk as though they were still negotiating
in Hampton Roads, with the fate of battle ye
undetermined The tone they have adopted
the tactics theyemploy, can but have the effect o
neutralzing any effort they make towards the
amelioration of the law Having resolved tt
stand aside, or to interfere only for the pur
pose of obstruction, their influence over the
shape of reconstruction will necessarily b.
small. 1t will go on in spite of them, and viii
be finally revised by Congress without refe
! = IL