Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1867-08-14

the war was at ursJ prOIesseOly
prosecuted for the restoration Of the
Union, and not at all for the emanciPa-
ton of the slaves.
1t is easyl enough to understand how,
having been imprisoned for declaring
Against the Confederacy, Governor
BRowNLOw was the less reluctant to do
what one who joins a political party al
ways has to do, keep pace with it as 1t
advances and adopts new principles,
even if these are disapproved by his
Judgment, and contrary to his former
professions and practice,
For, less than two years ago, in Oeto-
Der, he said, in a message to the Legis-
lature:
,In connection with this subject of en-
igration, 1 beg leave TO say that It Is
far more safe and rational process OF re-
generating the south than any sudden
and compulsory admission Of the blacks
TO the ballot box. It involves no cOntro-
yerted question Of state rights. II coca
sious no necessity for arbitrary military
rule. Ii does not exasperate our native
born citizens or make them lifelong en-
emies of the government. If carried out,
as indicated, it will accomplish the emo
we all have in view; while, on h
other hand, the iRdiscrimiHdts grant o.
the right Of suffrage 70 the cotOred Popu-
lqtiOH uOtId Increase the eU{ls thai Keep
The South depressed, ana 6s03PGyate
those uho, under other circumstances
tgould become devoted friends Of the gOU
eminent and accent the emancipation o.
the Slaves as an epefd not all offensive"
There is no reason to suppose that IN
saving this, the Governor was not sin
cere. That he afterwards became in IA
vor of negro suffrage was due in part, no
doubt, to the stern necessity Of keep
ing pace with the extremists Of his
party but slsa to the necessity of the
negro vote to sustain himself aad his I'D
herents in power. 1t is so common for
men to yield to such influences, that it
has ceased to be even 3 subject Of COM
meut; though nothing more clearly
shows how easily men and parties in q
republic glide into evil courses and guide
the state into the path thatleads to utter
ruin.
We do not believe that Governor
BRowNLow has changed bis opha-
"a We believe that he hates
the Abolitionists, as we know
that he deIests the Democrats, now, as
cordially as he ever did. We do not be-
lieye that he is at heart in favour Of
negro suffrage. Whatever his faults and
misconduct, he has too much good sense
to believe that it is either well for the
negro or safe for the country that he
should have the right to vote. He can
not have changed his opinions on that
subject, since October, 1865, for there has
been nothing, furnished by either expe-
rience or reason, to cause him to change
them. II he thinks the negro vote Beees-
sary, to keep him and his friends in
power, he may be willing to see the
Africans retain the right to vote, what
ever the ultimate results to the country.
AS to that, be may act on the principle
Of him who, urged to consider the inter-
est OF posterity, cried, " Damn posterity!
What did posterity eVer do fog met"
Resolute to retain power, and to secure
to the Radical party and its candidate
for the Presidency, the vote of Tennessee,
be has hesitated at no means to main
tain the sscsndsncy Of the Union party
in the State. We suppose he finds for
his worst acts some justi6cstion that
satisfies himself. A thorough par
tizan never stiekles at any thing
that will secure success. But il is in
credible that he does not now see the
hideOus consequences to the State that
must speedily result from DISTINGUISHING
two-thirds Of the white citizens and
making them virtually foreigners, and
comforting the right Of suffrage on 1000
ignorant negroes, who go to the polls and
vote, as sheep follow each other over a
fence. He knows that this state ofthings
"a too unnatural and too sbominsble to
continue. Moreover, be and his friends
have no firm hold on the negroes. They
have voted for him now, because they
have been made to believe that the Con-
s~ervatives would, If successful, re-enslave
them. At the next election, finding
where their true saterests lie, and dis
gusted at not receiving forty acres Of
land each, they may vote en- masse
against him. No one can rely upon
them.
He sees too, no doubt, that the enfrsn-
chisement Of the mass of those now de-
priyed Of the right to vote, cannot be
very long delayed. Inafew years, youths
enough viii have become men, to restore
them the franchise. 1t is not very re-
spectacle to representa- the negroes, against
the will Of the white men Of the State E;
the sable electors will forthwith de-
mand q share of the offices, and to sit on
%juries, grand, petit and Of inquest; and
if the dis~franchisement Of the whites is
continued, their demand viii be az i'm
perious mandate, not to be disobeyed
with impunity. Perhaps ne might
promise that If they viii disfranehise US
We will give them the offices, from Gov
ernor down to TIP STAFF. Who knows9
The Radicals are now az perfectly In pos
session Of the State as they will ever be;
and as the Acknowledgement of the
whites cannot be eternal, and is it DANCE
rous 10 delay it, the Governor may
think the present as good 8 time as any
TO conceds what otherwise his party will,
some day, be forced to consent to.
On the whole, we think he is in earn
est. So far, he has made a very shabby
reputation abroad, and it is natural be
should wish to win favorable opinions,
and to justify his high-handed acts as
done under stress Of necessity.
1t is even possible that he who was
onee a Wing remembers the principles
Of that great party, and regrets
that he is now warning against
them all. He may remember
b atVERGNIAUD said to the Jacobins and
Cordeliers, in 1898, We are marching
from crimes to smnesties, and from am.
nesties to crimes. A great number of our
citizens have gone the length OF con-
founding seditious instructions with the