The Daily clarion., 1867-04-02


o fundamental law under which he is to
$ live. That work is his work, and it
o cannot properly be taken out Of his
! hands. All this legislation proceeds
upon the contrary assumption that the
Q people of each of these States shall
. have no constitution except such
0 as may be arbitrarily dictated by Con-
: gress and formed under the restraint
: Of military rule. A plain statement of
0 facts makes this evident.
. In oil these States there are existing
| constitutions, formed in the accus
toned way by the people Congress,
, however, declares that these constitu-
tions are not loyal and republican, and
requires the people to form them
, anew. What, then, in the opinion of
, Congress, is necessary to make the
Constitution of State loyal and re-
publicanp The original act an
{ swers the question, 1t lis universal ne
gro suffrage--a question which the fed
oral Constitution leaves to the States
themselves. All this legislation ma
chinery-martial law, military coer-
cion and political disfranchisement-
is avowedly for that purpose, and none
other. The existing constitutions of
the ten States conform to the ac-
knowledged standards of loyalty and
republicanism. Indeed, if there are
degrees in republican forms of gov
ernment their constitutions are more
republican now than when these States,
four of which were Of the original
thirteen, first became members of the
Union. Congress does not now de-
mand that a single provision of their
constitutions be changed except such
as confine suffrage to the white popula
tion. 1t is apparent, therefore, that
these provisions do not conform to the
standard of republicanism which Con
gress seeks to establish. That there
may be no mistake, it is only necessa-
ry that reference should be made to
the original act, which declares such
constitutions should provide that the
elective franchise shall be enjoyed by
all such persons as have the qualifica
tions herein stated for electors of del
egates Which class ofpersons is here
meant clearly appears in the same sec
ton; that is to say, the male citizens
of said State, twenty one yrars old and
upwards, of whatever race, color or
previous condition, who have been res
ident in said State for one year pre-
vious to the day of such election.
Without these provisions no constitu
ton which can be formed in any one
of the ten States will be of any avail
with Congress.
This, then, is the test of what the
constitution of State of this Union
must contain to make it republican.
Measured by such standard, how few
of the States now composing the
Union have republican constitutions.
If Congress, in the exercise of the
constitutional guarantee that it shall
secure to every State republican form
of government, shall require universal
suffrage for blacks as well aswhites as
q sine qua non, the work of recon-
struction may as well begin in Ohio as
in Virginia, in Pennsylvania as in
North Carolina.
When / contemplate the millions of
our fellow citizens of the South with
no alternative left but to impose upon
themselves this fearful and untred ex
pertinent Of complete negro enfran-
chisement and white disfranchisement
tit may be almost complete or sub
nit indefinitely to the rigor of martial
law, without a single attribute Of free
men, deprived of all the sacred guar
antees OF our federal Constitution and
threatened with even worse wrongs, it
seems to me their condition is the (
most deplorable to which any people
can be reduced
1t is true that they have been en- {
gagged in rebellion, and that in their at
tempt to bring about separation of
the States and dissolution of the |
Union there was an obligation resting Q
upon every loyal citizen to treat them :
as enemies and to wage war against !
their cause. Infexibly opposed to !
any movement imperilling the integri- !
ty of the government, did not hes :
tate to urge the adoption of all meas !
Tres necessary for the suppression of a
,he insurrection. After long and e
errible struggle the efforts of the gov 9
were triumphant and success f
'ul, and the people of the South, sub
hitting to the stern arbitrament, n
,ielded forever the issues of the con- o
est. Hostilities terminated; soon Ii
Lfter it became my duty to assume the N N
of the chief executive 81
'fficer Of the republic, and l at once Sc
ndeavored to repress and control the q
PASSIONS which civil strife had en- Ii
and, no longer regarding T1 m
he erring millions as enemies, again q
cknowle lged them as our friends and CT
ountrymen. b
The war had accomplished its OBJ (,
,ct; the nation was saved and that to
ardinal principle of mischief which
rom the birth of the government had Jg1
radually but inevitably brought on vi
le rebellion was totally eradicated.- ed
hen, it seemed to me, was the auspi- m
ious time to commence the work of Of
IuCu MllCH GuCSC pOO- -
lie sought once more our friendship /
nd protection, considered it our du- 81 81,
generously to meet them in the spir- air
Of charity and forgiveness, and to ca' ca'
1nquer them even more effectually th.
Y the magnanimity of the nation than of
Y force of its arms. lao
l yet believe that if the policy of iud
then lnaugurated, and iaa Gpl
hich contemplated an early restora- ha,
on of these people to all their politi- sRs sRs
i rights, had received the support tSt tSs
Congress, every one of these flee
n States and all their people sSa sSa
ould at this moment be fast jud
chored in the Union, and the GA
eat work which gave the war j. $
its sanction and made it just and con
'ly would have been accomplished. pay pay
len over all the vast and fruitful re- EN-,
ons of the South peace and its bless @s, Ser,
gs would have prevailed, while now teri
Il;ons ora daprivA1 of riuhfa Ouaran msJ