Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1867-01-17

J such questions are those whose inter
ests are directly affected by any pro
posed law. In Massachusetts,, for in.
stance, male persons are allowed tc
vote without regard to color, provided
they possess certain degree Of intel
ligence. In population in that State
Of ] ,23l ,066, there were, by the censn:
Of 1860, only 1902 persons OF color
and Of the males over twenty years oi
age, there were 339,0S6 white, to
2,6O2 colored BY the same official
enumeration, there were in the Dis
trict Of Columbia 60,764 whites tc
1876 persons of the colored race
Since then, however, the population
Of the District has largely increased
and il is estimated that at the present
time there are nearly hundred thou.
sand whites to thirty thousand ne
groes The cause OF the augmented
numbers of the latter class needs no
explanation. Contiguous to Mary
land and Virginia, the District, during
the war, became place Of refuge foT
those who escaped from servitude, and
il is yet the abiding place Of a consid-
cradle proportion Of those who sought
within its limits a shelter from bond
age. Until then held in slavery, and
denied all opportunities for mental
culture, their first knowledge Of the
Government was acquired when, by
comforting upon them freedom, it be-
come the benelaetor OF their race the
test Of their capability for improve
ment began, when, for the first time,
the career of free industry and the
avenues Of intelligence were opened
to them.
Possessing those advantages but a
limited time-the greater number per-
haps having entered the District Of
Columbia during the later years OF
the war or since its termination-we
may well pause TO inquire whether,
after so brief probation, they are as
a class capable of an intelligent exer-
else Of the right of suffrage, and quail
fled to discharge the duties of official
position. The people who are daily
witnesses of their mode of living, and
who become familiar with their habits
Of thought, have expressed the convic-
ton that they are not yet competent
10 serve as electors, and thus become
eligible for Office in the local govern
ments under which they live. Clothed
with the elective franchise, their num-
bers, already largely in excess of the
demand for labor, would be soon in
creased by an influx from the adioin-
7 ing States. Drawn from fields where
employment is abundant, they would
in vain seek it here and so add to the
embarrassments already experienced
from the large class Of idle persons
congregated in the District. Hardly
yet capable Of forming correct judg-
ments upon the important questions
that often make the issue Of a political
contest, they could readily be made
subservicnt TO the purposes Of design
ing persons. While in Massachusetts,,
under the census Of 1860, the proper
tion of white to colored males over
twenty years Of age was one hundred
and thirty to one, here the black race
constitutes nearly one-third Of the en-
tire population, whilst the same class
surrounds the District on all sides,
ready 10 change their residence at n
moments notice, and with all the ia
cility of nomadic people, in order to
enjoy here, after n short residence, n
privilege they find nowhere else. 1t
is within their power, in one year, to
come into the District in such num-
bers as to have the supreme control of
the white race, and to govern them
by their own officers, and by the exer-
else of all the municipal authority
among the rest, of the power OF taxa
ton over property in which they have
no interest In Massachusetts,, where
they have enjoyed the benefits OF a
thorough educational system, a quail
ication of intelligence is required,
while here suffrage is extended to all,
without discrimination, as well to the
most incapable, who can prove resi-
dence in the District Of one year, as TO
those persons Of color who, compara-
lively few in number, are permanent
Inhabitants, and having given evidence
Of merit and qualification, are recog-
nized as useful and responsible mem
bers Of the community. Imposed up
on an unwilling people, placed, by the
constitution, under the exclusive leg
islation of Congress, it would be view
ed as an arbitrary exercise Of power,
and as an indication by the country
of the purpose Of Congress to compel
the acceptance of negro suffrage by
the States. 1t would engender feel
ing of opposition and hatred between
the two races, which, becoming deep
rooted and ineradicable, would prevent
them from living together in a state of
mutual friendliness. Carefully avoid
ing every measure that might tend to
produce such a result. and following
the clear and well ascertained popular
will, we should assiduously endeavor
to promote kindly relations between
them, and thus, when that popular
will leads the way, prepare for the
gradual and harmonious introduction
of this new element into the political
power Of the country.
Itcannot be urged that the proposed
extension Of suffrage in the District of
Columbia is necessary to enable per-
sons Of color to protect either their in
tcrests or their rights They stand
here precisely as they stand in Penn
eylvania, OHIO, and Indiana. Here,
as elsewhere, in all that pertains to
civil rights, there is nothing to dis
tinguish this class Of persons from