The Tiffin weekly tribune. (Tiffin, Ohio) 1859-1868, 1867-12-12

subject will be sufficient excuse for
calling your attention to some Of the
reasons which have strongly iuAu.
euced my own judment. The hope
that We may all finally concur in a
mode )f settlement consistent at once
with our true interests and with our
sworn duties 10 the constitution, Is
too ma ural aud too just to be easily
relinquishcd.
AN OLD ARGUMENT.
II is clear to my apprehension that
the States lately in rebellion are still
members Of tho northern Union.
When did they cease to be so? Or.
dinances of secession. adopted BY a
portion of their citizens, were mere
anuIitics. II we admit now that they
were valid and effectual for the pur
pose intended by their authors, we
sweep from under our feet the whole
ground upon which we justified the
war. Were those States afterwards
expelled from the Union BY the war ?
Directly the contrary was averrcl by
this Government to be its purpose,
aud was so understood by all those
who gave their blood aud treasure to
aid in its prosecution. 1t cannot be
that successful war waged for the
preservation Of the Union had the
legal effect Of dissolying il. The vic.
tory of the nations arms was not the
disgrace of her policy The defeat
Of secession on the battle field was
not the triumph Of its lawless princi
pie. Nor could Congress, with or
without the consent Of the Executive,
do anything which would have the
effect, directly or indirectly, of separ.
Ating the States from each other. To
dissolve the Union is to repeal the
Constitution which holds it together
and that is a power which does not
belong to any department of this
Government, or to all OF them united.
This is so plain that it has been 40
knowledged by all branches Of the
Federal Government. Ny predecos-
sOrs, as we'll as myself, and the heads
OF all departments have uniformly
acted upon the principle that the
Union is not only undissolved, but
undissolublc. Congress submitted
an amendment of the Constitution to
the Southern States, and accepted
their acts Of ratification as a necessary
aud lawful exercise of their highest
function. If they were not States, or
were States out Of the Union, their
consent to change in the fundamen.
tai law of the Union would have been
nugatory, aud Congress, in asking it,
committed political absurdity.
The Judiciary has also given the
solemn sanction OF its authority to the
same view of the case. The Judges
Of the Supreme Court have included
the Southern States in their circuits
aud are constantly, on the bench
and elsewhere, exercising Jurisdiction
which does not belong to them, un.
less those States arc States in the
Union.
If the Southern States are compo
nent parts of the Union. the Consti
tuition is the supreme law for them,
as it is for all the other States. They
are bound to obey it, aud so we are
The right OF the Federal Government
which is clear and unquestionable, tt
enforce tho Constitution upon them
implies the cor.relative obligation on
our part to observe its limitations aud
execute its guarantees. Through and
under the Constitution we are what il
makes us. We may doubt the wis
dom Of the law; we may not approve
of its provisions but we cannot vic
late it merely because it seems to con
6ne our powers within limits narrow
or than We could wish.
1t is not question of individual
or class or sectional interest, much
less Of party predominancy. but o.
duty--of high and sacred duty, which
We are all sworn TO perform. If W,
caunot support the Constitution with
the cheerful alacrity Of those who
love aud believe in il, We must give
to it tho fidelity of public servant.
who act under obligations and com
mands which they dare not disregard
Constitutional duty is not the only
one which requires the States TO b,
restored. There is another consider
alton which, though of minor import
ance is yet Of great weight. On tbs
23rd Of July, 1861, Congress declar-
ed, by aD almost unanimous vote o
both houses, that the war should b,
conducted solely for the purpose o
preserving the Union aud maintaining
tho supremacy of the Federal Con
stitution aud laws, without impairine
tho dignity, equality aud rights oI
States or individuals; aud when thi
was done the war should cease. L d,
not say that this declaration is per
sonally binding on those who joined
in making 1t, any more than individu
r al members of Congress are personal
ly bound to pay Q public debt create,
under law fer which they voted
But il was sulemu, public, oficia
; pledge of national honor, and can
not imagine upon what grounds re
= pudiation Of it is to be justified.
. il be said that we are not bound /
| keep faith with rebels, let it be re
I. mombered that this promise was no
1 made to rebels only, Thousands q
l men in the South were drawn to GU
a standard by it, and hundreds o
!. thousands in the North gave thei
, lives in the belief that Il would b
!, carried out. IL was made one da
$ after the first great battle Of the wa
E had been fought aud lost. ALI patr
9 otic, intelligent Ihe6 then saw the ne
e eessity Of giving such an assurance
8 aud believed that without il wa
0 would end in disaster TO our causl
Having given that assurance ia th
d extremity Of our peril, violation I
. L now, in the day Of our power, Woul