The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1867-02-06

the basis Of representation. This seems to DO
perfectly fair; but what says the amendment
Of Congress! That when any STAT, "shall in
any WY ahridge" the suffrage, .except for
participation in rebellion or other cfime," tho
basis of represen alton therein shall be reduced
accordingly According to the Presidents
plan rebels are not to be excluded; and a
reading and writing and property qualification,
upon all classes alike, may be imposed by the
S.ates-a qualification which be has recon-
mended to the South.
Now let us take the State Of South Carolina
and see how each of these plans would operate
therein, taking its population at three hundred
thousand whites and four hundred thousand
rebels may be excluded from the polls but,
adopting one hundred thousand people as the
ratio for member Of Congress, If the blacks
are wholly excluded, South Carolina will lose
four of the sew members Of the House TO
which she will, by universal suffrage, be en-
titled. She will lose, too, In proportion to the
effects Of any restriction whatever upon blacks
or whites, so that a property or reading and
writing qualification will involve the same
losses in Congress as exclusion on account Of
color. BY the property and reading and writ
ing qualification, on the other hand, which Mr..
Johnson proposes to grant, the whole black
population excepting the few taught to read
and write by the Frecdmen's Bureau) and most
OF the poor whites would be excluded from the
suffrage so that South Carolina would be
more close corporation under her old rebel
oli.,archy than ever before. And so of oil the
other rebel States, more or less.
To make this thing sure Mr.. Johnson pro-
poses no equivalent or substitute for the third
section of the amendment Of Congress, excud-
ing certain classes Of rebels from Office, State
or federal, until absolyed by two-thirls vote
OF each House of Congress. On the contrary,
he proposes to give the rebels full swing. as if
nothing had happened. He does not yet seem
to comprehend the fact that the very strongest
section of the Cong ressonal amendment in the
North is that which proposes to make the mas
ter spirits of the rebellion take back seats in
our political affairs until they can be safely
absolved by Congress. Not long since Horace
Greeley, in his benevolent desire to conciliate
the South, issued, at venture, bis mani
festo in favor of a general amnesty. The
day before he did this he was good for the
United States Senate; the day after he was as
dead as Raymond or Thurlow Weed. The idea
that the North shall he badgered again in Con-
gress by such Southern rebel leaders as JEFF
Davis, Benjamin, Mason, Slidell, Wigfall and
company, is just as odious in the loyal States
as was the Chicago Val!andighsm platform, OF
peace al any price. Mr.. Johnson's substitute
for the pending constitutional amendment, in
short, is u dead failure
What, then, can the Executive do 10 save
himself His only way Of safety is to abandon
all this useless hedging and ditchins, fnessing
and quibbling, and squarely recognize the
authority Of Congress, and frankly adopt the
pending amendment, together with che idea
that the States which forfeited their
rights in the late rebellion are subject
to the terms of Congress In the matter
Of their restoration. The great issue of his
Impeachment does not depend upon the merits
of this plan or that plan. II rests upon his
usurpation Of the exclusive powers Of Con-
eress, his hostility to the authority Of the law
making power and his failures to sses the laws
faithfully executed" In word. is because
hs has stood and persists in standing in the way
o. the legislative rights Of Congress and She will
Of the people, as expressed upon this pending
amendment, that he Is to be impeachea. BY
falling in with Congress and the amendment he
may still be saved otherwise NO hedging or
dnessing will avail him. He has gone to the
end of his rope, aud he must fall back or be
displaced.