The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-09-04
Mr. seward's Real Estate Operations.

FROM We ". I. Wortd
1t would seem that, after all the fuss and
furry of the last two weeks, public expecta-
ton is to be baked and Mr.. Seward remain at
the head of the Cabinet. 1t is given out by
the rumor-mongers at Washington, as the rea-
son of his retention, that important negotia-
tiOns are in progress for the acquisition of
more foreign territory, and that, without Mr..
Stewards invaluable services, it is feared these
negotiations may not reach happy issue. If
it is more important to acquire patches of ter
ritory scattered all over the globe, than to
tranquillize our distracted country and restore
good government at home, Mr.. Seward's re-
tention for these reasons may be iustifable
but lit seems to us that President Johnson is
postponing great and valuable object to
questionable advantages.
We do not know that anybody has been fur
nished with full catalogue of Mr.. Stewards
projected purchases; but they are understood
to include the Bay of Samana in the Island of
Dominica, in the West Indies, with strip of
territory enclosing it five miles in breadth; q
port and perhaps an island in the Mediterra-
mean; the Sandwich Islands in the Pacific
Ocean: and British Columbia on the North
west coast. These wild endeavors at distant
and dispersed acquisitions are an absurd carl
catuTe of the old Democratic policy of terri
tOrial expansion. Even granting them to be
desirable, no time could be less Opportune
than the present for driving such bargains
They will all cost heavy sums of money, and
this is no time for adding to our colossal
public debt. They will all require large out
lays in Notifications, and the constant expense
Of garIisons and civil officers. They will foster
the Capitalization which is the worst tendency
OF the times. Such distant, outlying posses
sions could not be self-governing they could
not be erected into States; they would be
anomalies in our political system, consisting
OF communities ruled by Congress i'll which
they would not be represented, and accustom-
ing our Government more and more to the
kind OF domination it exercises over the South
ern States.
The pretense is that ports in every quarter
of the globe are needed as naval stations
where our ships of war can put in !or coal
and repairs. This may sound plausible, but
1t will not bear a sober scrutiny. In time OF
peace We need no such provision, for III time
OF peace all the ports of the world are open 10
our vessels. Wherever coal is to be found,
coal merchants are glad to sell it to our
steamers. In whatever port there are ship
carpenters, and no considerable port is without
them, they are as ready to repair American
vessels for reasonable pay as to do any otheI
kind OF work. We clearly do not need those
distant ports in time Of peace, nor have we
felt the want of them in any of the wars IN
which the country has yet been engaged
They would involve a heavy outlay at the
beginning, and heavy and constant expenses
afterwards for what would be of no use IL
peace, and next to none in time of war. The
Confederate privateers, without single un
blockaded port of their own to which they couio
return, never experienced any difficulty IL
procuring supplies of coal and necessary
repairs.
In time of war such distant and scattered
possessions would be greater drawback thar
advantage. They would form SO many addi
tiOnal vulnerable points to be defended agains
the enemy. If we were at war with nava
power our war-ships might be sealed up II
those very ports by blockading squadron
even if costly fortifoations and garrisons pre-
vented their being followed into the ports an(