The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-07-01
The July seanlon.

FROM The World.
We are not of those who regret or dePrecate
the assembling of the National Legislature in
consequence of the official opinions of the
Attorney General. We saw this Consequence,
and admitted this necessity Immediately on
the publication of Mr.. Stanbery's first opinion,
although the Republican party did not perceive
it until after the second. If Congress would
acquiesce in Mr.. Stanbery's Interpretation, no
session would be necessary; but we were con-
vinced from the beginning that Congress would
not acquiesoe; and if not, it was bound in fair
ness and honor to declare its dissent with all
reasonable prolnptitude. 1t would have been
disgraoeful trifing with momentous subject
for Congress to look on and permit the South
ern States to go through the hollow and ex-
pensive farce of recognizing on repudiated
Interpretation of the law, thus necessitating
reinitation of the whsie experiment, after a
prodigious waste of time, trouble, money, and
(what is more expensive than all) humiliation.
Unless Mr. Stanbery's Interpretation was ac-
cepted, Congress was morally bound to re-
assemble, and spare the South the turmoil of
fruitless reorganization.
The Southern people have been hardly and
unjustly dealt by in this business of recon
struction. 1t was no fault of theirs that the
different departments of the Government fell
to quarrelling over the conditions of restora-
tion. When they had thrown down their
arms and submitted, they were entitled to
know what would be required of them. Two
years and three months have elapsed, and
they are still in ignorance. They have right
to demand that this uncertainty, so dsgraceful
to the Government, shall be removed by
simple perspicuous, self-interpreting law; in
forming them without the ambiguity of the
terms proposed, and pledging the honor of
Congress to their prompt readmissiOn when
the prescribed terms are complied with.
We do not know whether Mr.. Stanbery saw
that his opinions would lead either to an extra
session of Congress to reverse them, or else to
the rejection of the States reorganized in con-
tormity to those opinions, nor does it much
matter whether he contemplated such conse-
quences or not. When the military COM
manders administered the law each in diff
ferent manner, the Executive was bound to
reduce their jarring administrations to
unity; for whatever else Congress may OF
may not have intended, it did not intend to
establish five different systems for the
five different departments. The fact
that no two commanders understood and
administered the law alike, proved that it was
bungle requiring Executive intervention; and
the President pursued the customary course
of all his predecessors in taking the advice of
his Attorney-General on doubtful points of
Interpretation. Thus far, all was regular
and in the line of established precedents;
and until the Republicans attempt to refute
Mr. Stanbery's arguments, they have no
right to complain of his construction of
the law. His opinions cannot be success
fully combated by logic, but only by sup
Elementary legisation.s If what Congress
enacted is not what Congress intended, it is
quite proper that they should make new
attempt to embody their actual meaning in
1kn N..An e L.
WHO has made a July session necessary, but
the clumsiness of Congress in enacting law
which the military commanders cannot under
stand, and which the laW-officer of the Govern
ment required weeks of laborious study and
reams of paper to expound. If what Congress
wished to enact is so different from what they
did enact that they refuse to stand by their
work when it is explained it is better that
they should repudiate it now by an extra ses-
sion, than repndiate hereafter by rejecting the
reorganized States. The South have a right
know, definitely and finally, what is to be
required of them; and after a delay of more
than two years Congress cannot be too prompt
and explicit in supplying the information.
Whether the conditions finally insisted on are
to be hard or lenient it is inexcusable and
disgraceful that the South has not yet been
permitted to know what they are.
We trust that the President and the Demo-
cratic members of Congress will not make
futile opposition to the majority of Congress.
Any opposition which has a reasonable chance
of accomplishing results will command our
vigorous cooperation. But we see no advan-
tage in getting the better of the enemy in a
preliminary skirnish, if we are certain to lose
the main battle. 1t is quite possible
that, if the Democratic members all at
tend there may be Republican absentees
enough to give temporary effect to veto.
But veto thus supported would settle
nothing. Its only consequence would be to
postpone restoration and intensity Repub-
lican hostility. A veto if not Immediately
overridden, would merely keep Congress in
session until the exasperated Republicans
could rally their absent members, and then,
with their assured two-thirds, they would
enact what they pleased. The President may
feel bound to acquit his conscience and wash
his hands of nefarious violation of the Con-
stitution by new vetoes; but we cannot see
that the Democratic members are under any
obligation to be in their places to take advan-
tage of possible Republican absentees, when
the only effect would be fruitless postpone
ment. All our sympathies go with the mill
tant Democracy, but we prefer to deliver
blows where blows will tell; or at least, to dis
charge no blunderbusses whose recoil makes
their breech more dangerous than the muzzle.
The President and his Cabinet made total
ay,1a NH al 81.