The evening Argus. [volume] (Rock Island, Ill.) 1861-1871, 1867-10-12
Our Financial Condition.
Why Our Credit is Below that of
Any Christian Nation in Europe.
The Remedy for Our Troubles.
Speech by Hon. Horatio Seymour
i'm the New York Democratic
State Convention, at
Albany, October
4, 1867.

In the New York democratic state conven-
ton at Albany, on the 4th inst, the follow
ing speech was made by ex-Gov. Seymour:
Gentlemen of the Convention:
We are startled by the cry of the leaders of
the party holding political power that our
country is in great peril. After wading
through the bloodshed of civil war, that
peace which we hailed with JOY, and which
they told US was to give strength and pros
perity to our land, brings new danger to the
republic. We cannot, If we would, escape
from confronting the problems of the day. :
Neither safety, honor, nor patriotism will
suffer rs to stand dumb or inactive in the
dark hour of danger. We have put down
rebellion; we are now struggling with revo-
luton. The first was sectional the last is
universal. The first sought to divide our
country; the last threatened TO destroy it.
At the national capital we see that the
party which placed in power the present
chief magistrate now charges him with trea-
son, and many of it's leaders have instilled
into the public mind the horrible suspicious
that he was in league with the murderers
who struck down the life which stood between
him and the executive chair. The world is
aghast while it hears so foul an accusation
uttered in the halls of the legislature with
out rebuke. In the house of representatives
members make against each other charges
of judicial murder, robbery, theft, and cor
ruption. A military member alleges his le-
gal associate plotted the death and carried
TO the gallows an innocent woman for par
tisan purposes. The accuser is charged in
return with the fact of going to the war a
poor man and coming back poor general
and a rich man laden, not with the spoils
of victory, but plumber, stolen from those
placed under his protection. The congress
man who stands up as the accused of the
president is confronted by his own letters,
showing his utter rottenness. We are saved
from the hateful task of laying bare the
frauds aud crimes of those who are admins
tering our government. Gods law for pun
ishing the guilty makes them become mu-
tual accusers. In the hate and rage which
ever spring up among criminals all are anx.
ious to turn upon and convict their fellows.
While the senate has done less to shock
the world and bring our government into
contempt, it has been the forum where prin.
ciples have been asserted and a policy pur.
sued revolutionary in tendency, and far.
reaching in their influences to keep alive
disorder and political commissions. In It's
blindness, it is striking suicidal blows against
its own existence. Its members have be-
come the ruling power in our government
Vested with @ ual rights of law making
with the popular branch, they can also de
eide upon all treaties, which, within then
scope, rise above the statutes. They con-
troll the appointing power for the vast pat
| ronage of government can only be exercised
with their consent. They can, as judiea
| body. depose the president or vice president
| elected by the people, and put one of Their
own members into the executive chair
| They hold their places by terms longer than
those of any other elective branch of govern
| ment, yet they do not, in the nature of their
| organization, represent the people in form Oh
| fact. They are chosen by legislatures, not
| by the people. States having by the census
of 1860 less than one-guarter of the popula
| ton of our country appoint a majority of it:
members. Nine states, whose citizens are
| more than one-half of this people, are repre-
scented by only one fourth of its members
| Thus made up, and welding power over
| topping that of all other branches, theI
should pause and ponder well before open
| ing the floodgates of revolution. Yet, i
| these members sought to have the senate
| robbed out of the constitutional scheme they
| could not do acts more hateful to the people
or give reasons more powerful for its over
| throw, than their own teachings with regard
| to the rights Of impartial suffrage, and then
action in the face Of their teachings Colo
RADIO, which may be overrun by hostile In
dams before the year passes, which cannot
| by force of its numbers, uphold the rudi
ments of a state, to-day balances i'm the seal.
the four millions of people of New York.
was admitted merely to gain two votes in 6
struggle with the executive. But a holder
act is in view, unless this dangerous game
to get power over the maj ority by rotten
borough system is stopped. Twenty sena
| tors are to be admitted from ten states late
| ly in rebellion, not as representatives of tn,
white people, for they are DISTINGUISHED
not OF the blacks, for it is indiscreet to claim
that race who are declared by congress
to De unable to take care of themselves, ant
are placed under the guardianship of tn,
freedmans bureau and military chiefs, would
as body, have known of the existence of sucl
| representatlves,-but they are to be admit
ed because they hold the views of the major
| ity OF the senators, and because they ar.
sent to Washington by their agents. Thes,
senators mean TO be their own constituents
to become close corporation, and to hav,
more representatives of their own selectio,
than the majority of the people of the coun
| try living in nine states. About sixtv re
publican senators will, beyond their owr
votes, have, in the twenty members sent b.
the freedmen's bureau, more representative
| than sixteen millions of American peopl
liv ing in New York, Pennsylvania, Kentue
| ky, Tennessee, Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin
Ohio, and Missouri. Not content with hold
ing in subsection the people of the south
they mean to extend, in the name of the ne
| gro. their domination over the north an,
south alike. It would seem that this mad
ness was enough to make their destruction
| sure. But here, after acts like these, the,
| solemnly declare they are in favor of wha
they call manhood suffrage. Be it so, bu
| with it must go manhood representation
Manhood suffrage must not be used to de
| stroy the rights of the majority of the people
OF this country. If it is the natural right o
| a negro in Florida to have vote, it is no
his right to have it count forty-fold more II
the senate of the United States than that O.
| a man in New York. IF it is the natura
right Of a manin New York to have vote
1t IL also his natural right to have it ccuni