The tri-weekly standard., 1867-09-05
,p,,rrp FROM GEN. r. BARRISGER.
CHARLOTTE, N. c., Aug. 80, 1856

w JlC IeCpuOliSdu hiSOtiAS3 20 49,
9th inst, and twit me with having avoWe'
myself "a strait out Radical" This IS
mistake 1 condemn many things done
and now being done, by Radicals. But tn
the bug-a-boo of that name has no terror
for me- l accept the term as proper cog
nomen, and proceed to vindicate myseli iron
the apparently false position III "hlch 70.
seek, good humoredly, to place me- ny leiel
ring to my past services to the Cohiee'eiaoy
You will find that am no su''''e,i 'ohtei' i
to what is called Radicallsm. for TWO
wears have breasted the odlum OF negro
suffrage, rs d logical result OF the war anu u
had nv views been needed, the South would
now be far better off
From April to August, 1865, Twas North,
n prisoner of war. During my stay IN that
latitude made it special object to study
the tone and temper of the Northern people
particularly the character of Yankee society,
and the workings of Yankee institutions.
I came to the following conclusions:
|. That the masses of all classes, in that
section, were disposed to treat the SGrth
kindly, and even literally, if our people
especially the leaders--only came up fairly
and sGuarelv to the great results OF the war;
This was proved, in part, by the prompt
disbanding of their immense armies; the
General acGuiescence in Mr. Johnson's gener-
ous policy of restoration the tide OF lmml-
grafton. enterprise, capital, and skill look
inc in this direction; the release OF all prls-
oners of war; the indifference, at that time,
to the test-oath, then scarcely known or
talked of: and the utter absence, after the
Juror attending the assassination Of Mr. Lin
coin had subsidized, of any real demand for
blood, banishment, exile contiscatlon or 9TH
er severe penalties towards our fallen people.
In April 1865, when the storm WAS at its
height, Wendell Phillips was the first to
raise his mighty voice against the horrible
thought of converting the country into a
continent of gibbets." And VIM. Lloyd
Garrison actually protested against forcing
negro suffrage upon lis, trusting to our own
sense of justice to concede the measure IN
our own time and way.
H. But the negro suffrage was destined
to come, in some form, no sane man could
doubt At that time several democratic pa
pers conceded this fact. 1t was treated as a
measure of simple Justice TO the negro Tor
his exemplary conduct during and since the
war, his obedience to law, and his man
hood on the field of battle. And after all,
it was only going back to the broad princi-
pies OF 17T6. when colored people were not
Simply recognized as citizens by the Colon
ial Congress, (act OF 111S , but when they
both fought and voted side by side with
white men. and continued to vote in Nortn-
Carolina until 1885. The fathers manifest
" looked forward to speedy emancipation,
and the gradual improvement OF this untor-
tuhate race I boldly assert that these were
the prevailing sentiments during the sum-
mer of 1865. President johnson himself en-
tertained them, as is fully proved by his dis
patch to Gov. Sharkey in August of that
year. proposing to the Mississippi Conven-
ton qualified negro suffrage, and also by his
conversation with Major Stearns in October
1865.
H. That the republican party was the pow
er with which the South had to deal. This |.
great party embraced the live men of the !
North 1t was the principles and policy of !
that organization. in some form or other, !
that had built up that section and made an !
empire in day. They had managed to
combine with consummate ability, the lib |
eral theories of Jefferson, with the solid |
strength and plastic vigor of Hamilton. 1t !
was the vitalizing influence of this party
that had brought the war to successful |
close, and thus saved their people, preserved !
the Union. maintained the Government, and !
shed lustre and rcnown on the Northern
name. 1t would be monstrous for the same
people suddenly to turn their backs on the
men and measures of this triumphant party,
and commit the honor oftheir cause, the fate
of their colored allies, the safety of South
ern Unionists, the hopes of the rejoicing
millions of Europe, and their three thou
sand millions Of national debt-all to the
keeping of their recognized foes, copperheads
and Confederates!
". The very existence of the South re-
quired her to acquiesce in, if she could not
sanction, the policy of this victorious party,
as the best representative of the conquering
power. But for myself came to the con-
clpsion, after full reflection, that the highest
interests of the South would be promoted
by her people embracing, as far as the could
do so, the progressive ideas
Of that party. 1t were far better that these
ideas should travel South of their own ac-
cord, take root and grow gradually, than to
have them forced upon US at the point Of
he bayonet, and society disorganizcd by the
rude shock and rapid upheaving of violent
evolution. l had strong faith in the NOR
Il and intellectual powers of the Southern
people, and did not dread the gradual intro
1uctlon OF Yankee notions" while 1 then
hought, and think now, gentle mixture
IT their energy and enterprise with our slug
5ish habits would decidedly improve us.
The South had made heroic fight and
10 native population of culture and courage
vas ever absorbed, exiled or exterminated
~ an lmmigrating or conquering race ex-
'ept when blind and reckless resistance pro-
7oked continued repression. On the con-
rary, the soical, emotional and religious in
1uences OF such people must always over
'ome, IN the end, the immigrating or con-
Luerlng race l never doubted but that ul-
lmately the yankees would swarm upon US,
nd that, sooner or later, we would have to
repare for their reception. If we gave them
cordial welcome, the best would be glad
come and settle amongst u.s. If it be the
'ord OF force and power, only adventures
7ould try their chances with us.
In these reflections I calmly laid aside the
assions, the prejudices, and as far as posi-
lie, the sad memories of the terrible strug-
lie through which we had passed, and
ought to realize the sublime sentiment of in
laws: . War IS public concern md
noacs no prac0te reoenge. Nor did l trouble
myself about the political problem as to
whether we were in, or out of the Union, or
s to which side had first broken the written
ompact. knew that we were a conoucr.
people, and that no written constitution
yer tne test OF civil war. 1 favored the the
ry: constitutions are not made; they
TOW; AND trusted that after the revolu-
loh nau run It's course, reaction would
ome, ana al sections would then unite, in
q no Ina NJ