The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-02-11
Immediate Reconstruction Duty.


amendment by Mr.. JohnsOns State Legislatures
takes away all excuse for the thought of sane
tloning his usurpations by recognizing the
validity of the Governments organized by him.
II is in every point OF view, as well that this
has happened. The amendment though excel
lent in itself, would not be q complete setJle-
ment of the issues between the North and the
Soulh; Whlle the recognition OF States organ
lied by bald usurpatlon of the Executive, no
matter upon what conditions, would be a
highly dangerous precedent In offering such
terms to the South, we believe that Congress
Obeyed the will Of the people; but we are CONT
dent that the people neither expected nor de-
sired that, If these terms were rejected, Con-
gress should do nothing more. Yet, some
influential Republicans in Congress seem to
consider the amendment inalIty, and to hold
Congress bound TO wait for the Southern whites
to ratiiy II, even though months and years
pass by.
From this view we strongly dissent. The
day OF grace is past. All the Southern lcgisla-
lures have met, and all have deliberately re-
Jec'ed the terms offered TO them. 1t these legs-
latureS should reconsider their action, ratity
the amendment, and thereupon be recognized
by Congress, IT may yet be questioned in the
courts whether such ratihcation Is valid;
and after sucn recognition the amendment
would clearly nave no validity II not ratlned oy
three-tourths of all the States, including those
newly recognized. Congress is not bound to
run any such risks, nor has it a right to do so.
The main reasons TOR further action by Con-
gIess are, however, to be found in the obvious
dangers of DELAY in reconstruction, and the GER
tainty that such delay will be almost indc6-
nitely prolonged under the present policy. On
this point we have frequently expressed our
entire concurrence with the most earnest advo.
Gates of the Southern cause. 1t is absurd TO
deny that the unsettled condition of the South
is prejudica to the North. With no legitimate
Government. and with the whole influence OF
the de tdct0 Governments tending to injustice,
inequality, and insecurity, it is impossible that
tie South should prosper. Nor is it possible for
the North to prosper as it should so long as this
n
the common country deprivlng it OF capacity
to produce or to purchase as 1t otherwise would.
The laborers of the South have no security
for their liberty or their wages. Capitalists
have no security Tor their investments. How
can they safely lend money to Governme
which may at any day be overthrown? How
can they act under charters from such Govern
ments? We do not won Ter that the Southern
States have had to allow large discounts on their
bonds. We only marvel that suoh obligations
should be salabe at any price. The unpleasant
situation in which Northern men find them
selves at the South is notorious; nor can 1T be
improve without O thorough reorganization of
the local Governments. Under such circum-
stances, the South cannot possibly contri0ut
to the national wealth anything like what 1t
would if law. order, and equality OF rights were
firmly established.
The political precedent involved in indefinite
delay is also worthy of consideration. Ten
Governments are in fact controlling the internal
affairs of as many States; and Congress neither
recognizes nor dIsavows them by any decisive
the clear duty of Congress to suppress them and
secure 10 the people regular government; while,
il they are legitimate, 1t is equally the duty of
Congress to admit their representatives. pro-
loneation OF the present state of things would
be an excuse to future Congresses for either
weakness or usurpatlon, as they might teel dis
posed.
Even from merely partisan view of the case
the perils OF delay seem intolerable. The whole
question is put at issue every alternate year.
single defeat would be irremedlable; for if the
Southern States are once recognized, the act
can never be undone. And every year would
add to the strength of the existing govern
mepts at the South; since liberation would
amount to half q recognition, and vast peCu-
mary interests would become involved with
them. Add to these considerations the posi-
bility that atiany moment the validity of these
governments, as the only ones in existence,
may be asserted by the Supreme Court, and the
danger that delay will result in triumph for
the South does not seem small
We therefore urge upon the present Congress
the duty of immediate reconstruction. At the
very least, an experiment should DE made upon
one or two States Conventions should be sum-
moned forthwith, and all the machinery of
government be put in motion. We have re-
peatedly shown that Congress has the power to
do this, and that the coordinate departments
decision of Congress between conflicting Gov
! ernments. We shall not again set forth our
arguments to this effect, because Congress no
| longer doubts its power, but only hesltates as
! TO the expediency OF exercising it.
Those conservative Republicans who oppose
| further action on this subject from fear of its
effect upon business, are, it seems to US, short
! sighted 1t must be far better. in a business
! point of view, to bring this controversy to a
/ head at once, than to let it drag on for years.
! Uncertainty is the curse of trade, which can
! accommodate itself to almost any settled state
! OF AFFAIRS, but ia ruined by doubts and huctua-
II is said by some that nothing can be done
! until Mr. johnson Is removed. But il is very
| plain that If an impeachment is to be had, an
| act OF reconstruction, imposing simple and un-
| mistakable duties upon the President, will either
compel him to submit, or furnish ground for i'm.
| peachment too clear to be matter of dispute.
| Thus. he may be required TO issue proclama,
ton, or 10 provide for an election or to do some
other act involving reputation of the Govern
| ments which he has set up. II he fails to com
| ply by the day appointed, he will be so clearly
! guilty of a misdemeanor that no question can
! be raised other than one of pure law, upon
which no argument need be made by the prose
| cution. Upon such a charge Mr.. Johnson
| could be impeached, tried, convicted, and re-
| moved, within ten days, with the most perfect
| decorum, fairness, and legality, and with the
! general approval of the country. His trial upon
! an indictment such as General Butler presents
| would occupy six months or q year, while any
| attcmpt 10 supersede him meantime might pre-
cipitate us into civil war. On the other hand, il
| Mr.. johnson obeys the law, his defeat will be SO
| perfect that he can no longer have any power To
| fnterpose obstacles In the way OF Congressional
action, he will mortally offend mis- present sup
porters (if he really has any, ana must submit
to earry out the whole policy OF Congress-.
Whether, therefore, an impeachment be de
sired or not il is evident that the interests o.
Society, both North and South, demand the
early action Of Congress upon reconstruction
However imperfect that action may be, It viii
at least establish something certain Where all II
now in doubt, and cannot therefore fall 10 b'
beneficial. But we have no fear that the mea
| euraa pfr rongraqa unoD this DOint will not be In