Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1867-10-10


is'smple and unanswerable. 1t Is that
we cannot know what Is womanly until
3 We see the folly of insisting that the
theories of men settle the question. We
know. now what the convenience and
feelings of men decide TO be womanly.-
We shall know what Is womanly in the
same sense that we know what is manly,
only when women have the same equal
ity or development and the same liberty
Of choice as man. The amendment |
Offer is merely prayer that you will re,
move from women disability, and
secure to them the same freedom of choice
that we enjoy If the instincts of sex,
OF maternity, OF domesticity, are not
persuasive enough to keep them in the
truest sense women, IL is the most serious
defect yet discovered in the divine order
, uf nature.
When, therefore, the Committee de-
I clare that voting is at war with the dis
tribution of functions between the sexes,
what do they mean? Are not women as
much Interested in good government as
men? There is fraud in the Legislature;
there is corruption in the Courts; there
are hospitals, and tenement-houses, and
prisons; there are gambling houses, and
billiard-rooms, and brothels; there are
grog-shops at every corner, and Know
not what enormous proportion of crime
are forty thousand drunkardsi in the state,
and their hundreds of thousands of chill
dren-all these things are subjects Of leg
islation, and under the exclusive legislG-
ton of men the crime associated with all
these things becomes vast Pud complica-
ted. Have the wives ard mothers and
sisters of New York less vital interest in
them, less practical knowledge of them
and their proper treatment than the hus-
-. ,le.a nd qaf tAa ifg aYta
as to pretend it. Is there then any nat
ural incapacity in womeff-to understand
politicso 1t is not asserted. Are they
lacking iii the necessary intellieence?-
But the moment that you erect stand
ard of intelligence which is sufficient to
exclude women as q sex, that moment
most of the male sex would be disiran-
chised. Is it that they ought not to 20
to public political meetings? But VIZ
earnestly invite them. Or that they
should not go to the polls: Some polls, |
allow, in the larger cities, are dirvy and
dangerous places, and those it is the duty
of the police to reform. But no decent
man wishes to vote in grog-shop, nor
to have his head broken while he Is do
ing It, while the mere act of dropping n
ballot in u box is about the simplest,
\ shortest and cleanest that can be done
Last Winter Senator Frelinghuysen, re-
? DehliiR, L Uiil sure tnOuglltltSslN, tIit
common rhetoric of the question, spoke
of the high and holy mission of women
But if people, with a high and holy mis-
sion, may innocently sit bare-necked il
hot theatres to be studied through poke
telescopesuntil midnight by any one wht
chooses, how can their high and hol,
mission bee harmed by their quietly drop
ping ballot in the box? What Is th
high and holy mission Of any woman bu
L IL. l. 4 a Al. L.,Kx
being possible? TO enlarge the spher
OF duty and the range of responsibility
where there are adequate power and in
telligence, is to heighten, not to lessen
the holiness of life.
But If women vote, they must sit oi
juries. Why not? Nothing is plaine
than that thousands of women who ar
tried every year as criminals, are no
tried by their peers. And if II woman /
bad enough to commit II henious crime
must we absurdly assume that womeI
a'e e!oogood to know that there isa crime
If they may not sit on jurles, ccrtaini.
they ought not To be witnesses. A not
in Howeil's State Trials to which my at
tentiOn was drawn by one Of my dlstin
guished colleagues in the Convention
quotes an ancient work, "Probation b.
Witnesscs," by Sir George Mackenzie
In which he says, "The reason why wo
men are excluded from witnessing, mus
be either that they are subject to 10
much compassion and 70 ought not to b
more received in criminal cases than Il
civil cases; or else the law wasunwillin
TO trouble them, nid thought IL Nigh
learn them too much confidence an
make them subject 20 too much famil
arity with men and strangers, If the
were necessitaied to vague up and dow
at all Courts upon all occasions" Hum
says this rule was held as late as the bt
ginning of the eighteenth century. Blu
II too much familiarity with men be 5
pernicious, are men so pure that the
alone should make laws for women, an
so honorable that they alone should tr
women for breaking them? 1t iswithi
avery few years at the Liverpool AssizC
in II case involving peculiar evdenc,
that Mr. Russell said: "'rhe evidence ,
women IL, in some respects, superior
that of men. Their power of Judging
minute details IL better, and when thel
are more than two facts and somcthir
TO be wanting, their intuitons suppl
the deficiency" "And precisely I'll
qualities which nj them to give ev
dence," says Mrs. Dali, 10 whom we ow
this fnct, "iit them 20 sift and test It,"
But, the oblcctors continue, would yC
have women hold office? Ifthcy are q
pable and desirous, why not? They hol
once now most acceptaDly. III my III
mediate neighborhood postmistrc
has been 10 faithful on officer for sevt
years, that when there was rumor
her removal, Ii was q matter Of publ
concern. This is n familiar instance
this country. Hem
Eighth's daughter, Elizabeth Tudo
was Queen of England, in name and
fact, during the most illustrious epoch
English history. Was Elizabeth incor
petent? Did Elizabeth unsex hersel
Or do you say that she WAS an exec
tional woman? SO she was, but no mo
an exceptional woman than Alfre
Marcus Aurelius or Napoleon were Q
ceptional men. Ii was held by some
the old English writer's that won,
might serve In almost any ofthe gre
offices of the Kingdom. And indeed
Victoria may deliberate In council wi
her ministers, why may not any intel
gent English woman deliberate in Pf
Lament or any such American wom'
In Congress?
l mention Elizabeth Maria There's
49, Catharine, and all the famous Emprei
? 't,!t es and Queens, not to prove the capaci
'P or women for the most arduous and
3 sponsible Office, for that il undeniab