The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1867-05-08

Euc HORUsAr ms~sm8 II nu8n0u0s
It is stated by our last cable dispatches that
the Derby government has accepted all the
liberal amendments TO the Reform bill This
is nothing more than was to be expected. Be-
fore the bill was introduced Mr.. Disraeli an
nounced that the Cabinet would not regard
themselves bound to consider defeat on the
measure as involving the necessity Of their
quitting ONCE From the opportunities, how
ever, which they have since had Of feeling the
public pulse, they find that the matter is not
one Of choice. They have got to bid as high
as the opposition or quit their places. If it was
q mere contest for power between them they
might affect to disregard an adverse vote or
two In the progress Of the measure. But
there are outside influences which they
dare not overlook in the decision of their
course. These Hyde Park demonstrations
have become q formidable check upon
the maneuvres Of both parties. The peo-
pie, they are now convinced, are terribly
in earnest, and to avert a catastrophe they
towards each other. In the split among the
liberals, in the timidity ev,nced by the Derby
government in deiling with the last Out-Of-
doors demonstration, and 10 lis acceptance Of
the liberal amendments of the Reform bill, we
have unmistakable evidence Of the alarm
which b felt by both wings and tories at the
seriousness of the danger which menaces them
in common.
II is not without reason that they entertain
those fears. Never, in the political history Of
Great Britain, has the power Of the masses
made itself so threateningly felt There is not
statesman of any weight in either party who
does not advise Cancellation and concert Of
action, so as to avert the danger which must
result from conflict for purely party objects.
Hence it is that we find on the part OF the oppo-
sition an unwillingness to push matters to
extremes, and on the part Of the government
disposition to make concessions almost before
they are exacted. Both parties, in fact, feel
the necessity of their arriving at q compromise,
so that they may postpone-for no man in his
senses believes that they can avert-the crisis
which is looming up.
No measure short of universal suffrage will
ever satisfy the British people. All these
schemes of reform on which the fate Of parties
is made to hang are mere palliatves for the
oppression under which they suffer. The con-
seriousness Of power derived from the terrorism
which they seem to exercise over the govern
ment by their out-ofdoor demonstrations will
lead them step by step to the enforcement Of
all that they have right to expect What
that is they have learned not merely
from the teachings Of such men IS John Bright
but from the experience Of astions like France,
Italy and Germany It is folly to suppose that
with such examples before their eyes Trey can
be made any longer to believe in the farce of q
constitutional government III which 4he people
exercise no real power, andwhich rules emily in
the interest OF . corrupt oligarohy.
II may be as we have said, that by system
of mutual concession the two great parties
may tide over for awhile the dangers that
beset them. 1t will only be for brief period,
however. Sooner or later they have got to face
that question of questions-the very mention
Of which is terror to them-universal suf.
frage. Whether it be conceded or forced from
them it will be equally fatal to their privileges.
II does not, like the reform issues OF the day,
mean mere extension Of the right Of voting.
It is, on the contrary, the precursor of changes
as radical as they will be violent, and which
may be summed up in the single but pregnant
word, revolution.