The Jeffersonian. [volume] (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1853-1911, 1867-12-12
From the Inquirer. j
The Presidents Message.

United States to Congress, is the mosl
decided in temper and tone which have
yet been submitted to that body, and
is In all respects and argument against
every measure determined upon by Con-
gress in order to minister to the inte-
rests and the safety of the Union. Mr..
johnson does not like anything that
Congress has done in pursuance of its
plan OF reconstruction, and be evidently
believes that the only panacea which can
be concocted to cure the evils under which
the country suffers, must be mixed after
his prescription, of ingredients chosen by
himself. He open. his message with a
growl, and he goes on grummbling at
each new clause with increased loudness.
He says that he is sorry that, as it isshis
duty to communicate to Congress the pro-
gress Of reconstruction, it is his unpleas-
ant position to be able to tell nothing that
is agreeable.
The patriotic expectations of Mr.. John
son have been disappointed. The "Uni-
on" and the Constitution two constant
subjects of his care, are still in great dan
ger, and must remain in that perlious
condition as long as the Presidential
plans are not accepted. He announces,
with grave soleminity, that he has not
changed his opinions the States which
were in Rebellion are still members Of the
national Union, he thinks having "a right
to rebel, and when that attempt failed,
being entitled to resume their places
round the national table, and to be fed
with the public pap, just as if nothing
had happened. In order to make oat this
position Mr.. johnson explains what the
law was, what the object of the war was,
and what ought to be done now to rein
state the Rebel element in saucy au-
thority, and to render the victory nought
but decision that every Rebel shall
the be stdtu quo ante 6etiun,.
AS Mr.. johnson argues himself into a
cheerful belief that the nation sacrificed
hundreds of thousands of her citizens
and spent thousands of millions of dollars
for no other purpose than to place the
traitors who caused all this trouble in
power again, he arrives easily at sugges-
tlon of the measures which ought to be
taken in order to make everything right
and pleasant The first thing, of course,
would be to repeal the Reconstruction
laws which create military districts in the
South. These laws, are. in the opinion
OF Mr.. johnson, vile eontrivances, by
which the late Confederates are made to
be quiet, well behaved persons They
place turbulent, disaffected, bitter and
ungrateful people under such surveillance
as will compel them to be peaceable.-
This is great hardship, and the Presi-
dent launches at the regulation and ar
rangement such volley of objections as
would be quite sufficient to overthrow it,
were it not sustained by the superior
strength of Congress.
Having exhausted such pretended ar
guments, as it is in his power to present,
the President draws a frightful picture
of the consequences of not taking his ad-
vice. The cost of military reconstruc-
ton, he says, has been immens, amount
ing to "uncounted millions" 1t will
cost hereafter tremendous sum being
In this instance not "uncounted," but ac-
curately ascertained, and found to be Just
two hundred millions of dollars year i
This is bad enough, but Mr.. johnson adds
to 1T the bugaboo of depreciation of the
credit of the national government, all of
which must tell most terribly against US
To make the idea more appalling, he throws
out the suggestion that the Southern trade
with the Northern States languishes, and
that very valuable commerce, all the debts
under which existing in 1861 were repu-
dated by Southern debtors, cannot be re-
vived, as long as "my policy" is opposed.
These suggestions very naturally bring
the President to consideration of the
question, What he should do to vindicate
his own Interpretation of duty What is
he to'do when Congress passes law
which he thinks is unconstitutional ?-I
Most people would say, ''Wait until it is
decided to be unconstitutional by the Su-
preme Court" But the President evi
IDENTIFY thinks that he is quite equal to
that tribunal in deciding upon the con-
stitutionality of a law. He says that he
has had serious thoughts about his duty
to forclbly oppose the acts of Congress
but inasmuch as such acts might bring
on civil war, he has wisely abstained
from going to such lengths. Still, he
warns Congress that an occasion may arise
"hSu ~ "Hi Dc ncCcSoaiJ ioi him " w
so ; but in reference to the Reconstruc-
tion acts, he confesses that he considered
that the better part of valor was discre-
ton.
One of the most remarkable parts of
the message is that iu which complaint is
made of the frauds in the revenue. Inas-
much as these frauds are, in almost all
cases, committed either in Consequence of
a want of vigilance of the officers of the
government appointed by the President,
or by their conuivance with the guilty
parties and division of the profits with
them, this seems to be something like an
accusation Of himself by the President.
In regard to the Tenure OF Office bill,
aud particularly applying to the dismissal