The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-08-12


FroD, he Times.
There are few recent political papers Of
,roator interest than the newly promulgated
Tonstitution of the negro Republic of Hayti.
Tbedocumentis is neither copy nor travesty
g CIV other national charter which takes
written form 1t does not compare IN any
wav. with the Imperial burlesque decreed by
sonlououe. 1t contrasts rather than ADMITS
90 oor,narison with the narrow, exclusive, sec
torior svstem which prevailed more or less,
Co.. ,ina wears under GeArard's administra,,
tion. That administration, If not the actua
svstem Of government ITSELF our Government
went quite as far out of it's way as was neces-
sarv TO sustain in 1865. But for the moral
sunport which Geffrard then received from us,
his Government ould unquestionably have
been overthrown eighteen months sooner than
it was.
After the close of our own civil warm the
summer of 1864 deputation from the island
was sent to this country expressly to repre-
sent what was then the rebel interests of the
Haytien republic, contending against the
usurpations of the President. One member Oi
that deputation was an American missionary
of the highest character-a member OF one OF
the Oldest Virginia families, who had volun-
teered thirty-fve years ago as an evangelist
among the Haytiens and as a pastor to the
American and English residents in one settle
mert. During the whole of that period the
gentleman we refer to had stood steadily at his
post had mixed in none of the local party
conflicts of Imperalsts and Republicans and
had acquired no other interest than that of a
philanthropic laborer in the field of enterprise
upon which he had entered as a youth. His
representations of the character OF the Getfrard
administration have proved to be perfectly
truthful. His predictions of the fate which
awaited the President himself have been
realized.
The political crime which most directly
caused the discontinue of Getfrard was his IL
difference to the success of the Dominicans
against Spain in the brief struggle of 1864
His readiness to enter into Concordat with
Rome was an evil omen for the supporters of
religious liberation and freedom. His system
of finance, adopted without any due regard to
national obligations, was strongl gly opposed by
every one belonging to what may be called the
Liberal party. His approval of the disabilities
imposed upon foreigners by his predecessor
and his desire to establish as nearly as might
be negro ascendancy, pure and simple, in op-
position to the mixed population, and to natu-
rallied foreigners-his whole policy of late
years, indeed, was such as to ALLEVIATE from
him the sympathy of liberal minded men of
all classes and creeds Those who fought so
stoutly for Dominican independence three
years ago naturally distrusted him; and the
etfectual undermining of his Government was,
in fact, his own particular work. He failed
to comprehend the responsibilities of his posi-
tion. His conduct was guided by no we'll
defined constitutional rule and he was thrown
aside for good.
1t would be premature to augur for his sue
cessor better and worthier career, or a more
enviable repute. But the newly''proclaimed
Constitution of Hayti certainly indicates an
aspiration among a considerable class, and
that the most intelligent in the republic, for
stable Government, which, by its COnstitu-
tion, at least, shall appeal to the respect and
the confidence of liberal States generally.
The guarantee of the freedom of worship,
and the freedom of the press the provision
for system of free schools; the recognition of
the right of public discussion; the assurance
of protection to foreigners; the abolition of the
death penalty for political offenses; the declared
supremacy of the ordinary civil tribunals, over
extraordinary commissions of whatever sort
are all the natural dictates of liberal policy,
and are more or less guarantee for the esta-
blishment OF permanently free Government.
The more conservative features of the new
Constitution serve rather to enhance than to
detraot from its strength and its real value as
a fundamental national law Where nine
tenths or more of the people are of one religion,
there cannot be said to be religious intolerance
in providing State stipend for the ministers
of that religion-any more than there is in
tolerance in Belgium, or in the new kingdom
of Italy, or in France, or England, or Scotland,
where religious endowments are part of the
national system. Even the limit set to the
exercises of the franchise under the new
Haytien Constitution ought to receive the
thoughtful consideration of those who are
struggling-as we are doing here, and as they
are doing in EDgland-to find some golden
mean between q restricted and an unqualified
suffrage. Under the proVisos in the new fran.
chise law, the citizen of Hayti, claiming the
right to vote, must show that, besides being Of
legal age, he is either the owner of real estate,
has been engaged in the cultivation of a farm,
has profession, is employed in the public
service, or follows some industrial calling
Such limits to the exercise of the franchise
here in New York would reduce the registered
voters list by ten odd thousand easily-al
taken from that class of our population who
cannot show that they follow any industrial
calling whatever.
The liberal-cOnservative character of this
Haytian instrument may be looked at in view
of our own political position We are abou
IN Introduce half million of negro votes al
a single sweep. We are about to introduc,
them, not as distributed political force, bu
as compact sectional power. The logic o
their emancipation has forced the issue upoi
ms. and it cannot be met by evasion or delay
THE raw material will have TO be used and i
is not improbable that we may gather ex
,,ariAnca of some value from these negr