Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1867-08-15

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Orr;of South Carolina, In recent speech
at the Charleston Board of Trade BAN
quet, is reported to have said:
know that there is an apprehension widel
spread In the North and West, that after the re-
construction Of the Southern States, we shall
iall into the arms OF our old allies and associates
men however, that would give 10 such pledges
We have accounts to settle with that party gem
tIenen before J. at least, Will consent to af1 late
with It. Many OF you win remefn Der that when
the war FIRST commenced, great hOyes and eJpec-
Wed mn mere aog,d BE no no ,r md 81 hat @ n oon,. ,e
nlciced UOuld be North of Af,Lson a,t1l LJt1On's
line, and nat in The South.
SLAVERY AND Rebellion CONVERTIBLE
TERMS.
Without pausing to inquire how much
strength accrued to the rebellion in its
earlier stages by the encouragement it
received from sympathizers in the North.
let US pass on to the spring and summer
Of 1851, after.the bCrnbardment and sur
render of Fort Sumter, and when the
armies Of the Union and Of the rebellion
were facing each other upon O line of
operations extending from the Potomac
to the Rio Grande, The most superficial
observer could not fail to discover these
facts.
In the South, where slavery Twas
strongest the rebellion was strongest.-
Where there were few Shareholders
there were few rebels. south Carolina
and Mississippi, having the largest num-
ber of slaves in proportion to population,
were almost unanimous for rebellion.
Western Virginia, eastern Kentucky.
East iTennessee, had few slaves. 'and
love of the Union and hatred of seces-
sion in those mountain regions were
nearly universal
The counterpart of this was found
everywhere in the South. In counties
and districts where the majority of the
people had been accustomed to defend
or excuse the practice of slaveholding
and the aggressions of the shareholders
there was much sympathy,,with the re-
bellion and strong opposition to the war.
Men who abused and hated the negroes
did not usually hate rebels. On the
other hand, anti-slavery counties and
districts,were quite sure to he Union to
the core.
THE WAR DEMOCRATS.
In Ohio, as IN other free States, the
Democratic party could not be led off in
body after the peace Democracy.
Brough, Tod, Matthews, Dorsey, Steed-
man, and host of Democrats of the
jackson school, nobly kept the faith.
Lytle, McCook, Webster, and gallant
spirits Ike them, from every tcOuntv
and neighborhood of our State, sealed
their devotion to the Union and to the
Democracy with their life blood.
They believed, with Douglas, in the
last letter he ever wrote, sit was not q
party question, nor u question involving
partisan policy; it was question Of
Government OR no Government: country
or no country; and hence it, became the
impelitive duty of every Union man,
every friend of constitutional liberty,
TO rally to the support of our common
country, its Government and flag, as the
only means of checking the progress Of
revolution and of preserving the Union
Of the States. 4"
They believe the words of Douglas
last speech, This is no time for detail
OF causes. The conspiracy is now known.
Armies have heenj raised war is levied
10 accomplish it. There are only two
sides to the question. Every man must
be for the United States or against it.
Ihere cdR be no neUfrdis IN his WQr-onLy
patriots and t1'ditors.n
EFFECT OF TIE WAR UPON POLITICAL
PARTIES.
As'the war progressed, the political
parties of the country underwent impor-
tant changes, both of organizations and
policy. III the North theRepubIican party
the great body of the American or Union
party of 1860, and the. War Democracy
formed the Union party. The Demcracyof
the south for the most part became rebels.
ami i'll the North those who did not unite
with the Union party, generally passed
under the control and leadership Of the
Peace Democracy.
At the beginning of the war the creed
OF the Union party consisted of one idea
1T labored for one object-the restora-
ton OF the Union. Slavery, the rights
of man, the principles of the Deciara-
tion of Independence, were for the time
lost sight of in the struggle for the ma
tion'slite. AS late as August 1852, Pres
ident Lincoln wrote TO Mr.. Greeley!
My paramount object is TO save the
Union, and not either TO save or destroy
slavery. If could savei the Union
without freeing any slave, / would do it;
and if could save it by freeing all the
slaves, l would do it /; and if could do it
by freeing some and leaving Others alone,
Iwould do that. "
Slowly, gradually, after repeated disas-
ters anfdisappointnent, the eyes Of the
Union leaders were opened to the fact
that slavery and rebellion were convert
able terms; that the Confederacy Accord
ing to its Vice President, Alexander HI.
Sleplensi was lOunueu upon exactly
the opposite idea" from that of Jefferson
and the fathers. "Its foundations" said
he "are laid its corner stone rests upon
the great truth that the negro is not
equal TO the white man; that slavery,
subordination to the superior race, is his
natural and normal condition. Mr..
Lincoln and the Union party, struggling
faithfully onward, finally reached the
solid ground that the American Govern
ment was foundedo on the broad principles
of right, justice, and humanity, and that
for this nation Union and liberty' were
indeed zone and inseparable."
The leaders of the peace Democracy
were for time overwhelmed by the pop
ular uprising which followed the attack
on Fort Sumter, and were not able dur
ing the year 1861 or the early part of 1862
to mark out definitely the course to be
pursued. But, like the Union party,
they gradually approached the position
they were ultimately to occupy.
THE PEACE DEMOCRACY OPPOSED TO ALI,
WAR MEASURES. t. t-..
Their success in the autumn elections
of 1852 encouraged them to enter upon
the pathway in which they have plodded
along consistently, If not prosperously,