Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1867-12-04

we cannot be ton cautious of policy which
might oy possibility,impairih the confidence
OF tne world in our Government. That
comnoehce can only be sustained by care
fully inrulcating the principles of Justice
and honor on the popular mind, and bv
most scrapulous fidelity to all our engage
ments of every sort.
Any serious breach of organic law. nar.
sisted in for considerable time cannon bnt
create fears for the stability of our ins,itu
tions. Habitual violation of prescribed
rules which we bind ourselves to observe,
must demoralize our people. Our only
standard of civil duty being Set at naughr,
the sheet-anchor of our political morality
Is lost; pubic conscience swings from its
moorings, aud yields to every impulse, pas
sion and interest. If we repndiate the
Constitution. We will not be expected to
care much tor mere pecuniary obligations.
The violation of such pledge, as we
male on the % of July, 1861. will as
suredly diminisI the market value of our
other promises. Besides, if we now ac-
knowledge that the national de bit was cre-
ated, not to hold the States in the Union,
as the Taxpayers were led to suppose, but
to eXpel them from it and hand them over
to be governed by negroes, the moral duty
to pay it may seem much less cleir.
say it may seem so, for l do not admit
that 1T, or any other argument in favor of
reputation can be entertained as sound !;
but its influence on some classes of minds
may well be apprehended. The financial
honor of a great commercial nation, largely
indebted, and with republican form of
government, administered by agents of the
popular choice, is Il thing of such delicate
texture, and the destruction of it would be
followed by such unspeakable calamity that
every true pat'int must desire to avoid
whatever might expose it to the slightest
danger.
Tho rraot intarasts of tI,a .ountru roo,,;ro
immediate relief from these euactments.
Business in the South is paralyzed by a
sense of general insecurity, by terror of con-
fiscatiOn and dread of negro supremacy.
Southern trade, from which the North would
have derived so great profit under gov
ernment of law, still languishes, and can
never be revived until it ceases to be fet-
tered by arbitrary power, which makes all
its operations unsafe.
That rich country, the richest in natural
resources the world has ever seen, is worse
than lost if it be not soon placed under the
protection of a free constitution. Instead
of being what it ought to be, a source OF
wealth and power, it will become an intol
cradle burden upon the rest of the nation.
A WORD ABOUT THE LATE ELECTIONS.
Another reason for retracing our steps will
doubtless be seen byCongress in the late man
ifestations of public opinion upon this sub
ject We live i'll country where popular
will always enfOrces obedience to itself soon
er or later. 1t is vain to think of opposing
it with anything short of legal authority
backed by an overwhelming force.
1t cannot have escaped your attention
that, from the day on which Congress fairly
and formally presented the proposition t.
govern the Southern States by military
force, with a view to the ultimate esta blish
ment of negro supremacy, every expression
of public sentiment has been more or less
adverse to it.
The affection of this generation cannot be
detached from the institutions of their an
cestors. Their determination to preserve
this Inheritance of free government in theil
own hands, and transmit it, undivided and
unimpaired, to their posterity, is too strong
to be successfully opposed. Every weaker
passion will disappear before the love Of
liberty and law, for which the American
people are distinguished above all others in
the world.
THE PRESIDENTS DUTY CONSIDERED.
How far the duty of the President to pre-
serve, protect and defend the Constitution
requires him to go in opposing an unconsti
tut1onal act OF Congress, Is Il very serious
and important question, on which have de
Hbetated much, and felt extremely anXiOu.
to reach proper conclusion.
When an act has been passed, according
to the forms of the Constitution, by the SUI
preme Legislative authority of the country
Executive resistance to it, especially il
times of high party excitement, would b,
likely to produce a violent collision be
tween the respective adherents of the tive
branches of the Government. This woulC
be simply civil war, and civil war must b,
resorted to only as last remedy for the
worst of evils. Whatever might tend tt
provoke, it sheuld be most carefully avoid
ed.
A faithful and conscientious magistrate
will cOncede very much to honest error, ant
something even to perverse malice, before
he will endanger the public peace; and h,
will not adopt forcible measures, OF such a,
might lead to force, as long as chance'
which are peaceable remain open to him OF
to his constituents.
1t is true that cases may occur in which
the Executive would be compelled to stand
on its rights and maintain them, regardless
of consequences.
If Congress should pass an act which is
not only in palpable conflict with the Con-
stitution, but with certainty, if carried
out, to produce immediate irreparable inju.
ry to the organic structure of government
and if there be neither judicial remedy for
the wrongs it inf1icts nor power in the peo-
pie to protect themselves without the official
aid of their elected defenders; if, for in
stance, the legislative department should
pass an act, even though observing all the
forms of law, to abolish a coordinate de-
partment of the Government-in such a
case the President must take the high re-
sponsibilities of his Office, and save the life
of the nation at all hazards.
The sO-called Reconstruction Acts, thoue h
as plainly unconstitutional as any that can
be imagined, were not believed to be within
the class last mentioned. The people were
not wholly disarmed of the power of self
defense. In all the Northern States they
ha ,i rf
the ballot and it was safe to believe that in
due time they would come to the rescue of
their own institutions.
1t gives me pleasure to add that the ap-
peal to our common constituents was not
taken in vain, and that my confidence in
their wisdom and virtue seems not to have
been misplaced.
FRAUDS ON THE GOVERNMENT.
1t is well and publicly known that enor-
nous frauds have been perpetrated on the
Treasury, and that colossal fortunes have
been made at public expense. This species
of corruption has increased, is increasing,
and if not diminished will soon bring us into
total ruin and disgrace. Public creditors and
Taxpayers are alike interested in an honest
administration of the finances, and neither
class will long endure the large-handed rob-
berries of the recent past.
For this discreditable state of things there
are several causes. Some of the taxes are
so laid as to present an irresistible tempta-
tion to evade payment. The great sums
which officers may win by cOnnivance at
fraud, create a pressure which is more than
the virtue of many can withstand; and
there can be no doubt that the open disre-
gard of constitutional obligations avowed
by some of the highest and most influential
men in the country, has greatly weakened
the moral sense of those who serve in Il sub
ordinate place.
THE TENURE-oF-oFFICE LAW.
The expenses of the United States, in
Guiding the interest on the public debt are