Delaware tribune. [volume] (Wilmington, Del.) 1867-1877, 1867-05-09

| From the N. Y. independently
| Charles Summers Views.
SENATE CHAMBEg,l
Goth April, 81.
MY DEAR SIR You wish to have the
North RECONSTRUCTED" so at least that it
shall cease to deny the elective franchise
ON account of color. But you postpone the
day by insisting on the preliminary OF a
constitutional amendment. | know your
VOWS to the good cause but | ask you to
make haste. We cannot wait.
Of course, we can always wait for the
needful processes; but there are present
reasons why we should allow no time to be
lost. This question must be settled With-
out dcldy. In other words, it must be
settled before the presidential election which
is at hand. Our colored fellow-citizens at
the South are already voters They will
vote at the presidential election. But why
should they vote at the South, and not al
the North The rule of justice is the same
for both. Their votes are needed AT the
| North as well as the South, There are
Northern States where their votes can
make the good cause safe beyond question.
There are other states where their votes
will be like the last preponderant weight in
the nicely-balanced scales. Let our colored
fellow-citiZens vote in Maryland, and that
state, now so severely tried, will be fixed
for Human Rights forever. Let them vote
in Pennsylvania, and you will give more
than twenty thousand votes to the Republic
can cause. Let them vote in New York,
and the scales, which hang SO doubtful,
will incline to the Republican cause. II
will be the same in Connecticut. | mention
these by way of example. But everywhere
the old pro-slavery party will kick the beam.
Let all this be done, say, before the next
presidential election.
Among the proposed ways of doing it is
by new constitutional amendment But
this is too dilatory 1t cannot become opera
tive till after the presidential election.
Besides, it is needless. Instead of amend
ing the constitution, read il.
Another way is by moving each state,
and obtaining through local legislation what
is essentially u right Of citizenship. Bul
this again is too diatory, while il turns each
state into political melstrom, and submits
question of national interest to the chan
ces of focal controversy, and the timidity
of tocdt politicians. This will not do.
Emancipation was a National Act, proceed
ing from the National Government, and
applicable to all the states. Enfranchise-
ment, which is the corollary and complete
ment of Emancipation, must be Nationa
Act also, proceeding from the Nationa
Government, and applicable to all the
states If it be left to the states indivd
ually the result, besides being tardy, will b,
uncertain and fragmentary.
There is another way, which is at onc
, prompt, energetic, and comprehensive. |
E is by act OF Congress- adopted by a majorit.
of two-thirds in spite Of presidential veto
The time has passed when this power car
be questioned. Congress has already exer
i else il in the rebel states. / do not forge
itc hncit tot Cplxf when
4 insisted that it must do so, and introduced
bill to this, effect, l was answered that
constitutional acs-.Hslnent was needed, an
| was voted down. A change Idsi.e2,e dia,2e- an an
in happy moment Congress exercised the
power What patriot questions it now
But the power is unqucstionable in the other
states also. 1t concerns the rights of fciti=en-
ship, and this subject is as essentially
national as the army or the navy.
Even without either Of the recent consti-
tutional amendments, | am at a loss to un-
derstand how denial of the elective fran
chise simply ON account of color can be
otherwise than unconstitutional. l cannot
see how, under National Constitution
which does not contain the word ''white" or
| ''black, " there can he any exclusion on ac-
count of color. There is no such exclusion
in the Constitution. Out of what text is
this oligarchical pretension derived? But,
putting aside this question, which will be
clearer to the iurists of the next generation
than to US, vouch the authoritative words
Of the Constitution, making it our duty TO
guarantee Il republican form of Government
in the States. Nov the greatest victory of
the war, to which all other victories, wheth-
er in Congress or on the bloody field, were
only tributary, was the definition of re-
| publican government according to the prin-
| cples OF the Declaration of Independence.
A government which denies the elective
franchise on account of color, or, in other
words, sets up amy qualifications
OF votes in their nature insurmount-
able, cannot be republican for the
first principle in republican govern
| principles of the Declaration of Independ-
cnce. And this definition, | insist, is the
crowning result of that war which beat
down the Rebellion under its feet. 1t only
remains for Congress TO enforce 1t by appro7
pirate legislation.
But there arc two recent constitutional
amendments, each Of which furnishes ample
and cumulative power.
There is, first, the amendment abolishing
slavery, with its clause comforting on Con-
gress the power to enforce it by appropriate
legislation, in pursuance of which Congress
has already passed the CiUH Rights act,
VIII ch is applicable to the North as well as
the South. Clearly, and most obviously be-
yond all question, if it can pass a CipH
| Rights act, it can also pass o Political
Rights act for each is appropriate TO en-
force the abolition of slavery and to. com
plete this work. Without il the work is
only hoif dOae
There is yet another amendment recently
adopted by three-fourths Of the loyal States,
which IS itself an abundant source Of power
| t,ut nj
turaized in the United States and subject to
the jurisdiction thereof are = citizens, this
amendment proceeds to provide that mo
State shall make or enforce any law which
shall abridge the privileges or immunitics Of
citizens of the United States and Congress
is empowered to enforce this provision by
appropriate legislation. Nothing can be
palmer than this.
Here. then, are three different fountains
of power in the Constitution itself, each suf-
iicient the three together three times sutli-
cient; each exuberant and overtlowing, the
three together three times eXubcrant and
overilowing. How, in the face of these
provisions any person can doubt the power
of Congress, | cannot understand. But
alas there are doubters always
have already sent you copy OF my bill
to scttl. this question by what | call . The
short cut" Give us your vote. or course,
you will. Believe me, my dear sir.
Very faithfully yours,
CHARLES SUMNER.
TnEopoRE TlfToN, Esq
Yes Mr. Sumner has our vote. He has
always had it; he is always likely TO have
it. ''How did Roger Sherman yote!' asked
| our forefathers They bclievedit was safe TO
vote with Roger sherman 1t Is Just as safe
to vote with Charles Sumner. during the
lust fifteen years no American Senator has
been so uniformly right, none so conspicu.
ously single-minded, none so stubbornly un-
compromising, as the author of this letter
Therefore let heed be given to what he says
Long ago we proposed, and at various
times since have argued, an amendmen, to til,
Federal Constitution establishing equal civ
and political rights in all the Stales-botl
for whites and blacks; both for North ant
South. Mr.. Sumner, seeking the same end
proposes different means Instead Of III
amendment of the Constitution, he urges {
law of Congress. -" How any person, hl
says, g can doubt the power of Go grcss
cannot understand Mr.. Sumner know
,p, IL, mot 1Dula fita I1pAyer. mot at all