Abbeville press. [volume] (Abbeville, S.C.) 1860-1869, 1867-03-08
THE mIL1rARY B1LL-..rHE VETO MESSAGE.

lh8 frcSlQcnt, WlGn u CoHSiotSbSJ ""'~"
must extort respect even from his political oP
ponents, has returned to Congress with his OBJ
ticns, a bill "to provide for the more ehic'en'
government of the rebel States And though
the clear. forciLle, md yet temperate review
of the Questionable features OF the hlli eeems ~
have had no effect upon the Khd'cai meJor"y
of Congress who passed the measure oy '"'-
thirds vote over the veto, yet ns furnishine
manly protest against the usurpnt'o"s OF Ion
oress. vivid portraiture OF the evils OF ih'.'ta
~ despotism and an earnest plea in beha1 OF
constitutional liberty. it must have its weight
,non the sober second thought Of the people.
The salient points and prominent features OF
the Message we will briefly indicate:
The Message takes issue with the assump-
tions of tho preamble Of the bill. that there e1-
lists in the Southern States "no loyal govern
ments. and no adequate protection to life and
property," With regard to the existence OF
loyal governments. it afirms, " that the States
in question have each of them IN actual gov
ernment with all the powers, executive, judi
cial and Legislative, which properly belong 10 a
free State They are organized like the other
States of the Union, and, like them, they make
administer and execute the laws which concern
their domestic affairs An existing de .fdcto
government, exercising such functions as these
is itself the law Of the State upon all matters
within its jurisdiction. To pronounce the sn
preme law making power OF an established State
illegal, is to ray that law itself IS unlawful.
And again, with regard to the Punishmeut OF
crime and the enforcement of peace and good
order the President says: "All the Information
I have on the subject conviuccs me that the
masses Of the Southern people. and those who
control their public acts. while they entertain
divers opinions on questions Of Federal policy,
are completely united in the effort to reorgan-
jze their society on the basis Of peace, and to
restore their mutual prosperity as rapidly and rs
completely as their circumstances will permit :
The face Of the bill showe, however, that the
restoration of peace md order was only pre-
text, and that the military rule which it es'
,ablishes is plainly to be used-not for any rur'
pose Of order or for the prevention Of crime,
but solely as a means Of coercing the people
into the adoption Of principles and measures
10 which it is known they are opposed, aud
upon which they have an unde:.iuble right to
exercise their own Judgment
The Objectionable features Of the bill which,
the Message declares are in palpable conflict
with the plain provision. Of the Constitution,
and the great principles of liberty and humani.
ty are thus clearly set forth:
The ten States embraced in the bill are di
vidcd into FIVE districts. For each district nn
officer of the army, not below the rank OF
Brigadier-G General, is to be appointed to rule
over the people; and lie is TO be supported
with an efficient military force to enable him
TO perform his duties ard enforce his authority.
Those duties and that authority, as defined by
the tn ird section of the bill, ito protect all
persons in their rights Of person anil property,
to suppress insurrection, disorder nnh violence,
and to punish or caused to he punished all dis
turbers of the public peace or criminals" The
power thus given to the commanding officer
over all the people of each district is that Of
an absolute monarch. His mere will is to take
the place of all law. The law Of the States
is now the only rule applicable TO the subjects
placed under his control, and that is complete
ly displaced by the clause which declares all
interference Of State authority to be null md
void. He alone is permitted to determine what
are rights Of peraon or property, and he may
protect them in such way as in his discretion
may seem proper. 1t places at his free dispo-
sal all the lands aud goods in his district. and
he may distribute them without let or hin
drapce to whom lie pleases. Being bound by
no State law, and there being no other law to
regulate the subject, he may make criminal
code Of his own and he can make it as bloody
as any recorded in history. or he can reserve
the privilege of acting upon the impulse Of his
priv ate passions in each case that arises. He
is bound by rules Of evidence there is in
deed no provision by which he is authorized or
required to take any evidence at all. Every
thing is crime which he chooses TO call so
and oil persons are condemned whom he pro
neunces to be guilty. He is not bound to keep
any record, or make any report Of his pro-
: ceedings. He may arrest his victims wherev.
or hesfinds them without warrant, accusation
or proof of probable cause. II he gives Them
q trial before he inflicts the punishment, he
gives it Of his grace and mercy, not because he
is commanded SO to do.
To casual reader Of the bill It might seem
that some kind Of trial was secured by it 10
persons accused of crime; but such is not the
case. The officer "may allow local civil trib.
unals to try offenders" but of course this does
not require that he shall do SO. If any State
or Federal court presunes TO exercise its legal
jurisdiction by the trial Of a malefactor with.
out his special permission he can break it up.
and punish the judges and jurors as being
themselves mslefactors. He can save lis
friends from justice, and despoil his enemies
contrary to justice.
It |" also provided that "be shall have
power 10 organize military commissions or
,ribunals;' but THE power he is not comman
ded to exercise. It is merely permissive, and
is to be used only ''when in his judgment it
may be necessary for the trial Of offenders. -
Even If the sentence Of @ commission were