The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-01-08
CHI A EsT r ON.
TUESDAY MORNING. JANUARY 8, 1867
THE VETO MESSAGE.

We take pleasure in laying before our read
ers this morning, the message of the President
read yesterday in the United States Senate,
giving his reasons for retoing the District OF
Columbia Negro Suffrage Bill. Mr.. JOHNSON
has now had some experience in the writing OF
veto messages, and we naturally expected, IN
an effort of this kind, powerful and conclu-
siye argument On reading it over, we found
that we had not expected too much. We con-
slider this one of the most important State
papers ever issued from any department Of our
Government. Its principal value lies in the
lucid definition here given to the rights and
prerogatives of the several coordinate branches
of Government. The message shows how great
the power of Congress is, even when confined
within its rightful limits. He makes strong
and timely plea for the Judiciary, apropos of
the gathering storm in store for the Supreme
Court within the next few weeks.
The President. in his argument, takes the
Constitution and its binding force as the su-
preme law of the land as o postulate. He
shows that when the vote was taken in Decem-.
ber 1866, to ascertain the voice of the people
of the District, 6556 votes were cast in Wash
ington against Negro Suffrage, and only 50 in
favor In Georgetown the vote was 8l3
against, and only one for the measure. MI
JOHNSON cannot see why the people residing in
the District of Columbia should not enjoy the
same right and privilege as the inhabitants of
State or Territory, Of making known their will
upon matters affecting their social and political
condition. They did this through the ballot
box, and Congress has disregarded their wishes,
and passed this Bill against their will. The
spirit of our Constitution requires that the will
of the people should be consulted by their legis-
lators Congress holds the same relation to
the District of Columbia as the Legislatures Of
the several States TO the citizens thereof.
The President then shows the inconsistency
of representatives from States which deny
suffrage to the colored cisizens,-in forcing
this measure upon The District of Columbia,
and they compel them to try an experiment
which their own constituents have thus far
refused to do.
| The President next draws a comparison be-
tween the respective populations of Massachu-
setts and Columbia According to the census
of 1860, Massachusetts,, amongst its ,2Sl, 1856
inhabitants, numbered only 1902 persons Of
color, and among a39,Os6 persons over twenty
one years Of age, only 2602 colored whereas
the District of Columbia contained G0,954
whites and 1876 persons of the colored race.
But since then the colored population has been
very much increased by immigration, rendering
the disproportion much create, !; and should
the Suffrage Bill become law, large accessions
msy be expected from the ne groes of the sur
| rounding Statos-
He next adverts to the entire disqualification
of this class of inhabitants for On intelligent
discharge of the elective franchise He says:
I" The people who are duly witnesses of their
mode of living, and who have become familiar
with their. habits of thought, have expressed
the conviction that they are not yet competent
to serve as electors, and thus become eligible
for Office. Yet this Bill extends to them the
right Of suffrage without discrimination, while
in Massachusetts, where they have enjoyed
thorough educational system, qualification of
intelligence is required.
The President still holds the views he ex-
pressed year ago, on several occasions, that
in the event of universal suffrage being thrust
upon the people, against their expressed wishes,
o war of races may inevitably be looked for
The President then proceeds to define the
respective functions and powers of the several
Departments of Government, according to the
letter and spirit of the Constitution. The
power Of the Executive, he says, is negative
and conservative, to serve as a check upon un-
constitutional, hasty and improvident legisla-
tion. The Constitutional powers ofthe Legis-
lative Department are more extensive, and
cannot be limited with precision, so that it may,
under certain circumstances, encroach upon its
coordinate departments. Besides ithas access
to the pockets of the people, in laying taxes
and making appropriations, and even exer-
cises prevailing influence over.the pecuniary
rewards of those who compose the other two
departments. He shows from the writings of
KENT, SronY, MADISON and JEFFERSON, that
the dangers Of the usurpation by the Legislative,
of the powers of the Executive and Judiciary
Departments, was apprehended even in tho
early period of the Republic, and it was for
this reason our fathers separated with such
care these respective branches, and provided
that no one should exercise the powers of more
than one at the same time.
he next shows how limited the powers Of the
Judiciary. They have no patronage. They
cannot punish without law they can do nothing
for themselves etc., ETC., and if they administer
the laws corruptly, they are subjected to the
powerof impeachment, whereas, with few con-
stitutional prohibitions, the powers of the Leg
islative are unlimited.
We cannot of course, in the brief space Of
this column give more than the merest outline
of this splendid argument and hope that all our
readers will give it q careful perusal. True,
the reasoning is addressed to deaf ears, and
the strongest logicis lost upon men who consult
only the promptings of their passions; still the
President is right in putting his protest on
record, and we hope that the sober, second
thought will yet gain the ascendancy over blind
prejudice and party animosity.
YANKEES IN THEHOLY LAND.