Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1867-01-18
lLUME 10; NO Q.

Dlais ui representation so as 70 put white
voters oman equality IN both sections, aud
! that such change shall precede the admission
/ Of any State. deny that there is any un-
derstandBg, expressed or implied, that npon
! the adoption Of the amendment by any State
J that such State may be admitted before the
/ amendment becomes part ofthe Constitution
/ Such course would soon surrender the
| Government into the hands of rebels. Such
couree woald be senseless, inconsistent
! and illogical. Congress denies that any
State lately in rebellion has any government
or constitution known TO the Constitution
Fl ae 19fa q Bs aSst 81 tRs Rg & Yheh enn b s6s
can such State adopt the amendment? To
allow it would be yielding the whole aues-
| ton and admitting the unimpaired rights
Of the seeded States | know of no Repub-
llcad who does not ridicule what Mr.. Sew
ard thought cunning movement, in coun-
/ ting Virginia and other outlawed States
| among those which had adopted the eonsti-
tutional amendment abolishing slavery.
1t is to be regretted that atincOnsiderate and
incautious Republicans should ever have
supposed that the slight amendments
already proposed to the Constitution, even
| when Incorporated into that instrument
| would satisfy the reforms necessary for the
security Of the Government. Unless the
| rebel States, before admission should be
made republican in spirit and placed under
| the guardianship Of loyal men, all our blood
and treasure will have been spent in vain.
l waive now the question of punishment,
which II we are wise will still be inflicted by
moderate eonhscations, both as q reproof
and example. Having these States, as we
all agree, entirely within the power Of Con-
gress, 1t Is our duty 70 take care that no injus-
| tice shall remain in their organic laws
| Holding them ''like clay in the hands of
| the potter, we must see that no vessel is
made for destruction. Having now no gov
ernments, they must have enabling acts. The
law OF last session with regard to Territories
settled the principles Of such acts. Impair
tial suffrage both in eleeting the delegates
and ratifying their proceedings is now the
fixed rule. There is more reason why col
ored voters should be admitted in the rebel
States than in the Territories, In the States
| they form the great mass Of the loyal men.
Possibly with their aid loyal governments
may be established in most Of those States
| Without it all are sure to be ruled by trai-
! tors; and loyal men, black and white, will
| be oppressed, exiled or murdered. There
| are several good reasons for the passage Of
| this bill. In the first place, it Is just
am now combining my argument to negro
| suffrage IN the rebel States. Have not loyal
blacks quite as good a right to choose rulers
and make Laws as rebel whites? In the
| second place, it IS q necessity In order to
protect the loyal white men in the seeded
States The white Union men are in a
great minority in each of those States.
With them the blacks would act in body;
/ A,4 -Fs.l -
| majority, control re States, and protect
| daily murder. I must suffer consta mt
of Southern loyalis.-, lately held in Phila-
delphia, most unanimously agreed to such
a bill as absolute necessity.
Anotl good reason Is, it would insure
| the ascoG 1ancy Of the Union party. Do
you ayow the party purpose? exclaims
| some horror-stricken demagogue. | do.
| For | believe, on my conscience, that on the
| continued aScendancy of that party depends
| the safety of this great nation. If impartial
| suffrage is excluded in the rebel States, then
every one of them is sure to send solid
rebel representative delegation to Congress,
and cast solid rebel electoral vote They
| with their kindred Copperheads of the
North, would always elect the President
and control Congress. While slavery sat
upon her defiant throne, and insulted and
intimidated the trembling North, the South
| frequently divided on questions Of policy be-
tween Wings and Democrats, and gave vic
tory ultimately to that section. Now you
| must divide them between loyalists, without
regard to color, and disloyalists, or you will
| be the perpetual vassals of the free trade,
irritable. reyeDgefnl South. For these,
among other reasons, | am for negro suff-
rage in every rebel State. If it be just it
should not be denied; il it be necessary, it
should be adopted; if it be punishment to
traitors, they deserve it.
But it will be said, as it has been said,
This is negro equalityl' What is negro
equality, about which so much is said by
knaves, and some Of which is believed by
men who are not fools? 1t Itmeans, as under
stood by horest Republicans, just this much
and no more: Every man, no matter what
his race or color; every earthly being who
has an immortal soul, has an equal right to
Justice, honesty and fair play with every
other man: and the law should secure him
those rights. The same law which con
demns or acquits an African should condemn
or aequit a white man. The same law
which gives q verdict in a white man S favor
should give a verdict In black man 5 favor
on the same state of facts Such is the law
OF God and such ought to be thelaw OF man.
This doctrine does not mean that negro
shall SIT on the rerlae scat, or eot at the sauao
table with a white man. This Is matter
of taste, which every man must decide for
himself The law has nothing to do with
il If there be any who are afraid OF the
black man in Office or in business, | have
only to advise them 10 try and beat their
competitor in knowledge and business ca
pacity; and there is no danger that his white
neighbors viii prefer his African rival to
himself | know there is among those
who are influenced by this cry of negro
eouality." the opinion that there is still
danger that the negro will be the smartest
For never saw even q contraband slave
that had not more sense than such men.
There are those who admit the justice
and ultimate utility of granting impartial
suffrage to all men, but they think 1t Is I'M
An ancient philosopher, whose antagonist
! admitted that what he required was just,
| INT deemed it impahtic, asked him: DO
vou believe in Hades?'' would say to those
above referred to, who admit the justice Of
human equality before the law, but doubt its
policy;
'Do you believesin heli2'
How do yen answ( the principle inscribed
in our political Sc ure, That to secure
these rights goye nents are instituted
among men, deriyil theirjust powers from
| the cons i of The governed? Without
such con 1t government is tyranny, ana