The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1867-02-20
SPEECH OF HON. rHADDEus STEVENS.

by 100 to IS. "
Mr.. Stevens being entitled to close the de-
bate, took the opportunity of doing SO at
this time, lest he might not have another
opportunity in consequence of the recommit-
tai of the bill. He said that for the last two
months this Congress had been considering
measures connected with the Southern States
while these States had been bleeding at
every pore The whole country was alive to
the necessity for action, although Con-
gress itself seemed insensiblc to it. The
whole country had been alive to the supine-
ness with which Congress had conducted it.
self. And yet Congress had sat here and
raised no voice to effect what the people de-
clared to be its duty. 1t had been asked by
gentlemen why the Reconstruction Commit
tee had not presented some bill on which
Congress could act. That had been asked
Oh his own side of the House with some ac-
rimony by the gentleman from Ohio Ding-
ham) and Others and with some propriety
on the other side of the House. 1t must be
recollected, however, he said, that during
this session Congress had no opportunity to
act in the matter until after the holidays,
and since that time Congress had had but
little more than month to attend to bust
ness. 1t would also be recollected that after
the holidays there was plan presented,
whether good or bad, and that on that plan
a debate of three weeks had taken place in
the House, without any attempt to amend
it, and with a rigid determination on the
part of gentleman Bingham.) who in
the most supplementary manner took
charge of the bill after it had been reported,
and with vigor and energy and dogged-
ness, if he might say so without offense,
which would do great credit to Stonewall
Jackson in his best condition, had refused
to open the bill to amendments. The House
would recolect that he had asked often for
an opportunity to offer an amendment to
that bill, but that opportunity had been re-
fused, and inasmuch as the House had sus-
tanned the refusal he accepted the position,
lust as the Rebels did, because he could not
help it. He had labored on that bill in
conjunction with several committees of 10y
al men from the South for four months, and
had altered and rcaltered, written and re-
written it several times and found that it
met the appreciation ofnumerous societies and
meetings in the Southern States 1t was
therefore not simply his fault, if the bill was
not as good as might have been framed
He did think, however, that after all it was
uncivil, it was unjust, it was Indecent not to
attempt to amend it and make it better, and
to see whether the House could not do
something to enable the loyal men of the
South to create institutions according to the
principles of republican government. He
had warned the House that if that bill went
back to the Committee on Reconstruction it
must die. But his rigorous friend from Ohio
Bingham) had assured the House that its
recommittal would have no such effect
That it would be back here fresh and bloom
ing in the course of a couple of days. He
asked the House, where was that bill now,
and why the House had not something in
lieu of it. In regard to the bill now before
the House, it was reported with perfect
understanding that if it became a law, it
must pass without amendment 1t was not
intended as Reconstruction bill, it was
intended simply as a police bill to protect
the loyal men of the South from anarchy
and murder and rapine, until Congress took
a little more time to establish a civil govern
ment there. Some of his learned friends, he
said, took objection to the bill because the
adverbs in it were improperly placed, and
while they did not pretend to object to its
main features, yet, they had objected to his
particles and his particibles, laughter and
they had with pertinacious determination
taken every study that was possible to
pledge Congress to what was called the Con-
stiutional amendment, as finality, on the
adoption of which the South should be adj
mitted to representation in Congress. Voices
from the Republican members, "Oh, no,"l
His learned friend from Ohio Mr. Bingham)
had this morning declared with proper exul-
tation that he had succeeded in having pass
ed through the House bill which used the
word State in reference to one of these Rebel
communities precisely as the President used
it. That was no news to him. He had seen
it in the Committee, and the whole Commit
tee had seen it and spurned it. He had seen
it, also, in the magnificent argument and pc
roration which the gentleman had made in
the last discussion in reference to the bill to
which he had referred. His own idea was
that view would be an Endorsement of the
Presidents policy. 1t would be pledging
Congress in advance to what the House had
no right to pledge it, namely: the admission
of those States when certain things should
be done.
Mr.. Shellabarger Rep., Ohio) said that it
was carefully embodied in one section of the
Louisiana bill that when any State should
present itself for admission to representation
in Congress, that admission should be on
such terms as the Congress to which the APP
plication was made might demand. He said
that was put in for the very purpose of ex-
Guiding conclusions that this Congress was
declaring in advance what should be the
proper terms of admission.
Mr. Blaine declared that his amendment
left the matter entirely to Congress.
Mr.. Stevens said that it declared that when
certain things were done-which were uni
versal amnesty, universal suffrage, and uni
versal Andy Johnsonism, Oaughter) those
States should he admitted into the Union
1t would give him great pleasure to join in
the 10 trtumphe of the gentleman from Ohio,
but that he believed that the course led by
forbidden paths into the sheep or goat-holes
of the President. This bill simply proposed
to protect the loyal people of the South, and
if gentlemen chose to introduce tomorrow
joint resolution making the Louisiana bill
applicable to all the other Rebel States, it
might pass both Houses in two hours. But
he did not like Congress to be tied up in adj
vance. He did not like to say anything
either against the Constitutional Amend
ment, although he had no respect for it. He
felt so impressed with the Importance of
passing this bill, that although not very
well, he had felt bound to say this much. If
he might presume upon the age, without any
of the wisdom of Nestor, he would say to
the young gentlemen around him, that the
acts and deeds of this burning crisis, of this
solemn day, of this very moment, would cast
their shadow into the far future and would
make their impress on the annals of history.
They should appear on the dark or on the