The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-08-01

! Overshadow the South.
For the promotion of these objects nothing
| could be more eficacious than the transfer OF
Sheridan to another sphere of duty On any
| other supposition, II Is incomprenenslDlo'
| To call IL craftsmanship would be an unpar-
donable perversion Of the term. 10 nold IL
up to admiration as an intrepid ueVotlon 10
constitutional principles would, III r tne cir
cumstances, be simply ridiculous. The most
that can be said in its extenuation is that it is
an exercise of the obstinacy which has
marked the Presidents proceedings since the
beginning of his differences with the Repub-
lican party. He has said and done so much
unwisely, wantonly, with no other result than
an increase of partisan bitterness and strife,
that we ought perhaps to receive each sue
ceeding display of temper without surprise.
Nevertheless, in the present case, it is singu-
larly unfortunate. And we predict that the
blow, when struck, will do more harm to the
President who aims it than the General at
whom it is aimed.
We have never been unqualified eulogists of
General Sheridan. His mode of acting has
been more than once the subject of animad-
version in these columns; and the tone of
some of his dispatches has not accorded with
current ideas of military discipline. Apart
from these defects of manner and temper, his
course as District Commander has earned the
confidence and approval of the Union party.
1t is felt that he has acted uniformly in the
interest of the loyal population of his District,
and in hearty sympathy with the policy
upheld by Congress. He has carried out its
views in his administration of the law His
deposition of notoriOusly untrustworthy civil
officers has been Endorsed by Congress, which
thus made his acts its own. His removal,
therefore, will be a fresh issue raised by the
President, who is powerless except in the dis
play of spite, with the representatives of the
people, whose measures the people approve,
and whose power in the premises is virtually
absolute. Is this folly only, or the madness
that rushes to destruction
The country will see in the removal of
Sheridan another instance of the Presidents
hostility to the administration of the Recon-
structiOn law-another illustration of his de-
termination, if possible, to thwart the clearly
expressed intentions of its authors. The
recent session deprived him of the pretexts
afforded by Mr.. Stanbery's opinions. He can
no longer undertake to instruct the Military
Commanders in a sense at variance with the
well-understood purposes of the law. He
has been deprived of authority to meddle
with the doings of the commanders, OF to die
tate the line they shall take. The power to
remove the commanders has, however, been
left in his hands, and now that Congress has
separated, he turns round and uses this
power to remove and punish Sheridan, whose
sole offense is faithful compliance with the
will of Congress. This, and this only, is the
light in which the removal will appear. The
Presidents Washington organ resorts to spe-
cial pleading, and argues that while the object
OF Congress implies "pacfying the country
and restoring harmony to the Union," the
conduct of Sheridan has promoted the oppo-
site results. A fallacy so transparent will not
deceive anybody. Sheridan is to be removed,
not because he defeats the object of the law
for Congress has declared that he fulfls it
but because his fidelity to the authorized
! IL.
exposed him to the anger of Rebels and the
vindictiveness of the President. He is to be
punished, in fact, for the faithful performance
of his duty. And the National IntejHgencer
proclaims that any other of ''the Southern
satraps" who, by similar course, may pro-
woke the Executive displeasure, will share
Sheridan's fate. By the abuse of the power of
removal, then, the President desires to OBJ
struct the working of the law, and to secure
the application of his own views through the
agency of more accommodating district COM
manders.
| There is more than bad judgment in this
case. Practically, there is bad faith. Weeks
! ago disposition to remove Sheridan was at
tributed to the President, and was disclaimed
| by journals and correspondents in his behalf.
1t was alleged that the purpose, if it had ever
been entertained, was abandoned. In this
way the impression was created that the dis
trict commanders would remain unmOlested
by the Executive. The House, unwilling to
rely upon the professions of his friends,
provided for the abrogation of his
power of removal but the Senate,
reposing greater confidence in his good
faith, objected to the provision, and it was
omitted from the bill as enacted. Certain II
is that the power to remove would have
been annulled as distinctly as the power to
direct but for the conciliatory course of Sena-
tors who believe that to this extent the Presl-
dent might be trusted. See now how he
justifes their moderation and exemplifes his
title to confidence The only authority which
Congress leaves him possessed of he exercises
to the detriment of its policy. Protesting re-
spect for its will, and determination to carry
out its law, his first step is to punish district
commander because he abides by the law
rather than the caprices of Mr.. Johnson. II
was in view of contingency like this that &
demand was urged for a brief adjournment
That demand was resisted as unnecessary, be
cause, fOTsooth, obstruction need be nc
more feared from the President. But the re
moval of Sheridan will demonstrate readi
ness to obstruct the operation of the law t
the extent of the opportunities still controlled
by the Executive.
In the presence of this unexpected difficulty
the country will turn anxiously, yet hope
fully, to General Grant, as the virtual admin
istrator OF the law. He is invested "with al
the powers of suspension, removal, appoint
ment, and detail granted" to district com
manders. The President may, indeed, remov
the latter and may appoint others prepared t
do his bidding. But that is all. In Genera
Grant is vested the far more important poWe