New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1867-04-02
LORD DERBYS GOTERNlfENT md THE
PROSPECTS OF REFORM.


thc way of 4 specdy settlement of the question
of Reform have by no means diminished with the
introduction of Mr.. Disraeli's bill now before
Parliament We have all along expressed our
doubts whether a Tory Government could bring
forward measure that would be satisfactory TO
the great body of the moderate RcfOmeiS-not
to speak of the Radicals aud the men OF the
League. Even surprising the members oil sucl
a Government capable for the sake OF ONCE,
of ignoring the record of their past political
lives, and OF throwing overheard the traditional
reactionary (misnamed conservative policy OF
the Tories, there was the rank and file OF the
party to be considered, composed IN great part
of men brimful of prejudice against the LIB
eral creed. and bitterly opposed to any move
mcnt whatever in favor OF substantial rccOg-
milton of popular rights Considering the CIR
cumstanceS under which he succeeded to power
nine months ago, and the state OF feeling III
England at present on the question OF Pallia-
mcntarv Reform Lord Derby WAS bound to
introduce without delay measure for the eX-
tension of the elective franchise; but his great
difficulty was TO originate such bill a. would
meet, 10 even moderate extent, the require
mcnts of the case in so far as popular demands
were concerned. and, at the same time, obtain
the support of his own party. The with
drawal from the Cabinet OF three OF ms
prncipal Secretaries of State, on the ground
of disagreement with the programme of Re
form sketchcd out by the Ministry, showed
Enthusiastically the trouble he might expect
from those of his own household while the
determined opposition of the Liberal party, led
by Mr. Gladstone to the bill just introduced
by Mr. Di,racli, proves how completely the
Government have failed to conciIiate their
political opponents What between the disaf-
lection of the extreme Tories, of whom Gen.
fccl, tue IdtC 'Jv,ICtdy ve 49,, :, e. 4s-pn
and the more moderate of the party, repre-
scnted by such men rs Lords CarnarvOn and
CianbOnc, and the dissatisfaction OF the Lib
erals of every section with the Government
BILL the chances seem very small indeed of
retention of power for any length of time by
the present Administration. There, seems, in
deed to be no way of escape for them. 1t is
the old story of Scylla and ChaIybdis.
As matters stand, then, there seems to he
every probability of a speedy restoration of
the Liberal party to power Lord Dcrby's only
hope of being able to keep the rcns in his
hands rested on successful management OF
the Reform question Failure here seals at
once the fate of his government, and failure is
now imminent. The Administration, in fact,
exists only through the forbcamncc of ITS OPP
p0nents which, ii is evident will not continue
to be exercised much longer. But how would
the return of the Liberals TO power be likely
to affect the settlement of the veXed question,
which, according to an English journal has actu-
ally brought legislation to dead lock " We
answer: That event would in all probability. lead
to the immediate passing of a bill establishing
household suffrage. This, it is true, would
not be coming up to the dcmApds of the peo-
ple; but the measure would, doubtless, be ac-
ceDted temporarily, as IN ipst9llmcnt toward
tLS Jul scttlehc9t Of their claims at no dis
ta3t day. The events of the last twelve
moths have removed the question of unle-
stricted household suffrage out OF the region
of doubt and speculation into that of certainty.
| The attitude assumed by tue people has
coKvinced the timid Liberals, as well as the
| recnsant AdullaWitcs of the danger oil trliling
with the interests of the Masses and even the
Tory Reform BILL now on the table of the
Commons, comedies the principle of household
suffrage. This, then, is the positive gam
of the last twelve months agitation. The
next and final step will be manhood
Suffrage. for which household suffrage
must naturally pave the way. And with that
copsurnmation, but not before, will end the
| peiplexties of British statesmen and legisla-
tors in dealing with the elective franchise.
| The question is now beset with DIFFICULTIES sim;
DIV and solely because the element OF " class
is allowed to enter so largely ipto it. 10 main.
tain under q Constitutional Government, based
upon the popular will, such balance OF
power between the different sections of the
community as that which it is the proposed
aim of certain English politicians to establish
is simply o matter of impOssbilty' Any ar
rangeinent of tue kind proposed y Vt
| terly ireconciable with the fdpdp'
mental principles of Such Government,
which is in its very essence and its whole
scope diapstrically opposed to class distinc,
lions as the groundwork of legislation. If
British statespep could but drop the political
shjbboletb Of "tbe different classes and
bring themselves Is think only of the citizens as
q great *hole, Having all Of them equal claims
as citizens to share in the government OF
their county. they would find this trouble.
some franchise question wonderfully simplifed
| to tle6 and would very soon see short and
easy way out of their difficulties. 1t would DO
| strange il many of them were not already con.
| yipced, II their own minds, that this myth Of
| political adjustment of class interest Is
doomed shortly to melt into thin air, and that
the good Old constitutional and logically an
| impeashable doctrine, 10 its integrity Of goy<