The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-01-08
CHI A ES TON.
TUESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 8, 1867.
THE VETO MESSAGE.

THE VE1o MESSAGE:
We take pleasure in laying before our read
ers this morning the message Of the President,
read yesterday in the United States Senate,
giving his reasons for vetoing the District of
Columbia Negro Suffrage Bill. Mr.. JOHNSON
has now had some experience in the writing of
veto messages, and we naturally expected, in
an effort of this kind, q powerful and conclu-
sive argument On reading it over, we found
that we had not expected too much. We con-
slider this one of the most important State
papers ever issued from any department Of our
Government. Its principal value lies in the
lucid definition here given to the rights and
:prerogatives Of the several coordinate branches
of Government. The message shows how great
the power Of Congress is, even when confined
within its rightful limits. He makes q strong
and timely plea for the judiciary. 4pzoFss Sss
the gathering storm in store for the Supreme
Court within the next few weeks.
The President, in his argument, takes the
Constitution and its binding force as the su-
preme law of the land as q postulate. He
shows that when the vote was taken in Decem-
Der, 1865, to ascertain the voice of the people
Of the District, 6556 votes were cast in Wash
iugton against Negro Suffrage, and only IS in
favor. In Georgetown the vote was 8l3
against, and only one for the measure. Mr..
JOHNSON cannot see why the people residing in
the District of Columbia should not enjoy the
same right and privilege as the inhabitants Of
State or Territory, of making known their will
upon matters affecting their social and political
condition. They did this through the ballot
box, and Congress has disregarded their wishes,
and passed this Bill against their will The
spirit Of our Constitution requires that the
Of the people should be consulted by their legis-
lators. Congress holds the same relation to
| the District Of Columbia as the Legislatures Of
the several States to the citizens thereof
| The President then shows the inconsistency
OF representatives from States which deny
suffrage to the colored citizens,-in forcing
this measure upon the District of Columbia
and they compel them to try an experiment
| which their own constituents have thus far
refused to do. t- #r
The President next draws com parison be-
tween the respective populations of Massachu-
! sets and Columbia According to the census
! of 1860, Massachusetts, amongst its ,23l, ,666
Inhabitants, numbered only 96O2 persons of
color, and among 339,086 persons over twenty
| one years of age, only 26O2 colored whereas
the District Of Columbia contained 6O,954
whites and 1886 persons Of the colored race
But since then the colored population has been
very much increased by immigration rendering
the disproportion much greater; and should
| the Suffrage Bill become law, large accessions
may be expected from the ne groes of the sur
| rounding States.
| He next adverts to the entire disqualification
| Of this class Of inhabitants for an intelligent
discharge Of the elective franchise. He says
'sThe people who are daily witnesses Of their
mode Of living and who haze Bseems 3sN@ed
the conviction that they are not yet competent
to serve as electors, and thus become eligible
for Office. Yet this Bill extends to them the
right of suffrage without discrimination. while
IN Massachusetts, where they have enjoyed
thorough educational system, a qualification Of
intelligence is required"
yhe President still holds the views he ex
pressed year ago, on several occasions, that
IN the eventsof universal suffrage being thrust
upon the people, against their expressed wishes,
war of races may inevitably be looked for.
The President then proceeds to define the
respective functions and powers of the severa,
Departments of, Government, according Q to the
letter and spirit Of the Constitution The
power OF the Executive, he says, IS negative
and conservative, to serve as check upon m
constitutional, hasty and improvident leeisla-
tlon. The Constitutional powers Of the Leeis-
lative Department are. more extensive. and
cannot be limited with precision, 50 that it NAV.
under certain circumstances, eneroach upon its
coordinate departments. Besides has access
70 the pockets Of the people, in laying taxes
and making appropriations, and even ,exers:
cises prevailing influence over the pecuniarv
rewards Of those who compose the other two
departments. he shows from the writings Of
KENT, STORY; MADISON and JEFFERSON, that
the dangers Of the usurpation by the Legislative,
OF the powers Of the Executive and Judiciary
departments, was sapprehended even; in tina.
early period Of the Republic, md It was for
this reason our; fathers separated with such
care these respective branches, and provided
that no one should exercise the powers Of more
than one st the same time. q. s NJ. j. . .;;,.
He next shows how limited the powers of the
1udiclary:5 They have mo patronage. Thev
cannot punish without law; they can do nothing
for tn henselves, etc, etc, and if they administer
the laws corruptly, they are subjected to the
7pewerof impeachment, whereas, with few con
sntutlonal prohibitions the powers Of the leg
islative are unlimited. !. :.< 4.;::+i N
"e cannot Of course in the brief space Of
TINS column give more than the merest outfine
OF TINS splendid argument and hope that ali our
readers will give i q careful psrusal. True, ne
the reasoning is addressedt deaf ca, ears, g and
h the strongest logic is lost upon men who consult
only tie promptings Of their paesions still tie
resident ': is right in putting his protest on
record and we hope that the sober; second
thought will yet gain the asoendaney over blind
prejudice and party animosity. s:..:s .:is.fi
a..r:s y: YANKEEs IN. TIE H0LY:LA
"A correspondent Of the New York. Tribune. writ-
ing nom Beirut, Syria, November IS states that q
cOlODY Ofone hundrad and Aftpcnro,, A =. - |