The weekly loyal Georgian., 1867-08-10

vote of two thirds of Congress; and
q do certain other acts, which were 4
h required by the President-as
d repudiation of the State war debt,
e Now, if it is violation of the G.
# stitution for Congress to make col
e upon which Mr.. Hill puts so mu
e stress, and to require us, as condit
Y precedent to re-admission, to incor
0 rate it into our State Constitution ii
Q he shall be voter, was it not as mu
(, violation of the Constitution for |
} President by proclamation, to aboli
, slavery and require us to incorpora
) that into our State Constitution I? Ar
J ii it is unconstitutional for Congress
/ require us to ratify an amendment
the Constitution of the United Stat,
taking from certain officers who engag
in the war the right to hold office, W
it not equally a violation of the Co
! stitution for the President to requi
us to ratify a similar amendmel
taking from us hundreds Of millions
dollars worth Of property, without
dollar of compensation +? Is Mr.. Hill
right to hold office any more protect,
by the Constitution than the citizen
right to hold property? If it is
violation of the Constitution to reaui
the State to deprive him of the one,
it not equally a violation of the san
Constitution to require us to depri,
the citizen of the other? If he hs
sworn to support the Constitution s
the United States he favored the OF
and he now denounces as IL peyjuE
traitor any man who supports b
other.
lie says he 'shall never get de
shuddering, and horrors will ncyt
cease to rise up in his mind, when Il
sees men taking an oath to support d.
Constitution and then legistattnq ]
put III force measures which are o,tisk
Of IT," He also says, 81 shall dis,
charge the obligation of the amnest
oath. 1t requires me to support TIL
Constitution and the emancipation d
tie negro, and do" The militar1
bills require an oath to support tn,
Constitution and the eat,unchiscmca
OF the negro. Where is the difference
in principle! Mr.. Hill swallowed tliC
one without gagging, and saw tho
measure put III force ''outSider of the
Constitution without shuddering. But
when his inordinate ambition for Office
is about to be intcrfercd with, ''horrors
constantly rise before him." And |
regret to see that he IS not the only
one Of the former leaders and Office
holders in Georgia who, after having
aided In, and even presided over. the
doing of acts quite as humiIiating and
as yiolative Of principle and of consti!
tutlonal guarantees, seems willing now
to have the country plunged into
irretrievable ruin, rather than submit
to the disfranchisement which the
conqueror requires on account of his
acts Of disloyalty. Rather than have
their unholy ambition for Office
thwarted, such men seem determined.
to drag down with them those who
4iaGHia rHqec t4hRdir 4tRdr Fl 6p41aYftt t4gnIh h.tfs
to disfranchiscment, and their families
to want by conGscation.
Again, in his Notes, and in his
Atlanta speech, Mr.. Hill says, he
earnestly begged and urged" Georgia
and the South not to secede. He also
says JON are already i'll the Union,
''and always were" And in his Notes
he says, 81 never felt | made war on
The Union"
1t seems but ono inference can be
Justly drawn from these expressions,
which is, that Mr.. Hill advised and
urged Georgia not to secede, and that
he never believed Georgia was out of
he Union, and consequently that he
never made war on it. If Mr.. Hills
language means anything, this is his
position. Let us compare these pro-
essions with his acts.
In l859,in his Dudley letter,,,of which
have no copy, and speak from memory,
he substance Of which am satisfied
give correctly (if | err its publication
will correct me), Mr.. Hill. in answer to
he question, what the people of Georgia
honld do in the event the Republican
,arty elected its candidate for the
Presidency the next year, most en-
,hatically advised "tcar, aodF, aUar. In
re,y Se4sc IN rAtch The term is defmed
" detnable." And in the event that
Douglas was elected or any one holding
lis opinions, the same course is recon
ncnded in most earnest terms. think
10 word in the letter indicated the
iesire or intention of the writer TO await
IN orelt act of oppression by the Federal
government, or the cooperation Of all !
ne Southern States, as u contingency
III which hostilties should depend. To |
his position OF tcaJ, ,car, scar, he com
nitted his party, his friends, and his
lonor, and defended and justified it in
lis speeches that Fall, whenever he
.lluded to it.
After the election of Mr.. Lincoln he !
lad not the moral courage to stand by
lis position, but backed down from it,
md as he now says, in 1850 earnestly !
,eggcd" aud uged Georgia not to |
ecede. In January, 1861, he again !
hanged and roted for and sigaed the !
ordinance Of secession. He now says F.,
le told the people that secession would |
produce war. OF course he predicted |
Ill the evils that have betallen US, none |
If which would have happened if his |
.dvice had been taken.
Prior to 1850 he had taken the oath /
o support the Constitution Of the United /
States. As "a member of the Confede- !
ate Congress he aided in the forma-
ion of the Confederate States, and
afterward swore TO support it. lie also
,oted for IA Virtual declaration Of war
against the United States. He voted
@ raise and support armies, and equip
hem to be hurled against the forces OF
he United States, to set up by force an
government within the
erritory Of the United States. He now
lenounces those who told the
people that secession would be a peace
,ble remedy, and says in the teeth OF
his Savannah speech, he always pre-
licted it would produce the state OF
hings that followed. Then, according
10 his own statement, when he voted for
he kRowingly and aritfhtty
voted for bloody war, and in the Con-
federate Congress voted to sustain
bloody war, against the Government OF
the United States, whose Constitution
he had sworn to support. When Mr.
Hill did all this, if he believed, as he
now says, that we "al'cGys 'oere" in the
Union, he sinned against conscience,
lioht. and knowledge, and is "legdlly