The weekly clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1863-1882, 1867-03-21

\
ment Itholds the innocent responsible for
the guilty.
A slave in your own household, you must
tremble before the power Of single man.
whose order leads you to instant death. In
q word, a government, the bare contempla-
tion of which fills us with shame at our deep
humiliation or consumes us with the fires of
indignation. In the bill establishing over
us this government we find that it is to be
maintained until constitution is framed
by and with negro suffrage. By the bill
negro suffrage is made prerequisite. Nor
are we left even the choice of preferring the
military government, for by the supplement
tai bill provision is made for the registration
of voters with view to organize the State
governments with negro suffrage and upon
their own principles whether we will or not
and this bill will doubtless become law.
have now made what conceive to be a fair
statement of our situation with its surround
ings.
have now to consider the means at our
disposal to avert the evil. Is there any
method by which it can be resisted. If we
look to the judiciary, I am at a loss to know
how the matter can be brought before it in
such manner as TO give relief. A decision,
| if rendered, would be impotent and as q
| feather in the wind before the power of over
whelming public sentiment such as exists.
If there was the least Indication that the
President of the United States contemplated
resort to the only means by which revolu-
tionary measures are to be opposed, then we
| might wait for the action of the Judiciary
in silence. But if the great fame which
awaits him who in every age and cline be-
comes the defender and preserver of consti-
tutional liberty, and the infamy of him who
can but will not defend and perpetuate the
liberties of his country win not influence
him to strike the blow for American freedom,
certainly there must exist some overpower-
ing considerations, and nothing that we can
say or do could remove these or influence
him to such action. A decision by the Judici-
airy would be simply opposing the force of
reason to the power of the sword, persuasion
to revolutionary fury. When men now
speak of constitutional guarantees, they
forget that we are in the midst of revolu-
ton, and that the evils we would avoid are
revolutionary measures pressed on by
revolutionary party.
Suppose the State should now act and ask
representation upon the adoption of the
Constitutional Amendment. 1t is now too
late. The terms of admission are fixed by
the military bill and any action of the State
ignoring it would be regarded illegal; be-
sides our action can have no effect upon
Congress they have their programme, and
nothing that we can do will make them
swerve from it. They have never regarded
our acts except with a view to find in them
pretexts to justify their policy. If confisca-
ton is necessary to the accomplishment of
their purpose in perpetuating power, which
is their chief design, believe they will not
scruple to do SO. They may perceive in a
few months that confscation or further dis
reimbursement is necessary. So we have
| something of loss to risk nothing of gain to
| hope by delay. The sooner the matter is
| settled and we gain voice in Congress the
| better for US.
Shall we resort to arms? That would be
madness, no one is so insane as to dream of
such ameans of relief.
Shall we remain silent and Indifferent,
thereby manifesting opposition and hostili-
ty, they will as they have heretofore done,
seize upon this as pretext to make the
terms of admission still more odious and
| degrading. But our sullenness will not
retard their work, they will proceed to its
accomplishment without US.
Shall we shape our policy with view to
| encourage the Conservative party of the
North, and keep negro suffrage an open
| question with hope of ultimate success in
| the overthrow of the Radical party? The
answer to it all is, we cannot wait for events.
Before any action can take place either ON
| the part of the Executive or judiciary, or
| before any change can be expected in the
public mind at the North, negro suffrage
will be fastened upon US, and once estab-
lished as the fundamental law, what hope
| is there for its abrogation.
We look in vain for means to escape this
thraldom, every avenue is effectually closed
and we are left in this matter no choice, no
voice, no will, with or without our consent
it is established.
What then is the wisest course to be pur-
sued in view of the condition in which we
are place? Suppose we could devise a
scheme which should give MS every assur-
ance that in the space of ten years we could
build up party sufficiently strong to obtain
the control of the government, and weld it's
authority to undo this work of the Radical
power by freeing the States of negro suffrage
We cannot say that it would be the part of
wisdom to adopt it; because the new sys-
tenn having become settlN and acquiesced
in for such length of time, we do not now
know whether it would then be really to
our interest or in accordance with the sym
pathies of our own people to- disturb the
then existing order of things These are
matters which with us of the present day lie
only in conjecture, and which can only be
determined by those who live in such period.
It is probable that.suffrage onces bestowed
and enjoyed could not be withdrawn or with
held except through the agency of bloody
revolution involving war of races, and we
of the present time can form no Judgment
of what prudence or wisdom may then sug-
gest.
Therefore conclude that any attempt to