The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-12-31


and to "aid in its accomplishment" OF
course, then, he would prefer to have so many
Caffres, Congoes, HottentOts, Bboes, and other
native negroes, not so Ignorant and brutal"
as ours, because not degraded by slavery"
admitted to the same privileges, were they
brought to the United States. Why not start
an "Immigrant Aid Society" to encourage the
migration hither Of the superior native
negroes, that, by contact and admixture with
ours, they might elevate, humanize and en-
tighten their degraded brethren in this coun-
tryP This ought to be done, if the declaration
of the Journal be true.
But then it is not true. The Journals editor
is only a radical politician, and hence is often
driven to the use of bad arguments in sup
porting bad cause. That is all.
--
The Question OF CItizensbip-HngIan
Preparing TO Yield.
FROM he ". Y Times
1t begins to be evident that if there is fur
ther delay in the adjustment Of the difficulties
growing out of the question of allegiance and
naturalization, the fault will lie with our Gev-
eminent quite as much as with that of Great
Britain. The discussion which Mr.. Johnson's
allusion to the subject has produced in Eng
land furnishes ample evidence of the readiness
of that country to abandon the absurd pre-
tensions to which it has hitherto clung most
tenaciously. Government in England is, after
all, in great degree Government directed
by public opinion; and the Derby Ministry
will not be able long to resist the more Just
opinions in regard to the claims of the mon
archy and the rights of the individual, which
now for the first time obtain expression in the
leading journals. The quickness with which
the London Times responded to the Presidents
suggestion showed that the danger of the
question is appreciated as well as its equity;
and the impression will not be weakened by
the striking, though by no means exhaustive,
argument of Mr.. Vernon Harcourt, who, as
"Historicus," has earned prominent place
among British publicists.
Accepting Mr.. Harcourts statement of
the case, the wonder is that the common
sense of England did not long ago abrogate
enactments which are as inapplicable to
modern times as any other remnant OF feudal
power. Except that the Georges renewed the
dogma by which the Crown claims the ever
lasting allegiance of its subjects and their de-
cendants, we might have supposed that the
dogma ITSELF with all its consequences, had
passed into the region of the obsolete. To
this day, however, it is revived and acted
upon as against individuals, when the politi-
cal purposes of the British Government re-
quire its use to justify the assertion of autho-
rity. The Fenian movements have led to
several instances of this character within the
last few months and at least one court has
reafirmed with true owlsh gravity the nom
efficacy of naturalization in the United States,
as means of altering the status of the born
subject of Britain. The question is practical
therefore, and urgent. For though, as Mr.
Harcourt points out, the British doctrine is
too absurd to be upheld as an abstract propo-
sitiOn, and too mOnstrous to be generally
asserted without certain peril, the fact remains
that it is still sometimes acted upon, to the
injury of persons whom, as adopted citizens,
| this country is bound to protect.
The conclusions arrived at by Mr.. Harcourt
as to the manner in which the subject should
be disposed of by England cover the whole
| ground. Thus, in regard to the acquisition of
citizenship, he proposes that British citizen
ship shall belong, 'as of course, only to per-
sons born of British parents domiciled in the
British dominions;" giving to those born in
foreign countries right OF choice to become
! British citizens, subject to prescribed forma-
lities. With regard to expatriation, he pro-
| poses that the right to withdraw from the
State and to cancel all allegiance to the Crown
shall be unqualifedly recognized. 1t is not
creditable TO England that her lawgivers
should be called upon to give solemn expires
sion to what really are elementary principles
! of free government but that is her business,
not ours. What we have to insist upon is that
| Lu6 bcCOuu Vi luoS6 pIOpOSlJlOuS endll 10 lul
mediately and finally acted upon by England,
with the view of ending the complications
which are continually recurring in the present
| state of the law.
The need of ga mixed commission of Eng
lish and American lawyers and statesmen" tC
place the subject on satisfactory footing is
however, not apparent. So far as this
country is concerned, the points in
volved are not open to argument in {
mixed commission, or in any form which i'm
| plies a readiness to share with England the
burden which her own obstinacy and short
sightedness have created. Congress has
duty to perform in the premises by impartinl
cohesiveness and consistency to American Law
with respect TO citizenship, and probably NJ
more satisfactory basis can be adopted thar
that which "Historicus" has constructed fol
England. But this is all which ou
Government should consent to do. For it
own sake--in justice to adopted citizens
and the descendants of such-it canno
properly delay whatever legislation is neces
sary to give certainty and protection to every
man who has pledged allegiance to the Re
public. The American people will tolerat
neither hesitancy nor negotiation on poin
Sc vitally affecting their honor and rights
What we have to do is to define clearly an,
positively the ground of American citizen ship
and to make known determination to main
tain that ground against all challenges.
will then be for England to shape its ow
course as TO its rulers may seem best.
prudent, they will face a question whicl
sooner or later must be met, and by adoptin
the view which "Historicus' has set forth
obviate the very grave difficulties to whio
the pretensions he exposes may any day Civ
rise The contingencies OF highlands action q