The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-03-07

rom the press by Mr.. Arnold, late member of
Congress from Illinois, devoted especially to
fhe course of President Lincoln in regard to
the abolition of slavery, the author presents
an instructive account of the Presidents
views on the policy of reconstruction. Mr..
Arnold enjoyed an ample opportunity for
gaining accurate information on the subject
both from his official position and his personal
relations with Abraham Lincoln, with whom
he had maintained an intimate friendship for
more than twenty years. His statements,
which are marked by equal intelligence and
eandor, we believe are worthy of entire reli-
ance, and In the present crisis may serve to
throW important light on the minds of the
American people.
Nothing could be further from the truth
than the assertion which some bold politicians
have ventured to make, that the arbitrary
pohey OF Andrew johnson can find sanction
IN the example of the late modest and consci-
entious President. Although Mr. Lincoln did
not live ten days after the surrender of Gene
raj Lee, he Immediately addressed himself to
the work of reconstruction. He was no theo-
INST, no visionary, no devotee of foregone con-
illusions, but wise and practical statesman,
intent on securing the permanence of the
Government and the unity of the country.
His time was too short to develop a policy
to any scheme of political spectators, but it is
certain that he demanded the most effective
guarantees for the safety of the Republic before
restoring to power those who had cOnspired
for its overthrow.
1t will not be doubted that the freedom of
the colored race was an indispensable condi-
tion to any plan Eof reconstruction which he
would countenanco. This was explicitly de-
olared in his messages, and repeated in his
instructions to Mr. Seward before the con-
ference at Hampton Roads. Equally clear was
his opinion with regard to the powers of the
Executive and Congress over the condition of
the rebellious States. He always took open
and consistent ground on this point. His
statements with regard to it on many occasions
leave no room for dispute In his first annual
message of 1861, he recommends to Congress-
as possessed of powers adequate to the anoma-
lOus position, the establishment Of courts for
the administration of justice in such portions
OF the insurgent States as might be under the
control of the Government. In direct opposi-
tion to the policy of President Johnson, he
proposes this measure, as being himself sun
willing to go beyond the pressure of necessity
IN the unusual exercise of power"
As soon as the Rebellion was suppressed
IN any portion of the insurgent territory,
Mr.. Lincoln recognized it as the duty of the
Executive to restore the regular course of
law and justice. He accomplished this, in
the first instance, through the military
power; then by the appointment of Provi-
Sional Governors; and. finally, by the organi-
zation Of civil government under the direc-
ton of the Executive. But he always re-
garded this as a temporary, subordinate
arrangement, before its sanction by Congress.
The Rebel State Governments, in his view,
were enemies to be overthTown, and new
governments of republican form to be esta-
blished in their stead. 1t was his function to
take the initiatory steps for their organiza-
ton; but he always treated these proceedings
as preliminary, requiring the action of Con
gress, before the new State Government
would be entitled to resume its former politi-
cal relations, to be represented in Congress,
and to vote in the Electoral College,
While he considered the Confederates as
public enemies, and all the acts of their gov
ernment as absolutely null and void, he was
equally anxious to bring back their territory,
freed from the curse of slavery, to its ''proper
practical relations to the Union" In a letter
to General Banks in regard to Louisiana, the
President said, eff Louisiana sends members
TO Congress-, their admission to their seats
will depend, as you know, upon the respec-
tive Houses of Congress, and not upon the
Executive"
In like manner President Lincoln stated in
his speech ON the evening of April IL, 1865,
alluding to his annual message..of lS63:-'I
no right to say when or whether members
should be admitted to seats in Congress from
such States" This was done in spite of the
advice to the contrary by member of his
Cabinet, understood to be Mr.. Seward, who
then held the same rose-colored views with
regard to the safety of the Union which have
often threatened such serious damage to the
interests of the Republic. Other evidence,
which it would be tedious to quote, abun-
dainty shows that in the opinion of Mr.. Lin
coin the terms of readmission to a share in the
Government for the rebellious States were
TO be prescribed by Congress, and not by the
Executive.
Not less explicit were Mr.. Lincolns views
on the vital question whether the States
whose people had been in rebellion would be
entitled to vote in the Electoral College,
right correlative to that of representation il
Congress. In his Message of February 8
1866, he remarks that to the two Houses o
Congress belonged exclusively the right ''tC
exclude from counting all electoral vote
deemed by them to be Illegal" while at thu
same time he signed the joint resolution by
which the votes of the eleven States in rebel
lion were excluded from the Electoral COlleg
of 1864.
Quite as little doubt exists with regard to
President Lincoln's ideas on the practica
question of reconstruction. He insisted tina
LOYALTY should be the basis of every plan
He would exclude certain classes of the lat
Rebels both from voting and holding Office
In his message of December, 1863 he SAYS
EeThere must be a test so as to build onl,
from the sound" Gan attempt to guarantee
revived State Government constructed iron
the very element against whose hostility ant
violence it is to be protected, is simply alb
surd." His whole course was IN accordanc
Ha made Union mo-