The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1867-03-28

1850
ted matrials into our most populous towns
to destroy non combatants, old men, women
and children, by the most loathsome and IA
tai diseases; and who consummated their
barbarism by the assassination of the mild
est of rulers and the best of mens 1t this
is not " fierce and savage enemy" whom we
have a right to reduce to absolute submits
sion and dependence, point me out one to
which the language of Vattel will apply
You would do great injustice to those mild
savages who owed us no allegiance, by
pointing to those who perpetratcd the mas
sacre of Wyoming; or to the Camanches, or
the wild Indians OF the West, or the fierce
tribes of the Oronoco-and yet you seize their
lands and e1pel them from their native coun-
try. Isuppose none will deny the right to con
fiscate the property of the several belligerent
States, as they all made war as States, or OF
the Confederate States of America; for no
one ever denied the right of the conqueror
to the crown property of the vanquished
sovereign, even where the seizure of private
property would not be justified by the cir
cumstances That would give us all called
for by the first section of the bill. ! believe
Texas has about 100000 acres. She re
tanned all her public lands at the time
annexation on the condition of paying hes
own debts; and afterward called on this
United States Government for the pay1nent
of those very debts, and procuredit know
not how much the other States may have;
possibly enough to make up, with Texas,
150,000,000 acres. But it is said that any
of the property of the sovereign is subject to
seizure by the conqueror; in ordinary wars
between monarchies such is the fact; but
that is not the case where the war is made
on q whole hostile people-"a fierce and
savage people," But, admitting the imita-
ton to prevail, still it docs not obstruct u.s.
Here is befligerent made up of men whose
crimes had forfeited all their rights, indie
pendently of their belligerent liabilities.
But beyond that, the case of republics is
very different from absolute governments,
where the people are responsible fornothing--
are guilty of nothing. The sovereign and
his estate may we'll be distinguished from
his subjects and their estates. But in re-
publlcs, the people-thc whole people-are
the sovereigns, All the responsibility OF
the acts OF the Government falls upon all the
people. Their individual property must an
swer for the expenses, damages, and in
IDENTITIES which fall on the Government OF
the nation. The Romans, from whom We
derive our national law, held that the pri-
vate property of every citizen might be seiz-
ed, because he was a sovereign, part of the
governing power. But it matters not what
you may think of the efficiency of the act OF
18th July, 1862. The laws of war authorize
US to take this property by our sovereign
power; by law now to be passed. We
have subdued enemy in our power; we
have all their property and lives at our dis
posal. No peace has been formed. No
terms of peace or of reconciliation have yet
been proclaimed, unless the proclamation Of
the President can make peace and war. Tho
Constitution denies him any power in either
rase. Then, unless Andrew johnson be
king, the terms OF peace are yet to be pro-
claimed. Among these terms, as we have
shown, We have right to impose confsca-
ton of all their property; to "impoverish
hem, as Andrew johnson has told us; to
Industrious men," This is strict law and
good common sense Now then, without
'eference to any former act. We have right
% seize the property named in this bill, and
en- times more. You behold at your feet a
conquered foe-an atrocious enemy. Tell
him on what terms he may arise and depart
" remain loyal. But do not embrace him
90 hastily. Be sure first that that there is
10 dagger in his girdle. The President has
'een throwing thick around him DEGREES,
nd proclamations and speeches upon sub
ects wholly beyond his jurisdiction. He
ssumcs that his declaration of q fact creates
fact, however false it may be. His Con-
titutions dictated to hordes of Rebels; ais
declaration that the States are States in the
jnion; his proclamation that peace is
estored, lie has cunningly put forth as
evidence of the condition of til G
confederate States. Not any of them is any
etter than waste paper. All put together
re but accumulated nonsense. Does he
Kpect to deceive or to bewilder Congress
y such incoherent assumptions? l think
lat Congress will proceed in that calm. I'M
npassioned, but unwaycring course which
the statesman from the DEM
gogue. Having, as conceive, justified the
i'll which I seek to have enforced, let US
'nsideration. The first section orders the
'ntiscation of all the property belonging to
lie State Governments and the National
overnment which made war upon us and
hich we have conquered. / presume no !
he is prepared to object to this unless it be
lose who condemned the conquest. To
lem l have nothing to say, except to hope
lat they will continue consistent in their
We OF the Rebels; to show an exuberapt
lmanity into which is merged and sub
erged all the exalted feelings of patriotism.
ne second section requires the President to
.ecute an existing law which he is sworn
execute, but the performance of which
th is in allegiance. Certainly such law
ould be enforced or repealed; it is a
ockery to allow it to stand on your statute
'oks and be not only not enforced but
plated every day by the Executive Gov
nment The third section furnishes more
nvenient and speedy mode of adjutlicating
CHI forfeitures, and more consistent with
e military condition of the conquered
ates. The fourth section provides, first,
at out of the lands thus confscated each
'erated slave who is male adult, or the
ad of a family, shall have assigned to him
homestead of forty acres of land with 800
build dwelling,) which shall be held for
EN- by trustees during their pupilage. Let
consider whether this is just and polite
DIVISION. Whether may be the fate of the
IT of the bill I most earnestly pray that
is may not be defeated On its success. in
7 judgment, depends not only the happi-
IS and responsibility of the colored race,
It their very existence. Homesteads to
EN- are far more valuable than the immedi-
e right of suffrage, though both are their
lie. Four millions of persons have Just
en- freed from 4 condition of dependence, {
holly unacquainted with business transac-