The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-08-31

IL says, ''at which matters have arrived, after 1
the awakening of public opinion--after the |
Mexican disaster, after the struggle Of last |
session, after the hopes TO which the letter of |
the 18th of January gave life, and which at
present scarcely remain hopes-afteF all this,
there is no exaggeration in saying that our
Government finds itself between the horns Of
this dilemma-either 10 satisfy the legitimate
demands of liberal opinion or to impose silence
upon il by the loud brutal roar of the can
non" Chafng under this thrust, which is
but a condensed expression of the Opposition
speeches in the Legislature during the last
weeks of the session, the Emperor replies at
Arras, as reported by the cable. Weak Gov
ernments, he thinks, may conjure up the
phantom of a foreign war in order to divert
attention from home troubles. But Gov
eminent like his own, based on the will of
the people, will do nothing of the sort. II
will only keep itself prepared to fight when
the national honor is compromised.
The scope and gist of the utteranoe, as
foreshadowing an open quarrel with the leading
German power, would be better interpreted if
the Emperor's views of what constitutes ma
tional honor were less liable to misinterpreta-
ton. In the Mexican enterprise the national
honor, as estimated by the French people
themselves-inside and outside of the Legsla-
tive body-was indiiferently consulted. In
the premature attempt to patch up a peace
between the rival German powers, imme-
diately before the decisive battle of Sadowa,
the honor of France was surely more or less
compromised; and the authority of France as
an arbiter in the reconstruction of Central
Europe was surely called in question with an
abruptness which a powerful and sensitive
nation could not but deeply feel. The
demand for territorial compensation on the
Rhine, made hastily, and withdrawn almost
as soon as made, may not have involved
the honor of France, but the firm re-
fusal of Prussia gave King Williams
Minister a prestige in the eyes of Europe and
the world, probably greater than that which
he had won in Overturning the leadership of
Federal Germany. When NJ Bismark pre-
sented his master with half dozen princi-
palities and brought four million new subjects
under the dominion of Prussia, he carried
into effect political purpose for which nearly
| all the communities concerned had been for
| years preparing themselves. 1t was great
| task, doubtless, and its accomplishment natu-
| rally placed the Minister of Prussia in the
| front rank of European statesmen. But it
was, after ALL but an expansion of the idea
| which led to the Holstein raid on Denmark.
! The principalites were prepared for the
e change. Political opinion had ripened; and
the process of unifcation began almost in the
high latitude of Duppel, or the extreme
northwestern boundary of German colonial
| ton. But great as was the credit gained for
the Prussian Minister, when he took advantage
! at the proper time of the common sentiment
| of nationality in the separate provinces, he
| did vastly more to establish the power and
authority of Prussia in Europe when he de-
| clined to consent to any rectiication of the
| Rhenish boundary line. If the demand for
such rectifcation was honestly conceived
the honor of France, it might have been sup
posed, would have required that the demand
should be satisfied. 1t was hardly a compen-
sation for the abrupt rejection of the claims
of France one would think, that, under the
provisions of the treaty of London, Luxem-
bourg has ceased to be federal fortress. The
! accomplishment of that was the work of the
neutral powers. In like manner, the appeal
of the Emperor's Government for settlement
of the Schleswig question which should be in
conformity with the stipulations of the treaty
of Prague, is treated with an Indifference at
Berlin which is almost contemptuous. The
only rejoinder to it seems to come in the shape
OF the merciless lashings of the North German
press. These, the cable informs us, indicate
each day more savage feeling of resentment
among the people of Prussia. And only Thurs
day we had a despatch saying that France
and Austria have so far backed out of their
pretensions to regulate the Schleswig question,
as to unite in dissuading Denmark from in
sisting upon her right to recover Duppel and
Alsen from Prussia.
1t is hardly possible that these repeated
humiliations can lead to any result but open
war. The pride of France has been wounded
in way which would force a challenge to
Prussia, even if the policy of the imperial
dynasty dictated peace. The outbreak, when
1t comes, moreover, will not be in one quarter
alone. The speech of Lord Derby on the East
ern question, which we published Thursday
strictly guarded as it was-shOws how small a
spark would light up contlagration along the
shores of the Bosphorus. In the demand made
by the leading powers upon the Government
OF the Sultan for a more liberal policy in re-
gard to his Christian subjects, England has
refused to join. Prussia and France have
Joined with Russia in urging reforms. The
indifferent attitude of England as, the closest
ally of Turkey, will itself tend to make the
Sultan Indifferent to remonstrances from other
quarters; and France, with her hands full o.
the Prussian business, would not have the
time or the ability-if she had the inclination
to renew the protitless contract which gave
the allied armies a few days possession o.
Sebastopol. On every hand the situation is
gloomy, and hopes of a long continuance O
peace can hardly be other than delusive.
The Revolutionary Muddle at Wash.
ingIOn-Are We TO Have a Change oI
Government!
From the N. Y Herald
The revolution presses rapidly to a focus
At the mad pace we are now driving it is evi
dent that the people may soon be called upoI
to determine whether they will support the
President and uphold the republic, or merge
the three branches of power into military