The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1867-03-16

liant comrades must nave gone 10 d
military prison and been tried for trea-
son. What he did was humiliating to
his pride. But the condition OF the
conquered is always humiliating. Did
any one say that Gen. Lee, by acting
upon the terms, had degraded himself,
or forfeited the respect of others, how
much more degrading is it for you to
accept and act upon the best terms you
can get as conquered people?
Suppose you refuse to accept the
terms of this bill, will you get any bet
ter? When Congress presented to us
the constitutional amendment which
disfranchised but small class, and we
rejected it, did it present to us the same
measure alone second time? No!
But they said you have refused this
measure, and now you shall accept it
and universal suffrage too.
Suppose, now, you refuse to act upon
the present offer What may we ex-
pect but general disfranchisement of all
who engaged in the rebellion, and a
general confscation act. But it is said
that the bill DISTINGUISHES large class
of our fellow citizens. True, it dis
franchises large and highly intelligent
class. Who are they? 1t DISTINGUISHES
all who were members of Congress, or
officers of the United States, who had
taken an oath to support the Constitu-
ton of the United States, and afterwards
engaged in the rebellion. There were
few United States officers in Georgia
prior to the war, except postmasters
But it DISTINGUISHES every officer of the
Ececutiye, Legislative and Judicial
departments of the State Government
who had taken the oath to support the
Constitution of the United States and
engaged in the rebellion. This en-
braces all persons who have at any time
been Governors of States, members of
the Legislature of Judicial officers. In
the latter class is embraced all Judicial
officers who had right to try causes,
from Judge of a Supreme Court down
to Justice of the Peace who had taken
said oath and afterwards engaged in
the rebellion, as we are now obliged to
call it, whatever may have been our
opinions. But there is large class of
officers who are not DISTINGUISHED, al
though their offices required them to
take an oath to support the Constitution
of the United States.
No man under twenty-seven years of
age is DISTINGUISHED; because man
had to be twenty-one years old to hold
an Office that required him to take the
oath to support the Constitution, and
it has now been six wears since the war
began. Neither militia officers, nor
county officers, not judicial, are dis
tranchised, as sheriffs, clerks, tax-col-
lectors and receivers, county treasurers,
constables, coroners, road commits
sioners, notarys public, DC. Is it not
better, that the classes embraced in the
disqualification submit to it than that
the whole mass of white men who aided
in the rebellion be added to the exclud-
ed class, and the property of the whole
people confscated? do not feel that
it is degrading to submit to the terms
of the conquerer. If so, all who hear
me are already degraded. You all
took the amnesty oath, when so requir-
ed, to save your property and avoid
punishment. Why did you not then
discover the degradation, and adopt
the 0o-'aothing, dignity policy, which
gentleman now talk so eloquently
about? Those who acted then should
have little more charity for those who
propose to act now. Why did not gen
tlemen put themselves upon their Dig
nifty and manhood, when required to
abolish slavery, repudiate the war debt;
and abrogate the ordinance of secession,
which we had passed with so much de- |
fance? If we could take all that, and
our self-respect," think we
may take the balance ofthe dose, which |
we are informed shall be the-last, with
out making as ugly faces as some of us
now make. Let us put little sugar
coating around it, ana swallow the pill |
at once and be done with it; waving
the "dignity" for time as We have |
SO often been compelled to do. Those
who have taken the amnesty oath and
voted for all these measures, now claim
that they have done enough. So we
all thought, but the conquerers say not,
and it is our misfortune that they are
in position to decide that question for
us without consulting us.
At the close of the war, part of us
were arrested, and for time we had
not the option of leaving the country. I
But all of you, gentlemen, who were
not under arrest, had that opportunity.
The way was open TO Mexico, Brazil.
Canada. or Europe, or to any other
part OF the world. Why did you not
all go? suppose you stayed either
from choice or necessity. Many had
aged parents, wives, or children, or all
together, for whose support they were
responsible. They had not the means
to go and carry them to strange land
This class-a very large one-if they
had no other attachments to bind them
to the country, renamed fromnecessity.
A very large class, no doubt, remained
because, with all its faults, they still
loved their native land the best. and
were unwilling to exchange this land
with its Government for any other
Most of those who then left have since
repented and returned. We then chose
this as our Government, and again
place ourselves under it's protection.
What follows? 1t is our imperative
duty to give it our allegiance, and to
support its flag wherever it may wave,
against every enemy, foreign or do
nestle. There is neither manliness. dig
nifty, nor good faith in any other course.