Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1867-10-28
I@.The expressions Of individuals ar.

are more apt to be correct and sincere,
and are therefore, more valuable than
when called forth by political aspirations
or with selfish ends in view. A mode
rate Republican Of New England writes
an old Confederate friend in this city
letter, from which we are permitted TO
make the following extract:
You say in your letter, speaking po-
litically, that our opinions are formed
and controlled by our surroundings.
Nothing is truer. Abstractly, human
nature is the same the world over opin-
ions being moulded and prejudices en-
gendered by education and circum-
stances. OF course, in the family of
man, as in the brute species, blood
will tell" In other words, there are
those naturally noble, others, ignoble.
But this does not affect the'general prin'
ciple upon which we are writing; and TO
illustrate, look at the North and South
of our own country. Who does not
know, but alas how few realize, that
change in birthplace and position would
have produced corresponding change
of sentiment and action. The Unionist
of the North would then have been the
rebel of the South; the pro-slavery
Southron, the Northern abolitionist Ii
the American would but duly ponder
upon and appreciate this fact, how much
more charity would be manifested and
how much harmony and good effected.
But alas, they will not; and hence re-
construction becomes difficult, if not
problematical.
Though long separated by the war, it
is hardly necessary to define to you my
present political sentiments and posi-.
ton. Ever believing that the North had
no moral or constitutional right to inter
fere with the peculiar institution OF
the South, trip into Kentucky AMI
Tennessee, as far back as 1887, fully
convinced me that abolition would not
be amelioration. Hence, both on the
ground of right and expedency, Of prin-
biple and humanity, was opposed to
that spirit of fanaticism which was so
rampant at the North and which cul-
minated in the election of Mr., Lincoln.
But when the South rebelled and the
naked question of Union or disunion was
presented, you and / separated-but
only on convictions of duty. 1t would be
unwise and improbable to discuss now
who was in the right and who in the
wrong. War has been waged, slavery
abolished and the country-the South
especially-left in deplorsble condition.
All honorable, patriotic men have but
one wish and aim-and that is to restore
the country of speedily as possible to a
lasting state of fraternization and pros
perity. But how to effect this-by what
means and measures, has been, and still
is, the all-important question upon
which, unfortunately, even the well dis
posed widely differ. Reconstruction and
reconciliation are not synonymous terms.
And while Congress may have put into
operation laws and enactments that will
effect the former, it is far from demon
strable that it will secure the latter. or
course, the great, if not only obstacle in
the way is the everlasting negro Since
he has been enfranchised, citizenized,
he cannot consistently be excluded from
participating in the adoption of Con-
stitution and the enactment of laws
under which he has to live. But need
the negro, therefore, necessarily doml-
nate-even in States like Mississippi,
Louisiana, Florida and South Carolina Z
Not by any means, if, as we contend,
there is virtue in blood; power and
influence in education and intelli-
gence. Inasmuch as it is a fore.
zone conclusion that the congressional
plan of reconstruction will be carried
out, is it not impolitic in Conservatives,
like you, to oppose it so strenuously and
persistently A general acquiescence OF
the Southern whites, it seems to me,
would have been much wiser than fac
tious, unavailing opposition. What II
the initiatory proceedings are distasteful,
and some of the immediate results are
but intolerable; after reconstruction but
little time would be required to change
and modify whatever might be wrong,
and consign the negro to his proper status
and position. BY this / do not mean to
imply that injustice should be done to the
negro. Protect him by equitable laws,
elevate him by education and even allow
TO him the elective franchise; but let the
supremacy of the Whites, obtain as it
would most assuredly, even where
numerically the weakest, through the ex.
ercise of vastly superior tact, talent and
intelligence.
In the foregoing remarks | have had no
reference to Tennessee, in which l con-
slider the Conservatives in a much more
intolerable and hopeless condition than
are their brethren of the unreconstructed
States. But be not too restive or de-
spending; a day of deliverance from
worse than Egyptian bondage is coming,
and may not be far distant. The move
n,ent you are trying to inaugurate for
a Constitutional Convention may yet
succeed, and thereby secure the objects
and ends so devouty to be wished, not
only by yourselves, but by all who be-
lieve in charity and justice, but not in
fanaticsl or negro rule.
Our friends correspondent thinks
that acquescence of the whites of the
South in the Congressional plan of
reconstruction would have been our
wisest policy. he does not say that he
acuuiesces in the constitutional usurDa-
ton. We acquiesce in what we cannot
resist But it is not to be expected that
we shall aairmatively acquiesce in a
wrong which every Conservative North
ern man is driven to condemn. 1t is
now evident that the Southern whites
will not do that, even under the fear of
the bayonet The right of entering our
protest against palpable wrong to our
selves and our great country still
theoretically remains to u.s. To deny
that right is to affirm the proprieiy Of