The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1867-12-13

eraI Government. The Executive,
| INV predecessor as we'll as myself, and
the heads of all the departments, have
uniformly acted upon the principle
that the Union is nOtOnly undi solved,
butindiss0luble. Congress submitted an
amendment of the Constitution to be
ratified by the Southern States, and ac-
cepted their acts of ratification as q nee
essary and lawful exercise oftheir high
est function. Ifthey were not States,
or were States, out of the Union, their
consent to a change in the fundamental
law Of the Union would have been nu-
gatory and Congress in asking it COM
mitted political absurdity. The Ju-
dietary has also given the solemn sane
ton of its authority to the same view
of the case. The Judges Of the Su-
preme Court have included the South
ern States in their circuits, and they
are constantly, in ba31c and elsewhere,
exercising jurisdiction which does not
belong to them, unless those States are
States of the Union. If the Southern
States are competent parts of the Union,
the Constitution is the supreme law for
them, as it is for all the other States.
They are bound to obey it, and So are
we. The right of the Federal Govern
ment, which is clear and unqueStiOna-
bic. to enforce the Constitution upon
them, implies the cOrrelative obligation
on our part to observe its limitations
and execute its guarantees Without
the Constitution we are nothing. BY,
through and under the Constitution we
are what it makes US. We may doubt
the wisdom Of the law; we may not APP
prove of its provisions, but we cannot
violate it merely because it seems to
cOntine our powers within limits mar
rover than we could wish. 1t is not a
question of individual or class or sec
tiOnal interest, much less Of party pre-
dominance, but of duty, Of high and
sacred duty, which we are all sworn to
perform.
If we cannot support the Constitution
with the cheerful alacrity of those who
love and believe in ii, we must give to
it at least the fidelity of public servants
who act under solemn obligations and
commands which they dare not diSre-
gard. The constitutional duty is not
the only one which requires the States
to be restored. There iSanOther cOnSid-
Grafton, which, though Of minor i'm
pOrtance, is yet of great weight. On
the 22d day of July, 1861, Congress de-
clared, by an almost unanimous vote
of both Houses, that the war should BE-
conducted solely for the purpose of
preserving the Union and maintaining
the supremacy of the Federal COnsti-
tuition and laws, without impairing
the dignity, equality and rights of the
States, or of individuals, and that
when this was done, the war should
cease. | do not say that this declara-
ton is personally bindingon those who
joined in making it any more than in
diVidual members of Congress are per-
sOnally bound to pay public debt Gre
ated under law for which they voted.
But it was solemn public official
pledge Ofthe national honor, and | can
not imagine upon what grounds the
repudiatiOn of it is to be justified, if it
be remembered that this promise was
not made to Rebels only Thousands
of true men in the South were drawn
to our standard by it, and hundreds Of
thousands in the North gave their
lives in the belief that it would be car
ried out. 1t was made on the day af-
ter the first great battle of the war mad
been fought and lost. All patriotic
and intelligent men then saw the ne
ceSSity of giving such anaSSurance, and
believed that without it the war would
end in disaster to our cause. Having
given that assurance in the extremity
of our peril, the violation Of 1T now in
the day of our power, would be a rude
rending of that good faith which holds
the moral world together; our country
would cease to have any claim upon
the contidenceOf men. 1t would make
the war not Oniya failure but a fraud.
Being sincerely convinced that these
views are correct, L would be unfaith
full to my duty if [ did not recommend
the repeal of the acts Of Congress which
place ten of the Southern States under
the domination of military masters
If calm reflection shall satisfy Il majOri
ty of your honorable bodies that the
acts referred to are not only violation
of the national faith but in direct con-
tiict with the Constitution, | dare not
permit myself to doubt that you will
Immediately strike them from the stat
ute book. To demonstrate the uncOn-
Stitutional character of those acts L
need do no more than refer to their
general provisions. 1t must be seen as
once that they are not authorized to
dictate what alterations shall be made
i'll the Constitutions Of the several
States, to control the elections Of State
Legislators and State officers, members
of Congress, and electors of President
and Vice President, by arbitrarily de-
claring who shall vote and who shall
be excluded from that privilege, to
dissolve State Legislatures or prevent
them from assembling; to dismiss
Judges and other civil functionarieS Of
the States, and appoint others, without
regard to State laws; to organize
and operate ali the political machin-
cry of the States to regulate the whole
administration Of their domestic and
local affairs according TO the mere will
of strange and irresponsible agents
sent among them for that purpose
these are powers not granted TO the
| Federal Government or to any one OF
its branches. Not being granted, we
violate them in the face of positive
interdict, for the Constitution forbids
us to do whatever it does not affirma-
lively authorize either by express
words or by clear implication. Ii the
authority we desire to use does not
come to us through the Constitution we
can exercise it OnIyby usurpatiOn; and
usurpation is the most dangerous OF
political crimes. By that crime, the
! enemies Offree government in all ages
| have worked out their designs against
/ public liberty and private right. 1t
! leads directly and Immediately TO the
establishment of absolute rule; for
undelegated power is always unlimited
and unrestrained. The acts of Con-
! greSs in question are not only Objec
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