The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-09-04
Totals. B.......1.0l8,6 $40 1894
White maiDrtty-Q5o los.


Totals Lolo. $40 74Zs.5 soa.eoo poal
White msjorty-2se.I los.
Weagree with Mobile paper, in the statement
that these figures are even below the real state
Of things, rs they give less thnn double white
over black population, and everybody knows that
the whites are nearly three times as numerous
rs the blacks, while their ratio of increase by
birth is four times more, and their decrease By
'lcath twice less than tho black rncc, and while
the white population is daily being recruited
by immigration from abroad and the other
Stntcs of the Union, the black population has
no source whatever whence TO draw its new
supplies or replace deficits.
We can do no better, after having ourselves
so often exhausted this subject, than reproduce
the views of other leading papers. agreeing
with us in the line of policy we have adopted
The following from the New Orleans Com
merciai Bulletin, embodies the great principles
Of policy for which we hare been oontensling,
and which are, ultimately, bound to prevail, as
the only ones which offer practical issue to
our present troubles, and the certainty of O
prompt return to power:
The peripuietic politicians who hive been
bale of cotton and up to the last petition for
pardon, write encouraging accounts of what
Mr.. VALLANpIaIAM or Mr.. GREELEY propose
to do for the South:
These nre the same gentlemen who, during
the war, proved the Intervention of Eng
land and France to be inevitable. They
have managed to live on The best handle
a good donl of money, and generally escape
the sight of Southern trouble by being within
the enemy's lines II is time they were re.
called or disaYowed as representatives Of
Snutheru sentiment or interests What can
Mr.. JOHNSON, or Mr.. GREELEY, or Mr.. anybody
else do to restore The Southern ratio of power
i'll the Union? These remedies SAVIOR too much
Of those which expected foreign power to
arm, clothe and free the South.
All such policy is futile. If a people RELY
oil those abroad to effect their relief, il is but
change Of masters; it is not independence,
Whnt is the interest of the South To regain
its position in the Union upon terms of equal
ity. What is the great obstacle? The supre,n-
aey of the negro, directed by those who op-
pose the Independent admission Of the South.
Now, if this negro supremacy be established, il
will be a domestic evil. The most eloamen, ad-
rocntes of State rights, who ever ahouldered a
musket or paid o tax to subjugate the South
can do nothing in Ohio or Pennsylvania to re-
licve the Southern people from the local rule
Of negro majority. The Southern people
themselves cnn alone remedy this consequence
of the civil rights law. How may this be done !?
|. by according to The colored race all The
political and legal rights to which, as human
beings emcncipatcd from the disabilities of
slavery, they arc entitled.
=. BY clevating the electoral power of the
white race by those legitimate agencies which
have made it The dominant power elsewhere.
These are legitimate means of maintaining
tho social standard of the South, and pre-
serving in the hands of the best qualified mon
The local government of the States aud u,u.
inequalities.
The extension of right TO the freedmen
should be frank and cordial. He should vote
and be voted for. when his qualifications make
him tho most eligible candidate. He should
never be voted down for his color, nor should
my discrimination bo made against his labor
or his interests. lie should be made to feel
That his rights were protected in good faith,
and that his interests are guaranteed by the
community to which he belongs. This assu-
rance of course includes the universal educa-
tion Of the freedmen, which will make them
better citizens and more productive laborers.
This by no means involves the commixture of
colors in the same school any more than in
tho rnnks. where We see the black and white
soldiers kept scrupulously separated. Our ad-
vice then gives the freedmen all that the Civil
Rights bill intends, in good faith. With this
he should, and Indeed will be satisfied.
The increase of Northern. power in the cleo
toral and representative colleges of The Union,
will tend to the relative reduction of negro in
fnence. short synopsis Of the comparative
strength of the two races In the South. will
show that there is no danger Of negro
supremacy, so called, unless the white race Is
so stubborn and so supine as TO surrender all
claim to control. We derive from the sprino-
field Republican the figures which follow, and
which base on the census Of 1866 the pou,la
tion and suffrage of 1867
The States of Alabama, Arkausps. Florida
Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North and
South Carolina, Texas and Virginia, contain a
total Of 2,l38,369 white males, and 1895, ,o4l
negro males. The white voters are Gel ,974.
The black 412, 1s7. If all were registered. the
white majorities would be as follows: In Ala.
bama, 2G,2Ie; Arkansas, 36,6la; Florida
1888; Georgia, 32,6s0; Louisiana, "a, csc
North Carolina, 4s,696; Texas, 10000; yir-
ginia, ao,540. The negro mnjorties would be.
In Mississippi, 2aT0; South Csrolina, $3.50.
Deduct the colored from the total white ma.
jorities, and there will remain 255, GIG more
white than colored males, or nearly quarter
of million white male majority in the ten
Southern States.
To this physical advantage should be added
the great fact that the negro race eannst be in
creased by immigration, tphiie The phhs,, may be.
What, then, has the South permanently to
fear from negro supremacy Nothing. No
Law can be passed, NO constitutional pro,i.ion
adopted, that may not be repealed by the
greater number Of whites which viii be sn.n-
ciPated by law or nature in a vervy FAM 1o.,.