Columbia democrat and star of the north. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1867, 1867-01-09
Citrtiu's Message continued from first page.

| population, as a basis for representation, in
stead of three-ffths thereof. That is to say,
they would have In the existing ratio about
| twenty more members of Congress than
they had before slavery was abolished, and
the free States would lose the same number,
making a difference of about forty members
of Congress, or, say, one-sixth of the whole
body. In other words, the treason Of the
rebellious States, the suppression of which
has cost us many hundreds of thousands of
precious lives, and so many thousands of
millions of treasure, would be rewarded by
] giving them a vast increase of political
power. This absurdity, the second clause of
the proposed amendments, designs to pre-
vent, by the just, equal and moderate
provisions, that in future, the representa-
tive population of each State shall be ascer-
tanned by making a proportionate deduceelon
from the whole population Thereon, II IS
laws exclude from the privilege OF YOUNG
any male citizens, not criminals OF the age
of twenty-one years. / have yet 10 learn
that any plausible objection can De ohered
to such a provision. -,
The third clause of the proposed amend
ments excludes from Congress, and from the
CoIIege of Electors, and from all offices, civ
i and military of the United States, or of
arv State. persons who, as functionaries of
tbS ITnited States, or as Executive or Judi
c;al officers of any State, have heretofore
sworn to support the Constitution of the
limited States, and afterwards violated their
oath by engaging in rebellion against the
same, unless Congress, by vote of two
thirds, shall have removed the disability Of
any such persons.
The fourth clause affirms the validity of
the debt of the United States, and prohibits
the assumption or payment of the rebel debt,
of
of any slave.
The fifth clause provides that Congress
shall have power to enforce the provisions
of the other clauses bH appropriate legisla-
ton. That these wise and moderate provis-
ions will meet the hearty appreciation Of the
| Legislature, cannot doubt IF proposed
| by two-thirds of each House of Congress and
ratified by three fourths of the Legislatures
of the States, the Constitution provides that
| they should stand as adopted amendments
of that instrument.
a question has been raised whether the
States lately in rebellion, and not yet re-
stored to their privileges by Congress, are
to be counted on this vote-in other words,
whether those who have rebelled and been
| subdued shall be entitled to potential voice
in the question of the guarantees to be re-
quired ofthem for future obedience of the
laws. So monstrous a proposition it is, it
appears to me, not supported by the words
or spirit of the Constitution. The power to
suppress insurrection, includes the power of
making provision against its breaking out
afresh. These States have made an unjust
war upon our Common Government and
| their sister States, and the power given by
the Constitution to make war on our part
| includes the power to dictate, after our sue
cess, the terms of peace and restoration.
The power of Congress to guarantee to
every State a Republican form of Govern
ment would cover much more cogent action
than has yet been had.
The duty imposed upon Congress, to pro-
vide and maintain republican governments
for the States, is to be accepted in the broad
est meaning of the term. 1t is not mere
formal or unnecessary provision. The power
was conferred, and the duty enjoined, to
preserve free institutions against all en-
| croachments, or the more violent elements
of despotism and anarchy. And now that
treason has, by rebellion, subverted the gov
ernments of number of States, fOrteltlng
for the people all the rights guaranteed by
! the Constitution, including even those OF
property and life, the work Of restoration for
| these States rests with the National Govern
ment, and it should be faithfully and fear
| lessly performed.
BY their passing by Congress, and the
declaration Of the people at the late elections,
! the faith Of the nation is pledged to the
amendments, and they will be fairly carried
| out, and their benefits given to the rebel
| lous States But when the amendments
shall have passed into the organic law, should
the people lately in rebellion persist IN their
rejection, and in continued disobedience, and
| the obstruction of the execution of the ma
tional laws, it will be an admonition to the
nation that the dntnaus and force of treason
/ still exists among people who enjoy none OF
the privileges OF the Government save OF its
generous tolerance. With their rejection,
all hope of reconstruction, with the co-ope-
ration of the rebellious States, on basis that
would secure to the Repabhc the logical re-
suits of the war, viii have vanished, and the
| duty must then devolye upon the Govern
ment, of adopting the most effectual method
to secure those States the character of gov
ernments demanded by the constitution
They are without lawful governments
they are without municipal law, and with
out any claim to participate IN the govern
ment.
On what principle Of law or justice can
the rebeilious States complain, If, after they
have rejected the fair and magnanimous
terms upon which they are offered brother
hood with US, and a participation In all the
blessings of our freedom, and they have re-
fused, ifthe government, in the exercise OF
its powers, should enter anew upon the
work of reconstruction at the very foun-
dation? and then the necessity will be forced
upon US to discard all discrimination in favor
of the enemies of our nationality, to give us
and them enduring freedom and impartial
justice
The Constitution has defined treason, and
has given express power to suppress insur-
rection, by war, if necessary. 1t has not
provided, in detail, the terms to be granted
after such war How could it do so Ii
would probably not be contended by the
widest partisan, that these States had right
to be represented in Congress at time when
they were carrying on open war against the