Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1867-12-04


perform the great duty assigned tQhim Of
seeing tie laws faithfully execuset, and
ttat 10 disables him most especially from
enforcing that rigid accountability which
is necessary to the execution ofthe reVeune
iGVs. The Constitution invests the Presi-
dent with authority 10 decide whether a
removal shall be made in any given case.
Tkeact Of Congress declares insubstauce
thsthe shall only a cuse such rs h supooses
90 be unworthy oftheiF trust. The Constitu-
ton makes him sole Judge in the premises,
but the statute takes away his jurisdiction,
tTarsfers it to the Senate and leaves him
nothing but the odiOus aad sometimes m
practicable duty Of becoming a prOsecu-
tor. The prosecution is to be conducted
before a tribunal whose members are not
like him, responsible to the whole people,
but to separate constituent bodies, and who
may bear his accusation with great disfa-
vOr. The Senate is absolutely without
any known standard of decision applica-
bic 10 such a case. Its judgment cannot
be anticipated, for it is NOT governed BY
any rule. The law does not define what
shall be deemed good cause for removal.
1t is impossible even to conjecture what
may or may not be so considered By
the Senate. The nature of the subject
fOrbids clear proof, If the charge be IN
capacity, what evidence win support il?
Fidelity to the Constitution NAV be under
stood or misunderstood in a thousand diff
feTent ways, and by violent party men, IN
violent party times, faithlessneSs 10 the
Constitution may even come to be consid-
cred meritOTiOus. If officers be accused
Of dishonesty, how shall it be made outs
viii it be inferred from acts uncunnected
NTH rhn9r nTrh1fa 1nH- erlHn eT.-. -
history, or from their general reputation,
or must the President await the commits
sion of az actual misdemeanOr in office /?
Shall he in the meantime risk the charac-
ter and the interests of the nation IN the
hands Of men to whom he cannot give his
confidence? Must he forbear his com
plant until the mischief is done and
cannot be prevented If his zeal in
the public service should help him 10 an
ticipate an overt sGL must he move at the
peril Of being tried himself for ~slandering
hls s~uoCddfnatel in the present circuni-
stances Of the country, some one must be
held responsible for official delinquency of
every kind. Itis extremely difficult to say
where that responsibility should be thrown
if it be not left where it has been placed bv
the Constitution. But all just men viii
admit that the President ought 10 be en-
tiTely relieved from such responsibility ,ifhe
cannot meet it by reason Of restrictions
placed by law upon his actions. Unre-
stricted power of removal from Office is
very great, and when trusted even to a
suffrage of the whole people and
accountable directly to them for his
acts, it is undoubtedly liable to
abuse and at some period of our history
perhaps has been abused. lift be thought
desirable and constitutional that il should
be so limited as to make the President
merely a common informer against other
public agents, be should at least be per-
mitted to act in that capacity before some
oTen tribunal, Independent of party poll
tics, ready to investigate the merits of
every case furnished, with the means of
taking evidence, and bound to decide ac-
cOrding to an established rule. This
would guarantee the safety Of the accuser
when he acts in good faith, and at the
same time ecu the right of the other
party. Ispeak OF course with all proper
respect to the present Senate, but it does
not seem to me that any Legislative body
can beso constituted as to insure its fitness
for those functions. 1t is not the theory
of this government that public
lie offices are the property Of those who
hold them. They are given merely as a
trust Tor the public benefit, sometimes for q
fixed period, sometimes during good be-
hayior, but generally they are liable to be
terminated at the pleasure of the appoint
ing power, which represents the collective
majesty and speaks the will of the people.
The forced retention in Office OF single
dishonest person may work great injury
TO the public interests. Danger to the
public service comes not from the power
to remove, but from the power to appoint.
Therefore it was that the trainers of the
Constitution left the power o fremOval IN
restricted, while they gave the Senate the
right 10 reject all appointments which, in
its opinion, were not ut to be made. A
little reflection on this subject will prOba-
bly, satisfy all who have the good of the
cosTsntry at heart that our best course is to
take the Constitution for our guide, walk
in the path marked out by the founders of
the Republic, and obey the rules made
sacred by the observance of great
predecessors.
The present condition Of our finances
and circulating medium Is one ts which
your early consideration is invited, The
proportion which the Currency Of any
country should bear to the whole value Of
the annualproduce circulated by its means,
is q question upon which political o
mists have not agreed, nor can il be con-
trOlled by legislation, but must be left to
irreyOcable laws, which everywhere regu-
late commerce and trade. The circula-
ting medium will ever irresistibly flow to
those points where it is in greatest demand.
The law demands il, and the
supply is as unerring as that
which regulates the tides Of the
ocean; and indeed currency is like the
tides, has its eLbs and flows throughout
the commercial world. At the beginning
of the rebellion the bank note circulation
of the country amounted to nOtmuch more
than two hundred millions. Now the
circulation of the National bank notes and
those known as legal tenders is nearly
seven hundred millions. While It IS urged
by some that this amount should be in
creased, others contend that a decided re-
duction is absolutely essential to the
best interests of the country. In view of
these diverse opinions it may be well to
ascertain the real value of our paperissues
when compared with o metallic or CONVEX
tible currency. For this purpose let us
inquire how much gold and silver could be
purchased by the seven hundred millions
of paper money now in circulation. Prob
ably not more than half the amount of the
latter, showing that when our paper cur
rency is compared with gold and silver
its commercial value is compressed into
three hundred and fifty millions. The
striking fact makes it the obvious duty of
the Government as early as may be on
sistent with principles of sound political
economy to take such measures as will
enable the holders of its notes, and those
of the National banks. to convert them,
without loss, into specie, or its equivalent.
A reduction of paper circulating me-
dunn will not necessarily follow. This,
however, would depend upon the
law of demand and supply, though
it should be borne in mind that
BY making legal tender and bank
notes convertible into coin, or its equiva-
lent, their present specie value, IN the
hands of their holders, would be enhanced
one hundred per cent. Legislation for
accomplishing q result so desirable is de-
manded by the highest public -~considera-
tons. The Constitution contemplates that
the circulating medium OF the country
shall be uniform in quality and value.
At the time of the formation of that in
strument the country had just emerged
from a war. ofrevolution, and was suffering
from the effects of a redundant and worm
loss paper currency. The sages of that
period were anxious to protect their
posterity from evils which they,
themselves, had experienced; hence,
in providing a circulating medium,