The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1867-12-06

1t ia well and publicly known that
enormous frauds have been perpe-
trated on the Treasury, and that CO.
lossal fortunes have been made at the
public expense. This species of cor
ruption has increased, is increasing,
and e cot diminished Will scon bring
us into total ruin and disgrace, The
public creditors and the taxpayers
are alike interested in an honest ad-
ministration OF the finances, and
neither class will long endure the
large-handed robberies of the recent
past For this discreditable state of
things there are several causes. Some
OF the taxes are so laid as to present
an irresistible temptation to evade
payment. The great sums which Of
ticers may win by connivance at
fraud create pressure which is more
than the virtue of many can with
stand; and there can be no doubt
that the open disregard of constitu-
tIona! obligations avowed by some of
the highest and most influential men
in the country, has greatly weakened
the moral sense of those who serve
In subordinate places. The expenses
OF the United States, including inte-
rest on the public debt, are more
than six times as much rs they were
seven years ago. To collect and dis
burse this vast amount requires care
ful supervision, as we'll as systematic
vigilance. The system, never per-
fected, was much disorganized by the
'.Tenure-of-office Bill" which has
almost destroyed official accountable.
ty. The President may be thoroughly
convinced that an officer is incapa-
BILE, dishonest, or unfaithful to the
Constitution, but, under the law
which have named, the utmost he
can do is to complain to the Senate.
and ask the privilege of supplying
his place with better man. IF the
Senate be regarded as personally or
politically hostile to the President.
it ia natural, and not altogether un-
reasonable, for the officer to expect
that it will take his part as far as pos
sible, restore him to his place, and
give him a triumph over his Execu-
tive superior. The officer has other
chances of impunity arising from ac-
cidental defects of evidence, the mode
of investigating it, and the secrecy of
the hearing. It is not wonderful that
official .nalfeasance should become
bold in proportion as the delinuuents
learn to think themselves safe. lam
entirely persuaded that under such a
rule the President cannot perform
the great dnty assigned to him of see.
ing the laws faithfully executed, and
that it disables him most especially
from enforcing that rigid accounta-
bility which is necessary to the due
execution of the revenue laws.
The Constitution invests the Presi-
dent with authority to decide whether
a removal should be made in any
given case /; the act of Congress de.
clares, in substance, that he shall
only accuse such rs he supposes to be
unworthy of their trust. The Con-
stitution makes him sole judge in the
premises; but the statute takes away
his Jurisdiction, transfers it to the
Senate, and leaves him nothing but
the odious and sometimes impracti-
cable duty of becoming prosecutor.
The prosecution is to be conducted
before tribunal whose members are
not, like him, responsible to the
whole people, but to separate consti-
tuent bodies, aud who may hear his
accusation with great disfavor. The
Senate is absolutely without any
known standard of decision applica-
ble to such a case. It's Judgment
cannot be anticipated, for it is not
governed by any rule. The law does
not define what shall be deemed good
cause for removal. It is impossible
even to conjecture what may or may
not be so considered by the Senate.
The nature of the subject forbids
clear proof. Ifthe charge be incapa-
city, what evidence will support it {?
Fidelity to the Constitution may be
understood or misunderstood in n
thousand different ways, and by vio-
lent party men, in violent party times,
unfaithfulness to the Constitution
may even come to be considered
meritorious. If the officer be &C.
cused of dishonesty, how shall it be
made out {? Will it be inferred from
acts unconnected with public duty,
from private history, or from general
reputation ?wOr must the President
await The commission of an actual
misdemeanor in Office 2 Shall he, in
the meantime, risk the character and
interest of the nation in the hands OF
men to whom he cannot give his con-