The Cadiz sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1864-1911, 1867-04-17
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! IlauHOO1 SAHfdSts
The great reason given by Rrlicsl' why
negroes should he allowed to vote, and one
which they regard as unanswerable, is that
because the negro il a man he is entitled, al
a natural right, to the suffrage. But this
u broad proposition, as praetiele principle
in wholly un;cuable, as such sweeping state
men,s usually are in legal or political sci
epce. Thy catch none but the superficial
for whom they are intended. The fact o.
manhood does not of itself confer righi
to the elective franchise. 1t does not fol
low because human being is accounted
man, that he Is therefore entitled to de-
mand the right to vote. The ri!ht to the
suffrage is not. ike the right to life, liberty
and the acquisition and possession OF pro-
perty. a natural, but civil or political
right cr privilege. 1t is Alright that springs
out of, and is conferred by civil society. A
man, coming into, Ur residing in any com.
munity or commonwealth, has a right to
protection for his life, his liberty and pro-
perty. This is natural right, universally
recognized as such. But he has TO right
TO demand and have, as matter of course,
a voice in the government OF the commu-
nifty or con mOnwealth.
Were it otherwise, civil society would
have no means of prot tecting itself from the
aggressions of outsiders Take any com
munity or State, which has an established
government for itself, and let it throw down
all limitations upon the elective franchise,
and let every man of every color, tribe or
race, have vote upon the mere fact of
manhood and residence, and the govern
ment might in short time be changed to
resemble that of Brigham Young, or of
some chief in the interior Of Africa.
1t is for this necessary self-protection,
that naturalization laws are formed, else an
influx of foreigners possessing the elective
franchise might change the original form Of
government into something else to suit tfeir
own wnims or cuprices And for similar
reason, limitations are imposed upon suf-
frage in the case of men who have been
born and reared in the C immunity. No
civilized society ever did, or.ever can exist
without such Limitations.
Even the most extended and all embrac-
ing suffrage laws have their limitations.
They arbitrarily fix upon twenty one years
as the age under which man shall not have
the right to vote But it would puzzle the
Ioudest brawler for manhood suffrage" as
i is called, to give sound reason why
manhood aud the consequent right to vote
should begin at twenty one rather than at
eighteen or twenty, or at twenty-five, twen-
ty-three, twenty-five years of age, or some
other. Is there any peculiar virtue in twen-
ty-one, besides being three times seven?
All communities require residence, lon
ger OF shorter, before manhood shall be in
vested with the elective franchise. Some
fix it at thirty days, some at three months,
others at six months, and others again re
quire year residence. In the case Of
foreigners, two years residence, and, gen.
orally, five years are required. These con-
ditiops and limitations are dictated by pub
lie policy. But is not ran in as full pos
session of his manhood when he first takes
up his abode in community or country,
as when he has lived in it thirty days, a
year, or five years? On the Radical princ,
pie ne ought, by virtue solely of his man
hood, and as matter of justice and right;
to be Immediately invested with the cleo
tive franchise.
The Radicals cannot and do not carry out.
in another respect, their own principle about
which they make so much ado, of "univer-
sal manhood suffrage" The State laws and
the Territorial acts of Congress, which pro-
fess to make no distinction on account Of
color Or race, do make that very distinction
They exclude from the ballot Indians moi
taxed" Has not an industrious, intelli
gent, untaxed Indian as good claim to be
made voter as an untaxcd, loafng, ignor
ant negro?