The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-11-27

UWIEFIIIFWT
Republican party to remove all disabilities
from the class Of Rebels now under ban, aud
thus in universal suffrage to find universal
peace, with equal and exact justice to all men.
The Impeachment Question.
FROM he ~ y Times
Unless the evidence gathered by the Judi
ciary Committee embraces facts altogether
new to the country, the report recommending
impeachment will amount to nothing. The
allegations on which Mr.. Boutwell,, as the
mouthpiece of the majority, relies to justify
the measure and insure its success, are merely
rehash of charges again and again preferred
during the progress of the reconstruction con-
troversy, and always for political effect No
striking accusation appears-no terse state
ment of fact that can arouse popular feeling
and reconcile it to formal arraignment of
the Executive. Gan unconstitutional usur-
patton of power'' in the organization of State
governments-a "denial of the right of Con-
gTess TO control' reorganization--sins of omis-
sion and commission in connection with these
positions:-such are the leading counts in the
Indictment presented by Mr.. Boutwell,, and a
sorry exhibit they form as groundwork of
impeachment If partisan ingenuity can dis
cover no ofense more tangible than those here
imputed, we may be quite sure that Mr.. john
son has little to fear from the recommendation
which has been reported.
Our opinion has always been that some
thing more convincing than the imputations
of partisanship would be needed to warrant
the extreme measure proposed, An excuse
for it might have been found had Mr. John
sons denial of Congressional control over re-
construction assumed a practical shape, or
had he interposed his authority to prevent
the application of enacted plans. But though
he has unquestionably said and done many
foolish things, we have yet to learn that he
has in any instance overrdden the Recon
struction law, or materially interfered with its
operation. His proclamation of amnesty and
his removal of District Commanders are
among the most notable of his ofenses; but
that neither these or other of his acts "sus-
pended the operations of the acts OF Congress"
or in any manner impeded the execution of
the laws, is proved by the present condition
of the Southern work. 1t has gone forward
without any serious hindrance; and though
| Mr.. Johnson is entitled to no credit for the
| results of laws passed in spite of his opposi-
| tion, at least the fact that the laws are in
| smooth and peaceful operation is proof that
| on his part there has been no gross usurpa-
tion since Congress asserted its exclusive juris-
| dictiOn.
For what, then is he to be impeached? Is
dissent from the views of the Congressional
| majority an offense that must be punished?
| If obstinacy, or bad taste, or unsOund judg
| ment, or concurrence with reckless advisers
| were criminal we could understand an indict-
| ment derived from Mr.. Johnson's course. The
| impolicy of the proceeding would be great
| as now. its nischievousness would be the
same: its partisan origin would be none the
| less discreditable. But ofenses of opinion, or
| errors of Judgment, or violations OF good
taste, are not impeachable; they afford excel
| lent reasons for vigilance on the part of Con-
| gress and the untlinohing enforcement OF It's
| policy, but they cannot be decently or pru-
IDENTIFY made pretexts for the removal of
President.
And if Congress has, as at present, absolute
control over reconstruction, what is to be
feared from Mr.. Johnson's action during the
remainder of his term 1t is competent to
Congress before the close of the approaching
session to remove the question from the arena,
| by perfecting the work and admitting the
| States on conditions that will be guarantees of
harmony and peace. Except for reasons that
are not avowed then, why is the country to
be disturbed by impeachment The removal
| OF Mr.. Johnson may be essential to the success
of certain Presidential game, but we appre-
hend that the country is not prepared TO
submit to sacrifice of the vital interests
which demand Congressional attention, simply
to promote the ends of faction. For, say what
they may, the advocates of impeachment can
not efiace the impression that they are actu-
ated by motives having no direct reference to
the public veal. Their whole movement is
psrtisan partisan in its conception, in its con-
duct of the investigation, and in the recon-
mendation which the majority of the committee
submit for the adoption of the House.
The phase which the question has now as
sumed would indeed be deplOrable if there
were any probability of its success. The pre-
vailipg hope is that the moderation and good
sense of the majority of the House will tri-
umph over the Incorporate oounsels of the
extremists, and so bring to naught an agita-
tion which menaces with ruin every financial
and commercial interest. The public are evi-
IDENTIFY unwilling to assume that the Republic
can party will be mad enough to preeipitate
the crisis which impeachment involves. Upon
this point the Wall street barometer is con
elusive. Gold rose fraction or two under
the momentary excitement of the news
but quickly subsidized to the figure at which il
opened. The same sSepticism exists every.
where. The country has not much faith il
the judgment of the leading spirits of the
House, but it is not prepared to believe that
the dominant party is intent upon committing
suicide.
General Grant,
Hom The ". y, Tribune.
We hope that we do not greatly annoy oul