The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1867-06-14
gigantic monopoly, and our institutions rom
danger, Congress shoA H. w''aou' uoiay' repesl
the National Bank act

the NauOnai Bank act
The CONFLICT or Civil and N ""arS A"'"er"y'
As the Indications come fr. 'm all po'n's Of
the political compass we perco 70 prepare
tions for new strife between the va. ''ous nc
tons. The party journals seem disi Ho>eu 70
involve the country in another quarrel. they
are evidently eager for fight upon
some issue, and they do not seem to be
particular az to what it is. The removal of
General Sheridan from his command in Lou
isiana and Texas, where he has apparently
used his authority under the law Of Congress
with firmness allied to discretion, and we be-
lieve enjoys the full appreciation Of General
Grant in the performance Of his duties, forms
portion Of the policy of one branch of the
party press, and is just as earnestly resisted
by the other. The decision of the Cabinet
council restricting the functions Of the mill
tary commanders of the Southern districts, as
reported in our columns to-day, would seem
to leave General Sheridan and the other four
commanders shorn of their powers. 1t is clear
that military and civil authority cannot be CO.
existent They cannot exercise coordinate
jurisdiction. Either the military authority
must have free scope to employ its functions
as police-which we regard it as now con-
stiiuted in the Southland remove all obstruc-
tions to the proper enactments Of the law,
whether these distractions appear in the shape
of civil Office holders or private individuals,
or it must be abandoned altogether. Any at
tempt to harmonize the two systems must prove
failure. Hence the denial of the right of
military commanders to remove civil officers
brings the two authorities at once into conflict,
and places the elements of the federal and the
State governments in hostility. ~s--s---.---.-y
We are not assured that the President has &C
copied the advice Of his Cabinet on this qnes-
ton of the conflict between military and civil
power. We can see through the clouds and
storms that darken the horizon pretty clear
pathway. Let the programme set down in the
laws Of Congress tending to reconstruction be
carried out according to the Presidents inter-
probation Of them in his messages, and there
will be little difficulty. But how far are we
from such result! It is evident that the diff
ferent political factions are opening up ques-
tons Of the most radical and revolutionary
character. Such agitators as Wendell Phillips
are preaching confiscation Of Southern property
and code Of persecution. Senator Wade ad-
vocates in his feeble way the principles Of
Proudhon, that property is robbery, and so it
is with all the factionists who are contributing
their little efforts to drive the country to
destruction.
In 80 far as the adage IL universally true,
that history repeats itself, we are not at a loss
for parallel for our present political condi-
ton. The war Of factions, which may be set
down as an inherent evil in all great nations,
has produced like results everywhere ; nor can
we, with all our boosted civilization, ''modern
improvements" intelligence and experience,
learned from history, claim an exemption from
the general law. From the turbulent days of
ancient Rome, when Lucius Cornelius Sylla,
the iconoclast Of Athenian art, and the master
mind Of CONSUMPTION and confiscation in his
own country, led the aristocratio faction and
ground plebeianism into the dust, until
the time of the second Caesar Augustus,
factionism ruled the destinies of Rome.
In the person Of Augustus the "one man
power" was asserted; its hand was placed
firmly on the helm. and the factions which con-
summated their agitation in the homicide of
the first Caesar were brought under control.
From that time faction lost its sting. Augustus
was master Of the situation. Although re-
nowned as the patron Of art and poetry, he
was none the less observant of political events,
nor less active to control them.
We may find another evidence Of the mis-
chief Of faction as developed by the English
revolution Of King Charles time. From the
first evidence Of popular discomfort with the
administration Of the government the country
was divided into factions, and the Parliament
was the nursery Of all the factious feeling that
pervaded the public mind; but Cromwell sup
pressed them all when he grappled with the
Parliament. and on his individual RESPONSE
bility, with the army at his back, wiped them
Out Of existence and took the authority into
his own hands.
In the French revolution Of 1889 factionism
ruled the hour. It prevailed in the Conven-
ton it governed the national policy, 80 far
as there was any policy then existing; 1t
organized prescription; 1t inaugurated confis-
cation, and 1t sanctified the guillotine. 1t was
the interpretation Of military power by Napoleon
which alone saved France from the anarchy
and bloody horrors that faction had impressed
upon it. As with Rome, with England and
with France, we cannot escape the inevitable
event which follows revolution; but we reach
the end in far different way. While other
nations had to rely upon military dictators
and the appliance Of arms for their reconstruc-
ton, we propose to send our military chieitain
into power as President Of the republic by the
voice Of the people, expressed through the bal
lot box, ID accordance with the law and the
constitution, and we expect, furthermore, that
after the election Of Grant we shall enjoy
government a. secure as that which Washing