The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-06-29
THE ISSUE BEFORE Us.

We mentioned in our remarks yesterday on
this subject, that there are few among US who
openly oppose registration; but we, neVerthe-
less, feared there would be large number Of
our citizens, not disfranchised by the Act, who
would, for one reason or another, fail to avail
themselves of this privilege. We are confirm
ed in this belief from what we see and read Of
ss going on in the other Southern States where
registration has been in progress for some
time. The negroes everywhere register
promptly, while the number of whites who
have registered is out of all proportion to the
number of voters in the several cities, counties
or States before, or even during the war.
Sometimes the number registered is less than
one-half the number of foreign voters. And
this is the case, Notwithstanding the oft re-
peated and most urgent appeals from the en-
tire Southern press in favor Of registration;
for whatever the opinion entertained by any of
our public men or journals as to the constitu-
tionality of the Reconstruction Act, or the wis
dom of some of its features and provisions, oil
are agreed as to the policy, the absolute and
vital Importance of everybody's registering,
who has been disfranchised by the said Act.
The reasons for this are so palpable, that they
must strike every discerning mind upon mo-
ments reflection. Not single sound argu-
ment can be adduced against it; and indeed
we do not remember either hearing or reading
such o one attempted.
In our article of yesterday we indicated the
motives that may be expected to influence
some, in either refusing or neglecting to regis
ter. The principal cause, however, in our
opinion, must be looked for in the practical
opposition to the whole scheme of Reconstruc-
ton under the present Act, by many citizens
of education and influence, who, while they
all advocate registration, and make no direct
and public efforts to oppose the progress of
yet at the same time make no
secret of their hostility to the Act, and per-
sonally will do nothing to further its execution.
It can of course not be expected that ignorant
people, or such as are not accustomed to give
much thought to political subjects, should be
able to unravel these complicate meshes Of
advice and example on the part
of those to whom they have always been in
the habit of looking for direction in matters Of
public policy. The trumpet Of their leaders
gives forth no certain sound bewildered by
the oracular character of their utterances, and
at loss to decide on the precise nature Of
their duty, they yield to the innate prejudice,
which of course prompts them to stand aloof
from the whole business and machinery Of
For this no one is to blame but the afore-
named leaders of public opinion. These are
quite desirous for cessation of our present
anomalous state,-so detrimental to our ma
terial prosperity, no less than painfully
humiliating, and fraught with danger, because
tending by its indefinite prolongation to SUBJ
vert oil constitutional liberty. Yet they are
themselves unwilling to take hold, afraid, pro-
baby, of soiling their dainty hands. They are
in hopes that there will be people enough with
out them to take the State back into the Union,
and that hereafter, when things shall have
settled down, they will be able to come before
the people and say, "We have kept our hands
clear; we have not bowed the knee to BAAL;
we have not touched the accursed thing, etc.,
etc." We all know the vocabulary of dema-
gogic claptrap, always at hand, when poll
ticians are desirous of making capital, by
appealing to the prejudices of the people. This
hey are even now doing in covert manner;
plain enough, however, to give US an adumbra-
lion of their future course. They are not safe
guides.
Again there are men who are always in the
opposition. Antagonism is their element. In
It they live and move, and have their being.
Their idiosyncrasy is to argue on "the other
side" They are constitutionaly opposed to
he established order of things. For years be-
fore the war they preached crusade against
he United States Government; during the
war they opposed the Confederate administra-
ion; and now, with consistent inconsistency,
hey oppose the Congressional plan of recon-
'truction. 1t may be very wholesome to have
such censors in o commonwealth, W ther ap-
pointed or self-constitutcd, matters ut; but
certainly no sane man can think tn safe
leaders of the people. Their course III their
doctrine are in their very nature imprac, bile,
md the greater the influence they ex, Use
lpoH o community, the more serious the rln
,us consequences certain to ensue upon such
eaching.
Generals LEE, JoHsToN, BEAuREdARD, HOOD,
loNGsTREET, HAMPTON, and their many distin
,uished confreres and companions in arms, are
,etter and surer guides in the present juno
ure of our affairs. They engaged in the cause
If the Confederacy, honestly, and gave to it
III their heart and all their energies When
he fate of war had decided against US, they
surrendered their swords, and accepted the
of their victors; and these they
lavc ever since been honestly carrying out. 1t
s needless to say, that they have not deemed
uch a course incompatible with honor. And
What these, our most distinguished and best
beloved Generals have done, oil our people
nay safely do. What court of honor can there
,e constituted, that shall be more satisfactory,
more entitled to the absolute and entire conf
lence of the people of the South, than one COM
,osed of the honorcd captains, who rendered
lcr brief span of national history brilliant and
,lorous in the annals of the world9 Let no
nan allege that his honor prevents his regis
ering or voting. Our honor is safe in the
,eepng of such men as LEE and HAMPTON,
JOHNSTON, and BEAUREGARD.
Sooner or later, every honest man in the
south will acknowledge this, practically at
east, if not confessedly. Would it not be wise,
manly, and more in accordance with the prin-
iples of honor to do so now, and to do it
penly