Litchfield enquirer., 1867-02-07
WHOLE NO. a1ea..

hostile to the President and the Adminis- tratlon, and expressed that hostility in 50 open manner as to 5,astonish AmericAns. and to leave very bad impression on Eu- |ropeafs, With the opening paragraph. relating generally to United States MiEis. ters and Consuls abroad, I have nothing especial to do; other. gentlemen are fully competent to answer for themselves. You proceed to say, ''he adds that you do not pretend to conceal your disgust csa he says you style it, at the Presidents whole conduct; that you despise American demo- cracy, and loudly proclaim that an Eng
 lsh gentleman is the model of human per- lection; that the President has deserted his pledges and principles in common with Mir,
 Seward, who, you say, is hopelessly degra-
 ded.' You conclude by requesting me to deny or confirm the truth of these reports. My first impulse on receiving the letter
 was to content myself with flat denial of
 their truth. On little further reflection.
 however, do not wish that there should
 be doubts as to my political sentiments as a representative of the foreign politics of the Government. I have done my best faithfully to discharge my duties in strict conformity with my instructions. In the conflict of opinions in regard to home ques- tlons, especially that of Reconstruction my views have never been asked for by the
 United States Government, and I should have considered it unbecoming and super
 1uous to volunteer public declaration of
 them, as certainly should have deemed it my duty to express them frankly whenever they were officially demanded. I do not
 understand that am even now directly
 questioned on the subject, but after read ing your letter, lowe it to myself to say . | few words. 434f %fefs have always believed it necessary that strong guarantees should be taken against
 8 recurrence of the Rebellion and the es- tablishment of some form of Slavery be. fore the seeded States should be re-admit- ted to representation in Congress. Latter. ly, am inclined to the opinion that the
 noblest and the safest course would be by
 an amendment of the Constitution prohib- iting the distinction of race or color in re.
 gard to the attainment of the franchise, together with general amnesty to be pro-
 claimed by the President. These opinions
 in the privacy of my own household and to
 an occasional American visitor, have not
 concealed. The great question now pre-
 senting itself for solution demands con.
 scientious scrutinizing by every American l who loves his country and believes in the
 human progress of which that country is
 one of the foremost representatives. 1havs
 never thought during my residence at Vi.
 enna that because have the honor of be-
 ing public servant of the American peo.
 pie, am deprived of the right of discuss.
 ing within my own walls the gravest sub. ject that can interest freemen. A Minister
 of the United States is as deeply interested
 as others in all that affects the welfare of
 his country. In conversation with such of my colleagues or members of the. Govern.
 Inentt iaeie 6 as were interested in our politics,
 have uniformly stated that the conflict of
 opinions now prevailing in the United States, was inevitable in free country.
 That such discussion was the very evidence
 of our freedom and of our capacity to gov.
 ern ourselves. That to silence discussion
 belongs to despots, and not to & repubi.
 can government like ours, and that had entire faith that the American people would settle all disputed questions with justice.
 l have always been cautious, however, in such conversations, to avoid any express. ions of disrespect toward the President or his Cabinet. 7-a .-I3 s, .1a s.~ et,s4 have uniformly stated that in our own
 country the people were not only theoreti- cally but practically sovereign, and that when great political questions were to be
 solved, appeal was made to the ballot-box.
 l have steadily expressed the opinion that the President and Congress would be re- Iconciled after the people should have pro-
 nounced it's solemn verdict, and have ad- ded that all parties in the United States, as believed, honestly desired and requir- ed the establishment of the Union, how
 ever they might differ as to the wisest l means of securing 1t. This is the way in which have been in the habit of speaking
 officially or semi-offcially, and this is my reply to the charges contained in your let | ter, so far as they regard in any way the
 President of the United States. ',.r.- That "despised American Democracy,
 and loudly proclaim that an English gen. | tleman is the model of human perfection, | is so pitiful fabrication that blush while denounce it. Any one personally ac-
 quainted with me, or who has taken the l trouble to read my writings; whether off,
 cial or historical, knows that more fer
 vent believer in American Democracy than
 I am, does not exist in the world. My ex-
 pressions of reverence for the American people during these few heroic years, have
 erred, if at all, on the side of enthusiasm,
 and have often seemed to the sceptical
 somewhat extravagant I scorn to dwell longer on the contemptible charge. '*-~-I
 That have called Mir. Seward "hope.
 lessly degraded" is wild calumny, and it
 wounds me deeply that you could listen for moment to such falsehood.. In conclu- sion, have only to add, that beg here
 with respectfully to resign my post as Uni. ted States Minister at Vienna.
 I am, sir, your obedient servant,
 sz. .#- -t .s"is J. LATHRoP MOTLEY. ; ,.t.- = --7--------~- ~-------. r-trt.sr.