Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1867-01-28
The American Revolution.

The American revolution marches fast
towards its goal-the change Of Federal
Commonwealth into Democratic Re-
public, one and indivisible. Congress.
which only FIVE years ago was little more
powerful than debating club, so weak
that no journal in America has ever
troubled itself to give either independent
or full reports Of its debates, has sud-
denly become the sovereign power,
begins even to be conscious that it is
sovereign. The last MIN which con-
cealed its position from itself was rent
away by President Johnson's s Message.
So carefully had the Constitution pro-
vided against this change, that had Mr..
johnson yielded to the verdict of the
people, had he, even without modifying
his convictions, agreed to abstain from
futile controversy, it is probable that
Congress would have remained unaware
that it was about to assume the highest
Executive as we'll as Legislative func.
tions. The President, however, adds to
the obstinacy which distinguishes self
made men the obstinacy peculiar to the
ignorant, and seems to believe, like
James H., that when his argument is
confuted, restatement in the terms will
make it irresistible The paragraphs of
his Message relating to reconstruction
do not contain q single new thought,
a single idea, except the right" of the
separate States to regulate their internal
economy for themselves. Their policy,
Judgment, ought to override that Of the
nation, the precise fallacy which the
great war now ended was mainly waged
to dispel "We should hasten" says the
President, in language familiar to En-
glish Tories, but which sounds strange
from American lips, " to return to the
ancient landmarks established by our
forefathers for the guidance of succeed
ing generations" which is much as if
Noah, after the deluge, had advised his
sons first of all to restore the garden
walls of his old property. He quotes
Washington, who wanted fusion, and
Jackson, who threatened the first sece-
ders with the gallows, as advocates for
State rights, and declares, emphaticaly,
that for himself he shall steer the ship
by the ancient and constitutional
figures in the almanac of last year In
the face of obstihacy like this, the Liber-
ais had no alternative. AS the Pres-
dent refuses peremptorily and distinctly
to carry out the national will, Congress
must carry it out-must first of all see
that the President has no longer the
power to thwart the national decision.
Unable to remove the President without
an expedient worse, because more cum
brous and unjust, than an appeal to force,
they have decided to reduce him for the
rest of his reign to position like that Of
Sieyes' Grand Elector, a functionary
who would be absolute if he had nothing
to do. Wholly devoid of leaders able to
reconstruct shattered polity, with very
few statesmen among them even of the
second class, with chief in the House
whom they dislike, and mouth-piece in
the Senate whom they do not revere, the
Liberals in Congress still find in the in
stinct which in times of fexcitement drives
popular bodies straight to the national
ends a sufficient guide. No one can tell
who is the author of the proposals they
have accepted no one is certain whether
the plans'attributed to them are those on
which they will finally decide. Yet no one
doubts that these plans and those propo-
sails, or their equivalents, will be carried,
and every one can see that they form
consistent parts with one great whole
of new polity which will make the
whole nation supreme over all its parts.
London Spectator.