Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1867-01-07

vision rs made in the Federal Consiitu
ton. II should be borne IA mind here
aitor that In It's functions as the law
mnkiue'power Of the District Of Colum
bin. the authority Of the Nationa
Legislature is not without limit, but tina
Congress is bound 20 observe the lette
and spirit Of the Constitution, as well u
the enactment Of local laws for the sea
of Government. rs in legislation common
TO the entire Union. We're il 10 be ad
mit,ed that the right 10 exercise exclusive
legislation in all cases. whatsoever con
fsrred upon Congress unlimited powel
within the tract Of Columbia, titles o.
nobility might be granted within III
boundaries, laws might be made respect
ing an establishment OF the religion OF
prohibiting the Tree exercise thereof, OF
abridring the freedom Of speech, or oil
the press, or the right of the people
peaceably to assemble and to petition the
Government for a redress OF grievances,
Despotsm would prevail at the seat oil
Government of free republic, and as q
place Of permanent residence, II would
be avoided by all who prefer the bless
ings of liberty TO the mere emoluments
of official position. II should also be
remembered that in lcgislating for the
District of Columbia under the Federal
Constitution, the relation Of Congress TO
lis inhabitants is analagousio that OF q
legislature to the people Of a State under
their own local Constitution. IL does
moi, therefore, seem TO be asking too
much that in a matter. pertaining TO the
District, Congress should have a like
respect for the will and interests OF Its
inhabitants, as is entertained by State
Legislature for the wishes and prosperity
Of those for whom they legislate. The
spirit Of our Constitution and the genius
OF our Government require that IN re-
gard TO any law which is to affect and
have permanent bearing upon people,
their viii should exact at least q reason
able influence upon those who are acting
in the capacity of their legislators.
Would, for instance, the Legislature OF
the State of New York, or Of Pennsyl-
vania, or Of Indiana, or Of any State in
tie Union, in opposition TO the expressed
will Of large majority Of the people
whom they were chosen to represent,
arbitrarily force upon them, as voters,
all persons Of the African or negro
race, and make them eligible for the
Office without any other qualifications
than certain term of residence within
the State. In neither Of the States named
would the colored population, when act
ing together, be able to produce any great
social or political result. Yet in New
York. before he can vote, the man of
color must fulfil conditions that are not
required Of the white citizen. In Penn
sylvania the elective franchise is re-
stricted TO white freedmen; while in In |
diana, negroes and mulaitoes are ex-
pressly excluded from the right of suf-
frage
It hardly seems consistent with the |
Of right and justice, that rep |
of States where suffrage is
either denied the colored man or granted
to him on qualifications requiring intel.
ligence or property, should crmpel the
people Of the District of Columbia to try |
an experiment which their own constitu-
ents have thus far shown an unwilling.
ness 10 test for themselves. Nor does it
accord with our republican ideas that
the principle of the government should
lose its force when applied to residents
of the District, merely because their leg
islators are not like those Of the States
through the ballot to the peo-
ple, for whom they are the law-making
power. The great object of placing the
seat OF government under the executive
legislation of Congress- was TO secure the
entire independence of the General Gov.
eminent from undue State influence, aud
% enable it 10 discharge, without danger
Of interruption or infringement of its au-
.horiiy, the high functions for which it
was created by the people. For this i'm
portant purpose it was coded to the
United States by Maryland and Virginia,
and it certainly never could have been
as one OF The objects to be
attained by placing it under the excln
siye jurisdiction of Congress, that it
would afford to propagandists or political
parties place for an experimental test
81 their principles and theories. While
indeed the residents of the seat Of gov
srnment are not citizens OF any State,
md are not therefore allowed voice In
he electoral college or representation in
he councils of the nation, they are
American citizens, entitled I
IS such to every right which pertains to
.itizens of Cur common country. In all
matters, then, affecting their domestic at. r
airs. the spirit Of our democratic
orm of government demands that their
wishes should be Consulted and respected,
md they taught to feel that, although
lot permitted practically TO participate
n national concerns, they are. never
heless, under q paternal government,
egardiul of their rights, mindful of their
wants and solicitous for their prosperity.
/ was evidently contemplated that all
ocal questions would be left to their de
,ision, at least to an extent that would
lot be incompatible with the object for
which Congress was granted exclusive
egislation over the seat Of government
When the Constitution was yet under
it vas assumed by Madi-
on that Its inhabitants would heallowed
legislature for local purposes
derived from their own slifrages. When
or the first time Congress IN the year
500 assembled at Washington, Presi-
lent Adams in his speech at its opening
.eminded the two Houses that II was for
hem to consider whether the local pow
srs over the District of Columbia, vested
~ the Constitution in the Congress Of
The United States, should be Immediately
exercised, and he asked them to Som
slider II as.the capital Of great nation
in art, in consmsTGe. "a wealth
and in population, and possessing within
itself those resources which il not thrown
away, OF lameniably tnisdireeted, would
secure to il long course Of prosperity
and self government" Three years had
not elapsed when Congress vas called