The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-01-15

secure the impeachment Of the President Of
the United States, for the following reasons;-
1. The success of the impeachment is doubt
full. Tie actions of the President have, in our
individual opinion, been such as to warrant
his conviction. But the Senate Of the United
States, when sitting in judgment, is under
oath. Every member is performing not a
partisan, but judicial duty; and the very
fact that so many of them are known political
opponents of the President, would tend to
make them act with even more fairness than
II they were not liable to the imputation OF
being governed by passion rather than duty
Should the Senate by any action fail to sus-
tain the charges of the House, there cam be no
doubt but that the fabric Of the Republican
party would totter to its foundation. Why,
then, subject ourselves to such riskp
2. If the Senate should find Andrew john
son guilty OF all the charges preferred, and
remove him, it would at once make him in
the eyes OF many martyr. The Republican
party would at once lay itself open to the
charge of having been unjust, and the fact
that it had such an immense superiority of
numbers in both Houses would make such
complaint appear in the eyes of many at
least plausible. Foreign powers would also
view the matter in the light OF q persecu-
ton. There is a natural impulse in the
human heart to defend one who is down;
and whether his disgrace be deserved or
not, pity will make him advocates. Give
the President rope enough, and he will
hang himself; but seek to sLranSle him, and
half the country will make him martyr.
8. If the Senate proceed to trial, there is
every ground for supposing that the length of
tune employed will be such as to leave but
little to be gained by conviction. Hastings
with every inducement for speed on the part
of his prosecutors-secured continuance of
his trial for seven years. Cannot Andrew
johnson prolong his through two? "But,"
say some, "the Republicans have the
power, and can hasten matters" They can,
indeed; but they dare not The fact that
they have the power will compel them to
give the accused every chance; and should
they hasten, it will be qualification OF par
tisanship at the expense OF power. 1t would
REQUIRE but feeble opposition to prolong
the trial tor two years. Meanwhile, the
House must continue in perpetual session,
and great inconvenience be the result, to say
nothing of the dangerous excitement and
expense.
4. If we escape all the preparatory dangers,
and conviction is secured, what good will re-
sultP We will have lost a grand basis on
which to go through the next Presidential
campaign. We will have failed to profit by
the lesson of last year, when we conquered
the enemy by selecting our own base-the
Constitutional amendment-and presenting it
for adoption, so that we might fight on that
line before the people 1t is sound policy to
keep Andrew Johnson's conduct as the basis
of battle in 1858. But, besides this, the effect
of our having the President will be but slight.
As it now stands, the Senate can so check
his appointing power as to do away with the
improper use of patronage, and Congress
can mould the policy of the country, as his
veto is no obstacle. Proper laws can make
him powerless for evil, as helpless as though
he were deposed from Office.
5. Should the Senate, by sufficient haste
get through with the case by fall, we would
be obliged to have another election for Presi
dent and Vice-President. The country woulC
be thrown into state of feverish excitement
and all the expense, danger, and evils to-
numerous to be mentioned, of Presidential
campaign would be endured not only in 1851
but also in 1868. The interval would be, G
course, employed in political excitement
Legitimate business would be abandoned
and the foundation Of our Government
ALWAYS weakened by the ever-re curing eleC
ton, would positively be endangered by tn
excitement and passion incident upon tw
contests between two nearly evenly matche
political parties. The detrlment to tn
morality as well as the finances Of tn
people would not be repaid by success
@. The long doubt attendant on the in
peacbment of the President would have a
Injurious effect on trade OF all kinds. Thel
can be no doubt that the presel
uncertainty in politics is operating again
commerce. Politics have a close CO..
nection with trade under any circun
stances, especially 80 when the system
finances is dependent on the party which is
power. Long continued political agitatiC
would expose the business interests, and ha'
tendency to yet further depress mercanti
trade.
For these reasons, we entertain graz
doubts as TO the policy OF pressing an II
parchment. The question to be settled
merely one OF policy. The Constitution,
prescrlbing no punishment upon convicti'