Spirit of Jefferson. [volume] (Charles Town, Va. [W. Va.]) 1844-1948, 1867-01-08
Federal Relations.


which refsrs,to our
FEDERAL RELATIONS.
/ traasmn herewith a communication from
the Lion. William IL: Seward, Secretary of
State, received ut the Executive Department
on the 18th. of June last enclosing certain
Constitutional amendments which wall require
your early action.
At the extra session of the General Assam-
bly,, in january, 1866, presented my views
at large in reference to the policy of recon
struction which had been adopted aud acted
upon By President Lincoln, and. vas proposed
to be continued without variation in an Y ma
teTiai point by his-successpr i'll Office. [ was
since ely impressed with the conviction that
to bring about harmony aud good feeling aud
restore oar national atfaiSs to the channels
from which they had been diverted by the
war, this WAS the best practicable mode in
which 1T could be successfully accomplished.
This plan proceeded upon the recognized
principle that this Union could not be dis
solved by any effort of the State governments
either by peaceuble or violent secession,
or in any other mode. The General Govern
ment Was as powerless as the States in precip-
ltating any such result. TO have conceded
this revolutionary power would have been a
virtual abandonment Of the whole theory upon
The States, il. broken by the successful de-
fiction of single member, wuuld have es-
tablished the inability of the Federal power
to- Grintainits national supremacy, and dis
solution would have resulted as an inevitable
consequence. The revolt Of the Southern
States was treated, and properly So as an IN
SKrTcctto" against the power of the Union
and when subdued, left the States uuchauec led
in all their former RELATE ms. This view was
not controyerted by the General Assembly at
that time, nor have l since heard that any
other plan of recoHstructio9 based uron the
true theory of our Government, has been pre-
sentcd. The passage of the constitutional
amendment as Il condition precedent to the
readmlssion of the States to the right of rep
resen'atlon, presents to my mind objections
OF the Sravest character, So long us the Com
stltution continues to- be recognized as the
supreme law under which We are acting.
t may also express the opinion here, that
whether with or without the authority of the
Constitution, Congress should hesitate to make
any radical change in the organic law, with
out the coEcGrTorce of the requisite vote OF
all the States, South us well as North.
1t cannot have escaped notice, that the pro-
posed amendment, comprising five distinct
propositions, cmbOdics more than its language
would seem TO convey, and that the clause.
to enforce these provisions, "by appropriate
legislation" may leave the Southern and
Border States at the mercy of the majority
In Congress, in all future timc-subyersiye.
as believe, OF every principle of justice and
equality among the States, and IN times of
high party excitement and sectional alicna>
ton, dangerous to the liberties of the people.
L assume, without fear of contradiction,
that the effect of this amendment of the Con-
stItutlon as condition precedent to the re-
admission of the revoltcd States. will he the
ultimate enforcement of negro suffrage and
negro equality, by indirect legislation, de-
priving the Southern and Border States of
their constitutional representation in the ma
tional councils, unless purchased by the ele-
walton CT the negro to the untrumnelcd right
of suffrage.
Admitting. the proposed amendment to be
ever so just and liberal, ought it in common
justice to be thrust upon the people of the
Southern States to be used as Il lever to Sc
cure to the negro in that section what has Tot
been attempted with the people Of the North
by direct lcgiS- lation?
There are ten States now held in allowance
by the dominant party in Congress, without
sufficient cause, as believe. The war has
ceased, and the war power Of which we hear
So much has ceased with it, The submission
OF the constitutional amendment to these cx-
cludcd States by Congress is a virtual recoeni-
tion that they are still in the Union, and have
a right to entertain or reject it, us may seem
most conducive to their political safety.-
Suppose they reject it, as they certainly will
do, what then Is the North to reopen the
war upon them?-to dissolve the Union-for
1t will amount to that-by reducing them to
territories, or what is worse, rs some have
threatened, to degrade them, by confscating
their lands and allowing the negroes to come
and occupy them.
The South makes no resistance to the edict
of exc!usion-she can make none. She adj
mlts her utter prostration. ParaIyzed in all
Der relati0ns, social, commercial aud political,
she calm'y resigns herself to her fate. This
is the universal feeling of thu people of the
South at the present moment. In his Mes
sage to the Georgia Legislators, November I
4SGG, Governor jenkins holds this language
ITO submit to injurious changes in the Con-
s'ltution, whep forced upon State according
to the forms prescribed for its amendment,
would be one thing; to participate in making
them by dUress against her sense of right and
Justice would be very different thing. The
difference in principles as broadas that which
distinguishes martyrdom from SUICIDE. We
had better calmly await returning senge of
justice and consequent refux OF the tide
now running strong against us"
leanwhile, her great staples are neglected
-immigration seeks to her channels, trade
languishcs. and her contributions to the nation
al bmthensso important to the general tax pay
er, are represented by nearly nominal values.
There is no sweetness in revenge which can
Justly continuance Of such a condition of
Thugs.
The conservative masses of the country.
sooner or later will protest ,oo;Dst r. m