The aegis & intelligencer. [volume] (Bel Air, Md.) 1864-1923, 1867-02-08
Mr.. Stephens to mfr. Lincoln.

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however widely we may differ politically,
yet trust we both hovo earnest dcsiru
to preserve and maintain the Union of the
States, if it can be done upon the princi-
pies aud furtherance Of the objects for
which it was formed. 1t was with such
feelings on my part, that I suggested to
you In my former note the heavy respon-
sibility now resting on you, and with the
same feelings | will now take the liberty
of saying, in all fraukness and earnest
ness, that this great object can never be
attained by force. This is my settled
conviction. Consider the opinion, weigh
it, and pass upon it for yourself. An er-
ror on this point may lead to the most
disastrous consequences. will also add
that in my judgment the people of the
South do not entertain any fears that
Republican Administration, or at least the
one about 10 be inaugurated, would at.
tempt to interfere directly and immedi.
ately with Slavery in the States. Their ap-
prehension and disquietude do not spring
from that source. They do not arise from
the fact of the known Anti.Slavery opin-
ion OF the President elect. Washington,
Jefferson, and other Presidents are gener-
ally admitted to have been Anti Slavery
in sentiment. But in those days Anti.
Slavery did not enter as an element into
party organizations.
Questions of other kinds, relating to the
foreign and domestic policy-commerce,
finance, and other legitimate objects of
the General OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES the basis
of such associations in their day. The
private opinions Of individuals upon the
subject of African slavery, or the status
OF the negro with US, were not locke to
in the choice of Federal officers, any more
than their views upon matters of religion,
or any other subject over which the Gov
ernmcnt under the Constitution had no
eout,oi. Dut now this subject, which Is
confessedly on all sides outside of the con.
stltutional action of the Government SO
far as the States are concerned, is made
the "central idea'' in the platform of priu-
ciples announced by the triump plant par
ty. The leading object seems to be SIM
ply, and wantonly if you please, to put
the institutions of nearly half the States
under the ban of public opinion and ma
tional condemnation. This, upon general
principles, is quite enough of itself to
arouse spirit not only of general indig-
nation, but of revolt, on the part of the
prescribed.
Let me illustrate. 1t is generally con-
ceded, by the Republicans even, that Con-
gress cannot interfere. with slavery in the
States 1t is equally conceded that Con.
gross cannot establish any form of reli-
gious worship. Now suppose that any one
of the present Christian churches or sects
prevailed in all the Couthern States, but
had no existence in any one of the North
ern States-under such circumstances
suppose the people of the northern States
should organize political party-not
upon foreign or domestic policy, but with
one leading idea of condemnation of the
doctrines and tensts of that particular
church, and with the avowed object of
preventing its extension into the common
territories, even after the highest judicial
tribunal of the land had decided they had
no such constitutional power And sup
pose that party 80 organized should car
ry Presidential election Is it not
apparent that u general feeling of re-
sistance to the success, aims and objects
of such party would necessarily and
rightfully ensue? Would it lot be the
inevitable consequence And the more
SO, if possible, from the admitted fact that
it was a matter beyond their control, and
one that they ought not, in the spirit of
county between co-States, to attempt to
NEEDLE with. submit these thoughts to
you for your calm reflection. We at the
South do think African slavery, as it ex-
lists with US, both morally and politically
right. This opinion is founded upon the
inferiority of the black race. You, how
ever, and perhaps majority of the North,
think it wrong. Admit the difference of
opinion. The same difference of opinion
existed to more general extent among
those who formed the Constitution, when
it was made and adopted. The chan
ges have been mainly on our side. As par
ties were not formed on this difference of
opinion then, why should they BIZ now
The same difference would of course exist
in the supposed case of religion When
parties or combinations Of meu, therefore,
so form themselves, must it not be as
sumed to arise not from reason or any
sense of justice, but from fanaticlsm p
The motive can spring from no other
source, and when men come under the in
fuence of fanaticism, there is no telling
where. their impulses or passions may
drive them. This is what creates our
discomfort and apprehension. You will
also allow me to say that it is neither un-
natural nor unreasonable, especially when
we see to what extent this reckless spirit
has already gone. Such, for inst snce, as
! tho q vowed diaraoard and hreach of tho