Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1867-04-10
LEDGER.
SENTIMENTS OF EMINENT MEE-LoEG-
sTREET. CAMPBELL AND R0sELIUs.

SENTIMENTS OF EMINENT m6N -LOnu-
STREET, CAMPBELL AND RosELIus.
The great men of the South have gen.
orally expressed their views in respect
to the duty Of the Southern people under
existing embarrassments, The most to
he regretted in this interchange Of opin-
ions is difference of counsel Many
counsel inaction in respect to the mill
tary bills, while quite as many advise
the people to participate in the work of
reconstruction. The New Orleans Times
of Sunday contains letters from General
Longstreet, Judge John A. Campbell and
Christian Roselius The former begins
by saving that the surrender of the Con-
federate armies in 1865 involved: &
l. The surrender of the claim to the
right OF secession. a..
,. The surrender of the former politi'
cal relation of the negro. at.gsr
3. The surrender Of the Southern Con-
.federacy. u
He then says;
These issues expired upon the fields
last occupied by the Confederate armies.
There they should have been buried.
The soldier prefers to have the sod that
receives him when he falls cover his re-
mains. The political questions OF the
war should have been buried upon the
fields that marked their end Our most
cherished objects OF this earth, blood Of
our blood. life of our life, if not duly de-
nosited as ordained by an All-wise Prov
idence. become offensive. So must it be
with this dead matter. If the last fune-
raj rites of the Southern Confederacy
have not been performed, let us, with due
solemnity, proceed to the discharge OF
that painful duty, and let US deposit IN
the same grave the agony of our grief,
that we may the better prepare. our
selves for a return to the duties OF this
life.
He thinks that "our efforts at recon-
struction will be vain unless we embark
in the enterprise with the sincerity which
will command success" After discard,
ing what he terms the " Fabian policy"
he says a,g
tits now too late to go back and look
after our rights under the law and the
Constitution. 1t is Of no, practical I'M
portance for as TO know whether we have
been deprived Of these rights by lawful
or unlawful process. We know that they
are gone, and that the only available law
ia martial law, and the only right, power.
The more we seek for law, when there is
no law, the greater will be our confusion.
Law at best is slow process by which
10 recover lost possessions; to attempt
10 recover them under doubtful laws and
against power, is futile.
Some think that the question OF re-
s;stance is admissible. in deciding our
course of action. But this is a grave
error. even if we had the power to resist
and a reasonable hope of successful re-
sistance. For when people resort to
the violence of war they should be pre-
pared to show to the world just cause OF
war What cause can we claim unless
we saw that we did not know what we
were lighting for in the war just ended.
Our duty resolves itself into two very
simple propositions, viz: relieve our.
selves from our present embarrassments
nv returning TO our allegiance, in good
faith, 10 the General Government under
the process laid down byNCongress,. or
seek protection under some foreign
Government. Those who determine to
remain should speed the work of recon
struetion, and put our people IN condition
20 make their own laws and choose their
own officers for their execution.
lam one of the particularly distran-
chised, for / have been informed IRON
the highest authority that | am one OF
those who will be the last to receive am
nesty. / regard this as one of the results
that belong to the hazards Of revolution,
and / have no better cause of complaint
than those who have lost their slaves
1t is frequently said, nowadays, that
constitutional government is a failure,
but the cause and effect are not appre-
ciated. If there is failure, the fault is
with the people, not with the government
A lunatic may destroy the most magnih-
cent'edifice, but it can only be rebuilt by
the must skillfnl artist
These views commit Gen. Longstreet
to aequiescence and participation in re-
construction under the military bills.
OF his truth to the South, no man can
doubt; as to his discretion, there may be
a difference of opinion. Accompanying
the letter of Gen. Longstrest, is one
from Judge John A. Campbell, at one
time one Of the Justices Of the Supreme
Court of the United States This emf
nent man forti6es the position of Long
street He says; rr
The military bills have become opera
tive. as laws, in ten States. The Presi-
dent, after exhausting his constitutional
means Of opposition, is now performing
his executive duty 10 enforce their faith
ful execution. Ten States are now sub
missive to form Of government
unknown to the Constitution Of the
United States. The Judiciary power Of
the Union is dependent for its orEaniza-
ton and distribution upon Congress IL
i quite fair to conclude that no arrange
ment Of the Judicial power would be
suffered to remain that seriously neon
NODDED the enforcement oftbese measures
Nor am ] able TO perceive that the
judicial power, under its present organi-
zation. i adequate 70 afford substantial
relief in the existing emergency, even #
the opinions Of the courts were as
favorable as might be desired