Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1867-11-17
THE CAUSES OF THE LATE CIVIL
WnR

WAR
Revolutions, NAPOLEON III says, IN
his Life Of CESAR, "hAve long roots in
the pas.." and it is quite certain that
their causes, and those Of social and po-
lircsI disturbances and connections and
NJ civil war. are seldom known TO the
immediate sectors and those who write
Of them o after their occurrence. The
causes not only lie hidden tOofar back In
the past for men to discover them at 8
glance: but they are always complex,
many ~concurring together for years and
some times for ages to produce the ulti-
mste explosion, which skaters an EN-
pIre or fmperializes q Republic. The causes
Of the first French revolution were little
II at all understood, until DE TOCQUE-
VILE developed them, by pourtrsying
the sbuses o. the Royal rule of the three
immediate predecessors Of LOUIS XIV,
the unfortunate victim Of abuses, op-
pressions and cruel exsctions that were
doing their work before he was born.
He is but q poor and shabby pretender
to craftsmanship, who imagines that 8
people, especially if composed Of millions
of souls, will rush into revolution and
civil war, particularly against great odds,
and endure al manner Of hardships and
privations, and face dangers Of every
kind in a terrible struggle Of years, with
out some adequate cause, or from any
continuation Of base and unworthy selfish
or wicked motives, or because they are
misled by q few srtfui and designing
men. He who thinks either must have
90 poor an opinion Of the human race IS
not TO think men, wen when intelligent
and well informed, fit TO govern them
selves and be ought to despise those Of
his own race and blood as asses, or hate
tbem as knaves. The leaders who act
upon any such hypothesis, msy hold
power for a little while; but they are
but poor pitiful charlatRns, who are not
great enough to comprehend that every
people Of the Saxon, Norman, Kettle or
Latin race, has heart that feels, and
8 soul that reflects, and a conscience that
Is not always asleep.
It is very amusing to hear and read the
spe~culatious and dogmEtie opinions OF
Northern men, soldiers and civilians, IS
70 the causes Of our late civil war. They
all begin by assuming that Secession was
q crime to be punished, or at least
that IT Is generous in them to pardon
and forgive; and ell their action and
legislation since the war ended by the
exhaustion Of the South are based upon
this radically erroneous idea. OF course
It's results are disastrous. 1t is neve 3
crime in q people 10 attempt to win is
i~Ddependenee, or TO revolt against the
governing power, whatever thatmsy be
because no people does either without an
adequate cause, nor without sufficient
reason for It, whatever the Ruler may
think Of il, and how uDjustihabie sewer
the attempt may seem TO him and his
tory amply proves that the most jushha-
be attempts have generally been the
most unsuccessful ones. The first Ameri-
can Revolution had for its Ostensible
cause the taxation Of the Colonies by q
Parliament in which they were not
reuresented. But it Is the anne thing
in effect, II 8 minority Of States are
taxed by 3 Congress in which they are
re~presented indeed, but in which the
number Of their representatives is so
small that they are utterly pOwerless TO
resist the will Of the msjority, OF even 10
make terms with them. The Colonies
had no such tyranny to complain Of as
Poland and Ireland groan under, and
their complaints and denuncistions
were exaggerated and excessive. Read
ing them st this distance OF Time,
and In the midst Of this universal
despotism under which We suffer, and OF
the grinding taxation, which paralyzss
our energies and consumes our sub
stance, they SCENT far moreimaginsFy than
reaL.-s tyranny rather theoretical than
practical. The duty upon tea, and even
the stamp act were small grievances, OF
which 70 complain 30 bitterly, and for
which to throw off allegiance. These
were not the real causes Of the revolution.
Those esuses are as little 10 be found in
the restless nature Of q few leaders, and
their ambition TO establish agovernment
Of which they could WELD the powers.
There were men, undoubtedly, who were
moved chiefly by these motives, and
others who we're hurried on only by
their passions. 1t was not the eioquence
ofOT1s, OF ADAMS or HENRY, that caused
the people TO unite in the stern deter
mination 10 be free Of British rule. IL was
not the plans and schemes Of a few bold
and s~agscious leaders that esRsed 3 whole
people 10 rise against the Grown. II was
the spirit OF Independence that soon be-
eomes hEbitual TO remote colonies whose
people are thrown upon their " re-
sources, and long manage their own mat
tiers Of internal policy, and become self
reliant and accustomed 10 self-govern-
ment; the instructive tendency Of such s
people towards q national autOeraay
and independence Of foreign rule which
Is as natural rs for the young colonies OF
bees to swarm in the spring. For ma
tions and peoples, like the animals, have
their instincts, as they have their panics,
their frenzies, and their moral epidemics.
One man viii tell US that the rebel
lion - was altogether owing to the politi-
clans OF the two sections Of the country,
who for selfish and ambitious purposes,
made it their business 10 inhame the
passions Of each and that these OF the
South we're actuated IN q great measure
by the consideration that they might
attain higher dignities in a separate Be
public. Undoubtedly the conduct and
course Of the political leaders Of the