The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1867-03-13
RALEIGH, N. G., WEDNESDAY,, MARCH 49, 1867
Gov. Pierpoint's Message.
EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,

60V. flerpOlnts McSSdSt'
EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,
RICHMOND, March 4, 1867.
To the Senate and House of Delegates Of Ha. 4
GENTLEMEN:-Id deem it my duty to call
your attention to the recent act of Congress,
entitled sAn act to provide for the more ef-
ficieht government of the rebel States"-
The last six years have made an eventful pc
rod in our history necrisis has scarcely
passed, before another of greater magnitude
has arisen During the canvass of 1860, for
President and Vice President. scarcely
press, and but few politicians, advocated the
secession of the State from the Union. In
January, 1861, the General Assembly called
Convention, which met at the capitol on
the 18th day of FeBrnary Of the same year.
A full vote of the pdslte was cast at the
election for Delegates 70 this Convention.
The subject of Union and Secession was then
distinctly before them, and two-thirds Of the
votes cast were for the Union candidates A
vast majority thus declared that they were
unalterably attached to the constitution and
the Union of their fathers. They were hap
py, with all their rights fully protected. The
declaration was made by leading newspapers
of this city, that the State should be drag
ged out" of the Union. In less than seventy
DAYS, from the assembling of the Conven-
ton, the ordinance of secession" was adop
ted, and the terrible civil war through which
we have just passed, inaugurated. From
that day to the present, my whole energies
have been devoted, in the fear of God, to do
what could for the benefit of my native
State. In no instance have suffered caprice,
resentment, or ill-will, to govern my public
action.
In June of 1865, recommended the re-
moval by the General Assembly, of the dis
qualification of voters. imposed by the State
Constitution, as then in force. This action
was dictated by two reasons: First, because
became satisfied that, in majority of the
counties of the State, there could not he
found half the requisite number of qualified
men to fill the offices necessary to administer
the laws. At least ninety per ceptum of the
taxes of the State would have been paid by
men who were disqualified from voting or
holding office, under the provisions of the
constitution. To attempt to organize and
carry on republican government, under
such circumstances was ont of the question
In the second place, was prompted to this
action by magnanimity that believed ex-
listed in the hearts of a vast majority of the
people of the Northern States, all of whom
reioiced at the termination OF the civil strife,
which had brought sorrow to so many
homes; and believed that the Southern peo-
pie had accepted the situation in good faith.
This opinion is confirmed by recurrence to
IL ~ farm,
ed by the Commanding General were con-
sidered magnanimous, and approved by the
people, and that General still retains his
popularity. Previously to the action of the
Virginia Legislature, the President COM
menced the establishment of civil govern
ments in the other Southern States, (where
he declared no State governments existed,)
upon terms even more liberal than the poll
cy adopted in Virginia. He rehabilitated
the people in those States, who had been en-
gagged in the rebellion. He also entered up
on liberal policy of granting pardons, un-
der an act of Congress, to those who had ia
ken up arms against the government of the
United States and had otherwise become IL
able to the penal laws. While these acts
were transpiring, in the summer and fall of
1865, committees from all parties in the
Northern States, and, believe, from all the
States, waited ON the President, to express
their full confidence in his patriotism and
their approval of his administration. Not a
Convention, north of Mason and Dixon's
line, met to nominate candidates for County
or State officers, but passed resolutions COM
mandatory of President johnson and his
policy. These resolutions, with the eulogies
of the press of both political parties, form
ed part of the political literature of that
summer and fall. On the assembling of the
present Congress, a joint committee of both
Houses was appointed, to whom all ques-
tions in regard to reconstruction were refer
red. That committee continued its investi
cations for seven months; which resulted in
the proposition to add the proposed four
teenth article to the Constitution of the Uni
ted States; and the section of the act of
Congress under which the President was
granting pardon, was not repealed for thir
teen months after Congress had it in its pow
er to stop these pardons by a repeal of the
law.
Shortly after pardons and amnesty began
to be freely granted by the President, the
Southern press assumed bold, defiant, Bit
ter and vindictive tone: Memorial associa-
tions and various other movements were in
augurated, which afforded opportunities for
infiammatory lectures, orations and essays,
all calculated to stir up and keep alive in
the memory of the people of the State, ha-
tired of the people of the Northern States
and the government of the United States.-
The most Objectionable parts OF these per-
formances have been circulated through the
Northern press. Some of our legislation has
not been of the most fortunate character to
produce good impression. Two freedmen
have fallen by the hand of violence and the
offence was scarcely noticed by the officers
OF the law. 80
The proposed amendment, as the 14th ar
ticle of the Constitution of the United
States, was submitted to the Southern States
for their adoption or rejection. Tennessee
adopted it; each of the Others almost unan-.
imously rejected it. All these acts impressed
Congress with the idea that the situation was
not accepted by the Southern people in good
faith; and it is now proposed to Introduce
new element in the governing power of the
State in the hope of remedying the evil
The terms in this amendment to the Consti
tuition proposed, were considered in Europe
and in this country, the most magnanimous
offer, to people situated as ours were, re-
corded in history. l SO considered it when
I addressed to you my annual messageat the
commencement of your present session.
then said: ''The conditions are not nearly so
hard as they might be. The person of the
citizen is safe; bis property is not threaten
ed by coniscation; it is not proposed to ad-
minister our laws by strangers; the power
over the question of suffrage is left with the
States 4 i = = Eur the sake of securing