The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1867-03-05

Hon. REyERDY JOHNs0N's SPEECH-HIs
REASONS FOR VoTrNG FOR THE SHERMAN
rlL.-Mr. johnson said:
NY motives, if know myself, were per-
frctly pure and patriotic. / saw before
me distracted and almost bleeding coun-
t-y. thought l saw, and l think see
now, the means by which il might be re-
stored to a healthful condition, and the in
stitutions of the country in the end pre-
served. have arrived at that period of
nv life when, if ever any other ambition
animated me, / can have no other ambi
tion now than that of serving my country.
Having referred to views he had previ-
ously expressed on the question of recon-
s,ruCtion, contending that when the war
ceased the States were restored to their
former relations, and that no conditions
for their representation were requisite or
constitutional, Mr.. Johnson said that the
present and late Executive thought differ
emily. Ii was unnecessary for him TO say
what were the conditions eXacted by the
present Executive. They were, in his
Mr. JohnSOn's) Judgment, as unconStitu-
ional as any that could be found in this
ill. The Congress of the United States
5cre of opinion that, Notwithstanding the
sople of the southern States complied
nth the terms eXacted by the present
.uief Magistrate, they could not be re-
sored without the sanction of congress
.yual legislation; aud this was the judy
aent OF the country. Then, how were
4cy 10 come back Only by complying
with the conditions which Congress may
impose, whether Congress had the autho-
r.ty 10 impose them or not b; or, failing to
comply, to remain in the sad condition in
which they now are. He Mr.. Johnsonl
imputed bad motives neither to Congress
nor to the Executive. He thought he
knew his duty to the institutions Of the
country too well to call in question the mo-
tives Of either. He accorded purity OF
purpose and patriotic principles to both.
He differed from both. But he sought the
restoration Of the Union, and he saw no
way of accomplishing it now but by the
adoption of the measure now before the
senate. We are now, in my opinion, in a
tate of quasi war. Our condition is revo-
utionary. Ten States of the Union are
.lrtually held as provinces, upon the
round that We have a right TO hold them
Is enemies of the Union and the Govern
1ent. In that state of things, 10 hesitate
the adoption of any measure which pro-
misses, even the most distantly, to put an
end TO this revolutionary condition Is, In
nv Judgment, to be false to the true inte-
rests and safety of the country.
In conclusion, Mr.. Johnson said he was
glad to see from the public prints of the
South, and TO be informed by many lead
ing men of the South, that it was the pur-
pose of the southern States to organize
under this bill. They were taking lessons
from experience. The constitutional
amendment, if it had been adopted, would
have brought into this chamber and the
other chamber representatives from the
South. OF that have no doubt. Now 1t
will not. The bill which we passed, and
which was afterward amended in the
House, would have accomplished the same
purpose upon terms less exacting than the
one now before the Senate. 1t was amend
ed, and the amendment is the most obnox-
ious feature of the bill. The Senate passed
it, and voted for it. Why? Because l
thought KNEW thought l had satisfac-
toriy ascertained-that, this failing, a
measure of more rigid character, mea-
sure founded upon the idea that the peo-
pie Of the South were conquered enemies,
their property liable to forfeiture, would
have been enacted.