Prescott journal. [volume] (Prescott, Wis.) 1861-1871, 1867-03-30
The Result.


The execution of the Reconstruction
bill was regarded as a test of the Presi
dents disposition. It was felt that il
he promptly executed it in its own spirit
the public mind would be softened. II
he evaded IL, or was satisfied with q
nero technical execution, the desire Of
his removal would greatly stimulate the
friends of impeachment. 1t is fair to
say that his course has been wise. Upon
consultation with Gen. Grant he has
appointed Military District Commander:
whose experience and sympathy with
the national purpose there can be no
question. 1t was supposed that the pres
ident might name certain officers like
Generals Granger and Cnster, who have
been most unpleasahtly identified with
his policy; but the selection of Thomas,
Sheridan, Schofeld, Sickles, and Ord,
is a sincere Difference to public opinion.
They are men who will execute faithfully
the provisions of the bill.
Congress has been engaged in remov-
ing the difficulty which we suggested
upon the passage of the bill-i.s failure
TO define precisely the method of its own
execution. The Senate Supplementary
bill provides that before tho list of Sep.
TENDER, 1867, the military commanders
shall register all voters qualified by the
act. There shall then be an election to
determine If n Constitutional Convention
shall be held. At this election major
ity of the registered electors must vote;
and if majority of these voting declare
for a Convention, it shall be held agreea-
bly to the act. The Convention, having
adopted Constitution. must submit it
to the people for n ratification; and If
a majority of the registered voters of
the State approve it, the President of
the Convention must forward q copy to
the President of the United States. who
must Immediately lay it before Congress.
Ii Congress approves it, the State will
resume its representation in Congress.
Thus tho great principle is definitely
settled that State which rises in rebel
lion against the Union can be restored
to Its position in the Union only upon
such conditions as the loyal people in
Congress shall determine. That is the
obvious common-sense Of she situation,
while the theory of the continuous right
Of States, as expounded by Alexander
FL. Stevens, and held by the Democratic
party, is rejected as no less foolish and
untenable rs the old Democratic sophis-
tries of State sovereignty and the doc
trine that the Constitution was a consti-
tional compact instead of national
bond.
The result shows tho superiority of
the general popular instinct to technical
ehicanery. Ever since the surrender Of
the rebel armies the country has been
confronted with sophistical syllogism,
which the President has repeated in
every form, and which the Secretary Of
State has gravely offered as a great
political truth. The syllogisrn was this
The war was for the Union; the Union
has been maintained; therefore every
State is equal with every other State.
Now politics are extremely practical.
A nation which has spent three thous-
and millions of dollars and countless
precious lives in n furious war of four
years to maintain its existence will hardly
surrender at the summons of syllogism
The reply which the country made to
the President, tho Secretary Of State,
the Democratic party, and the late reb-
els, was very simple. 1t was this: We
had fought to maintain the Union; we
have succeeded; therefore we shall do
what is necessary 10 secure the Union
from a similar peril hereafter.
This was the meaning of the elections
and of the Reconstruction bill. The
difference between the President and his
supporters on the one side, and the loyal
American people upon the other, is just
the first see in the result the destruction
of the Constitution, and the end of civil
liberty; tho second see in it the salvation
of the Constitution and the beginning Of
civil liberty.-Harper's Weekly.