Gold Hill daily news. [volume] (Gold Hill, N.T. [Nev.]) 1863-1882, 1867-02-15

States, to attempt to NEEDLE with. !
submit these thoughts to you for your
calm reflection. We at the South DO
think African slavery as it exists with
us, both morally and politically right.
This opinion is founded upon the inferi-
ority Of the black race. You, however,
and perhaps a majority Of the North,
think it wrong. Admit the difference
of opinion. The same difference OF
opinion existed to a more general extent
among those who formed the Constitu-
ton, when it was made and adopted.
The changes have been mainly on our
side. As parties were not formed on
this difference Of opinion then, why
should they be now? The same differ
ence would Of course exist in the sup
posed case of religion. ln EEH-
When parties or combinations of men,
therefore, so form themselves, must it
not be assumed to arise, not from rea-
son or any sense Of justice, but from ia
naticism? The motive can spring from
no other source, and when men come
under the influence of fanaticism, there
is no telling where their impulses or
passions may drive them. This is what
creates our discomfort and apprehen-
sion. You will also allow me to say
that it is neither unnatural nor unreal
sonable, especially when we see the ex-
tent to which this reckless spirit has
already gone. Such, for instance, as
the avowed disregard and breach of the
Constitution, in the passage Of the stat
utes in a number of the Northern States
against the rendition of fugitives from
service, and such exhibitions of mad
ness as the John Brown raid into Vir-
ginia, which has received SO much sym
pathy from many, and no open condcm-
nation from any Of the leading men of
the present dominant party. For a very
clear statement of the prevailing senti-
ment Of the most moderate men of the
South upon them, I refer you to the
essee, which l enclose to you. Upon a
review of the whole, who can say that
the general discomfort and apprehension
prevailing is not we'll founded2
In addressing you thus, | would have
you understand me as being not q per-
sonal enemy, but rs one who would
have you do what you can to ave our
common country. A word "itly spo-
ken" by you now would indeed be ''like
apples of gold in pictures Of silver" l
entreat you be not deceived as to the
nature and extent of the danger, or as
to the remedy. Cancellation and har-
mony, in my judgment, n never be
established by force. MOI can the Union,
under the Constitution, be maintained
by force. The Union was formed by
| the consent of independent sovereign
States. Ultimate sovereignty still re-
sides with them separately, which can
be resumed, and will be if their safety,
tranquility and security, in their judg-
ment, require it. Under our system, as
| view it, there is no rightful power in
the General Government to coerce a
State in case any n Of them should
throw herself upon her reserved rights,
and resume the full exercise OF her SOW
ereign powers. Force may perpetuate a
Union. That depends upon the c~ontin-
gencies of war. But such a Union
would not be the Union of the Consti-
tuition. 1t would be nothing short of a
consolidated despotism. Excuse me for
giving you these views. Excuse the
strong language used. Nothing but the
deep interest | feel in prospect Of the
most alarming dangers nov threatening
our common country, could induce me
to do it. Consider we'll what / write,
and lei it have such weight with you as,
in your judgment, under all the respon-
sibility resting upon you, it merits.
Yours respectfully,
ALEXANDER Fl. STEVENS.
To Hon. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Spring
field, III.