The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1867-03-13

events are-First, the selection of dele
gates to State Convention by an cleo
ton atswhich negroes shall be allowed
to vote. Second, the formation ola
State Constitution by the Convention
so chosen. Third, the insertion into the
State Constitution of a provision which
will secure the right of voting at all
elections to negroes, and to such white
men as may not be DISTINGUISHED for re-
bellion or felony. Fourth, the submits.
sion of the Constitution for ratification
to negroes and white men not distran-
chised. and its actual ratification by
their vote. Fifth, the submission OF the
State Constitution to Congress for ex-
animation and approval; and the actual
approval oft by that body. Sixth, the
adoption of certain amendment to the
Federal Constitution bya vote OF the
Legislature elected under the new Con-
stitution. Seventh, the adoption of said
amendment by sufficient number OF
other States to make it a part OF the
Constitution of the United States. All
these conditions must be fulfilled before
the people of any ofthese States can be
relieved from the bondage of military
domination 4; but when they are fulfill.
ed, then Immediately the pains and
penalties of the bill are to cease, no
matter whether there be peace and or
der or not, and without any. reference
to the security of life or property. The
excuse given for the bill in the pream-
BILE is admitted by the bill itself not to
be real. The military rule which it es-
tablishes is plainly to be used-not for
any purpose of order or for the preven-
ton of crime, but solely as a means of
coercing the people into the adoption
of principles and measures to which it
is known that they are opposed, and
upon which they have an undeniable
right to exercise their own judge
ment.
I submit to Congress whether this
measure is not, in its whole character,
scope and object, without precedent and
without authority, in palpable conflict
with the plainest provisions of the Con-
stitution, and utterly destructive to
those great principles of liberty and hui
mainly for which our ancestors on both
sides of the Atlantic have shed so
much blood and expended so much
treasures @ tss l
The ten States named in the bill are
divided into five districts. For each
district an officer of the army, not be-
low the rank of brigadier-general, is to
be appointed to rule over the people !;
and he is to be supported with an eff
cient military force to enable him to
perform his duties and enforce his au-
thority. Those duties and that author
ity, defined by the third section of the
bill, are g to protect all persons in their
rights of person and property, to sup
press Instruction, disorder and violence,
and to punish, or cause to be punished,
all disturbers of the public peace or
criminals" The power thus given TO
the commanding officer over all the
people of each district is that of an alb
solute monarch. His mere will is to
take the place of all law. The law of
the States is now the only rule applica-
BILE to the subjects placed under his con-
trol, and that is completely displaced
by the clause which declares all inter-
ference of State authority to be null
and void. He alone is permitted to de-
termine what are rights of person or
property, and he may protect them in
such way as in his discretion may seem
proper. 1t places at his free disposal
all the lands and goods in his district,
and he may distribute them without let
or hindrance to whom he pleases. Be-
ing bound by no State law, and there
being no other law to regulate the sub
ject, he may make criminal code OF
his own; and he can make it as bloody
as any recorded in history, or he can
reserve the privilege of acting upon the
impulse of his private passions in each
case that arises. He is bound by no
rules of evidence there is, indeed, no
provision by which he is authorized OF
required to take any evidence at all.
Everything is crime which he choos-
es to call SO, and all persons are con-
demned whom he pronounces to be gull
ty. He is not bound to keep any rec
ord, or make any report of his proceed
ings. He may arrest his victims where
ever he finds them without warrant
accusation or proof of probable cause
1t he gives them trial before he inficts
the punishment he gives it of his grace
and mercy, not because he is command
ed so to do.
To a casual reader of the bill, it might
seem that some kind of trial was secur
ed by it to persons accused of crime
but such is not the case. The Officer
may allow local civil tribunals to try
Offenders" but of course this does uot
require that he shall do so. IF any
State or Federal court presumes to ex
ercise its legal jurisdiction by The tria
OF a malefactor without his special per
mission, he can break it up and punish
the judges and jurors as being them
selves malefactors. He can save hi
friends from justice and despoil his enc
mics contrary to justice.
| 1t is also provided that che shall
have power to organize military com
missions or tribunals )" but this powe
he is not commanded to exercise. 1t i
merely permissive, and is to be uset
only " when in his judgment, it MAJ
be necessary for the trial of offenders.
Even if the sentence of a commission
were made prerequisite to the pun
ishment ola party, it would be scarce
ly the slightest check upon the officer
who has authority to organize it as h