The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1867-02-15
Ashley and tn. prosre.s OF I-pe.chne.t.


Ashley and the Progress Of Inpeschneaf.
According to our advices from Washington
Ashley and his colleagues have by no means
managed the preliminaries for the impsach-
ment of President Johnson in the wisest way.
So far they seem to have evinced neither skill
nor knowledge in working up" the case. On
the contrary they have resorted, we under
stand, to expedients Of more than doubtful
propriety. II, as it is alleged, they nave
selected the notorious detective Baker IS their
chief agent, and charged him specially with
hunting up private material for accusations
against the President, we shall be warranted
In suggesting that they might find still more
convenient tool for their purposes In SANFORD
Conover, who convicted himself OF perjury,
and whose case is now up before the Supreme
Court, In the Judiciary Committee conspiracy
80 fully exposed by the HERALD. Conover
could IS readily fabricate any amount Of false
testimony required against Andy johnson IS
against Jef Davis when the latter was charged
with completely in the. assassination Of Abraham
Lincoln. Conover might swear to attested
copies Of the letters which it is said that Ashley
and his friends have insinuated were written
during the rebellion by Mr.. johnson to Mr..
Davis. Conover might even write the original
letters himself If Mr.. Ashley preferred these to
copies. The fact is that all this is . miserably
small way of attaining the object proposed.
An entire collection of the private letters
written by Mr.. johnson before he became the
occupant of the White House would be utterly
immaterial and irrelevant. The real grounds
for impeachment must rest solely on the public
conduct of Mr.. johnson as the successor OF
President Lincoln.
, We have contended and we still contend
that the assumption Of legislative powers by
the President OF the United States forms sufi-
cient basis tor impeachment President john
son possessed no more authority to reconstruct
the South according to plan Of his own in
vention, to dictate terms Of restoration to the
seeded States, to appoint Governors, or,
briefly, in any other way to usurp the func-
tons OF Congress in the work Of reviving the
Union, than he has now to admit Colorado and
Nebraska without the consent Of Congress.
General Dix, in his speech at the opening Of
the National Union Convention at Philadel-
phia, acknowledged that in calling on the Con-
federated States to accept certain conditions
for their readmission as members of the Union
the President had acted anot in pursuance Of
any constitutional powers" If the President
himself had acknowledged this when Congress
reassembled, and If he had gracefully yielded
to It's opposition to his illegal if well intended
attempts 1t reconstruction, he would have
exhibited more tact and less obstinacy. He
would have spared himself and the country the
disagreeable and dangerous complications
which ensued and are still impending. he
might have seized an early opportunity to o.
cape from the consequences Of his mistaken
action. Even now II is not too late for him to
recognize his error and to find happy issue
ont Of his difficulties. Why should he bliEdly
dash his head against the threatening wall Of
impeachment! Why mot open his eyes to the
actual situation and master II by heroic states
manshipi A few rapid and vigorous flank
movements might then surprise, discomfort and
annihilats oil such pitiful opponents as Ashley
and his confsderates will appear to be II they
persist In the undetermined intrigues attributed
to them. IT. On the other hand, the President
obstinately persists In opposing the national
win - represented in Congress, and II he
usurps Legislative powers, he must, as the
constitution provides, be impeached. and, on
conviction, removed. And II Ashley, with the
help Of Baker or Conover, mismanages the pre-
liminaries Of impeachment, let him be set aside
for some ono who knows how to act in . more
discreet and dignined manner.