New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1867-01-08
THE DISTRICT SUFFRAGE VETO.

No thoughtful observer can uOuDU uldt tlo
general current of human affairs sets strongly
toward Democracy, or the further diffusion ana
distribution of political power. However
strongly we may deprecate this-as many no.
toriously and openly do deprecate tive know
no one who disputes the fact. The reestaD-
lishment of Universal Suffrage in France by
the blood-stained usuper who last seized her
by the throat-its employment to sanction the
transfer, first of Savoy to France then OF
Venetia and the QuadrilateTal to ltaiy-tbe
Difference just shown to it by the arstocrauc
despot Bismarck--all these, and many more
such, combine to prove that the People must and
will vote on public questions vitality affecting
their rights and their general well-being. We
must destroy our steam printing presses, pull
down our telegraph wires, and tear up our
railroads, il this unniistakable tendency OF the
age is to be resisted
"No Taxation without Representation is the
war-cry under which the President and his
supporters demand speedy recognition by
Congress of the right of the States lately Ill
rebellion to self government and participation
in the National councils. And they are night as
TO the principle if not as to It's application.
In a Republic, those who uphold the State must
have voice in its government. Any exception
to this rule is anomalous, and must, in the ma
ture of things be temporary. 1.-The stars IN
"their courses beam a smile of approval on
every effort to establish governments for the
people by the people"
President johnson processes to he Demo-
crat. He has been made an Alderman, Mayor,
ga Legislator Member of Congress, Governor,
"U. S. Senator, ViceP President, and President
by virtue of such cheap and profitable pro-
LESSONS. Yet, when brought 10 the test, 1t
seems that his notion Of the people contemplates
only those already entrdnchised. "The people,
of the District, he frequently rciterates, are
opposed 10 sharing their Right Of Suffrage with
negroes That is to say: Those who now mo-
nopolize political power in the Federal District
would like to retain their monopoly OF course
they would: did any possessors Of a monopoly
ever choose to give it up or share it with others
If the Presidents logic be sound, then farewell
TO hope of future political moderation No aris-
tocracy ever yet surrendered its exclusive priv
ileges because it was weary of enjoying them.
If the President reasons well, then John Bright
6, Co. are pestilent demagogues; for " the peo-
ple' who now vote in Great Britain do not
want any extension of the franchise They are
perfectly willing to "let well alone" If Mr..
! Johnson is open TO new engagement the
! hard-up British Tory Ministry now desperately
clinging to their places would doubtless pay
Iberay Even though no reason could be
imagined for resisting further Reform, they
would like a champion Of hoary abuses who
can persistently talk, even though he says
nothing.
There are 100000 Whites and $4,000 Blacks,
| says Mr.. johnson, in the Federal District. The
former now enjoy monopoly of political
power, which most of them would gladly retain
indefinitely. A minority of these, with all the
10000, demand Impartial Suffrage. Congress
accedes to; the President repels the demand.
Read him carefully, and Judge if there might
not be made better argument against the
Golden Rule itself.
Mr. Johnson thinks the District Blacks ought
not to vote, because there are so many of them,
and likely to be more. These seem to us to
be reasons why they should vote If they were
but handful and fast dying out, it might DO
plausibly urged that their voting or not voting
was matter Of no moment.
Mr.. johnson fears that still more negroes
will come into the District if their race is
there enfranchised This is capital reason
for establishing Impartial Suffrage throughout
the land by Constitutional Amendment Then
"niggers" would not be induced to crowd into
the District in order to enjoy the Right of Suf-
frage. Thank you, Mr.. President
Congress may, he thinks, be led on to grant
ing titles of nobility, and cutting up all con
ceivable didoes, if they shall be allowed to
enfranchise the Blacks That is to say: if
allowed to do right, they may be led
on to do wrong! Very good when they do,
let us pitch into them. But it would be rather
hard to forbid q boy to breathe, since, were he
allowed to breathe he might possibly swear.
The President suggests that if the Blacks
are authorized to vote in the District, the peo-
pie may fancy that they are to be cnfranclised
in the States as well! "Jess So" We trust
| they may.
The President suggests that authorizing the
Blacks to vote is likely to "engender feeling
"of opposition and hatred between the two
traces" Hatred by whom? We 90 bail for the
Blacks that they will not thus misbehave be-
cause they are enfranchised. VIII the Whites
If they will, that fact affords an argument, not
against enfranchising the Blacks but in favor
of DISTINGUISHING the Whites. But we will not
tamely submit to such groundless aspersions
on the good sense and decency of our race.
Mr. Johnson, being White himself, ought not
thus to defame his hnsmen. True, there are
mean Whites but most of us know how to
behave at an election. AS to those who do MT,
they must be impressively taught. We can't
afford to have them disgracing themselves and
us eternally. -
But "the ballot-box," says the President,