Indiana American. [volume] (Brookville, Ind.) 1865-1872, 1867-12-13


dsrsd eus and charged socsrdinxly. s.. -
hearing II Is not wonderful that ofhcisl
mslieasance should become bold Ia pre-
portion as the deif~queuts learn to think
themselves safe. .5fr-ea's docs
am entirely persuaded that under
such rule. the President cannot perform
the great duty assigned TO him u seeisg
the laws faithfully executed, aud thst'it
disabies him most especially from enforce
ing that rigid accountability which isBscl
essary TO the due execution Of the revenue
laws. The Constitution invests the fsrss-
I ident with suihvrity TO decide whether
removal shall be made ia any given case.
The act of Congress declares 40 rabst. nee,
that he shall only accuse such as he sup
poses 10 De sswartisy OF their Trust. The
Constitution makes him the sole jsdge IN
the premises, bat the statute takes uxsy
his jurisdiction, transfers it 10 the SENATE.
aud leaves him nothing but the odious
and sometimes iElpsacticabie duty Of be-
coming prosecutor. The prosecution Il
to be conducted tVr nsbunsl whose
meplbers sie hot, like him. iespohsibsets
the whole people, but 10 separates csss-
stituent bodies. snd who may hear bis sc-
eusatioB with great disisvor fhe Senate
is absolutely without any kn0wu STANDARD
Of decision applicable 10 such scase. Its
judgment cannot be anticipated, for il is
rot governed oy any rule. he law does
not define what shall be deemed good
cause for renewal. Ii is impossible even.
to conjecture what may or may not be so
considered by the Senate. The nature Of
the subject iortIds clear proof If the
charge be iBespscity, what evidence will
support it2 Fidelity to the Constitution
may be understood or mis- understood in q
Thousand different WAYS, aud By vioieut
party men in violent party times, unfsith-i
fulncss TO the CONSTITUTION may even come
to be considered nieriIvrivus. Ii an off,
Ger be accused of dishonesty, how shall IL
be made outl Will il be inferred from
acts unconnectej with public duty, from
private history, or fron general reputs-s
ton, or must the : President await the
commission of an actual misdemeanor in
office? Shall he In the meantime risk the
character and interest OF me nation in, the
hands OF mep. to whom ne cannot give. his,
conhdence? Must he iorbear has .epm-i
plant until the mischief Is done. and ca n
not be prevented? If his zeal in the publ
lie service should cumpel him 10 anticipate
an overt act, must be move atthe peril of.
being tried himself for the offense of.
slandering his subordinate? 10 the pres-.
ent circumstances of, the country, some
one must be held responsible for. .thcial
delinquency Of every kind. 1t is ex-
tremely difficult to say where that respon-
sibility should be thrown if it be not left {,
where it has been placed by the Copsti-
tuition. But all just men win admit that
the President ought to be entirely reliev-
ed from such responsibility if he cannot
meet it by reason Of restrictions placed
by law upon his actious. Unrestricted
power of removal from ofbce is very
great one to be trusted e,eu to q magis- !
trate chosen by general suffrage Of the
whole people, and accountable directly to
them for his acts. 1t is undoubtedly liza.
bic to abuse, aud at some periods Of our !
history, perhaps, has been abused: -.
If it be thought desirable aud consiitu-.
tional that it should be SO limited as to
make the President merely u common in
former against other public sgents, be
should, at least, be permitted TO act IN that
capacity before some open tribunal, inde- :
pendent Of party politics, ready to ipvesti-
gate the merits VI every case unfinished,
with the means Of takiug the evidence,
and bound to decide according to an esisb-
lished rule. This would guarantee the
safety of fhe accuser, when he acts in
good faith, and atthe same time secure
the rights of the other party. Ispeak, OF
course, with all proper respect for the
present Senate; but it does not seem TO me
that any legislative body can be SO con-
structed ss to insure ats fitness for theke
functions. a.. ,,a sd -t'h h3'4 =
Ii is tie theory Of this Government that
public offices are ,he property Of those
who hold them. They are given merely
as a trust for the pubic benefit, sometimes
for fixed period, sometimes during good
behavior, bus generally they are liable TO-
be terminated at the pleasure OF the sp-'
pointing power, which represents toiIes--i
tive will anu speaks Tor tile people.
Forced reter tioa an office of a Single dis-i
honest person msy work great lnjury TO
public interests. Danger topubIic service
comes not from power To remove, but from
power to appoint. Therefore 1t Was that
the framers vi the Constitution left the
power of removal UNRESTRICTED while they
gave the Seuate the right to rej-cs all ap.
pointmenis, which, ia its opinion, wefe
not ft to be mado.i ef1 +, fj, ife5 s.ti FL
A liule r,hecrion on the subject will
probably satisfy all, who have the goodoof
the couairy At heart, that our bet course
is TO take the Constitution tvr our guide,
walk ia tine path tDarked qua BY the found.
crs oil the Republic, and obey the rules
made sacred by the observance of our great
predecessors. fstl tti 1"
THR FIxAScEs -
The present coudftlon OF our finances
aud circulating n,edidm is one which your
early consideration Is invited 20. The pro-
por;ieu Which the currency vi any eoun4
try should bear 10 the whole value Of
annual produce circulated by It's means, is
u question upon which political eeono-
mists have not agreed; Uor eau it beo con-
trolled by Legislation, but it must lie .leIt
to the laws which everywhere regulate
commerce aud trade. The circulating
medium will ever aow 10 tliese poinfs
" here il is p'greaicst demand 9he law
Of demand and supply Is a. unerfing a.
that which rcy alascs the tides ofthe cesn;
and indeed curtcucy like the tides has