Nashville union and dispatch. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1866-1868, 1867-01-08
rrtEpREsInENT,s YEra.

irict Of Columbia, passed by the Senate on
the 18th of December, and by the House Of
Representatives the succeeding day. 1t was
presented for my approval on the 18th ult,
six days after the adjournment Of Congress,
and is now returned, with nv objection, to
the Senate, in which house il first origin
ated. Measures having been introduced At
the commencement of the first session OF
the present Congress for the extension of
the elective franchise to persons Of
color in the District Of Columbia, and steps
were taken by the corporate authorities Of
Washington and Georgetown to ascertain
and make known the opinion Of the people
ot the two cities on a subject 50 immedi-
ately affecting their welfare. As a COM
munity, the question was submitted to the
people, and q special election was held De-
cember 1865, when the qualified voters of
Washington and Georgetown, with great
unanimity Of sentiment, expressed them
selves opposed to the contemplated legis-
lation. In Washington, of a vote of E, $50,
the largest, with but two exceptions, ever
polled in that city, only thirty-fve bal
lots were cast for negro suffrage. while in
Georgetown, in one aggregate of eight
hundred and nineteen votes, the number is
considerably in excess Of the average vote at
preceding annual elections, but was
given in favor of the proposed extension of
the elective franchise. As those elections
seem to have been conducted with entire
fairness the result must be accepted as a
truthful expression Of the people of the
District on the question. Possessing the
same popular rights, rs an organized COM
munity, as the inhabitants of State or
territory, to make known their will on
matters which affect their political condi-
ton, they could have selected no more ap-
propriate mode Of memorializing Congress
upon the subject Of this bill than through
the suffrage Of their qualified voters. En-
tirely disregarging the wishes of the peo-
pie of the District of Columbia, Congress
has denied the right and expedient to pass
| the measure now submitted for my sigma
ture, it therefore becomes the duty of the
! Executive, standing between the legislation
Of the one and the will Of the other fairly
| expressed, to determine whether he should
approve the bill, and thus aid in placing
upon the statute books of the nation a law
against which the people to whom it is to
| apply have sOlemnly and with such
unanimity protested, or whether he
should return it with his objections in
| the hope that upon reconsideration, Con-
gress acting as representatives of in
habitants oftheseat,of the government, will
permit them to regulate a purely local
question, as to them may seem best suited
to their interests and condition. The Dis
triCt of Columbia was coded to us by Mary
land and Virginia, in order that it might
become permanent seat Of the government
of the United States, and was accepted by
Congress it at once became subject to eX'
elusive legislation, for which provision Is
! made in the Federal constitution. 1t should
be borne in mind however, that in exerCis,
ing its functions rs the law-making power
ofthe District of Columbia, the authority Of
national legislation is not without limit
but that Congress is bound to observe the
letter and spirit Of the constitution as well
in the enactment of local laws for the seat
! of government a. in legislation in common
to entire Union. Were il TO be admitted
that the right to exercise exclusive legisla-
ton, in all cases whatsoever, conferred upon
Congress unlimited power within the Dis
trict Of Columbia, titles Of nobility might
be granted within the United States
boundaries; laws might be made respect
ing an establishment of religion OF
prohibiting the free exercise thereof, on
abridge the freedom of speech or of the
press, or the right of the people peaceaDIy
to assemble and petition the government
for a redress of their grievances A des
potism would thus reign at the seat Of gov,
eminent of a free republic, and as a place
Of permanent residence it would be avoid
ed by all who prefer the blessings Of liberty
TO the mere emoluments of official position
1t should also be remembered that in legis-
lating for the District of Columbia, under
the Federal constitution, the relation OF
Congress TO its inhabitants is analogous ia
that of 4 Legislature to the people OF a
State under their local constitution.
1t does not, therefore, seem TO he asking
too much that, in matters pertaining to the
District, Congress should have a like
respect for the will and interests of its in
habitants "a is entertained by a State Legis-
latUre for the wishes and prosperity of those
for whom they legislate The spirit Of our
constitution and the genius Of our govern
ment require that in regard to any law
which is to affect and have permanent
bearing upon a people their will should
exert at least reasonable influence upon
those who are acting in the capacity of
their legislators. Would the Legislature Of
New York, or Of Pennsylvania, or of In
diana, or of any State in the Union, in
opposition 10 the expressed will of large
majority of the people whom they were
chosen to represent, arbitrarily force upon
them as voters all persons Of the African
or negro race, and make them eligible to
office, without any other qualification
than a certain term of residence within
the State? In neither of these States
would the colored population, when acting
together, be able to produce any great
social or political result. Yet, in New
York, before he can vote, the man Of color
must fulfill conditions that are not required
of white citizens. In Pennsylvania the
elective franchise is restricted TO white
freemen; while in Indiana negroes and
mulattoes are expressly excluded from the
right of suffrage.
1t hardly seems consistent with the prin-
ciples of right and Justice that the Repre-
sentatives of States whose suffrage is either
denied to the colored man, or granted to
him on qualifications requiring intelli-
gence or property, should compel the
people of the District of Columbia
to try an experiment which their
own constituents have thus far shown an
unwillingness TO test for themselves, nor
docs il accord with our republican ideas,
and its principles Of self government
should not lose its force when applied to
residents Of the District merely because
fhaft. Ior.Sr1,fF,rz NOT 4tCgo
responsible through the ballot box to the
people, for whom they are the law-making
power. The great object Of placing the
seat Of government under the exclusive
legislation Of Congress was 10 secure the
entire independence of the general govern
ment from under State influence. and TO
enable it 10 discharge without danger of
interruption or Infringement of Its authoFi
ty, the high functions for which it was
created by the people. For this important
purpose il was ceeded 10 the United States
bv Maryland and Virginia, and certainly it
never could have been contemplated as one
of the objects to be attained, by placing II
under the exclusive jurisdiction Of Con
gress, that it would afford 10 propagandist5
OF political parties place for an expert
mental test of their principles; and thus
while indeed the residents of the seat OF
government are not citizens of any State,
and are not therefore allowed voice in the
electoral college and representation in the
councils Of the nation, they are nevertheless
American citizens, and entitled a. such to
every guarantee Of the constitution, to
every benefit Of the laws. and 10 every
night which pertains to the citizens Of our
common country in al matters then affect
ing there domestic affairs. The spirit Of
our Democratic form of government, de-
mands that their wishes should be consult
ed and respected, and they ought to feel