The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-01-28
President JOhnsOn's Reliance Upon tn e
Southern States.

knowledge that 1T is needed.
President JOhnsOn's Reliance Upon the
Southern states.
From the Herald.
We have the information from Washington
that the President adheres strictly to his policy
that he does not intend TO give way-that
while he expects nothing but opposition from
Congress, he looks to the South to sustain him
in his position against the unconstitutionality
of the reconstruction acts and movements of
the two houses, and that as there is no desire
for a compromise on either side, except among
the impotcnt few without influence or skin,
the opinion begins TO prevail that the shortest
road to a settlement lies in the HerdlFs plan of
pushing through the work of this great revolu-
ton, even to Mr.. Johnson's impeachment aud
removal from office.
The most important fact in this statement OF
the situation Is the Presidents reliance upon
the Southern States. In the Washington CORES
pondence of a Charleston paper (January l2)
upon this point, it is said thai political and
intimate friend for many years of President
Johnson had a long and confidential interview
with MIN some days ago, during which the
President satisfied said friend that "even in the
| matter of recognizing the present rump Con-
! gress, which did not think he would, there
! were ample reasons to justify his course;" and
| that "IeXan, not one OF the delegation, who
saw the President the day before yesterday,
tidence in his hrmness;" and yet again, that 'it
is pretty certain that the Supreme Court will
soon decide that test oaths are unconstitu-
| tionalr-(the decision has since been pro-
claimed) land that, further the same court Will,
IN the Alabama case-(taXes not paid on the
ground that the State was Ia a Territorial con-
itlon)-decide that States are States, not Ter
| ritOries. From this testimony 1t appears that
! while the President relies upon the Southern
States for the success of his policy, those States
rely upon the President TO restore them to both
houses of Congress, in spite of all that Congress
! has done or may do 10 keep them out
How is this thing to be done? The President,
| il is broadly intimated, cOntemplates a new eX-
! pertinent South Carolina, for instance, is to be
! persuaded to try the impartial suffrage of Massa
| Chusetts, to whites and blacks alike, of a read
ing and writing qualification, and is thus to
elect Legislature and loyal members OF Con-
| oress. The President is then to extend to the
| Rebels of South Carolina a general amnesty.
| The members thus elected to Congress are next
to apply for admission, and Congress, it is
thought, will not dare to reject them. All this
I programme proceeds however, upon Mr.. john
sons theory that South Carolina, under his
/ legislative authority, and without the consent
OF Congress, is really restored TO her rights as
loyal member of the Union: and 1t is just here
! that the shoe plnches. The real issue between
him and Congress is q question of right and
| power. Has he or has Congress the right and
the power under the Constitution to reorganize
a State destroyed or suspended in its functions
as a State by rebellion against the Constitution
| and the Union Clearly the right and the power
are with Congress. Mr Johnson so stated the
case in 1865 to some OF his Provisional Cover
nOrs, for the information OF all, in prOclaming
that all his proceedings in the reorganization of
the Rebel States in tne absence OF any express
authority from Congress, were merely proVi.
sional and subject to the approval or rejection
of Congress.
Had Mr. johnson held fast to this sound doc
trine, all would have turned out Well between
him and Congress. The pending Constitutional
amendment, instead of being Indignantly re-
! jected, would have been gratefully accepted by
all the Rebel States. In dvergng to this other
doctrine that the legislative powers of the gene
raj Government over the States and Territories
belong to the Executive, and not to Congress,
he committed grievOus blunder. In appealing
from Congress 10 the people on this ISSUE and
in then disregarding the popular verdict, he
still further weakened himself and strengthened
the cause Of Congress. In turning now his back
upon the all-poWerlul and authoritative Iowa
States, and in stalking his fortunes with the
. Rebel States in their defiant attitude aeains
e Congress, he is only repeating the disastrous
folly to himself and his allies which marked the
final struggle of King James the Second, in at
tempting, through Ireland, the recovery Of the
s | crown OF England.
y decision from the Supreme Court declaring
= Alabama as legally State reinvested with hel
. constitutional rights will not help him, because
e an issue decided by war admits OF no appeal
e II Is settled. But suppose the President backed
o Dy tne supreme Court, shall assume the respon
sollity to enforce its DEGREES as the head of the
u army ana navy? AS in this last resort he would
d ma at least twenty-three of the loyal States
a governors, Legislatures, and people-arrayeC
= as unit against him the experiment will no
be tried; for a million Onion veteran soldiers
stand behind the ultimatum of Congress on tn,
y Issues settled by the war What then is to bt
Z ghe upsnot OF this rupture bet Ween the Presi
e dent and Congress, when it is apparent that thu
u leglslatlye department cannot surrender it
q righttul authority, and the Executive will no
q abandon his assumptions? There remains n,
e alternative but that provided in the CIonstitu
e ton for the Impeachment and removal of tn
= President tromkhis office. Mr.. johnson, then
e must recognize and give way to the nationa
e ries, Rebel oa loyal, or he must be removed.
'e is the old quarrel between King and Parliament
n as recorded IN the blunders and msfortunes
y Charles the First and James the Second, an