The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1867-01-10

prived Of the right to vote, by reason OF conTc-
ton or punishment for treason or suspicion there
of. He stated that he offered the amendment, be-
cause he had been reinbly informed that, in North
Carolina and other States, in anticipation OF the
passage of the bill, the people were preferring
charges and having negroes whipped, in order that
they might be disqualified. The amendment was
ordered to be printed, and the bill was further
postponed.
WASHINGTON, Jan a.
| In the Senate, Mr.. johnson proceeded to make
a lengthy speech on the bill before the Scnate.
He said he had advised the Executive to issue
| general proclamation of amnesty, and had en-
deavored, so far as he was able, to bring 1t about ;
but the Executive had not seen proper to do So
Some of the first jurists of the country, many OF
them members of the Republican party, and some
of the best jurists of England, had expressed the
opinion that, the moment beligerent rights were
granted, the commission of treason was impossi-
| BILE. If this point was brought before the Su-
preme Court. what their decision would be he could
| not saw but on the other point-the right of
State to secede-he did not doubt, for an instant,
that it would decide that there was no right. No
| proclamation Of amnesty had been issued, and no
trials for treason had taken place: The first was
due to the President; the latter was not his fault
A man of delicate frame was now held immured
in prison, one who had been called to preside over
their dcstinies by six millions of people. If this
thing had occurred in any other country, it would
have been described as act of extreme cruelty.
Mr. Howard said that the opinion of the law
officer of Mr.. johnson had prevented the trial Of
Mr.. Davis from taking place.
Mr. johnson said no was ready to be delivered
up to the marshal of the court authorized to try
him. The prisoner had petitioned for trial, but
the court, in whose circuit he was, refused to re-
ceve him, on the ground that he could not be held
in custody 1t had also been said that the Chief
Justice could not preside, because Congress had
changed the circuit No matter whose fault it
was, it was q blot on American civilization that
their prisoner retained, and it, in his delicate
state, he should die the nation would beresponsi-
BILE for his death. Had he (Johnson) been Pres
ident, he should have paroled him long since.
Salisbury spoke in favor of his amendment to
repeal the entire con6scation bil instead of the
thirteenth section and, upon the vote being taken,
it was disagreed to. The Senate then voted on the
bill, and passed it by 27 to Z.
WASHINGTON, Jan. s.
The Senate was not in session to-day, and no
business was transacted in the House.
Although to-day was devoted to mere speech
making in the House. discussion between two of
the most prominent Republicans excited close at
teution. Spaulding, of Ohio, entered into an ar
gument to show that the Southern States adopting
the Constitutional Amendment could resume their !
Congressional representation without further ac-
ton; in other words, restoration would be COM
p!ete.
Mr. Kelly, of Pennsylvania, obtained permis
sion to state the substance OF letters he had re-
ceived from North and South Carolina, in which
the writers opposed the Constitutional Amendment.
MIR. Spaulding, resumug, warned his political
friends not TO insist on ultra measures such as i'm
parchment of the President, while Congress has a
two-third power over the action of the Executive.
IT, he added, We find by the forticth Congress that
the South do not ratify the amendment, then let
the gentleman from Pennsylvania call up his bill
for the reconstruction Of the Southern States.
Stevens replied, combating Spaudng's argu-
ment. The ratification of the amendment was to
be the final act. This would leave the country
open to an influx Of reconstructed rebels The
House and public ought 10 know the gentleman
had uttered the most pernicious doctrine of rebel
To ask rebels to vote on tleamend-
ment is TO stnltfy ourselves; for while We in fact
hold the South as conquered provinces, VIC rccog
nize them as loyal States; but We propose TO reg
ulate these States ourselves by lnw.
Niblack, of Indiana, asked whether Stevens
and his friends did not admit Tennessee on the
ground that she adopted the Constitutional amend
ment, and whether the radical majority did not re-
gard that as an evidence Of her loyalty.
Stevens replied that the preamble 10 the bill ad-
mitting Tennessee recorded the good things she
alone.
Maynard, of Tennessee, inquired whether the
gentleman would not vote for the admission of !
other Southern States which would secure freed
men in their civil rights and exhibit indisputable
evidences of loyalty.
Stevens replied he would never vote for the ad-
mission of any State which did not confer univer-
sal suffrage.
Maynard said Tennessee had done as much as
Pennsylvania and other Northern States had done,
but that State did not permit negro suffrage.
Stevens replied that the remark was just and
right. Pennsylvania and other States ought to
blush for the infamous exclusion to which the
gentleman had referred. Hedid not doubt spauld-
ing's radicalism. but, as with shrubs, his roots
might not 60 down more than half an inch or six
inches.
This remark created much laughter, which
Spaulding turned aside by saying the less they
talked about the roots the better.