The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1867-08-10
MIR. SEWARD AND MEXICO.

great Secretary of State will be determined
only when history has fairly calculated what
were the difficulties he had to overcome, and
the means by which he overcame them. But
it is plain, even at present, that he has been o
very successful one. There is something very
striking, even to Southcrner, in the steady,
unalterable resolution with which, in all his
long and varied diplomatic correspondence, he
refused to recognize the possibility of the sue
cess of the Confederacy. At times he must
himself have felt that the future was more
doubtful than he could admit, but he never be-
trayed his apprehensions, and he can claim
that through that long period of trial he never
uttered word which now, in the hour OF
triumph, his country would wish unsaid How
far his diplomacy controlled the result cannot
now be determined, but there is in his career
one episode upon which we think the present
Judgment will be the final one, and that judg-
ment one which secures his place in history.
The very proper instructions which Mr..
SEWARD addressed in 1861 to Mr.. coRwIS' the
newly appointed Minister to. Mexico, were
scarcely adapted to the contingencies which
Mexican affairs developed, and in the issues
of foreign policy, which events presented, Mr..
SEWARD found himself not slightly embarrass-
ed. For, as he said himself very truly to
Mr. DAYTON, in 1868:
cit is we'll understood that, through q
long period, closing in 1860, the manifest
strength of this nation was sufficient protec-
tion for itself and for Mexico against all foreign
States. That power was broken down and
shattered in 1861 by faction. The first fruit
of our civil war was new, and in effect, though
not Intentionally so, an unfricndly attitude
assumed by Great Britain. France and S:oain,
all virtually, and the two first named po rs
ayowedly moving in concert. While can It
confess TO a fear on the part of this Goveri
ment that any one, or all of the maritime TO"
ers, combining with the insurgents, could over
throw it, yet it would have been manlfestly
presumptuous, at any time since this dlstrac-
ton severed the American people, to have pro'
voked such an intervention, or to have spared
any allowable means of preventing it,
Between 1861 and 1868, it had become
obvious that, France had taken advantage Of
the condition of the United States to adopt
policy in Mexico that would not have been
otherwise ventured. The success of the Con-
federacy, and the establishment of the I'm
perial Government in Mexico, would indeed
have revolutionizcd the future of this continent.
Mr. SEWARD felt that there was natural con-
nection between them. He knew that the
formal recognition of the Confederacy by
France would be an immense gain, if not an
assurance of success, to the Southern cause; and
that rash or injudicious action in Mexico
would secure that recognition. At the same
time, if, as he professed to believe, and by
force of his position was bound to assume, the
Confederacy must fail, then two great con-
cession to France in Mexico, to prevent her in
reference at home, would embarrass his
position in the future; for the French policy IN
Mexico was in direct defiance of all the tradi-
tional policy of the United States Government,
offensive and violating to the sentiment of the
people. 1t is true that fortune favored him,
but it must be admitted that dangerous and
difficult position has seldom been better mnin-
tanned with those two great diplomatic
weapons, an even temper and skillfui use
of words. He never threatened what he could
not execute; he would never anticipate what
had not actually happened; and he never con-
ceded what the future might make it impolitic,
as well as impossible to grant.
On the 23d October, 1863, in language which
was both dignifed and adroit, he said:
"Happily the French Government has not
been left uninformed that, in the opinion of the
United States, the permanent establishment of
q foreign and monarchical government in
Mexico will be found neither easy nor dcsir-
able. You will inform NJ. DRoUyN DE L'HUYs
that this opinion remains unchanged. On the
other hand, the United States cannot antici-
pate the action of the people of Mexico, nor
have they the least purpose or desire to inter-
fere with their proceedings, or control, or in
terfere with their free choice, or disturb them
in the enjoyment of whatever institutions of
government they may, in the exercise Of an
absolute freedom, establish 1t is proper, also,
that NJ DRoUYN DE L'HUYs should be inform
ed that the United States continue to regard
Mexico as the theatre of war which has not
yet ended in the subversion of the government,
long existing there, with which the United
States remain in the relation Of peace and sim
ccre friendship; and that for this reason the
United States are not now at liberty to con-
slider the question of recognizing Government
which, in the further chances of war, may
come into its place. The United States, con-
sistently with their principles, can do no other
wise than leave the destinies of Mexico in the
keeping of her own people, and recognize their
sovereignty and independence in whatever
form they themselves shall choose that this
sovereignty and independence shall be mani
Tested"
This was between the date of what was to
us the fatal battle of Gettysburg, and the ap-
pointment of Gen. GRANT as commander-in-
chief of the armies of the United States. The
foreign statesmen who were "willing to wound,
yet afraid to strike" continued to ''let /
dare not, wait upon, would" and the cause
of the Confederacy and the Empire both
travelled the road to ruin. As Mr. SEwARp's
position grew stronger, his language grew
more courteously imperative. But even then
his first position had been so judiciously taken
that he could appeal to events as fulfilling his
prophecies, and use with force and effect the
language of friendly persuasion instead of
hostile threat. And he had finally the salts
faction Of obtaining the withdrawal of the
French troops without sacrificing ono principle
Of his own policy, or making q breach of his
friendly relations with the government whose