The southern enterprise. [volume] (Greenville, S.C.) 1854-1870, 1867-12-11
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! ate fears for the stability OF our iu.titus /.
tions. Habitual violation OF prescribed
rules, which We bind ourselves 70 observe
must demoralze the people. Our only
standerd of civil duty being set at naught, =
the sheet anchor Of our political morality
Is lost, the public conscience swings from
it's moorings, and yields to every impulse OF
passion aud interest. If we reruiiste the
Constitution. We viii not be expected 70
care much for mere pecuniary obligations.
The violation of such q pledge a. we made
on the 22d day Of July, 1851, will assured.
" diminish the market value OF our other
promises. Besides II we now ackno wledps
that tbe national debt was created not 10
hold the States in the Union. as the tsx.
payers were led to suppose, but to exp.l
them from It. and hand them over to he
governed by negroes, the moral duty to
pay 1t may seem much less clear. I say it
may seem so; for l do not admit that this
or any other argument in favor Of repudi-
alton can be entertained as sound; but its
influence on some classes Of minds may
well be apPrehended. The financial honor
OF great commercial nation, largely in
debted, and with republican form OF
government, administered by agents of the
popular choice, isa thing Of such delicate
texture, and the destruction Of it would be
followed by such unspeakable calamity,
that every true patriot must desire to avoid
whatever might expose it to the slightest
| danger. -. -. ..-,,. .,
The great interests of the country re.
quire immediate relief from these enso,-
men,s. Business in the South is palaly Eed
by a sense OF general insecurity, by the
terror OF confiscstion, and the dread Of ne.
gro supremacy. The Southern trade, from
which the North would have derived 50
great profit under government of law.
still languishes. and can never revive until
it Ceases to be fettered by the arbitrary &.
power which makes all it's operations un-
safe. That rich Countrywide richest in
natural resources the world ever saws
worse than lost if it be not soon placed un.
der the protection Of free Constitution.-
Instead OF being, as it ought to be, source
Of wealth and power, it will become an in-
tolerable burden upon the rest OF the na-
tion. ... ..- -
Another rea.on for retracing our steps
will doubtless be seen by Congress in the
late manifestations of public opinion upon
this subject. We live in a country where
the popular will always enforees obedience
to ITSELF sooner or later. II 10 vein to
think Of opposing it with anything short Of
legal authority, backed by overwhelming
torce. 1t cannot have escaped your atten-
tion that from the day on which Congress
fairly and formally presented the PROPOSE
tion to govern the Southern States by mill.
tary force, with a view TO the ultimate es.
tablishment Of negro supremacy, every ex'
preston OF the general sentiment has been
more or less adverse to IL. The affections
; Of this generation cannot be detached from
the institutions Of their ancestors. Their
; determination to preserve the inheritance
} of free government In their own hands, and
transmit it undivided and unimpaired to
their own posterity, is 90 strong to be sue
will disappear before that love Of liberty
and law for which the American people
l are distinguished above ali others in the
world.
How far the duty Of the President, to
, presei We, protect and defend the Consti.u.
tion," requires him to 60 in opposing an
unconstitutional act of Congress. is q very
serious anil important question. on whish
> have deliberated much. and felt extremely
anxious to reach q proper conelusion.-
the forms Of the Constitution by the su.
preme legislative authority. and is regular
ly enrolled among the public statutes of the
country, Executive resistance to II, es-
J pecially in times Of high party excitement,
would be likely TO produce violent collision
between the respective adherents OF the
two branches Of the Government. This
would be simply civil war; and civil war
must be resotted TO only as the last re medy
for the worst Of evils. Whstever might
tend to provoke 1t should be most carefully
avoided. A faithful and conscientious
magistrate win concede very much to hon.
} est error, and something even TO pervsrse
, malice. before he win endanger the public
peace and he win not adopt forcfbls
! measures, or such as might lead to force, rs
long as those which are peacable remain
; open to him or to his constitusnts It 10
true that eases may occur in which the Ex-
ecutive would be compelled to stand on its
rights, and maintain them, regardless Of all
consequences If Congress should pass an
} act which is not only in pslpable conflict
with the Constitution, but will certainly. IL
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