The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-03-27

duirements of the loyal States. They are
almost to a man, content with the basis now
laid down, and would deprecate new oondi-
tions or harsher penalties. The trouble comes
from "bomb-proof' brigadiers, and gallants
who wear shoulder-straps they did not fairly
earn.
To this aspect of the case the South presents
a counterpart. There, as here, fiery words
are uttered, defiance and denunciation are
indulged, and appeals to Southern spirit are
urged with persistent ferceness. Pride and
honor are invoked, and the people are told
TO confront Yankee vandalism with Spartan
endurance The takers all the time are sheer
mpostors-creatures who carried on rebellion
in the recesses of a printing office, with no
fear of draft before their eyes, or who pro-
flied by the opportunities of jeff. Davis reign
to do Government service beyond the roar of
cannon The genuine soldiers are taking
their positions on the other side. Chalmers
and Wade Hampton were heard from many
days ago. Lee has spoken more recently and
more authoritatively. He desires no renewal
of rebellion. He sees nothing in the condi-
tions of the Reconstruction act which the
South may not and should not accept. It's
oath to him is no obstacle; it may be taken
by every Southern man, he thinks, without
sacrifice of selfrespect.
If Lees counsel determine the course of
Virginia, that State will be one of the first to
regain its place in the Union. And now we
have tidings of Dick Taylor and Longstreet-
fine specimens of the Southern soldier, and
whose views will outweigh those of the
Georgia Jenkinses wherever Southern feeling
predOminates. Taylor has for months labored
as a peace-maker. He was present at the
Philadelphia Convention, and soon thereafter
became satisfied that the South could not too
quickly comply with the conditions demanded
by the North. He would have ratified the
Constitutional Amendment then; he would
comply with the terms of the law now. He
is at present in Washington as a represen-
tative of the Louisiana Legislature, upon
whose members he has pressed the duty and
eXpediency of acknowledging the facts of the
situation. To his influence, it is said, Wade
IIampton's change of opinion is in part
attributable. Longstreet's letter places him
above the chance of misrepresentation. No
false pride blinds him to the stern reality.
"The striking feature" he writes, land the
one that our people should keep in view is,
that we are a conquered people" From this
startingp-oint his reasoning is clear.
"Accept the terms,' is the sum of his advice,
which he contends involve no humiliation.
eve have made an honest, and hope that
may say, a creditable fight, but we have lost.
Let Sus come forward, then, and accept the
ends involved in the struggle" Brave words,
bravely spoken. The General does not trouble
himself concerning the possibilities of bad
faith on the part of Congress. He will not
concede their existence, because he cannot
admit that the representative men of a great
nation could make ''the pledge they have
made, and then break it." The duty of the
South, at any rate, as Longstreet sees it, is
plain. ''Let us accept the terms as we are in
duty bound to do; and if there is a lack of
good faith, let it be upon others"
The influence of these utterances must be
great throughout the South. Lee, Longstreet,
Taylor, Chalmers, Hampton-what combina-
ton of mere politicians shall avail as against
these men among the Southern population ?
The New Orleans Times, to whose editor Long
street addressed his letter, remarks that its
views "are generally entertained by gentle
men of his class and position" The time is
not distant we confidently believe, when they
will receive the practical endorsement of the
excluded States.