Gold Hill daily news. [volume] (Gold Hill, N.T. [Nev.]) 1863-1882, 1867-04-08
MILITARY REcoNsTRUo-
TON BILL, AND N. p. BANKS
SPEECH UPON IT.

to- BILL, AND N. r. 6ANhS
SPEECH UPON IT.
The Springfield (Mass.,) Republican
quotes largely and with high common
dation, from Congressman Banks speech
delivered on Saturday the 9th Of Febru-
ary. After Banks hour had expired,
he was invited by the House unaui-
mously, to proceed and finish his re-
marks. The Republican says that the
s'imperfect reports wen telegrsphsd to
the daily papers show it to have been
one of the clearest and ablest speeches
made in this crowning debate OF the
Thirty-Ninth Congress. His exposure
of the defect of Mr.. Stevens Military
Bill was perfect"
We notice that Senator Stewart in the
| Senate, voted for the Bill under strong
protest against its arbitrary character.
We quote one paragraph from the
synopsis report of Banks speech, which
we deem peculiarly impressive. If it
embraces q correct delineation Of the
Bill be was opposing, then it is not such
an entirely commendable measure as
has been commonly represented by the
leading organs of our party.
Mr.. Banks said:
There were three conditions Of a state
one q state Of peace, one . state OF
war, and the third q state of siege. The
latter was the condition Of the people OF
those States. 1t was not peace;' it was
not war; it was a state of siege. He re-
GREETED to speak Of the pending measure
AZ he should do. It seemed to him that
any bill which placed those States under
military or martial law was proper, n
he should not object to any act proposed
for that purpose. But this bill did more'
il made 8 frame Of civil government to
be administered by the regular army
without any restriction or Limitation OF
power, except the discretion OF the regu-
lar army. The regular army, in ad-
miuistering that power, was to be with
out responsibility to the Constitution, to
Congress, or to the people OF the coun-
try, but was to be responsible only to
the commander Of the army. He had
another objection to the bill: there was
not a word or q line in the body OF the
bill that limited its operation, or that
looked to the establishment of any other
government than that Of the regular
army. His experience compelled him to
say that he did not think the admins
tration of officers Of the regular army
would tend to the r~e-establish-
ment Of republican government. He
had never known even \ tendency to a
recognition Of the rights Of the people,
OF republicanism, or of democracy,
through the Intervention or administra-
ton Of the regular army; and he did not
believe that, if this bill should be passed,
with its unrestricted and unlimited pow
er, it would have any other effect than
to crush out the spirit Of loyalty and
the spirit of republicanism, 80 far as it
had any existence in those States. His
belief was that the hope of reconstruc-
ton Of this country, and the restoration
of republican government throughout
the land was in the masses Of the people
the uneducated, the poor, the power
less masses Of the people Of those States.
He believed that the influence OF the
regular army would be with the aristoc-
racy and against the democracy, and
thus, under this bill, they would be de-
priyed of the only basis they had for
the restoration of loyal democratic gov
eminent in this country. If there was
any hope for the Government Of the
United States-and he sometimes feared
that they might be deprived even Of that
which was left to Alexander after he
portioned out his States to his fayorites,
| hope-it was in the millions of the poor
est, the most ignorant, the least power
full of the South /; and if they had any
thing TO fear from any portion'of the
| people, it was from the ~implacable pub
| lie enemies who were welded to the doc
trines and privileges Of the aristocracy.
He wished, in respect to whatever
MEASURE should be adopted, to place
himself with the Democracy and against
the sristocracy of those States, and he
feared that the machinery Of this bill
would not Tend to that end. He had no
fear of Gen. Grant. On the contrary,
he believed that Gen. Grant was the
only man to whom the country could
turn in its present disturbed condition.
II was not impossible that the friends Of
Gen. Grant might, through this bill,
place him in a position which would
lead either to his sacrifice or to a course
of conduct which no friend Of his would
to suggest for his adoption. If General
Grant acted with the President in the
execution of the law Congress would
not have much to hope for, unless the
President changed his course; and If he
acted against the President he would
have against him the higher officers Of
the Government and the lower officers
of his command, and between them he
would be sacrificed. He trusted the
bill would be amended so as to relieve
it of the features to which he objected
to let it simply give the Southern
States all the military power within the
control of the Government, and to let 1t
DO accompanied with o proposition to
establish popular civil governments,
based upon the loyal population, in mi
or more of those States, as q precedent
condition to the exercise of military
power. He would accord all military
power for the protection of loyal people
of the South, but he desired that the
arm of the military should be used only
for the purpose of establishing proper
governments.