Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1867-12-06

LueA m1Sut well hesitate aLU dl1er, Su per
induced fratrlcidal strifPS that had ruptured
the original ties and placed its objects in
the condition of public enemies a large
army to be disbanded, and such indulgence
extended, such punishment inflicted an,l
aHcn security demanded for the future q,
the Interests OF I.cace and justice might re-
qHlre. Never Ill the history of this or any
other State have questions more numerous
and vital, more delicate or difficult, requir-
ing graVer deliberation or involving the ex-
erclse OF higher governmental powers pre-
sented themselves for the consideration Oi
II people, and never was a Congress CON
voked In 1t more serious crisis OF a State.
The duties aud responsibilities of the men
who formed and organized the Union of
these States, and of those who assembled
here III 1861 to consult upon and provide
the means for suppressing this great rebel
lion, were as nothing in the comparison,
and demanded certainly no higher sagacity
and no broader wisdom than the task OF
bringing back the dismembered States, and
fusing these iarriug and discordant eie-
ments into one harmonious whole.
For this great work the supreme ExeCu-
tive of the nation, even though he had been
endowed by nature with the very highest of
organizing faculties, was obviously untitled
by TIE very nature of his office. If Mr..
ed from his habiti,l.l Difference to the pub
lie will, that although a citizen of a loyal
State and enjoying the public confidence in
the highest possible degree, he would have
Ielt Ii to be his duty to convoke the repre-
SentativcS of the people to lay down his
sword III their presence and to refer it to
their enlightened and patriotic Judgment to
decide what was to be done with the terri
tories and people that had been brought
under the authority of the government by
our arms.
The bloody hand of treason unfortunate
| ly moved him away in the very hour Of the
nation S triumph. But if these were rea-
sons which could have made this duty al
were they reinforced by the double effect
Of the tragedy that not only deprived the
nation OF its trusted head, but cast the reins
OF government upon a successor. The new
President was himself in the doubtful and
delicate position Of citizen of one of the
revolving States which were to be summon
ed for Judgment before the bar of the Amer
lean people. 1t was perhaps natural that
he should sympathize with the communi-
ties from which he had mainly differed only
on prudential reasons, or in other words, as
to the wisdom of the revolt at that particu-
lar Juncture of affairs.
If other arguments had not suficed to
convince him OF the necessity of referring
all these great questions to the only tribu-
nal on earth that had the power to decide
| them, it ought to have been sufficient that
he owed alike his honor and his accidental
powers to the generous confidence Of the
| loyal States. He expected, of course, that
they would insist-as they had right to
dO--upon such conditions as would secure
to them, if not indemnity for the past, at
| least the amplest securities for the future.
Instead, therefore, Of convoking the Con-
gress of the United States to celebrate upon
the condition Of the country, he seems to
have made up his mind to undertake that
mighty task himself, to forestall the judg-
ment and the wishes of the loyal people,
and to neutralize the power to undo his
work by bringing in the rebel States them
selves to participate in the deliberations
upon any and all questions which might be
left for settlement.
To effect this object he issues his impe-
rial prOclamations, beginning with that Of
the 29th OF May, in virtue, as he says, of
his double authority as President of the
United States and commander-in-chie of
the armies, declaring the governments of
these States to have perished, creating, I'M
der the denomination ofprOvisional COVER
n0rs, civil offices unknown to the law, ap-
pointing to these Offices men who were
notoriously disqualified, by reason of their
participating in the rebellion, from hold
ing any office under this government, and
yet allowed to hold the same and exercise
the duties thereof at salaries fixed by him
self and paid out OF the contingent fund of
one Of the departments in clear violation
of the acts Of July "a, 1862, and 9th of
February, 1868. Declaring, moreover, at
the same time, that the government of
these States had been destroyed, he as
sumes it to be his individual right, as be-
iug himself the State, rather the United
States, to execute the guaranty of the con-
stitution by providing them with new ones
and accordingly directed his pretended
governors to order conventions of such of
the people as it was his pleasure to indi-
cate, to make constitutions for them, on
such terms and with such provisions rs were
agreeable to himself. Unpruvided, how
ever, Of course, Ill the absence 0i Congress,
with the necessary resources to meet the
expenses of these organizations, he not
only directs the payment Of portion Of
them out of the contingent fund Of the War
Department, but with a boldne&s unequal
ed even by Charles J., when be, too, IN
dert0ok to reign without a parliament
provides for Il deficit by authorizing the
seizure OF property buft tne appropriation
of moneys belonging to the government
and directing his governors to levy taxes
for the same purpose from the subject peo
pie.
The further reading Of the report was
dispensed with, excepting the conclusion,
as follows:
In accordance with the testimony here
with submitted and the views of the law
herein presented the committee are of opin
ion that Andrew johnson, President of the
United States, is guilty of high crimes and
misdemeanors requiring the interposition
OF the constitutional power of this House:
In that upon the final surrender of the
rebel armies, and 5he overthrow of the re-
bel government, the said Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, neglected
to convene the Congress of the United
States, that by its aid and authority legal
and constitutional measures might have
been adopted for the organization of loyal
and constitutional governments in the
States then recently in rebellion.
In that in his proclamation to the Peo-
pie of North Carolina of the Goth day of
l. L. H.