The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-12-10


come from forcing upon the country an issue
which could only postpone reconstruction
embarrass the finances, and perhaps impose
upon us the responsibility of meeting a revo-
luton. We never considered impeachment
as mere policy. It is too high and solemn.
Instead of its being an improper proceeding in
itself, we have contended that there is no act
more expressly provided in the Constitution,
and that a failure to obey this explicit law
would be in the highest degree revolutionary.
Jmpeachm ent is the constitutional safeguard
between the people and a dictatorship.
To regard the Presidency as an intact, inde-
pendent Office, responsible only to the moral
influence called "the people," and to a polti-
cal mob called convention" is to make our
ruler as absolute as the Emperor Of China.
| Some of the Presidents advisers have not
ceased to urge upon him theirresponsbility of
his office, while earnest men upon our side
contended that the real question was, "Could
Congress refuse to impeaoh the President ~
! They argued very justly that If we make the
precedent that Presidents may do as they
! please, then they may legislate when 1T suits
their fancy, and construe the laws when they
! are in a judicial humor; they may bring into
their high Office the obstinacy of George III,
and the licentiousness of George ~, and
public liberty will depend, not upon written
! law, but upon the nerve of the first demagogue
! who reaches the White House.
| While we admit this, we cannot resist the
conviction that to adopt impeachment now
would be to bring upon the country greater
evils than those we seek to avoid. To the
Republican party Mr.. Johnson is of more use
in the White House than he would be any
| where else. Impeachment would make him
martyr; while, with no more evidence than
this enormous volume of testimony, the
Senate could never convict him. The country
| sees in Mr.. Johnson an obstinate man who
means honestly to deal with a question which
he of all men, is the least fitted to decide. To
! ask representative of his class in the South
| toconsider the negro question on liberal basis,
is to ask him to befriend race which has been
a successful rival in labor, although an infe-
rior in the eyes of the law, the church, and
society. We have President to whom pre-
judice is a conviction, and in whose mind, for
fifty years, a negro has never been more than
a skilled mule, and we ask him to confer upon
the mule the only right which has kept him
self from political degradation. This has been
the great difficulty with Mr.. Johnson; and
when he finds casuists as ready as Mr.. Black
and Mr. Seward and sophists as eager to
defend his cause as Mr.. Cowan and Mr.. Doo-
little, and politicians like Mr.. Raymond and
Mr.. Weed willing to indorse him, and to pro-
mise him the Endorsement OF the Republican
party, we can understand the persistence with
which he clings to his unfortunate and perni-
cious policy. Nor do we place on the shoul-
ders of the President all the blame of the pre-
sent trouble. He had Republicans enough to
60 with him-to cheer him onto applaud
his course as liberal and patriotic. He found
Republican conventions willing to sustain
him, and to sacrifice the negro provided our
office giving Caesar with 20, 900 palpable Offices
). could be conoiliated. These men only left
Mr.. Johnson when they saw the cloud of pOpu-
| lar wrath rising over his head. While he was
honestly wrong, they dishonesty followed his
l lead to serve their turn upon him. We for
get that in traversing his record we traverse
i record that many of our own friends would
7 not care to face. Long since, when these mel
) were sustaining the President, weremonstrateC
!. with them and denounced his policy. WheI
: they swiftly changed, ana demanded impeach
n ment, we resisted it as concession to popula
IT passion. We held that impeachment was
i Judicial task, and not political, and that, un
u less the nations existence demanded it, ther
Ie was too much to be lost by entering upon
y harassing and purposeless investigation. w
f. felt this especially as success was doubtful
n and failure would only restore the Rebels
d power.
By impeachment now we cannot atone 70
3 our own errors in 1865, nor undo the mischit
r the President has done. impeachment woul
1t not be apunishment, for in the tardy process
Il of law, with Mr.. Garret Davis-a talkin
Is Judge-and every Democratic Senator priv
n legged TO debate for a month, the trial wOul
if continue until the end of the Presidents tern
- General Buffers theory that he might be supel
l. seeded was too dangerous to be accepted. I
h have made the precedent that majority of th
it House could suspend the Executive for an III
ID limited period would be to place the Whol
ID Government at the mercy of majority, an
Of majorities have passions and prejudices, and
y needless things. We do not know what tempe
N the next House will exhibit. 1t is possible th
le Democrats may be in power, and under th
at law as General Butler eonstrues it, they coul
m speedily remove President Chase or PresideI
u Grant. We have taken from the PresideI
IL all power of harm. We have placed recol
Is struction beyond his reach. We have give
or the negro the ballot, and it will require peat
ly and careful legislation to coufrm him in h
s- new responsibility. We cannot afford to was
d, that time in impeachment ceremonies. "
d, shall have burdens enough to carry in I'll
CO next campaign, without making Mr.. JOhnsC
ry a martyr and carrying him also. AS it is, II
ri Democratic leaders have formally warned hi
" that he cannot enter their party. They accel
he his aid and his offices to make war upon u
e- but they insolently say that when he has give
to them this aid they have no further use 4
nd him. Impeachment, without better reasol
of than any we have seen, would only throw NJ
IS, Johnson into the hands of a powerful part
ng and compel that party to make him its leade
We say Impeachment without better re
cy sons" The President has done much +
i'll which we have severely censured him. /
e. has appointed Rebels to office. He has soug
IN to usurp the legislative power by attemptiI
Ir- 10 reconstruct the South without appealing
lis Congress. He has degraded amnesty into
Ia. political influence, at the expense OF the gr