The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-03-22

| lea1eIsVl .he heDelllon; that ere be had been
two weeks IN the office, he was writing or super
visng editorials, announcing that Andrew
Johnson had never been anything else than
Democrat, and they who elected him would
find he had adhered to his early faith.
You remember the progress of the quarrel;
that while the radicals were praIsng him and
swearing by MIN, he was saying to others that
| his policy was to cause the radicals to slough
| Off; that he meant to organize party out of
the moderate men of both parties, and ne did
| not expect the support of these very men with
| whom he was holding confidential intercourse,
and whom he was requesting to go forth and
proclaim his views.
! Congress which had been elected upon the
! issues indicated, met. AS 1t entered the hall 1t
iosted, and was jOstled, by Senators elected ana
! members elected from all the Rebel States, from
all save one. How came they there? They
were there at the bidding OF Andrew johnson.
NV friends, let us look the facts fully in the
face. Mised by Andrew Johnson's words, we
had in town meeting, in county meeting in
State convention, and in our ltical organiza-
tiOns, resolved that we approved and endorsed
the policy of President Johnson.
The members elected to Congress IN the cleo
lions that were held in the spring OF 1868 were
all elected on platforms indorsing the policy OF
Andrew Johnson; and as he had instructed
these Southern men to organize States and con-
stitutiOns, and moreover, as the political or
ganiZations of the North proiessed TO approve of
that policy, these men came, not doubling their
admission, and not doubling that by that admis
sion the chieftaius OF the Rebellion would, even
republic, and rule II to its rum. They did not
come ms suppCants for their places; they came
demanding it. Jney came saying, Here is the
Constitution, for instance, of North Carolina.
We made 1t In obedience TO the dictates of the
Government, and if you do not admit us we will
back Andrew johnson in his threatened appeal
TO the people, and at the coming elections hurl
you from power.
Mark the position, will you? There was not
an honest member of the Republican party that
did not believe that the future welfare of our
country, interlaCed with that OF the world de-
pended upon the continued predominance of
the Republican party. What were the real
issues before the people? How far did the
people, IN endorsing Andrew JohnsoG's policy.
and in still hoping to induce him to 10 what
was right in living up to his own promise, how
far did the people accept that policy? How
tar might Congress go without overwhelming
the party2
These were questions that pressed themselves
upon every member of the Thirty-ninth Con-
gress when il assembled in Washington. Mr.
johnson had control OF the patronage of the
Government and when you speak of the offices
of the Government in their pacunary value
you make but small estimate of the patronage
OF the Government
IIemember with much pleasure, and so do
many of the people OF Philadelphia,
our humble and brave soldiers - humble
not because they were not wealthy, humble not
because they had not fine social relations, but
humble because, having got these, they had
strapped their knapsacks on their backs, and
shouldered the musket, and died, andslaid, if
need be, in the unknown trench, that the
American Union and freedom might be pre-
served. (Applause.)
The Presidents patronage consists largely in
his influence in pleasant social intercourse.
\ our laws are often made in the Executive
chamber, or in the ante-Toom adjoining it. Not
because the President uses undue influence
there but because the President and the heads
of Departments, and the Members of the two
Houses of Congress, meeting separately in their
proper official functions, meet socially there
and meet also with distinguished citizens from
dllerent States, from their own and Others and
| thus the views of men naturally apart from each
| other are brought together, and much of your
| legislation Is really moulded and modified by
the pleasant intercourse of the Executive man
sion and the ante-rooms of the Departments.
This is wise and well.
Thus to separate from the President of the
United States was TO 1ofego all this and to see
the offices with their power and their emOlu-
ments go into the hands Of the party that had
been arrayed against the country during the
whole war, and were then, even after the war
was over arrayed against freedom, and against
the men who had fought in the war, and the
civilians who had sustained them. 1t was no
light question for Congress to consider,
Shall we still try to woo this man? Shall we
MAKE concessions to him, if he and those
around him will IN the form of concessions so
as agree not to do quite so badly as they seem
10 be intent upon?
The question had to be met at once and
firmly, and by resolution, and by those who
determined that if God would sustain them in
the effort they would control the Thirty.ninth
Congress, and 50 change the aspect of affairs.
(Applause.) Whatmy own humble position was
need not tell you. | sought an early opporGu-
nifty 10 come to my home, and among the people
of my native State to sound the alarm, by
speaking of the duties and the dangers of the
hour. (Applause.) | notified the country that
Andrew johnson contemplated coup d. etdt,
in which the Constitution should be overthrown,
and the representatives OF the people expelled
or excluded from its capital, and q government
OF traitors from the South, and those from the
North who Sympathized with him, inaugurated
in its stead. Men said-TrGSh. There are times
when TO pause Is to lose all, and the majority
OF the Union party IN Congress never saw the
hour that they were not guided by the faith,
THAT to pause was to abandon the country" !"
The first issue that engaged the attention of
Congress was, Who has the power to recon-
struct the Rebel States? They speedily de-
cided that it was Congress- and on the first dav
of business they appointed a committee Of
fifteen, consisting of nine members of the
lower House and six of the upper House, to
take testimony as to the condition of the
country and to report Oil. They settled the
! question that no person should be admitted as
! a member TO either House from the Rebel
States till that committeeishoud have reported,
and this report have been acted upon. This was
| point No. l.
Now, my felow-citzens, do you know how
! near we were to losing this point number one (?
One OF our American story-writers has written
| a story TO illustrate how near we come to danger
! aud to death without knowing it, And the
| country does not yet know how near it came to
! danger and to death upon that very question
! You knew that there were meetings being held
OF members of our party who sympathized
| with the President. You know that motions
were continually made ON the floor to admit the
| Representatives OF Tennessee and the Repre-
sentatives from Arkansas. But you do not know
mat an arrangement had been made which