The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1867-03-26
National streng tbs Shall the South be
the Ireland of America |?

the Ireland of America?
The New York Times, pointing out the
delicate nature Of the foreign relations o'
tho Federal Union, and what slight causes
might bring war ont Of them, turns Its AT
tention 10 the situation Of affairs at home,
TO see how the nation would be prepared
IN meet A war with o frst-class foreign
Power. In the course Of its plain talk Oh
this point II says:
aThe urime element Of national strength :"
-. -. ,,,,.r Countries 4. the assurance OF
"pcaee among our own people r'"',
.. y. a., srauas and follies what they may, NJ
.,east indicates England most sensiuNes spot
.. H., no,s ireland is Engiand's peril. The
;. Ir,,n a,f,culty Is her bond for the mainte-
.nance of peace with every first-class Power.
:. II vea kens and endangers her, and IL will
continue TO do so until her legislators remove
"thc causes OF Irish disaffcction. In the same
way, for reasons in their nature identical,
"this country 10 In no condition TO meet eSter-
"nal difficulties. We cannot hope TO maintain
"a vigorous foreign policy SO long as we are
"afiiicted with domestic discomfort; and from
"this we shall not be free, not only until the
Union be reconstructed but until 1t be so re-
constructed that the peoples Of The two Sec
"tions shall once more feel themselves identi-
"fied in interest and ambition. That result
"attained, we may be bold and even defiant on
questions of foreign policy. Meanwhile
England Is not more crippled by Irelands
alienation and hostility than is this country
"by the condition of the southern States. In
'the case Of either, war would be waged nj q
disadvantage"
And again the Times says:
ar we would prevent future disaffection, II
behooves us 10 infiict no superfluous penalty
-. and to exercise no greater severity than is
absolutely necessary
"If we are not prepared to forego our preten-
sions rs leading Power, and to modify our
I" foreign policy 10 suit the purposes of others,
1--we must not neglect the opportunity of
" winning back the respect and attachment OF
the millions whom we have forcibly brought
under the authority of the Union"
Sentiments and arguments like these,
had they prevailed in Congress, as they
should have done, would long since have
restored the Union. But the bane of all
republics-party and partisan ambition
has done its worst in the matter Of recon-
struction. SO has it in the domestic policy
of Congress, which has drained the SOUTH
ern States Of their little means left by a
devastating war, and contributed largely
to that alarming and shocking episode of
starvation which General Howard so re-
Gently brought before the National Legis-
lature. These things, indeed, establish
distressingly close resemblance between
the South and unfortunate Ireland. The
rejecting and intelligent observer might
well infer domestic discomfort, and inquire,
GLOW are we to maintain vigorous
"foreign policy" with such cause of
weakness at home? Having lost at least
$4,000, 100000 of property by the war, the
South emerged from it exhausted and desc
lated. The first salutation that greeted her
from the Federal Government was
demand for the land tax Of '62. Then
came the confscations under the amnesty
proclamation of President JOHNSON,
which, although not fully carried out,
subjected the people TO heavy expenses.
Next came the tax on the peculiar staples
of the South, which bears SO heavily upon
southern industry-a tax, indeed, over and
above that imposed upon northern people,
who are flourishing, and who flourished du-
ring a war, which reduced the mass of
southern people to poverty which has
seemed almost hopeless. As long as this
policy continues the South will indeed be
the Ireland OF America, and the Congress
will not be able to prevent extensive starva-
ton amongst her people, though it should
annually vote millions to that object. An
impoverished people paying excessive
taxes to Government which dis
burses not dollar amongst them that it
can avoid, must be kept poor and familiar
with want and hunger and misery. Their
land must be, in short, an Ireland which
expresses the whole idea of popular OPP
preston and misery from the folly and
vice of mis-government.
This, then, is the state of things with the
South at present. Quite enough for the
domestic discomfort" alluded to by the
Times. We are now about going into re-
construction under the Sherman S. S.
law. Whether that law, with its concomi-
tant acts, imposes any "superfluous pen
atty" on the South or not, is question
for the judgment of people North and
South and everywhere. It's discussion now
can do us but little good. But it will be
topic of discussion in times to come-all
the worse for that. Ii the opinions and
wise views of the Times had prevailed, the
work of reconstruction would have been so
complete as to shut out the after discus
sion. But, like bad amputation, it may
be apprehended that the work will have to
be done over again with more or less peril
to the patient.
But, dismissing this discussion, and the
conclusive logic Of the Times as to the
national weakness that is begotten by
domestic discomfort" we ask, "Can the
South continue to be the Ireland of
"America 7" We answer, No; that is i'm
possible. To continue the privation and
hardships Of the southern people, it is ne
cessary that the same sectionalism, the
same interests, the same opinions, the
same prejudices, the same party predomi-
nance that now prevail, shall continue to
rule. That is impossible. The restora-
ton of the southern States to represen-
tation will have its effect on the national
councils, and of itself go far to lift up the