The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1867-12-13


1t trampleS down all those rights in
which the essence of liberty consists
and which free government is al
ways most careful to protect. 1t Ge-
nieS the hebedS corpus and the trial by
jury. Personal freedom, property and
life, if asSailed by the passion, the pre-
judice or the rapacity of the ruler, have
no security whatever. 1t has the cf-
feet of bill of attainder or bill of pains
and penalties not upon a few indivIdI-
ais, but upon whole masses, including
the millions who inhabit the sub
iect States, and even their unborn chill
dren.
These wrongs being expressly for
hidden, cannot be cOnStitutiOnally in
flicted upon any portion of our people,
no matter now they may have come
within our Jurisdiction, and no matter
whether they live in States, Territor-
les or districts. | have no desire to
save from the proper and just cOnse-
quenceS of their great crime those who
engaged in rebellion against the Gov
ernment. But as a mode of punish
ment, the measures under cOnSldera-
ton are the most unreasonable that
could be invented. Many of those
people are perfectly innocent; many
keep their fidelity to the Union un-
tainted to the last; many were inca
pabie of any legal offence; large pro-
portion even of the persons able 10
bear arms were forced into rebellion
against their will, and of those who
are guilty with their own consent, the
degrees Of guilt are as various aS tie
shades OF their character and temper.
But these acts Of Congress cOnfOund
them all together, in OnecOmmOn doom.
vengeance upon cla5-
ses, sects and parties, or upon whole
communities, for offences committed
by them against the Governments 10
which they owed obedience, was cOIn-
mon in the barbarous ages Of the world.
But Christianity and civilization have
made such progress that recourse to a
punishment SO cruel and unjust would
meet with the condemnation of all uu-
prejudiced and right-minded men,
The punitive justice of this age, and
Of this country, does not con-
sist in stripping whole States of their
liberties aud reducing all their people,
without distinctiOn,to the condition
of slavery. 1t deals separately with
each individual, confines itself to the
forms of law, and Vindicates its own
purity by an impartial examination of
every case before competent judicial
tribunal. If this does not satisfy all
our desires with regard to Southern
Rebels, let us console ourselves by re-
tlecting that a free Constitution, tri-
in war, a2d unbrOken in
peace, is worth far more to us and our
children than the qualification of any
present feeling. l am aware it is as
sumed that this system Of government
for the Southern States is not to be per-
petual. 1t is true this Military Gov
ernment is to be only provisional, but
it is through this temporary evil that q
greater evil Is to be made perpetual.-
If the guarnteeS of the Constitution can
be broken, Professionally, to SerVea tenn
porary purpose, and in part only Of
the country, we can destroy them eV-
eryWhere and for all time. Arbitrary
often change, but they gen
orally change for the worse. 1t Is the
curse of deSpOtiSm that it has no halt
ing place. The intermitted exercise Of
its power brings no sense OF security to
its subjects, for they can never know
what more they will be called to endure
when its red right hand is armed 10
plague them again. Nor is 1t possible
TO conjecture how or where power, un-
restrained by law, may seek its next
Ni:tim. The ) eS that are still free,
may be ensiaVed at any moment, for,
if the Constitution does not protect all,
it protects none. 1t is manifeStly and
avoWediy the object of these laws to
confer upon negroes the privilege Of
voting and to diSfranchiSe such num-
Der Of white citizens as will give the
former clear majority at ali elections
in the Southern States. This to the
minds of some persons, is so important
that violation of the Constitution is
justified as a means of bringing it a.
bout.
Negro Suffrage.
The morality is always false which
excuses a wrong because it proposes to
accomplish desirable end. We are
not permitted to do evil that good may
come. But in this case the end Itself
is evil as well as the means. The sub
iugatiOn of States to negro domination
would be worse than the military de5-
potism under which they are now suif-
ering. 1t was believed beforehand
that the people would endure any a.
mount Of military oppression for any
length of time, rather than degrade
by subsection to the negro
race. Therefore, they have been left
without a choice. Negro suffrage was
established by act Of Congress, and the
military officers were commanded to
the process of clothing the
negro race with the political privileges
torn from white men.
The blacks in the South are entitled
to be well and humanely governed, and
to have the protection ofjust laws for
all their rights of person and property.
If it were practicable at this time TO
give them a government exclusively
their own, under which they might
manage their own affairs in their own
way, it would become grave queS-
ton whether we ought to do so, or
whether common humanity would not
require us to save them from them
selves. But under the circumstances,
this is only speculative point. 1t is
not proposed merely that they shall
govern themselves, but that they shall
rule the white race, make and admin
lister State laws, elect Presidents and
members of Congress, and shape to a
greater or less extent the future destiny
of the whole country. Would such a
trust and power be safe in such hands ?
The peculiar qualities which should
characterize any people who are fit TO
decide upon the management of puD-
lie affairs for a great State have seldom
been combined. 1t is the glory Of
white men to know that they have had
these qualities in sufficient measure to
build upon this continent great pO-
IiticaI E1bric and tO preserve its Stabili-