The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1867-11-09


antagonism OF the two ideas could no longer be
confined within civil limits. 1t broke out into
bullets, cannon, and vast armies. Then began
q different course of American statesmanship;
then was shown that Gods laws never inter
mitted their penalties; that you cannot trans
gress without binding the moral sentiments.
Then when the two classes of men looked at the
problem, one said we have learned, seventy
years. experience is quite enough. We have de-
cided that these two elements cannot abide side
by side peaCeably. The other said, No, we have
learned no such thing. The old element which,
at one end of the line, was limited by Buchanan,
and which, at the other end OF the line,
touched the centre of the Republican party, fell
Withering
SUMTER AND SLAVERY.
We stand to-day only the grandchildren OF
1901, when the old Federal element was pre-
served in the bosom of the Wing party; for the
Genesis Of ideas is as necessary for our best
interest and progress as any other. Hamilton,
who distrusted the masses on that side, and
jefferson, who believed in nothing fought to
rule the nation; then this bastard party that
stole the glorious name of Democrat, and be.
lieved neither in God nor man, clutched the
hearts of the people. The lees of that incredu-
lous spirit was still apparent in 1861. The con.
servatlve element of the Republican party could
not and did not believe that the moral sense Of
the nation was buried. Yet in the words of our
martyr President it was the duty of statesman
ship to save slavery and the nation at the
same time. The duty of the magistrate of
this land was to save the nation without
touching slavery. Thus was lifted the eX-
not recognition but guarantee. Thus was put
aside the habeas corpus, the right of personal
liberty, the marriage institution and normal
elements of Saxon civilization. Any statesman
ship would have said no matter how dark the
cloud, the Rebellion will cease. Never mind
how much protection to slavery, mean to save
this state without destroying the marriage insti
tuition; mean to save civil freedom without de-
stroying the elements that gave it BIRTH But
the error of that statesmanship was that It
hbelled the truth and put fetters on loyalty. 1t
1oro
and 1889 by permitting it to go forth that the
constitutional federation of slavery was guar
antee. On the contrary, the other divergent
channel of American thought said this-NinetY
hundredths of American constitutional civil life
Is liberty. Ninetynine hundredths out OF every
one hundredth IN the blood OF each true
Yankee is equality; and one;hundredth excep-
lion is slavery. Therefore, when the State is in
danger, when the Republic shrieks out, | have
six weapons with which to assail it. By the
Army, the Navy, or the wealth. have the
blood, have the price, have all sorts of rule,
and there lies for slavery a thunderbolt stamped
by God at the moment constitutional federation
is needed. 1t is not only my right, 1t is my duty
as magistrate to seize it as to endorse it before
spend dollar or shed drop of blood. The
policy of Washington was, we must bury half
million of men; we must empty the vaults of
every bank; we must break the source of
every mans industry; and then, at last, in my
great grasp, may take slavery. As magistrate
have no right to see the moral difference
between slavery and freedom. But slavery
was not in the Constitution; what we call its
premises were but film, amere film; the screen
which 1889 put between the monster and the
magistrate OF the republic, and said you must
not look through that screen. Hidden behind
that is sin and fault; but with your magis-
trates eyes you cannot see it, The language of
all our Presidents from Washington down to
Polk and Pierce, was, they had no right to look
through that screen. But when the first gun
was fred at Sumter it shrivelled up. The real
power ofthe people rolled it up like q scroll in
the flame; and for the first time in the history oil
the nation the eyes OF the Chief Magistrate had
the right to see slavery and the sin which it in
6icted. He has the constitutional right, as q
ruler and magistrate, with his right hand on
the Constitution.
THE CORNER, STONE OF PEACE.
For the first time in the history Of the coun-
try the Constitution remanded its magistrate
back to nature; and let him see as President
all he could see as man. When 1t gave him
that right economy and patriotism and duty to
the State, all the blood of our soldier heroes to
insure perpetuity and promptness OF results,
dictated that the first thunderbolt which he
hurled at the Rebellion should be that which
would be sure to kill it, and guarantee peace the
moment 1t was killed. Now, my friends as
said, there IS no use in going back to the past
except for the light that flashes on the present
The light thrown on the present moment from
the 5past suggests this:-We stand at the sa ne
point of divergence to-day; and it is our privi
lege and right to bring back the South as she
stands to-day, to the great results achieved fol
freedom, no matter what are the essentials. Tue
divergent line is q thought which says to the
nation in the laws of God, whether you like 1t
or not in the essence or things, whether you see
II or not, there is but one permanent corner.
stone for the peace of this people; and that is by
the present recognition of the glorious results oil
the war. 1t is the fact that the negro has on
this American continent every right which q
white man has. (Cheers.)
THE "HAPPY NEGRO.
Do not think the negro stands here to an.
nounce that principle or reject it in behalf oi
the race you represent; not in the least. The
man who has here such right to-day; the mar
who has the most right to fold his arms anC
await the future with the least anxiety; the mar
who is under the least cloud, is the negro. H'
Is the only man, his is the only race that, ne
matter what happens, no matter what clouds
and thunderbolts break over us, can see NJ
change that will not be for the better
l am not just now arguing to the whit
race OF this continent on the ground of duty
there is better argument than that-a sel6sl
one. IL Is no sort of consequence what you
prejudices are; 1t is no sort of consequence hoy
bound you are to q certain policy. This ia a.
evident thiDg-that God has not put it Wlthi
the bounds OF possibility that IN this generation
this Union should be harmonlously recon
suucted with a leaving out OF the negro. |
cannot be done.
THE INCUBUS OF SLAVERY,
You may try it but it, cannot be done. Instea
OF holding these black men aloof, and keepius
tue negro at arms length, every sensible mao
with the light of history streaming over hi
Pathway, knows that the white race should b
fghteops. Thank God, there are four million
VI VI oiSOS S men south Of Mason and Dixon's lin
VINO nave the right of the ballot! The reasor
why say 1t is this:-Itl Is mere comnoon sons
Ihat every man entitled to have that power VIII
would use 1t for the cause al Inc ITnIo, aL WI W ~