The weekly clarion. [volume] (Jackson, Miss.) 1863-1882, 1867-03-28
Letter from PIKE County.
prKr County, MISS, March 18th. 1876

nOluct, dhu oue WHO was never OUT 0I the
once slave States, to drop something entire
ly new upon the subject of the Military Bill,
which, if it gives no very permanent relief
from very sore evil, still is fraught with
momentary consolation. Neither the Consti-
tutional Amendment or the Military Bill en-
forces black suffrage. The language isplain,
and though the entire southern press and
forum is resounding an opinion contrary to
mine, and although have, never heard or
road syllable differing from the popular
refrain, yet I, an humble farmer, here assert
thatneither the one nor the other of the
above mentioned instruments foists upon us
that dreadful thing-black suffrage. 1t is
very plain to all that the Amendment does
not contain any such clause, and equally
plain to my mind that it is not embraced in
the Military bill. But to the law and the tes-
1mony. Congress, in the LIST article of the
Amendment, requires new creation of citi-
zenship, making all persons born in the
United States, citizens of the Republic and
and of their respective States. At present
negroes and Indians are not citizens. Con-
Court does not so regard them, nor do the
people so consider them. The slave of yes
terday is not yet the citizen of to-day. The
negro just emerged from slavery is not to-
day citizen of Mississippi He cannot be
until the Constitutional Amendment makes
him SO. If he stands already full fledged,
and is entitled, by the act of emancipation,
to all the privileges and immunities of citi-
zenship, why, / ask, is there any necessity
for the first article of the Constitutional
amendment? Had Congress so considered
him. it had been utterly vain and useless bus
amendment, and equally vain for Jour Legis-
lature to have refused the adoption of that
article in the amendment that conferred up
on the freedman no newborn honor
Now, as neither Congress nor the Supreme
Court, nor our State Constitution, have ever
not citizen yetin any manner, shape or form,
and there is not the slightest possible chance
of bis voting at present.
The military bill declares that all male
CITIZENS. 81 years old and upward, of what
ever race, color or preriOas condition, shall vote
but it does not once say either freedman or
Indian shall vote. It uses the word citizen
This term has never been legally applied to
the freedman. He is called freedman, and
nothing more, and the word CITIZEN, as ap-
piled in the 9Th sectian of the Military Bill
no more applies to him than it does to the
widest aborigine that ever trod the hunt
ing grounds of the West. The word color
there applies to those of the population, who,
though of not purely white origin are new
ertheless free born, and who are by usage
considered citizens of the State. But, says
one, when the amendment is adopted then
ment is adopted, we will no longer be under
the Military Bill.
The Military Bill states that we are re-
quired to frame Constitution for our State,
consonant to the Amendment, requiring
that the elective franchise shall be enjoyed
Orprevious eOndit ion,) but by all such per-
SOILS as have the qualification for electors of
delegates, that is, Tthe ballot-box must be
open to all who are citizens of the State
Let us suppose, for instance, that the elective
franchise is given to the blacks, as many of
our most profound jurists say the bill de-
clares, then these suffragers can come up
and vote for members of the convention, for
ratifying the constitution framed by them,
and for members of the Legislature elected
Hereunder then when our Constitution
shall have been approved, and we, the States
fully restored to their old relations, may,
by strict conformity to the then amended
Federal Constitution, take back those fran
chises temporarily enjoyed, and by lessening
our representation and returning to pure
white basis, may remand these black voters
back to their present condition.
Congress never anticipated any conflict
between the Amendment and the Military
bill. Had we entertained the amendment
and have adopted it, our leaders here would
only have been ineligised, they would not
have been disfranchised. By the bill they
are not only rendered ineligible to Office,
but are denied the right of voting. If we
wait for another turn of the wheel we will
obtain for them triune hQner,-IneligibiL-
ity, Disfrdnchise,aent and Confscation.
1t is plain fact that these States are con-.
quered, and they must submit to the con-
queror's terms, or wrest his weapons from
him.. They must submit, or they must tri-
umph. Standing still will work but an
augmentation of woe. God, whose hand
was so manifest in the formation of this
Union, still seems disposed to bind it to-
gether by ever during chains.
We have just went through fearful rev.
olution, let us pray mot for another. Let us
abide by the decisions of our own arbiter
and bow to mandate we cannot arrest OF
revoke.
We have been told to look hopefully to
tae Nations executive, that be would aid in
the furtherance of no oppressive measures,
and to-day the Nations chief is dispatching
his officers, clothed with national authority,
to carry ont the laws of Congress.
g ITnn1oyed as death, Achilles still remains,
Though PROSTATE Greece has bled through
ali her veins
T.at ,,s fTnst that wiser coHnsels may soon
Yrevail. and that peace, tranquility and joy
NAV vet rear all their happy banners upon
onf disturbed and rayaged, but still glorious
land. The conquered are always at the
mercy of the conqueror. We may expect
nothing. but from his magnanimity. We
cannot dictate and the sooner we become
fully alive TO our situation the better it viii
be for as all.
The eword of Robert E. Lee no more en-
circles the so-ca1led liberties of the South,
and from the debris of hoary Sumpter, no