Daily Davenport Democrat. [volume] (Davenport, Iowa) 1864-1874, 1867-12-04


gardci ~ personally or politically hostis,
10 the President, /, is natural and not a,
together Unreasonable f,s the officer TO ex
pect that it will take his part. aud as ia
as possible restore him to bis place anc
give him triumph over bis executive su
I pefier Off cr. lie has other chances d
imruri.y arising from accidental defects 0
evidence made IN investigating it and ID,
secrecy If hearing it. |, Is not wonderful
| that eli eisl naIfeasarcc should becom.
| bod ~ proportion as ielinquenss learn Il
think themselves snfe. am entirely per
suaded that under such rule The Presi
dent cannot perform the great doty assign
~ q hlm Of seeing ne laws faithfully exc.
cu,ed, and tha. il dsables him most es-
ps ialis.fron eslorcius that rigid sccornts
| oilily Which is necessary to The d,rs exc
cution Of the revenue avs. The constitu
ton invests the President with authority
70 decide whether removal shall be made
! in any given case. The act OF Congres de.
clares in substance that ne shall only &C.
cuse such as be supposes 70 oe unworthy
Of their trusts. The constitution makes
him the sole Judge in the premises, but the
statute takes away his jurisdiction, aad
transfers il to the Senate, and leaves him
nothing Int the oiious and sometimes i'm
practicable duty OF becoming prosecutor.
The nrosecution is - be conducted before !
tribunal whose members are not, like him
responsible 20 the whole people, but to sep
arate c,rS,;tu-rt bodies, and who may
bear his accusation with great disfavor
The Senate i absolutely without any known
standard of decision applicable to such to
n case It's Judgment cannot be anticipd.
ted. for !, is not governed by any rule. The
law does not define what shall be deemed
good cause for removal. IL is Impossible
even TO conjecture what may or may not
be SO considered by the Senate. The ma.
ture of the subject forbids clear proof. II
the charge be ,ncapscity, what evidence will
support III Fidelity 10 the constitution
NAV be understood or misunderstood in q
thousand different ways, and, by violent
party men in violent party times. unfaith-
iulness TO the constitution uIay even GENE
to be considered ineritorious. If an Of
ficer be accused Of d dishonesty, how shall
il be made ou,f VIII il he inferred from
acts uuconnccted with public duty; from
private hi, ory or from general reputation,
or must the President asssil the commits
sion II an actual msdemeanor in office (.
Shall he in the meantime risk the character
and interes, Of the nation in the hands oil
men to whom he cannot give his confidence!
Must he forbear has complaint until the
mischief is done and cannot be prevented 7
If his zeal in the public service should i'm
pei him 20 anticipate an overt act, must he
move At the peril of being tried himself 70,
the offence oislinderiny his subordinate
In the prcseut circumstances oil
the country, some one must be
held responsible for official
delinauency Of every kind !. is extreme
ly diiiicut.o say where that responsibility
should be thrown, if it be not left where i,
has been placed by the constitution. But
all lust meu will admit that the President
ought to b. entirely relieved from such re.
sponsibility il he cannot meet it by reason
Of restrictions placed by law upon his &C.
tons. Unrestricted power Of removal from
office 10 q very great one, TO DO ttusted
even to magistrate chosen by the general
suffrage Of the whole people, and accounta-
BILE directly to them for his acts. Il is un.
doubtedly Liable to abuse, and at some De-
RODS OF our history. perhaps has been a.
bused. iii, be thought desirable and con.
stitutional thst il should be 80 limited Is
to make the President merely a common
informer nrains. other public agents, be
should at least be permitted to oct in that
capacity before some open tribunal, indie
pendent Of party politics, ready to investi-
gate the merits Of every case furnished,
with the means OF taxing evidence, and
hound 80 4 Ia eecordiow N an astabl:.l
ed rule. This would guarantee the safety
of the accuser when he acts in good faith
and 1t the same time secure tbs rights OF
the other party. speak, Of course, with
all proper respect for the present Senate
but it does not seem TO me that any legis-
lativc body can he SO constructed rs TO in
sure its fitness for thcse functions. II il
not the theory of this Government tina,
public Offices arc the property Of those who
bold them. Iley are given merely az q
trust for the public benefit, sometimes for
fixed period. sometimes during good be-
havior, but generally they are liable to be
terminated at the pleasure Of the appoint
ing power, which represents collective
majesty and peaks the will of the people,
The forced RE- tution in Office of a single
public interests Danger to the public ser.
vice comes not from the power to remove
but Il ON the power 10 appoint. Therefore
il was that the trainers Of the Constitution
lelt the ? wer If removal unrestricted
while they gave the Senate the right to re-
let all appointments which, in its opinion
we're not tit - be made. A little reflection
on this subject willprobably satisfy all who
haze the good of the country at heart, that
our best course is 10 take the constitution foi
our guide, walk i'll the path marked out by
the founders OF the republic and obey rules
made sacred by the observance Of our grea
predecessors.
The present condition CT our finances and
circulating medium is one to which you
early Consideration is invited. The proper
ZION Which :he currency Of any country
should bear to the whole value OF the annu
al produce circulated by its means is ques
ton upon which political economists have
not agreed, nor can il be controlled by leg
islation, but must be left to irrevocable law
which everywhere regulate commerce and
trade. The circulating medium will ever
- Nv" W the potusS "uttS ~ 10 ~
the greatest demand. The law Of demand
and supply is a. unerring as that which
regulates the tides Of the ocean. aud, indeed
the currency, like the tides, has it's Gibbs
and hows throughout the commercial world
At the beginning Of the rebellion, the bank
note circulation Of the country amounted tc
not much more than two hundred miliont
OF dollars. Now, the circulation Of Nationa
Bank notes, and those known a. legal ten
ders. is nearly seven hundred millions
While 1t is urged by some that this amount
should be increased, others contend that .
decided reduction is absolutely essential Il
the best interests Of the country. In view
OF these diverse opinions, il may be well L
ascertain the real vslue VI our paper issues
when compared with metallic or converti
BILE currency. For this purpose let Us in
Qosre how much gold and silver could b.
purchased with seven hundred millions o.
paper money now in circulation. Probably
not mere than hl.f the amount Of the latter
sho"ms that when our psper currency il
compared with gold and silver It's CONNER
cisi value is compressed into three hundred
and hity millions. This striking fact maker
u the obvious duty Of tho Government, =
early as may he consistent with the princi
pies Of sound political economy, - TAKE
SUCH meaanres - will eneble the holder Q
its notes AMI those Of the National Banks
to convert them, without loss, into specie
| or its eOuivalant eaI,,ot;nu IF ouP mai moi