The home journal. (Winchester, Tenn.) 1858-188?, 1866-10-13

power OF the Executive or the judlcla-
nv to interfere, to prorogue, or to dis
solve either House. Congress can
alone exercise the power Of legislation.
Neither President nor Supreme Court
can give to any rule the force Of law
except by authority Of Congrcss.
The Constitution, by requiring two
thirds vote to convict under an I'M
parchment, shows the care by which
this supreme and final arbitrament is
secured from being made a playtNlng
for fools, or II dangerous instrument IN
the hands Of designing and wicked men.
And the absence Of all other rules OF
procedure shows that it was intended
to make this the ultima ratio, the last
resort ofthe government, the reposito-
ry of that paramount and irreversible
prero gative which human imperfection
renders necessary in the last resort, to
avert the necessity OF a revolution rs
the only remedy for evils that are no
longer possible to be berne. Snch Il
power needs to he rs unrestricted rs it
is final, because it is designed to be put
forth in all possible and all conceivable
emergencies, and must, therefore, make
its own rules from time to time, as the
exigency Of the time may require. If
it were bound by precedents, or limited
by forms, the only study of the hostile
agents would be to keep their mischief
outside of those lines, and the country
would be without remedy.
The limitation of the penalty to be
imposed by impeachment to the bare
removal from office, and disqualltica-
ton for futur trusts, shows the care
with which this terrible weapon wal
guarded against the possibility OF being
used as the instrument OF vengeance or
the means of usurpatiOn. Its leading
object is not punishment, but to put
an instant stop to abuses Of admins
tration. This removal from Office is
hardly regarded in this country as a
punishment, because the people never
look upon the possession of office rs in
any sense personal right. If removal
were looked upon in the nature of a
penalty, or AS implying II charge or
conviction of misconduct, it would be
impossible for the people to take s.
quietly the present wholesale removals
made by the President of men above
the suspicion Of wrong, and for no pos
siblc cause except that they continue
to agree in opinion with the people,
while the President has turned against
them. A case is s%upposable in which
any reason which serves for removals
by the President, would be equally val
id to warrant removals 10y impeach-
ment-the penalty in either case being
the same. The use of a constitutional
power in Que case to cut short the
abuse offs similar power in other would
he neither anomalous nor dangerous.
The penalty of disqualification, intlic-
ted by Il %two-thirds vote Of the Senate,
would be a more serious matter, and
not likely to be lightly applied.
That u prerogativc so potent and so
easily applied has so rarely found or
made occasions for its exercise proves
only the perfection fthe machine, and
the fidelity ofits management, SO that
it seldom brings into action the func-
ton ofthe governor and the safety
valve. Its existence needs to be re-
called TO mind, and its capabilities
should he occasionally contemplate l.,
that needless officials may lsarn to be
aware of bringing themselves under its
operation. Before they know it, they
may find themselves hurled from the
office they abused, and forever cut off
from the highest privileges of citizen
ship, and that without rcmed,'.