The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-05-01
The Progress of What the
"SecTet Directory" Proposes
From the Times

HTOW He IUleS
The Joint Committee on Reconstruction so
called, has finally ventured to promulgate a
plan for the settlement of sectional difficulties
and the restoration of harmony to the Union.
1t is in the shape of constitutional amendment,
with a couple of bills which Congress is to be
asked to enact; and in another column we
fepublish the whole from our issue OF yesterday
The scheme would seem sweeping enough to
satisfy the most eXaCting Radical. 1t could
hardly be much more sweeping, inoeed, unless
1t proNlde0 tor wholesale connscation and the
determination or banlshment of the Southern
Deope. 1t requires the Sta es to affirm the
equality OF whites aud blacks in the eyl OF the
law in all that pertains to lite liberty, and pro-
perty. 1t apportions Representatives on the
basis OF the electoral population; including,
however, those who may be dslranchised Tor
participation IN the Rebellion. 1t dsIrancNises,
untl 1870, all who voluntarily adhered to the
late insurreCtion," so lar AS voting Tor members
OF Congress and for the Federal President
and Vlce-Presldent is concerned. II forbids the
payment Of the Rebel debt, or of compensation
on account OF emancipated slaves. The supule-
mentary bills are OF the sane character. One is
intended to enact that the STATES lately in receL
lion shall, after ratiNi ing this amendment be
restored to what the Committee call "their tull
political rohts," subject, however, to the
taking of 'the required oaths of office" By
senators and Representatives, including we
suppose the test oath, unadulterated and ul-
qualified. The other affrms the perpetual ineli.
OF all who were prominently connected with the
Rebellion in any of some halt-dozen enumerated
ways. a
as plan OF paciication and reconstruction.
the whole thing is worse than a burlesque. 1t
might be styled farce, were the country not
IN the midst OF very serious drama. It's proper
designation would be "a plan to prolong indef-
nItely the exclusion of the South from CONGRESS
by imposing con lit ons to which the Southern
people never will submit.n This being the OBJ
Vlous scope and tendency OF the proposition, we
are bound ~ assume that it clearly reflects the
settled purpose of the Committee. So that the
JOINT Committee appointed nearly five months
ago to take exclusive charge of the question of
reconstruction, now offer as the result of all
their labors what would in tact render recon
strucilon forever impossible. . ....
There is an anomalous feature in the affair as
1t stands which of iUset reveals the monstrous
nature Of the pretensions set up by the Com
mltlee All the provisions of the proposed
ament ment imply the adoption of the extreme
view in regard to the relation of the South to
the Union. We must begin by assuming that
what were States before the war are mere Terri
tories now; or this attempt to dictate terms as
the condition OF recognition becomes undis-
guised usurpation. We must assume in fact
that the South Is at this moment neither more
nor less than an aggregate of Territories, wait
Ing 1or admission as States, and from whose
people Congress may, therefore, require COM
plance with certain PROPOSALS. And yet the
amendment, on its lace, declares the existence
as States, of all the States recently in rebellion
and presupposes the exercise bv their several
Legislatures OF the highest constitutional atfri-
butte OF State sovereignty.
They have no right to represen alton IN Con.
gresS, torsooth. They may not say yea or nav
on the mos. trivial questions that come before
Congress. They are not permitted to enjoy
particle OF influence III matters affecting the
finance, the trade, the industry the foreign rela.
tions OF the country, or any of its concerns,
great or small. These privileges they are denied
on the pretense that they are not within the
Union, and therefore have no right to recOpni.
ton as parts of the Union. Nevertheless, under
the contemplated amendment they are treated
as sovereign States, whose ratification of the
amendment is essential 10 its constitutional va
Icity. They are to vote for or against change
in the Constitution OF the Union, of which, on
the radical hypothesis, they are not at present
members Could absurdty go further? Could
the folly OF this fanatlcism be made more
manifest?
From the dilemma into which the Committee
have thus plunged there is no logical escape. If
the Southern States are in con 1ition by their
Legislatures to ratily or reject Constitutional
amendment, they must OF necessity be qualified
10 send Senators and Representatives to Con-
gress, subject only to the Judgment of either
House as TO the eligibility of the persons sent
State which may assist in the sovereign task
OF moulding the Constitution under which Con-
gress acts, may surely demand voice in what
the Constitution creates. The greater right
covers the lesser right, in this as in other
cases. On the other hand, if the Southern States
are not entitled to admission to Congress--if
the point be established, as the radical doctors
| say It is, that these are States no longer,
| but Territories only, subject to the will of
the Compensation it follows that thew
| are not entitled TO any lot or part In the
business of amending the Constitution. Upon
| which horn shall the "Central Directory be i'm.
paled? Shall we take it that this prodigious
| amendnent-this mighty mouse brought forth
| by mountain after i've months parturihon-
does not mean what IL says when II speaks of the