The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-06-27
Napoleon III and the European War.

bfOnttne HOTtd.
The third Napoleon certainly rivals the Roman
Augustus, whom he is popularly supposed to
have taken as his model and exemplar, in his
intensely practical disdan for the forms as COM
pared with the substance of Imperial power
He won and has kept his throne in France by
thoroughly prompt and "businessllke" tact in
the appreciation both of the circumstances and
the temper of the nation at given moment;
and the enormous influence which he has ac-
quired over the general mind of Europe, is not
more due to the vast material power which
France, under his administration, has developed
and accumulated, than to the conviction which
he has generated abroad as well as at home,
that no living ruler OF men is so keenly alive as
he to every cnange in th g current of events, or
so swift and so skilful in adapting his own
course to cry such change.
All the pre- conceived notions of what ''Na-
poleonic" policy must be, which men entertained
whe1 he seized the sceptre fourteen years ago,
have been successively upset and discon2 2erted
by his actual administration of affairs; and yet,
now that we look back upon reign already
longer than that which made his uncle as i'm
mortal in the memories OF mankind as AleXan-
der of MaCedon or Julius OF Rome, we see that
the first Napoleon's theories of the proper ad-
justment of the European system, and of the
proper place OF France In that system have been
more nearly realized, or are in more hopeful
way of realizat on, under the patient manpula-
ton of his successor, than they ever were when
the founder of the Corsican dynasty was at the
zenith of his glory and his fame.
The extraordinary letter which the third
Napoleon has just addressed, through the trans
parent medium oil his Minister OF Foreign A fairs,
to 'all whom II may concern" is certainly not
the least striking proof which he has gwen of
his formidable capacity for making his antago.
nists do his work, and tor getting himself forced
into the precise posi- ton which he desires to oc-
cupy. In its bearing upon his domestic admin.
istration, this letter with lis results upon the
CORDS IIeQ1SlatIf. be regarded Of the
most successful strokes of what the English cali
parliamentary strategy which our times have
seen.
1t will be remembered that shortly after M.
Thiers had delivered, in the last session of the
Corps Leeislatif, what was considered to be a
most brilliant and damaging attack upon the
foreign policy OF the empire, the Emperor net.
tied, as the gossips told us, by the inability or
the neglect of his ministers to meet the ex-
premier OF Louis Philippe with his own weapons
upon his own ground, startled France and
Europe by opening ire himself in short speech
at AuXerre upon the treaties of 1915, which he
declared that he ''detested." The hnanciers of
Paris shuddered at this ominous outburst, but
the people of France undoubtedly responded to
1t with heart and soul.
The Emperor now follows it up, at the first
prospect OF a discussion OF the European
questions" in the present session of the Corps
Leglslatif, by letter in which he states all his
objects in calling for Congress of the European
powers, Just as clearly and coolly as If that
Congress were actually to be held, and explains
Nuot uO CAptClo W uO SuOulu tu6 'ueLeStoQ"
treaties of 1916 be nulllfed by a new and great
European war, Just as composedly as il the new
war had been already fought, and France were
presiding, in grand Peace Conference, over
the definite reconstruction of the map of
Europe" The result was a vote in which the
opposition, led by M. Theirs, were defeated, and
all debate on the foreign policy of the empire
postponed, by majority OF 2O2 against 34 fol-
lowed up by another vote, which endorsed the
amended budget of the Finance Minister by a
majority OF 232 against Is. A more overwhelm.
ing vote OF confidence" has rarely been re-
corded in support of any constitutional sove-
reign or minister.
In its relations to the foreign policy of France
this letter is likely to have not less important
influence. There is something almost Mephis-
tophean in the quietly sarcastic way in which
the Emperor states what he should have hoped
to achieve for Europe had the Conference to
which he, in common with England and Russia
invited Austria, Prussia and Italy, been actu.
ally held I'VE should have DESIRED" says
Napoleon, ''for the Germanlc Confederation
position more worthy OF its Importance; for
Prussia better geographical boundaries for
Austria the maintenance OF her great position
in Europe after the cession of Venetia TO Italy
in exchange for territorial compensation"
Excellent things, no doubt all of them; but
70 state that these would have been the objects
at which France would have aimed in con-
ference, is to say that the conference in which
France aimed at these things must necessarily
nave come to naught. Far different, however,
is the importance OF the declaration that France,
which would have tried in conference to bring
about all these desirable results for the good of
mankind in general must now hold herself free,
the conference having aled TO see TO it that,
If the map OF Europe is ''altered to the profit OF
any great power" France shall not suffer by
such an alteration. Coming as it comes, Just
between the retreat of the Austrian troops from
Holstein and the formal opening of q great
European war by the Austrian Government, this
declaration of Napoleon reserves to France,
broadly and openly, the right to strike when
ever and wherever she may Judge it best for her
so to do, while 1t throws upon other States the
responsibility of making it necessary for her to
strike at all.
Begun. under such auspices, we may be
tolerably sure that the war OF 1866 will not end
without bringing about larger more decisive,
and more permanent changes in the political
constitution of the Old World than any conflict
which has taken place since the dying hand of
William Pitt rolled up the map of Chatham's
Europe on the receipt OF the tidings of Auster-
litz.