The evening Argus. [volume] (Rock Island, Ill.) 1861-1871, 1866-04-13

rieht oy ~ own constitution to provide that no
man shall preach unless he he takes such An oath
a. the constitution of the state NAV preearbe f-I
What mean 70 cay D., that II unconstitutioual |
interfersnos with private rights iusti6ea An A.
peal of this description, than invoke nv friend
from Illinois 70 draft bill which will cover the
cases that are occurring now IN the state Of Mis-.
souri,. Irefer 10 that state With no view to dis-
parage the state. In my judgment her constitu- |
ton in that particular 10 clearly Invalid. Wheth-
er it IL or not will be ascertained at future day
by the decision Of the supreme court. But one
thing is certain, that, apparently, rights are nva
ded and If the existence Of IN authority in the
states &c invade rights clothes the congress ofthe
United States with authority to legislate on the
subject Of rights, then We ought to legislate with
regard to that state. But that 10 no. the only
state. Are not horrid enormities practiced every
day, robberies unheard of, murders more afro
cious than perhaps the world has heretofore
Witnessed In come of the loyal states of the east
robberies in broad day. With just as much
constitutional authority might We claim right
to legislats and appoint commissioners and sub
commissioners for the purpose of making arrests
throughout the loyal states in case of that de-
scription, az Ne have in the cases provided for
in this bill
l WAS about to advert to a speech made in
another department Of the government, but per-
haps that would not be strictly in order 1t is
sufficient for my purpose to say that a gentle
man Of legal AGILITY, who has been called upon
to examine this question, and under official
responsibility too, concurs in opinion with the
president that the bill is wholly nnconstitution.
al, and he not among the friends of the presi-
dent.
l have but a word or two more to say My
honorable friend from Illinois, as it seemed to
me-his nature is impulsive, and perhaps he
was carried farther than he intended-seemed to
intimate that the president of the United States
had not acted sincerely in this matter, that his
usurpAtion WAS n clear one and that he IN
be censured for that usurpation. What has he
doreP He las vetoed this bill He had coz
stitutional right to do so Not only that if he
believed that the effect of the bill would be that
which he states in his veto message, he was not
only authorized, but bound, to veto it. His oath
is to preserve we'll as to ''protect and de-
fend' the constitution of the United States !;
and, believing as he does, and in that opinion
CONCUR, that this bill assais the constitution of
| the United States, he would have been false 10
his plighted faith if he had not returned it with
his objections.
As to his intending or being capable of intend
ing that which could be tortured into disloy atty,
anything that could be construed unjust in
reference with the legislative department of the
government, it is sufficient to refer to his whole
political career. 1 believe the honorable mem
Der from Illinois was member of this body in
| lS6e-6l, when the rebellion was snauesrated.
| was here, not as a member, but as q spectator
and saw him, on that side of the chamber, in
words that burned, and in a spirit of indignant
eloquence rarely if ever excelled, cay to the men
| who were about to inaugurats the Instruction
that they were traitors to their country, standing
in the midst of them face to face, perlirg life for
| sught that he knew
Mr.. Nye-Will the senator allow me to ask
him questions In the same speech / would
like to ask the senator if he did not advocate
boldly and in the most imperative and sfirma-
| tive manner the right of the states to secede.
Mr.. Johnscn-No.
Mr.. Nye-I think he did
Mr.. COMMUNICATING like it. If nv friend
will improve his reading he will find directly the
| reverse. The only public man who has been
very prominent who advocated the right of
| secession was the late lsmented President Lin
| coin, in aspeech that he made in 1s4s.
Mr.. Nye-StepheDs--
MI. Johnson-Who?
Mr.. Nye-Mr. Stephens did. know he did.
M. Johnson-I am not speaking of Mr. Steph-
ems. Laughter
Mr.. Nye-I thought you we're speaking of the
eioquence of Stephens.
Mr.. Johnson-Not at all. had not Mr..
Stephens in my mind. Perhaps my friend has
been to visit him within the las, day or two; be
has got him into his head. have not been to
visit him. l was speaking of the president of
the United States, and l have yet to learn that
Mr.. Stephens is president of the United States.
MIR. Nye-He WAS vice president of the south
confederacy.
Mr.. Johnson-It 10 very seldom that the hon.
orable member from Nevada falls into a mistake
of fact, but this time think he has
If the president of the United States on the
floor of this senate took the manly and patriotic
and bold stand which We know he did; If he ran
the hazards which We know he did; if in return
ing to his home, because of that speech, his life
was in imminent peril, being saved only by the
intrepidity of the conductor of the car in which
he was; it, after his return to his state of Ten
| nessee, he boldly denounced every effort that
treason was engaged III, and day and night
posed himself to all the weapons that treascR
could use or treason could procure who is bolt
| enough or ungrateful enough to Say that he is
not patriotic now and true to the Enions Nv
| friend from Maine, (Mr. Fessenden, jim the speech
which he delivered upon the former veto, admit
ted with the frankness which belongs to him
that he had entire confidence the sincerity
and patriotism of the president. The honorable
| senator frou Illinois, in the speech which he
gave US upon the same subject, repeated his con-
tidence IN terms as strong. And what has since
occurred to shake our confidence He may be
mistaken. in the judgment of my friend from
Illinois and In the judgment of my friend from
Maine, in this particular message, as they
thought he was in error in relation TO the other
message; but here, as there, with every mind he
must stand before tbs country a patriot, though
he may be mistaken. He desires-and rho does
not-that the Union shall be restored as it origi-
nally existed. He has policy which he thinks
is best calculated to effect it. He may be mis-
taeen, but be is honest. Congress may differ
with him. hope they will agree sooner or Ia
ter, because / believe believe in my exis-
tence, that the condition in which the country
now is, cannot remain without producing troub-
les that may shake our reputation, not only in
our eyes. but in the eyes of the civilized world
Let the day come when we shall be again togeth-
er, and then, forgetting the past, hailing the
present, and lc )kiug forward to the future, we
shall remember, if we remember the past at all,
for the exhibition Of valor and gallaDtry display
ed by both sides, and find in il when we become
one, guarantee that, in the future, no foreign
hostilitiss are to be dreaded, and that no civil