The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-12-11

bound TO do, And he will also enforce any fur
ther measure which Congress may enact tor the
settlement of the Southern question. refusal
TO do this would be followed by his impeach-
ment and removal. But he will afford no pre-
text for either. Whatever be his Vn views as
TO the merits of measures adopted by Congress,
he will discharge his duty by administering
faithfully. He may endeayor TO arrest them by
his veto; but this being overcome, he will en-
force the law, whether the South suffer from its
execution or not. OF this the Charleston Mer-
curry may rest satisfied
Other Southern journals rely upon n renewal
OF civil war for deliveranCe. The Richmond
Enquirer asserts that 'the President is bound
by his oath TO maintain the State Governments
in their just rights, and by any attempt 10
abolish them by Congress, as proposed Dy the
caucus, would necessitate coinslon; 80
Richmond, ii seems, is not tired oil ''coLlsl0n."
The entry of Grants army, after the little affair
at Appomattox Court House" passes ior nothlng
in the haqtlreT's judgment. Another Vlrglnlan
show no disposition TO relax Its grasp after alb.
solute dominion, and declare itself in perpetual
session. says the Petersburg Express, "the
President will have no alternative lett him but
to disperse the two Houses at the point of the
bayohet." Now as it is certain that the present
Congress will provide for the assembling OF the
next CoDgIess on the 4th of Marcb--which is
what the Petersburg editor means by "deClaring
itself in perpetual sess on'-the time fol another
trial Of strength "at the point OF the bayonep
is by no means remote. Are, there however,
still left at the South fools who suppose that the
who imagine that the fentest sign of resistance
to the lawful enactment of Congress would not
be instantly followed by events more startling
than ShermaI's march to the sea?
Had we access to the ear of the Southern
people we should entreat them TO put straight
jackets upon the fJe-eaters that linger among
them and to give no heed to the journalists
who assure them that President Johnson viii
resist the authority of Congress and disobey its
laws. The editors who so write are either
blind leaders of the blind, er reckless makers Of
mischief, who would multiply indefinitely the
sufferings OF the people they profess to guide.
We can tell the South something more. Un-
less the pending amendment be accepted by the
Southern Legislatures, the fate of existing gov
ernmental organizations at the South may be
considered fixed. We indulge in no menace.
We affect no prophetic vision. We essay no
sive informati IN. But there Is fact which the
South cannot too quickly comprehend, and that
is, that in the absence OF q settlement based
upon the proposed amendment, Congress will
affirm the territorial existence OF the South,
legislate out of official being its present func-
tionarieS and machinery of government, and
provide for the organization of Territories on a
plan suited to the emergency. Are the South
ern people prepared for this alternative?
The course alluded to is beset with difficulties,
we kLow. 1t is not one we should choose If any
method remained for averting it, The method
we have favored requires the concurrence of the
Southern States, or a part OF them, AMI their
refusal to concur renders it impracticable. They
have yet tine 10 reconsider their dec sion, and
to coDccde as matter OF eXpediency what they
have denied as matter of principle. But they
must act quickly, or the chance of repentance
will be lost to them. For the question of resto-
ration or Reconstruction cannot be lett open
much longer. And we are convinced that, as q
last resort Congress Will close it by an unainch-
ing application OF the Territorial policy.