The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1866-02-14


constitutes the colored population, lean give
no evidence here. Everything that have
had, both as regards IFS md properly, has
been. periled in that cause and 4 feel and
|, think tAatI uhdestand (not I'd be egotistic)
Ihaf should 81 IA trne dihec tion Of this ques-
ton. and That course Of policy would result
ID the >amenoratiQh and Ultimate elevation,
not only 81 the colofed, but Of the great mass
Of the people of the Uniced States. say
that if have not given evidence that am
friend of humanity, and especially the friend
of the colored man in my past conduct, there
is nothing that can now do that would.
repeat, all that possessed, life, liberty, and
property, have been put up in connection with
that question; when had every inducement
held out to take the other course, by adopt
ing which would have accomplished per-
haps all that the most ambitious might have
desired If ]. know myself, and the feelings
ofmy own heart, they have been fol. the col
ored man.. Ihave owned slaves and bought
slaves, but I never sold one. 3 might say,
however, that practically, 80 far as myi con-
nection with slaves has gone have been
their slave instead Of their being mine
Some have even followed me here, while 9TH
ers are occupying and enjoying my property
with my consent, For the colored race my
means, my time, my all has been periled and
now at this late day, after giving evidence
that is tangible, that is practical, I am free
to say to you that L do not like to be ar
raigned by some who can get up handsomely
rounded periods and deal in rhetoric, and
talk about abstract ideas OF liberty, who new
er periled life, liberty, or property This kind
of theoretical, hollow, impractical friendship
amounts to but very little. While say that
I am friend of the colored man. / do not
want to adopt policy that I believe will
end in contest between the races, which if
persisted in will result in the determination
ofthe one or the other. God forbid that
should be engaged in sucha work!
Now, it is always best to talk about things
practically, and in common sense way
Yes, have said, and repeat here, that if the
| colored man in the United States could find
| no other Moses, or any Moses that would be
more able and efficient than myself, 1 would
| be his Moses to lead him from bondage to
| freedom; that would pass him from a land
where he had lived in slavery to land Gf it
were in our reach) of freedom. Yes, would
| be willing to pass him through the Red Sea
to the Land ofPromise.- to the land ofliberty
but lam not willing, under either circum-
stance, to adopt policy which believe will
only result in the sacrifice of his life and the
shedding of his blood. Think know what
Isay. feel what say and I feel well assur-
| ed that if the policy urged by some be persist
edin, it will result in great injury to the white
as well as to the colored man. There is a great
! deal of talk about the sword in one hand &C.
complishing an end, and the ballot accom-
| plishing another at the ballot-box
These things all do very well, and some
times have forcible application. We talk
| about justice; we talk about right; we say
| that the white man has been in the wrong in
keeping the black man in slavery as long as
| he has That is all true Again, we talk
about the Declaration of Independence and
equality before thelaw. You understand all
| that, and know how to appreciate it. But,
now, let us look each other in the face; let
us go to the great mass of colored men
throughout the slave States; let us take the
condition in which they are at the present
time and it is bad enough we all know
and suppose by some magic touch you could
say to every one, 4" You shall vote tomorrow"
how much would that ameliorate their con-
ton at this time2 -- a.. ,s. #. Is
Now, let us get closer up to this subject,
and talk about it. What relation has the
colored man and the white man heretofore
occupied in the South p opposed slavery
upon two grounds, First, it was a great
monopoly, enabling those who controlled and
owned it to constitute an aristocracy, ena-
bling the few to derive great profits and rule
the many with an iron rod, as it were. And
that is one great objection to it in a Govern
ment, its being monopoly. I was opposed
to it secondly upon the abstract principle of
slavery. Hence, in getting clear of a monop-
oily, we were getting clear of slavery at the
same time. So you see there were two right
ends accomplished in, the accomplishment of
the one. c.s.t+..c--
Mr.. Douglas Mr.. President, do you wish,
The President-I am not quite through
yet 1.... A.a hei.l.
Slavery has been abolished, a great nation
al guaranty has been given, one that cannot
be revoked. l was getting at the relation
that subsisted between the white man and
the colored men. A very small proportion
of white persons compared with the whole
number Of such, owned the colored people of
the South. might instance the State of
Tennessee in illustration. There were there
81 non-saveholders to one stakeholder, and
yet the slave power controlled that State
Let us talk about this matter as it is AL
though the colored man was in slavery there,
and owned as property in the sense and in
the language of that locality and of that
community. yet, in comparing his condition,
and his position there with the non-slavehol-
der, he usually estimated his importance just
in proportion to the number of slaves that
his master owned, with the non-slaveholder.
Have you ever lived upon plantation
Mr. Douglas.-I have, your Excellency.