Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1866-03-07


OF the direct interference of the military arm
IN their affairs.
In precisely the same way and under the
influence of the same idea, he had acted in
regard to civil affairs generally in that sec
ton, regarding 1t as necessary and proper to
impose upon the rebellous States conditions
which would guarantee the safety of the
country; and regarding the then existing
affairs of the local governments as having
disqualified themselves, by their treason
Tor continuance in power, he deposed them,
and established Provisional Governments
Then he asked himself what conditions
ought to be demanded of them, and how
their disposition to accept them in good
faith might be stimulated. The conditions,
VIZ: The amendment of State Constitu-
tlons, excluding slavery the acceptance of
the same amendment to the United States
Constitution the reputation of the rebel
debt, and the admission OF the freedmen to
various rights, &c., everybody is familiar
with. To stimulate them to accept these
conditions. being such as, in his best judg-
ment, and in the'absence of any Congress
sional plan, he thought the nearest right of
any he could frame, he ged that on their
acceptance with evidence of good faith, he
would permit them to rcorganize their State
Governments, elect Legislatures, &C., and
so tar as the Executive acts could do so,
would restore them to their position in the
Union of States They had so far accepted
his conditions, that he did not regard the
experiment as failure, but a success. He
had accordingly reorganized the Post Office
Department everywhere among them, had
reopened trade and removed restrictions
thereon through the Treasury Department,
and in like manner, in all the Executive
Departments, reorganized them as States
in the Union, only keeping enough of a
military hold to protect the freedmen, as he
had before stated, and induce them to do
something more thorough in that direction.
Now but one thing remained in which
those States did not exercise the full rights
of States, and that is representation in Con
gress. In this he had advised that the same
principle of stimulating loyalty be applied
as in the other respects which he had named.
He would admit only such representatives
as were in fact loyal men, giving satisfacto-
ry evidence of this. Whenever State or
District sent loyal man, properly elected
and qualified, he would think it right to adj
NIT him the same as from any other State,
and he would admit none but such loyal
men, so that other States or districts might
be thus induced to elect and send similar
men. When they had all done this, their
representation would be full, and the work
would be done. Such was his plan.
He did not ask to be the judge of cleo
tions and qualifications of members of Con
gress, or of their loyalty Congress was its
own Judge. and he had no dream of inter
fering with its constitutional rights but he
felt like urging upon the country. that this
mode of finishing the work so nearly com
pleted in other respects, was the only FEAST
bic one which had been presented, and that
it was impossible to ignore the fact that the
States were exercising then rights and enjoy
in short, restored in all other respects, and
that it is too late to question the fundamen-
tai right of representation.
[ then remarked to him that | had heard
it suggested that legislation could properly
be made by Congress, purely civil in its
character, providing for the protection of the
freedmen by United States Courts of infe-
rior jurisdiction, in all cases where the States
did not do so themselves. He replied that
such an idea would run exactly parallel to
his plan, but he had not thought it yet time
to fix his own ideas of the precise mode of
accomplishing this end, because we had a
margin of time lasting till after the next
session of Congress, during which the Freed
mems Bureau would continue in operation
and if before that time the Southern States
proper system of protection for the freed
men, nothing further on our part would ne
cessary IF they did do what they ought
there would then be time enough to elabor-
ate plan. EE
He then referred briefly to the fact, that
men who have been disloyal were rejoicing |
over his Aeto message, saying that If these |
men in coed faith adopted the views of poll
cy he had himself held and acted upon, and |
which he had SO freely elaborated in his an
nual message and explained to me, the coun-
try surely could have no cause for sorrow in
that Ifdisloyal men and rebels everywhere,
North and South, should cordially give in
their adherence to the. conditions of restora-
ton he had uniformly insisted upon, he
thought that was precisely the kind OF paci-
fcation loyal men everywhere should rejoice
in. The more they were committed TO such |
a course the better he would like it, for if
they were not sincere they would at least
their power of dangerous Oppose
ton in future His whole heart was with
the body of true men who had carried tne
through the war, and he earnestly
desired to maintain cordial and perfect un-
with them.
This sentiment and purpose he regarded /
as entirely consistent with determined OPP |
position to the obstructive policy of those
extremists, who, as he believed, would keep |
the country in chaos till absolute ruin might
come upon u.s. ToE THH a
Such, my dear sir, is the conversational
statement of the President on this impor-
tant matter, and if you could meet his
straightforward, honest look, and hear the
hearty tones of his voice, as [ did, 1 am
well assured that you would believe, with
me, that although he may not receive per-
sonal attacks with the equanimity and for
bearance Mr. Lincoln used to show, there Is |
M ,nool 70 foar that & ndrer .Inhnsnn Is not |