Daily national Republican. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1862-1866, 1866-03-23

President with regard to the above.named
bill, by anything we may now say.
All that we have heretofore written and
printed on the subject has been with rofer-
ence to the principles involved in the main
features of the bill, and their general appli-
cation to tho millions in the South who have
Just been liberated from the terrible bondage
of lavery, and who are comparatively living,
without the protection Of law, at the mercy
Of their former masters and the poor
whites" who, il is constantly asserted, en-
terrain strong feelings Of dislike towards
them. ..
We have entertained, as we know the
President has frequently publicly ex.
pressed, the strongest desire to obtain
some early practical legislation for the
protection Of the freedmen In all the rights
guarssteed in tho bill which is now
before the President for his approval.
We confess that until within n few days,
we had no idea Of tho full bearing Of that
portion of the bill which relates to its exeou-
ton in the several States. Before tho recent
Constitutional amendment was adopted some
of the provisions of the bill would have been
unconstitutional. So far as it interfcres with
the municipal affairs Of States, under the
second section Of the new amendment, 70.
ferred to, we do not SEQ that any serious OBJ
lection can now nrisc, beyond the fact that
il Is against tho theory and practice Of n re.
publican form Of government, inasmuch as II
tends to Capitalization
We find in the daily Old Dominion, of the
10th instant, published at Norfolk, Va, the
following very judicious article on the sub
ject of the "Civil Rights Bill"
II the President signs this bill, and II be-
comes q law, there is not ono Of the South
orn States but that will have to pass an not
in concurrence with the provisions Of thi,
bill, to save o certain clash between State
and United States authority. We are in.
clined to believe that II will receive the
sanction of the President, and If such should
BIO the case, the sooner our code Of laws rela'
tive to the colored race are superseded by
laws in conformity with the provisions oil
this bill, the sooner will the Presidents re-
construction policy succeed.
While We must admit that the bill in It.
self wears the garb Of authority and some,
what of dictatiou, IL It could be incorporated
into the laws Of Virginia and all the South.
ern States, and all laws upon our statute.
books not in harmony with it repealed, the
radicals would DO disarmed at once and for.
ever. If the bill becomes n law, It will en-
force the repeal Of our State laws In relation
to the negro sooner or later, and whoever
and whatever State, If any, is disposed to
stand out against its provisions, will neces.
u Al. .Nsa aofN GNal
Reconstruction cannot take place-or in
other words, We do not believe that our Rep
resentatives will be admitted to Congress-
unless this bill is Endorsed by our State Le.
gtsIatures, and sanctioned by the people.
Indeed, we believe that there will be but
little If any opposition to II, and If II is acted
upon promptly we shall have the Union tho
roughly established, and tho radicals in such
q small minority that our political troubles,
sectional strife, and party hatreds will be o
but small importance.
The main objection to this bill Ia the fore
} theory which is plainly stamped upon it. l
carries with it n disposition to compel tn
Southern States to do that which, If lef
alone, they would in due time do Of the
own accord, and because II LOFT free to do i
Of their own accord would necessarily save I
great deal Of bitter feeling.
| IHuttut VIC uO uOb huOW uuL tucIO u
enough of this force theory contained in it
provisions to insure Its veto ut the hands o
the President. Looking upon this side o
the question, and admitting its 'veto," tn
: present Congress will evidently stick to thci
policy, and the reconstruction of the State
be postponed indefinitely.
1t Is refreshing to secure such testimon,
regarding a measure Of SO much practica
Importance as the Civil Rights Bill, from
locality like Norfolk. We welcome 1t as on
Of the good signs of the times.
We believe the President approves of VI
principles of the bill so far us they proFid
for the protection of the freedmen Blu
there is q feature of 1t the existence &
which greatly surprises us. It is that whic
provides for commissioners, upon whom tn
most extraordinary powers are conferred
and towards whom inducements are held ou
I to make cases for the sake Of maxim
: money. THIS portion of the bill 4
taken almost bodily from the odiou
law of 1850, which created the Fugitiv
: Slave Commissioners, against whom Senator
. SUMNER and WILSON, and others, who vote
, for the "Civil Rights Bill, made unceasin
: warfare, and which law they characterize
as infamous, and the Commissioners the
, branded as "slave eatchers," and one {
: those Commissioners tho Senators and thei
friends drove out Of MdSSaehuSettS'
II the President should approve all of tn
! main features Of the bill, retaining all tina
is good in it, and rejecting the unnecessar
! and Odious proposition to execute the pre-
: visions OF the bill outside Of the proper iargfi
r channels, and suggest to Congress that th
, bill be altered and nmendend in that 7,
spect, we should not be at all astonisheC
\ The best constitutional lawyers in the Liant
whose opinions would be respected North an
South, on any legal question, are of the opil
J ion that the commissioner feature Of the bi
:, is not only unnecessary, but unconstitutiona
The voice from the old Dominion, quote
: above, tells tho whole story concerning Il
general bearing the measure will have upc
!. the Southern States.
There are two classes Of persons who wou
Q be delighted to have the President veto Il
: bill outright: the copperhead politicians
. one side, and the extreme " radical" polit
y. clans, so called, on the other. They wal
r to estrango the President from the UniO
i party, and from his real friends and supper
srs, in the hope Of building some new part
| L /.