The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-12-05
WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 5, 1866.
The Citizenship and Suffrage of Free
COIoTed Persons During the RevOlu-


the adoption of the Constitution, and pos
sessed the elective franchise in five, at least,
of the original thirteen States. The Articles
of Confederation, which were the law of the
land from ITS to the adoption Of the Federal
Constitution, expressly recognized as citizens
"all free inhabitants" OF each OF the States in
the Union. The delegates from South Caro-
lima had attempted to procure the insertion
of the word "white" between the words Stree"
and "inhabitantsm so that the clause might
read "all free oUhite Inhabitants" but the
proposition had been summarily and over
whelmingly voted down, thus showing beyond
a doubt that free coloIed persons were
intentionally included in the enumeration of
citizens. 1t hence followed that every slave
who was emancpated became at once citi-
zen of the United States, so that the aboli-
tion Of slavery included the consequent citi-
zenship OF the freedman. In good portion of
the country it also meant his en- dowment with
the elective franchise. Thus we find Gov
ernor Morris of Pennsylvania significantly
saying, in the Convention that framed the
Constitution, when debating the clause fix
ing the basis of representation :-"Upon what
principle is it that the slaves shall be com
puted in the representation Are they men?
Then make them citizens, and let them 0ote."
This was the logic of the times. The free
man was to be voter. Accordingly, we
find that, in addition to the five States in
which, at that time, the free colored man pos
sessed the elective franchise, it wasl subse-
quently conferred upon him in Pennsylvania,
Tennessee, Vermont, and other States.
This recognized status of the free colored
man as a citizen of the United States, and
endowed in so large portion of the country
with the elective franchise, is very import
ant fact, and should be specially kept in
mind as we refer to this sentiment of the lead
ing statesmen OF that era upon the subject of
slavery ITSELF If they favored the freeing of
the slave, they did so knowing full we'll that
it made him a citizen and, in many cases, a
voter. The modern democratic" idea of
great disfranchised class of free inhabitants,
subject to taxation without representation;
obeying laws which they have no voice in
making; owing allegiance to the State, and
bound to defend it with their lives, il called
upon by the constituted authorities, and yet
deprived of the most sacred franchises of
citzens,-this monstrous conception does not
seem to have entered into the minds of the
founders of the republic.
That the leading statesmen OF the Revolu-
tionary era were opposed to slavery is well
known. The impressive utterances Of Wash
ington, jefferson, Madison, Jay, Hamilton,
Adams, Franklin, Laurens, Mason, Morris,
and, indeed, of almost every man of note OF
those times against slavery, are only paralleled
by the denunciations of Garrison and Phillips
of our own day. AS early as IVA Jefferson
had published to the world sentiments like
these 1.-THE abolition of domestic slavery is
'the great object of desire in these colonies
where it was unhappily introduced in their
infant state. But previous to the entrGn-
chisement of the slaves we have, it is neces-
sary to exclude all further importatious from
Africa" in the original draft of the Decla-
ration of Independence, he charges the King
of Great Britain with "waging a cruel war
against human nature itself" in Captivating
and carrying into slavery distant people who
had never offended him." In his ''Notes on
Virginia" he speaks of slavery at length in
terms of the most fearful import-words
which, in the light OF recent events, read like
the inspired utterances OF prophet.
In 1774 Washington reported series of
resolutions to public meeting in Virginia,
one Of which reads as follows :-"Resolved,
That it is the opinion of this meeting that,
during our present difficulties and distress,
no slaves ought to be imported into any of
the British Colonies on this continent; and
we take this opportunity of declaring our
most earnest wishes to see an entire stop for
ever put to such a wicked, cruel, and unna-
tural trade" In 1885 he wrote to Robert
Morris in such terms as these:-'I can only
sag that there Is not a man iUiRg aoho aVishes
more sincerely than I do to see some plan
adopted for the abolition Of iW slavery;
''but there is only one proper and efectual
mode by which this can be accomplished, and
that is by legislative authority; and this,
as far as my suffrage 'oiu 90, 8h1H neoer be
wdnting.
Franklin's sentiments on this subject were
similar to those of Washington, as may be
abundantly seen in his writings. He was
President of the Pennsylvania Abolition So
ciety at the time of his death, and his last
public act was the signing, in his official capa-
city, of a memorial to Congress praying that
body to abolish slavery.
John Jay, the first Chief Justice of the