Orleans independent standard. [volume] (Irasburgh, Vt.) 1856-1871, 1866-03-30
What shall be Done with Davis?

feared; he is rather an object of pity.
And though public opinion is not to
decree his fate, yet it is highly impor-
tant that the Christian sentiment of
the country be right on a question of
so much moment to its moral health,
and to our hope of the blessing Of God
The question, What shall be done
with Jefferson Davis ? is not one that
turns wholly on his personal deserts.
He may not have been an original
scccSSioniSt, or a principal actor in
foncnting rebellion; he m ay even
have opposed it at first, and consented
to it only when it was inevitable he
may not have been concerned in the
cruel treatment Of our prisoners, nor
in the assassination of the President;
he may have been honest in his politi-
cal opinions Of the right of slavery and
of secession; he may die in the full
belief Of the righteousness of his
course; but the one great fact will
still remain-Jcfferson Davis is the
representative man Of the rebellion.
He Is so 10y his own consent and act.
He has fully identified himself with
its success or failure, its glory or its
shame, its innocence or its guilt, so
that the rebellion is to be tried and
judged in his person. He stands as
its sponsor. Ii the rebellion was
worthy to live, he is worthy to live !;
if the rebellion is worthy to die, he is
worthy to die. As the rebellion was
deserving ofbeing treated, he deserves
to he treated. George Washington
was not more identified with the indie
pcndcncc of the United States than
Davis with the late rebcllion-nay,
not near SO completely.
The conscience OF the nation must
sit in Judgment upon him. Ifhe ought
not to die, it will be sin in us to desire
it; il he ought 10 die, it is sinful in us
to desire that he he spared. If Davis
ought to he put to death, it is not be-
cause policy requires it; not for the
rcposc or. safety of the country; lot
because our treasures have been vast
cd, and our brothers and sons killed
in battle; not because European opin-
ION iavors OF opposes it; not i'll re-
vcngc, or malice. If he is TO suffer
death; it should DC because justice re-
quircS it; because it is right. Or, if
he Is to be set at liberty without Il
trial, or tried and acquitted, or con-
vlatcd ald pardoncd. it should not be
because we pretended to have an
aversion 10 blood-shcd-fOr the past
five years prove the contrary when
we think proper to shed it; not be-
cause it would be q nice thing to be
able to say to Europe that no one was
ever put to death by us for political
offences; not because some of the
iicrcest radicals, whose violent pro-
ccedmgs were only less reprchenSihle
than those fthe rebels, now favor it.
but because it is right and just that
he should be.
Let us, then, in making up our minds
on this question, discard all reason
ings or cxpedicncy, nor like Caiaphas.
conclude that one man must die for
the people, that the whole nation per
iSh not" Such rcasoningS are alb.
horent to God. The question how
Davis ought to be treated turns on
the question how the rebellion ought
to be treated. Was it right, was it
the duty of the nation to put down
that rebellion at the cost of blood.
either OF the innocent or the guilty.
Were the rank and file of the rebel
armies, who stood up and fought for
the rebellion, worthy to be shot down
for SO doing? Was it right for our
sons and brothers and neighbors, to
hazard their lives in the high places of
the field to put down the rebellion.-
Or did they die as the fool dies -? Do
we justify our doings in the last four
years in killing and being killers, in
order to kill the rebellion
Here are the alternatives: The re-
bellion was either a great virtue or it
was a great crime. 1t was no COM
mon, no trifling thing to fill country
with deSolation and mourning. II the
rebellion was right, it was intensely
and gloriOusly right; and we were.
outrageously wrong and guilty in put
ting 1t down by so much blood. If
the rebellion was wrong, it was a
most CRYING wrong, wrong that cries
unto God from the ground that has
opened her mouth to swallow I'D such
a proiusion Of blood. Davis, then. as
the willing and accepted champion of
the rebellion, is either a fallen patriot,
an unfortunate worthy, or a monstrous
criminal. These are the alternatives.
1t is true, the putting of Davis to
death will not restore the dead to
llic; and the ssme is true in the case
oil murdercrs always. But that con-
slderatlon can have no weight but in
the minds OF fools. 1t may be that
life of contempt or Of Punishment
would be more intolerable to him than
death; but that has nothing to do
with the question. 1t may be that if
he should be put to death, many will.
regard him as a martyr. A plausible
argumnet may be made out that it will
be good policy to spare him; but such
arguments should have no weight. It
may be said that his execution will
strike terror into the hearts of rebels
and prevent future outbreaks, but
that should not sway our judgment in
the least, nor the fear that his execu-
ton will exasperate them.
Whatever Jefferson Davis deserves.
according to the even-handed justice
OF the Eternal God at the hand of this
nation, that the nation, through its
lawful magistracy, is under the most
solemn obligation to mete out to him
and if it be liberty, remuneration and