Cleveland daily leader. [volume] ([Cleveland, Ohio]) 1865-1873, 1866-05-25
MR.. Stewards SPEECH.
Conclusion Of the Auburn Pronun-
ciamentO.
The views of a Recreant Republican.

of it, reprinting a paragraph or two in Or
der to give our readers an idea of the con-
nection. EDITOR LEADER.
The representatives of the National
Union party in Congress do not yet agree
with the President, but 1 think they diff
fer only in regard 10 non-essentials. Some
are understood to insist that the people of
no State ought to reserve the right of Sc
eession or disunion. The President says
exactly the same thing. "A State that
should claim to reserve a right of secession
could not be loyal" Others contend that
after rebellion a State ought not TO be ex-
cepted which insists upon or admits the
validity of the debts ofthe rebellion. The
President q V exactly the same thing, "a
State that should insist upon the validity
of such debts could not be loyal" Others
argue that as a consequence of the aboli-
ton of slavery a change of the basis OF
representation has bacome desirable and
necessary. This cannot be done only by
amending the Constitution of the United
States. While Congress are yet unable to
agree among themselves upon the form Of
such an amendment the President SAYS,
aLet us amend the Constitution so to pro-
portion representation according to suf-
frage.' These seem to me to be the only
essentials of reconciliation. Two of them
are already secured by the unrepresented
States in their constitutions. The third is
a work of time, requiring the action OF
three-fourths of the States by amendment
of the Constitution. Why then the delay
of reconciliation by Congress, when they
agree upon essentials2 With some it may
be a matter of temper. They ask why
should Congress be expected to agree with
the President upon this plan, rather than
he be expected to agree with Congress
upon a plan to be originated by them ?
1 answer, because the President has a
plan, and Congress has as yet proposed
none, at least none that is Immediately
practicable. But in truth it is not a ques-
ton which of the two, tia President or
Congress, has devised or shall devise 6
plan Of reconstruction. Neither the
President or Congress could arbitrarily
devise or project one in this case. We
speak habitually and even ~fippantly of
the policy which the President supports,
as if it was aplan that had been conceived
and framed in his own brain. 1t is no
such thing 1t is plan that grew up as
Topsy grew, out Of the unavoidable pre-
destined change from wal to peace. What
was required was a form of reconciliation
that should be reasonably acceptable to
both parties, while It should harmonic
with returning loyalty and renewed ale
glance in the States which were involved
in the rebellion, and should at the same
time secure to all parties their exact Con-
stitutional rights. The present plan, like
our Republican system ofgoyernment wa
devised by no one in particular, but it
presented itself at once TO the anxious
thoughts of all parties concerned,
The Constitution prescribes its chief de-
tails. The other portions revealed them
selves as inferior mechanism to the engin-
eer, to bring the device into successful
movement. Congress is TO be expected,
therefore, to conGgF with the President,
not in adopting a plan which be has prG-
jected, but in accepting actually existing
overtures of reconciliation in the form in
which they have occurred. 1 think that
the proceedings of Congress hitherto in
dictate, not an ultimate disagreement and
failure, but only a procrastination, which,
to the impatient, is inconsistent, and, to
the timid, alarming. We are to remem-
Der, however, the Constitutional checks of
legislation. Indeed, Congress is design
edly constituted, SO that it shall teo hasti-
ly decide upon any measure. Hence
time is always found to be a necessary
condition Of safe legislation. The Senate,
counting only its actual members, consists
of fifty persons; they come from twenty
five different States, and Individually
they are opponents of at least tWo very
divergent parties, and of multiplied diff
ferences of popular opinion prevailing in
each of these parties. The House of Rep
resentatiyes, while it is more numerous,
is constituted upon the same principle.
No measure can finally be adopted by
Congress until it has obtained o majority
of voices in each House sitting and dis
cussing it in different chambers. The
sentiments, feelings, ~jealouses, ~prejudiceG
and ambitions of their constituents neces-
sarily and Justly influence and retard them
and modify their deliberations and their
votes. To one who should be q stranger
to our system it must seem more wonder
ful that Congress ever agree upon any
exciting measure than it would
seem if they should fail to agree upon a
plan of reconciliation between ooastitu-
encies lately so widely divided in civil
Delay in any enterprise inevitably
begets new difficulties and embarrass-
There are some partisans among
US, misguided I think, although honest,
who deprecate all easy and speedy recon
Citation. One class of these citizens
think that some conditions or forms of
reconciliation other than those upon
which the public attention is fixed are
possible, essential and desirable. They
Congress to demand a concession
by the lately disloyal States of a
protracted Acknowledgement Of all per-
sons who have been involved in
he rebellion. On the contrary there
cannot be any reconciliation without
amnesty in large measure. Even the di-
vine Government does not ask sinners TO
repent without promising them forgive
ness and restoration. The Constitution,
which is the supreme law ofthe land, does
not authorize so sweeping a disfranchise-
nent. The class l speak Of reply to these
arguments that the rebels cast off the con-
i%titution and became insolent belliger-
.nts, that therefore they are nov not citi-
.ens but conquered enemies. The advo-
,ates of reconciliation rejoin that although
he constitution was in many of its pro-
displaced or suspended in the dis
oval states by the war, yet that it neces-
arily regains its absolute authority on the
urn of peace. 1t takes time TO settle this
lew dispute. Another class of partisans
that the President ought not to
ave recognized the plan of reconstFuc-
ion, but on the other hand that he ought
o have left 1t exclusively to the legisla-
i've department. 1t belongs, however, TO |
he Executive, to conduct war with the
means furnished by Congress, and with
be exercise of all military powers not de-
led by the constitution and the laws of
The tender of amnesty and
ardon by the President and his invita-
ion to the rebels to return to their consti-
relations, like the proclamation
gsinst slavery, were not forbidden by any
Avs of Congress or by the laws of ma
ions. Congress, nevertheless, retains and
eserves all necessary powers over the
uestion of reconciliation in their resery-
d and indefesable right to determine the
qualifications of members elected to the
espective houses. Another class ofthese
artisans insist that Congress shall secure
be right of suffrage for the African race
the States lately involved in the rebel
on. Six months have been, perhaps, not
nproftably spent in bringing Congress
} accept the fact that the subject of At
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