American citizen. [volume] (Butler, Butler County, Pa.) 1863-1872, 1866-03-21

ment. Their views of the true course 10
pursue may hopelessly differ, but GER
fanny while their intentions are beyond
suspicion the difference of their views
may pe discussed without acrimony.--
Inc SITUATION ia entirely without precs-
ocnt, anu denunciation, iusinuation. and
fierce partisanship merely confoupd the
confusion and exaspirate honest d;fF.ren.
ces
1t is as unjust to assert that Conore,,
is hostile to the loyal men at the Sonth
us it is to insist that the President IA
anxious to have disleyal men sit in Con.
gress. 1t is as inaccurate to declare that
Congress, means to sustain pauper class
Of freedmen at the expense Of the Gov.
ernment as to argue that the President
intends to betrsy the freedmen defense.
less into the hands of those who hste
them. 1t is as untrue to say that the
course of Congress violates the Constitu.
tion as that the policy of the President
overthrows it. The truth lies between
all these extremes, as may be seen by
boxing at the last point we have men,,
toned. If, for instance, it be alleged.
in defense Of what is called the Presi-
dents policy, that the var was to prevent
secession; that it was successful that
secession was therefore prevented that
the States are now, as before, in the Union:
and that, consequently, Congress has no
constitutional right to prohibit their rep
resentation-iti is no less true that if those
States are in the Union they were equally
so in May last, and that the President
has no constitutional right to appoint .
Provisional Governor of State in the
Union. The truth is, that the President
acted from the necessity of the case; and
that must be the principle Of action un.
til reorganization is complete. Then,
and not before, the authority which is
called the war power cases, and the nor
NAL habit of the Union is resumed
The argument is by no means ended, as
Senators Doolittle and Johnson seem to
suppose, when it is proxed that the late
rebel States are not out of the Union
They were not out of the Union . year
ago. Was any representative which
South Carolina might have chosen to send
to Congress at that time to be therefore
admitted without question ? No sensible
man will affirm such an absurdity.
Neither the President nor Congress
hold that the mere fact of laying down
arms raised against the Government
proves either the loyalty of those who
surrender or the propriety of admitting
without question the representatives, whom
they send. Senator Reverdy johnson
himself concurred in the report made to
the SeDate in February of last year that
it was improper for this body to admit
to seats Senators from Louisiana I'LL, by
some joint action of both Houses, there
shall be some recognition of an cristing
State Government acting in harmony witA
| The Governmem Of The United Stutes and
recognizing its authority" All that
Congress asks 10 that the subject shall bs
Investigated and the facts ascertained,
and for that sole purpose was the Recon-
struction Committee appointed. The
President also reafirms the same princi-
pie when he says, in speaking Of the late
rebel States: ."M hen they comply with
the Constitution, when they have given
sufficient evidence of their loyalty and
that they can be trusted, when they yield
obedience to the law, l say extend to
them the right hand of fellowship, and
let peace and union be restored So
says the President; so say We all. But
here are points to be decided, and by
whom? Is it not evident that Congress
must decide them for itself before it can
admit single member 2 The President
may for himself be satisfied upon some of
these points, and he says in his Veto
Message that, in his judgment, "some"
of the late rebel States may properly BE-
admitted to representation. But surely
neither he nor any other man can expect
that his conviction will bind Congress.
There was never subject, indeed, which
required more deliberate consideration.
The honor of the country pledged to tho
freedmen the security of the national
debt; the increased representation given
by the Emancipation Amendment to the
late rebel States; the danger Of any risk
Of assumption of the rebel debt in any
fJrm-all require the most thoughtful
care III ieSioiastoh-
But the most truly patriotic men may
honestly differ obout methods, and ifupon
any point Congress- and the President
sagree, the Constitution indicates the
course to pursue. He may interposs his
veto. If Congress overcomes it by the
Constitutional vote, its will becomes law
of the United States which the President
is sworn to execute. If his veto prevails
the will Of Congress so far fails to be-
come law. But the President if he
have any regard for the dignity of his
Office or for the just distribution of pow
crs in this government, will be very wary
yf declaring that his Aiew of the csse shall
prevail against that of Congress The
President is but coordinate branch Of
the Government. He is not the superior
of Congress nor Of the Supreme Court.
fIe is the executive officer of the laws
Meanwhile his veto Of any measure is q
deliberate appeal to the country upon the
point Of difference, and the country will
decide the question at the ballot-box.
But we confidently trust that no such
appeal will be necessary. The President
and Congress have the same end in view
They both desire the resumption by every
State of its relations in the Union at the