The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1866-07-13
The Freedinen's Bureau.

"NAuo L 1opPCs auucISOu ". II.
The Freedmem's Bureau.
Decidedly the best, most temper
ate and sensible article we have seen
written on the above named institu-
ton, by any Northern paper, is the
following, from that excellent journal,
the New York Journal Of Commerce:
If the Freedmen's Bureau were or
ganlzed or managed Oh any princi-
pie which could be regarded as likely
to benefit the race which it processes
to care for, it would have some claim
on the pnblic. Having freed the ne
gro, it is natural to imagine that the
same power which freed him is ne
cessary for his guardianship. But
the imagination is unfounded The
power which freed him is likely to do
him vastly more harm than good, by
attempting to take care of him. It
IS wholly out Of the question, in a
Government like ours, to organize a
bureau in Washington which can
take care of millions Of men, of a pc
culiar race, scattered over q vast ex-
panse of country, and do them any
good either morally or physically.
The very principles OF our Govern
ment forbid the administration Of
such bureau Mt Washington. Even
If there were no difference of race, it
is a necessary consequence of such n
system that class prejudices and en-
mites should be fostered, and that
the two portions Of the community
should feel very deeply the differ
ence in their relations to the Govern
ment. The general and public
effects must be bad. and when we re-
gard the private relations of the Bu-
reau, we perceive beyond any qucs-
tion its dangerous character. How
can q government be administered at
Washington over millions of men-a
government absolute in it's nature,
tyrannical in the strictest sense-with-
out producing evil of the worst
kind?
The idea Of the Freedmen's Bureau
is in effect to substitute for old slavery
to master, new master, new
slavery to Government officials. If
all Government officials were vir-
tuous, all free from any possible re-
proach on the ground Of self-interest,
we should still see plainly that the
relations which they sustained to the
freedmen under their charge were
wholly inconsistent with American
principles. The very theory of the
Bureau raises an antagonism between
the black and white races. It is
founded on the assertion that such
antagonism is natural and necessary.
But no such state exists now, nor did
it ever exist. The relation Of the
Southern masters and slaves have
always been of the most kindly and
affectionate sort. There is no better
evidence Of this needed than the fact
that during the whole of the war the
slaves remained faithful to their mas
ters, and did the great amount of
Southern labor, not under compul-
sion, but cheerfully, during the alb
sence of their masters, and when
Southern homes were inhabited
almost solely by white females. No
insurrection marked the history of
the rebellion
The fact is most instructive. Nor
IS there any truth in the stories,
which obtain circulation through
: radical papers, to the effect that there
is now q bitterness between whites
and blacks in the South, except just
so far the Freedmen's Bureau pro
duces that very bitterness. Wher-
ever the people are out Of reach OF
the influences Of that Bureau, the
blacks are becoming contented, and
learning with commendable rapidity
the ways Of labor and liberty. Wher.
ever the Bureau extends its interfer.
ences we hear of trouble A very
extensive correspondence throughout
the Southern States confirms this
view as true of every portion. What
ls. then, the course Of wisdom
There is but one answer: Remit the
local government Of the States as ra
pidly as possible to the people of the
several States. Abolish this misera
BILE system of attempting to peddlt
out free government to C negro popu
lation through the agents Of bureau