The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-07-14

Something will depend upon the plan Of orgaui-
sation and we do not sympathize with Il enough
TO give II any advice as to that. Much win
depend up upon the managemen,t OF tue .1i Union
and room Is allowed for honest differences of
opinion upon subordinate questions, such as
modes Of taxation, foreign policy, etc, the
party will continue united and formidable; but
unity without uniformity must be accepted rs
sufficient. II Mr.. Stevens insists upon driving
out all free traders, he will ind his party more
apprehend much danger on this side, though
warning ls needed.
1t is useless TO enlarge again upon the dangers
TO which the Union party has exposed itself by
adopting policy of mere exclusion, since we
fully set forth our views upon that subject
before final policy had been adopted and the
course of the party has now been settled. The
policy determined on is, by far, easier to carry
out and to sustain before the people during the
present year than broader and bolder plan
would have been; but 1t is one TO the success of
which unbroken victory is essential. The con-
stltutional amendment proposed by Congress Is
in every respect unexceptionable, so far as 1t
goes. It is worthy of the uaited support of all
men who have been truly loyal to their country
during the war, and we believe that ii will COM
mand very nearly that measure of support.
The attempt which Is made to persuade the
public that the Philadelphia Convention will be
one Of the Union party is highly dishonorable
one. Such devices have no effect upon readers
fully posted in political affairs; but many who
do not have time to keep themselves informed
stances in this connection is that the ne wspaper
which most strenuously asserts this to be q
Union party convention is nominally edited by
the Chairman of the Union National Committee,
through which alone national convention of
the party could be called; and that neither he
nor any other member OF that committee has
siered the call for the Philadelphia assemblage.
He has not even called the committee together
to consider whether 1t would raLity the action
of MIR. Randall and his associates. Such an in
stance of selEabnegatlon is not often known In
politics.
The multiplied treachery to obligations Of
honor and good faith which is involved in the
organization of the new party must not pass
without notice. II the leaders of the movement
| had any idea that they could induce the Union
| party to accept their views they would have
| worded their call differently, or would have
| requested the chairman of the National Union
| Committee to convene that body to consider the
| proposition for a convention. Instead of this,
| the existing party organization is ignored, aud
| two or three otfice-holders in the present or in
prospective, issue call, addressed only to those
! who entirely agree with their views, excluding,
| and intending to exclude, nine-tenths OF the
| members of Congress elected by the Union
| party and proportion OF the party itself,
| estimated by no one at less than one half, and
by no experienced politician at less than three
| fourths. Special pains are taken to secure the
| cooperation of the adverse party, and the call
| itself is not issued until il is countersgned by
one or two leading Democratic Congressman,
| and the sanction OF all the others made ready
| for publication. ALI this is done to please
| President elected by the Union party, by office
| holders appointed by the Union party, and with
| the announcement OF some OF the men to whom
the central machinery OF the party has been
| entrusted. -.r-
question of honor, whether the party thus be-
| trayed is right wrong in the policy which it
| has adopted. If the cause of the Southern Con-
tederacy had been the purest and nobest in the
history of tine world, the act of Twiggs In turn
ing over his forces and supplies to the Rebels
would have been scarcely one shade less IN
famous than 1t was. Dugald Dalgetty considered
himself at liberty to fight on every side in turn,
but he conscientiously waited until his term OF
enlistment expired, and never dreamed of
carrying over with him anything which had
been committed to his charge. But Mr.. Doc
little tenaciously holds on to his Senatorship,
Mr.. Randall to his position in the Post Office,
and Mr.. johnson to the White House, while
intently engaged in slaughtering the party 70
which they owe oil their honors.
We are familiar with the arguments by which
1t is sought to avert from SUCH proceedings the
contempt OF mankind and by which the parti-
cpants are able to silence their own consciences;
but we cannot believe in the sincerity of the
men who use them. 1t sounds very fine to talk
of the superior obligations OF the country over
those OF party; OF independence, refusal to
submit to dictation, and what not; but all the
world knows that such hlgh-sounding phrases
generally cover something OF which the speaker
is at heart ashamed, and which he cannot
defend in any other language than rhodomon-
tade. When used, as they are in the present
case, to justify the sacrifice of party faith and
public confidence to mere man-worship and
office-seeking, they become doubly contemplate.
That such Is the tact in this instance Is too
notorious to be soberly questioned Mr.. Guthrie
and MIR. Hendricks honestly oppose impartial
suffrage, as they lately opposed emancipation;
but Mr.. Doolittle and Mr.. Norton would make
the heavens ring with their enthusiasm for
universal suffrage, Constitutional amendments,
and who knows what besides, it Andrew John
son only favored them. The less we hear from
such politicians concerning their independence,
the less we shall despse them.