Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-03-01

and regarding the existing officers Of the
Government as having disqualified them
selves by their treason from continuance in
power, he deposed them and established pro-
vistonal governments. Then he asked him
self what conditions ought to be demanded
of them, ard how their disposition to accept
them in good faith might be stimulated. The
conditions were, namely, the amendment of
the State Constitutions excluding slavery !;
acceptance of the amendment of the Constitu-
ton of the United States; Reputation of the
rebel debt, and the admission of freedmen to
various rights, etc. To stimulate them to
accept these conditions, being such as, using
his best judgment, and in the absence Of any
congressional plan, he thought nearest right
of any be could frame, he engaged that on
their acceptance with evidence Of good faith,
he would permit them to reerganize their
State Governments, cleo. Legislatures, etc;
and. so far as Executive acts could do,
would restore them to their position in the
Union of States. They had so far accepted
his conditions, that he regarded the expert
ment as a success. He had accordingly re-
organized the Postoffice Department among
them had reopened trade and removed
restrictions thereon through the Treasury
Department, and in like manner in all the
Executive departments recognized them as
States and in the Union, only keeping
enough military hold to protect the freed
men and to induce them TO do something
more thorough in that direction.
Now, but one thing remained in which
those States did not exercise the full rights
of States, and that was representation in
Congress. In this he had advised that some
principle of stimulating loyalty be applied
as in the other respects named He UoUld
admit onlysIch Representatives. in fact loyal
men, giving satisfactory eUidencc Of this. When
ever State or district sent loyal man,
properly elected and qualified, he would
think it right to admit him, the same as
if from any other State; and he wouId admit
none but such loydt men, so that other States
or districts may be thus induced to elect and
send similar men. When they had all done
this their representation would be full, and
the work would be done Such was his
plan. He did not ask to be Judge of the
elections and qualifications of members of
Congress, or of their loyalty. Congress was
its own judge, and he had no dream of in
terfering with its constitutional right, but he
felt like urging upon them and upon the
-
work, so nearly completed in other respects,
was the only feasible one which had been
presented, and that it was impossible TO
ignore the fact that the States were exercis-
ing their rights and enjoying their privi-
leges within the Union; were, in short, re-
stored in all respects, and that it is too late
to question the fundamental right of repre-
sentation.
II tla,, IL o1 al n =.
suggested that legislation could properly be !
made by Congress, purely civil in character,
providing for the protection of the freedmen
by the United States Courts of inferior iuris-
diction, in all cases where the States did not
do so themselves. He replied that such ali
idea could run exactly parallel to his plan,
but he had not thought it yet time to fix his
own ideas of the precise mode of accomplish
ing this, and because we had a margin of
time lasting till after the next session of
Congress, during which the present Freed
mems Bureau could continue in operation.
If before that time theSouthern States should
recognize the necessity of passing proper
laws themselves and providing a proper
system of protection for the freed
men, nothing further on our part would be
necessary. If they did not do what they
ought, there would then be time enough to
elaborate plan.
He then referred briefly to the fact that
certain men who have been rejoicing over
his veto message, saving, that if these men,
in good faith adopted the views of the policy
he had himself held and acted upon, and
which he had so fully elaborated in his an
nual message, and explained TO me that the
country surely could have no cause for sor-
row in that. If disloyal men and rebels
everywhere, North and South, should cor
daily give their adherence to the conditions
of restoration he had uniformly insisted
upon, he thought that was precisely the kind
of pacifcation loyal men everywhere would
rejoice in. The more they were committed
to such course the better he should like it,
for if they were not sincere, they would at
least diminish their power of dangerous OPP
position in the future.
HIS Whole heart was Nth the body Of true
men who had carried the country through the
tpar, and he earnestly desired to maintain cor
dial and perfect understanding nth them.
This sentiment and purpose he regarded as
entirely consistent with tt determined OPP
position to the obstruction policy of those
extremes who, as he believed, would keep
the country in a chaos till absolute ruin
might come upon us.
Such, nay dear sir, is the statement of the
President on this important matter, and if
you could meet his straightforward, honest
look, and hear the hearty tones of his voice,
as | did, am well assured you could be-
lieve with me, that although he may not re-
ceive personal assaults with the forbearance
Mr.. Lincoln used to show, there is no need
to fear that Andrew johnson is not sincere
in his adhesion to the principles upon which
he was elected. Very truly yours,
Signed. J. ID. Cox.