Columbia democrat and star of the north. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1867, 1866-06-06

EoI1tseat atGoutt0K90C
YFee6py he folloWf6g paragraphs from
tHhe4 44sbaS7s Ad6gftEser, Mr. Sewafd,s home
b6Esan, suggesting very ryprobaBle contingsa.
Icy, which We think worldly Ut this time oi
|ssoafeadttsation
s9rlfe point we are discussngfs n direct Sc
ioeufisy for the good behavior of the rebels in
telfe8ture. The question Is, whether this
line Of pohcy, 4the radical policy, J if it shall
\ be followed, EIll be likely, In view of the is
sue already made upon It, to secure it. We
have seen no reason for believing that twill.
The key note TO the probable solution may
Be discovered IN the testimony of Alexander
H. Stevens, of Georgia. He said distinctly
that the Southern people had complied with
all the terms originally offered them, and all
which Congress had the right to impose, that
they would impose others as conditions pre-
cedent to admission into Congress. 1t is rea-
sonably certain that they consider themselves
within the Union, and in practical relations
to the Government which entitle them to
representation In Congress and In political
conventions.
1t Is reasonably certain that they will send
delegates to the next National Nominating
Conventions, and that the Democratic Nom
mating Convention will admit them 1t is
reasonably certain, moreover, that they will
choose Electors of President and Vice Pres
ident, and ask to have them canvassed, and
that if the electoral votes of Southern and
Northern Democrats together are enough to
elect President and Vice-President, and
they are not allowed, there viii be apolitical
trouble of very formidable character
With johnson for President at that time in
command of the military forces, itcannot be
reasonably expected that the candidates
elected viii or can be kept out of Office.
We are free to say that we cannot contem-
plate such a contingency without the deep
est concern. When we apply to thissubject
rience Of political campaigns in by-gone
years, we are obliged to conclude that such
an experiment viii result in trouble, without
any corresponding benefits to the party and
country. We ferUently hope that such q con-
tdegency may be Groided."
We respectfully ask the attention of the
Gazette to this particular point, nottoits per-
sonal bearings but in its relations to the fu-
ture peace of the country. Suppose matters
to stand in 1868 substantially as they stand
to-day-none of the Southern States repre-
sented in Congress. Is it not reasonably GER
tain that they will all be represented in the
Democratic National Nominating Convention
and that they viii choose electors who will
vote for the Democratic nominees? Now
suppose their votes, together with the North
ern States that may vote the Democratic
ticket, costitute majority of the Electoral
College viii be the result 1t may be
said theirvotes will not be counted Congress,
containing only Northern members-the
South not being represented in twill re-
ject them. Will that rejection be accepted
by the country? VIII the mass of the South
ern people, or the mass of the Democratic
Party in the North, acquiesce in it And
would not such resistance be most menacing
to the peace of the country? That would be
an attempt at secession; it would be in no
sense sectional conflict it would present to
the country and the world the aspect of ma
jority of the people insisting upon their right
to control the Government, as against the un-
constitutional usurpation of the minority
We do not bring this matter forward now
for the purpose of discussing the merits of
the question that would thus arise But the
contingency is too probable to be wisely ig-
nored. No prudent or patriotic man will
bHndly rush into complications of so formid-
able and perilous character.