Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1866-03-07

bers Law this: Whether the condition of
the States was such as to render the admls-
sion of members safe and advisable. Now,
Sir. have had this extract from the Presl-
tents speech read simply TO show precisely
what everybody must admit on this subject
as | have stated it. [ will read another
short paragraph from that speech. Says
the President:
sI am free to say, as your Executive, that 1 am
not prepared to take any such position said
in the Senate, in the very inception ofthe Rebel
lion, that States had no right to go out and that
they had no power to go out. That question has
been settled, and cannot turn round now and
give the lie direct to all [ profess to have done in
the last five years can 30 no such thing. L
say that when they comply with the Constitution.
when they have given sufficient evidence of their
loyalty and that they can be trusted, when they
yield obedience to the law, say extend to them
the right hand of fellowship, and let peace and
union be restored"
So say all. When they do that there will
be no objection to their representation.
Mr.. SUMNER-There is no difference on
| that question
Mr.. FEssENDEN-Aud the President him
self instead of saying anything different
| from US, says when ever they complied with
these conditions that they ought to be ad-
mitted.
The Senator from Wisconsin undertakes,
to find fault with something that think he
will find | did not say Probably he antici-
pates that | should say it. He says if |
said what he attributes to me, misconstru-
ed the President language That brings
me to the consideration of the veto message.
[ will say, Sir, with regard to that message,
that have no very great attachment to the
bill which was thus voted In some par
tlcuars 1t did not meet my approval. [
think some of the reasons given by the Presi-
dent for not approving it are such as will
commend themselves to public considera-
ton. 1t is bill upon the provisions of
which there might we'll be very considera-
BILE difference of opinion. yielded my OBJ
Jectlons to 1t because | thought that the
power did exist, and that it was especially
necessary to exercise it, and the bill there
fore received my vote. Had the President
confined himself to objections to the bill, to
criticisms of the bill itself, it is very posi-
bic L might have waived my own feelings in
regard to the bill and sustained the veto. But,
Sir, on looking at the Veto Message, and
I the reason given for it, and after passing
through the consideration of the provisions
of the bill, he gave this reason which rem
dered it impossible for me as member of
this Senate, with due respect for myself
| and the views of Congress, to vote otherwise
than to sustain the bill because vote in the
| negative was an Endorsement of the opinions
expressed In the veto. [ so consider it.
AT any rate, L did not mean to put myself
IN the position of indorsing or giving nv
assent to the closing parts of this veto mes
sage. Now, Sir, what do | understand by
the closing parts Of this veto message
That IN the judgment of the President,
congress, as at present organized, has no right
to pass any bill affecting the interests of
tt,r-A 1l1I I'll
they are not represented here. Does the
Senator from Wisconsin say that this senti-
ment is not definitely expressed?
Mr. DO DoOLITLE-Read it.
.Mr. FEssENDEN-I certainly understand
that to be the purport of the remarks | re-
fer to- The President says: 81 cannot
but add another very grave objection to the
bill. The Constitution imperatively declares
in connection with taxation, thateach State
shall have at least tone representative, and
fixes the number to which, in future times,
each State shall be entitled
Now, Sir, he does not state in so many
words that we have no right to pass bill.
The objection he makes goes to the founda-
ton and asserts that no bill affecting the
| interests of the Southern States ought to be
passed by Congress until Representatives
and Senators from those States are admit
ted to take part in our deliberations. 1t
follows, II that be correct position, that no
law laying any restraint on those States re
Gently in Rebellion which fought for four
years against the Government can be passed
that We can pass no law affecting them or
restraining them or providing for any change
| in the Constitution, or anything else, until
we admit their Senators and Representatives
to the floor of Congress. [ take that to be
the necessary inference from his language
-{otn
mentatlve way, that we have no right to
legislate with regard to them, but must
take them Just as they are, upon their say
so, and then, when they are here. we may
proceed to legislation. Sir, cannot give
my assent to any such proposition.
REMARKS OF MR.. SHERMAN
Mr.. Sherman next referred to the speech
made by President Johnson on the 22d of
February. He thought that no man who
was friend of the President would be un-
wiling to wipe that out of his history 1t was
impossible to conceive of more humilia-
ting spectacle than that of the President of
the United States addressing such crowd
as called upon him on the 22d of February.
He regretted especially the paragraphs in
the speech made by the President on that
day referring by name to Messrs. Stevens
and Sumner. But it should be remember
GU thd1 L rcSluent JOnnSon was very COM
batlve man, and that he had always been
noted for his force in repelling assaults made
upon him. Mr.. Sumner had recently ac-
cused him of 'whitewaShing, and while
no affront was intended, this language was
evidently construed into an atfront. 1t
could not be forgotten that Mr.. Stevens |
had proclaimed Andrew johnson an allen |
enemy in the Baltimore Convention, and |
that he recently said in the House that, for |
certain language used by him (the Presi-