The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-10-15

fore how constitutional objectiops can be made
TO reach II. If members yoIe az, ainst admission,
and the people sustain them m so doing we do
no not see how either co5rts or the President
can take cognizance OF cher action; still less
how 1t can be reversed.
The Southern States are unquestionably called
|. upon TO sacrifice something Of both power and
pride, in order to resume their relations 10 lne
Federal Government. They are asked to assent
TO a change in the basis OF represen % %tatlon'
which will somewhat diminish their numbers,
and to q temporary exclusion from ONCE OF GER
tain classes of their people In neither case ls
there anything which, they can Iairiy regaru as as
intended or calculated 70 humiliate or degrade
them. IL may seem to them unjust that men
who ave stood by them in the war against the
Government should be put under ban IN OIL
cial service; but this is one OF the legitimate
and usual consequences of failure in such an
enterprise as they undertook. 1t was among
the risks they encountered. 1t is no more hui
initiating for them to lose political power than
to lose property, liberty, and life as result OF
defeat in rebellion against the national autho-
rity. The whole question with them turns upon
considerations OF interest-their honor and their
pride are not involved. Will they lose more
than they Will gain by accepting the ameh6,
ment? VIII the power and influence tney VIII
secure in the national councils De worth 10 tnem
more or less than that they sacrifice in Tue effort
to regain it? These are questions for themselves
to answer, and upon their answers TO them their
action should depend.
Nor will 1t be wise for the South TO leave out
of view the probable consequences OF refusing
to accept the amendment as the basis OF resto-
ration. They cannot doubt that the elect OF
refusal will be to strengthen the radical senti-
ment which already demands more extreme
conditions and threatens the most ultra and
destructive measures. That sentiment Is not
yet dominant in the Union party, nor Will II
become so unless it is strengthened again, as 1t
has been hitherto, by unwise action on tue part
of the President and the Southern States. At
almost any time during the last session of Con-
eress it might have been disarmed and over
borne, if the resistance to the Union party on
the part of the President had been less indls-
criminate and more judicious; and even as ii
was, it failed to carry any OF its extreme and
Violent measures.
If the President and the Southern States will
accept the popular decision just pronounced as
entitled to respect, and afford, by judlcious and
considerate action. basis Tor the more mode
rate and discreet portion of the Union party to
act upon, we are confident that all our difficult
ties may yet he overcome. The people are not
reVeneeinl Gor irrational in their temper or their
views. They do not seek or desire the degrada-
ton of the South, nor do they endorse or
approve the wild vagaries and crazy schemes of
Butler, Stevens and their confederates. But
they believe the Constitutional amendment to
be essentially Just, and its adoption necessary to
the peace and safety of the nation. Hostility
and bitter resistance may drive them into more
extreme positions, and thus strengthen the
faction from which the country at large, and
especially the South, has the most to fear; and
ii cannot possibly change or improve the action
OF Congress for at least three years 10 come.