American citizen. [volume] (Canton, Miss.) 1864-1890, 1866-02-24

anu puulC tIihi Wy al iup"iuoi Joiy VI
the State or district wherein the crime
shall have been committed. The safe
guards which the wisdom and experience
Of ages chosen by our fathers to estab-
lish as securities for the protection of the
innocent, the punishment of the guilty.
| and the equal administration of justice
are to be set aside, and for the sake of
more vigorous interposition in behalf OF
Justice, we are to take the risk of the
many acts of injustice that would Of ne
cessity follow from an almost countless
number of agents established in every
parish or county in nearly every one of
the States of the Union. over whose deci-
sion there is to be no supervision or con-
troll by the Federal courts. The power
that would be thus placed in the hands
of the President is such as in times Of
peace certainly never ought to be intrust.
ed to any one man. 1t is to be asked
whether the creation of such tribunal WITHIN
State is warranted as measure OF war.
The question presents itself whether we are
still engaged in war? Let us not unnecessa-
rily disturb the commerce, credit and indus
try of the country by declaring to the
American people and the world that the
United States are still in condition of civil
| war. At present, there is no part OF our
| country in which the authority of the United
States is disputed. Offenses that may be
| committed BY individuals should not work
| forfeiture of the rights of the same communl-
| ties The country has entered and is return
| ing to a state of peace and industry, and the
rebellion is in fact at an end. This measure,
| therefore, seems to be as inconsistent with
the actual condition of the country as at va
| rance with the Constitution of the United
States. If, passing from general considera-
| ton, we examine the bill in detail, it is open
to weighty objections. In time of war, 1t
was evidently proper that we should provide
| for those who were passing suddenly from
condition of bondage to state of freedom,
but the bill proposes to make the Freedmens
Bureau established by the act of 1860, as one
of the many great and extraordinary military
measures to suppress a formidable rebellion
permanent branch of the public anministra-
ton, with its power greatly enlarged have
no reason to suppose, and do not understand
it to be alleged that the act of March, 1865,
| has proved deficient for the purpose for which
| it was passed, although at that time and for
| a considerable period thereafter the Govern
meut of the United States remained unac-
| knowledged in most of the States whose in
habitauts had been involved in the rebellion.
| The institution of slavery, for the destruction
| of which the Freedmen's Bureau was called
| into existence as An auxiliary, has already
| been effectually and finally abrogated through
out the whole country by an amendment to
| the Constitution of the United States and
| practically its eradication has received the
assent and concurrence of the most of those
! States, which as any time had existed, and
am not therefore able to discern in the coun-
try anything to justify an apprehension that
| the power and agencies OF the Freedtnens
| Bureau, which were effective for the protec-
ton of freedmen and refugees during the &C
tual continuation of hostilities and OF Afrl-
can servitude, will it now in time of peace,
and after the adjustment of slavery, prove
inadequate to the same end. If am correct
in these views there can be no necessity for
the enlargement of the powers of the Bureau,
FOR which provision is made in the bill. The
third section of the bill authorizes general
and unlimited agent of support to the dest-
tute and suffering refugees and freedmen, and
| their wives and children. The succeeding
sections make provision for the rent or pur-
| chase of landed estates for freedmen and tor
the erection for their benefit of suitable build
ings for asylums and schools, the expense to
be betrayed from the treasury of the people
| The Congress of the United States has never
heretofore thought itself bound to establish
any laws beyond the limits of the District OF
Columbia, except for the benefit oil our dlsa
bled soldiers and sailors. 1t has never found
ed schools for any class of our own people,
not even for the orphans OF those who nave
fallen in defense of the Union, but has lett
the care of their education to the much more
competent control OF the States, OF commu-
mites, of private associations and of indiyid-
uals. 1t has never deemed 1T necessary TO
expend the public money for the rent or par
chase of houses for the thousands not to say
millions of the white race who are honestly
toiling from day to day for their subsistence.
system for the support of INDECENT persons
in the United States was never contemplated
by the Constitution, nor can any gooi rea-
son be advanced why, as a permanent esta6-
llishment, it should be founded for one class
or color of our people more than for another.
Pending the war, many refugees or freedmen
received support from the Government but it
never was intended they should hencet0rth
be fed, clothed, educated and sheltered by
the United States. The idea GU which the
slaves were assisted to freedom was that on
becoming free they would be a self-sustaining
population, and any legislation that shall i'm
ply that they are not expected TO attain a
self. sustaining condition must have tenden-
cy injurious alike to their character and their
prosperity. The appointment of an agent for
every county and parish will create an I'M
mense patronage, and the expense OF the nu-
merous officers and clerks to be appointed by
the President, will be great in the beginning,
with tendency steadily to increase. The
appropriations asked for by the Freedmen's
Bureau, as now established, for the year 1865,
amounts to Sll,745,O0o. 1t may be safely
estimated that the cost to be incurred under
the pending bill will be double that amount,
more than the entire sum expended in any
one year under the administration Of the Sec
end Adams.
If the presence of agents in every parish
and county is to be considered as a war meas
ure, opposition, or even resistance, might be
provoked; so that TO give effect to their juris-
diction. troops would have to be stationed