The day book. [volume] (Norfolk, Va.) 1857-1867, 1866-02-26
THE GREAT MEETING IN NEW
YORK

President johnson.
1t was one of the largest and most enthu-
siastic meetings that ever was held in the great
city of New York.
Men of all shades Of politics participated III
the meeting, and it seems to have been a
spontaneous outpourng Of the people The
resolutions are too long for lis to publish.
The last resolution reads as follows:
"ResoIUed, That the Constitution is at once
oul charter and defence, no magistrate can go
beyond it; no department of government,
however powerful, legislative or executive, is
permitted to transcend it, and however benev-
olent, or otherwise meritorous measure may
be, if it be not within the powers granted by
the Constitution, it cannot be adopted, and we
insist that every one of our public servants
shall conform to the will of the whole people,
as manifested in the great organic act which
is antecedent, and superior to the Government
itself"
The reading of the address and resolutions
was frequently interrupted by cheers and
other manifestations of approval, especially at
those points commenting President Johnson's
policy for restoring the Union, aud his veto of
the Freedmen's Bureau Bill,
SECRETARY SEWARD INTRODUCED.
Mr.. Cutting then introduced Mr. Seward,
amidst the most deafening applause. In do
ing so Mr.. Cutting said IL tell the majority
in Congress that if they proceed to haggle and
bargain for other and better terms, instead of
Fastening to make peace, they will be displac-
ed by almost the unanimous voice of the
country"
SECRETARY Stewards SPEECH.
Mr. Seward said, after a few words of intro
ducton:
What shall | speak OF or about The
call of your meeting specifies the subject
But first let say | am not here as an
alarmst | am not here to say that the ma
| ton is ip peril or i'll danger in peril if you
adopt the opinions or III peril if you reject
them; in peril if you adopt the views of the
apparent or real majority Of Congress, Or if
you reject them it is Lot i'll peril any way
nor do think the cause of liberty and hui
man freedom, the cause of national aggran-
dzement, present or future, material or moral,
is in danger of being long arrested, whether
you adopt one set of political opinions OF an
other.
| 1.-The Union, that is to say, the nation, has
been rescued from all its pers. The. noble
ship has passed from tempest and pillows into
| the verge Of a sale iarbor, and is now secure
| y riding into her ancient mooriugs without a
| broken spar or a leak, starboard and larboard,
| fore and aft. There some small reefs yet
to pass as she approaches these mornings
| One pilot says she may safely enter directly
| through them 4; the other says that she must
back, and by lowering sail take time to go
around them. 1t is merely a difference Of
opinion between the pilots. | think them
both sincere and honest, but the vessel will go
| in safely one way cr the other
"The worst that can happen will be that
| by taking the wrong instead of the right pas
sage, or even taking the right passage and
| avoiding the wrong one, the vessel may roll
little, and some honest, capable and even des
CRYING political statesman, President or even
Congressman, may get washed overheard, II
this cannot be helped it can be borne iii
am one OF the uniortunates let friend be
concerned on that account As honest, as
good OF capable politicians statesmen or Presi-
dent will make their appearance hereafter
faster than will be needed to command the
ship rs well and as wisely as any that have
heretofore stalked thor hour deck. AL
though do not think we are in a crisis, the
question to-day is worthy OF deliberate exami-
nation and consideration"
| MIR. Seward then went Oh to specify the is
sue between the President and Congress, and
supported the veto of the Freedmen's Bureau
BILL He as much as announced that u procla-
nation would soon come FORTH announcing the
Union restored; when lie thought the Freed
mems Bureau should cease its operations He
fully supported the Presidents policy
Mr.. Seward drew happy illustration from
the farce of the Nervous Man and Man of
Nerve" and remarked that this is the differ
ence between the President, who is a man of
nerve, in the Executive chair at Washington,
and the nervous men who are III the House of
Representatives. The President ID in harmony
with all the States that were in rebellion. Eve
ry executive department and judicial depart
ment are i'll operation, or are rapidly resuming
| the exercise oi their functions Loyal repre-
sentatives, more or less from these States men
whose loyalty may be tried by any coustitu-
tlonal or legislative test, are now standing at
the doors OF Congress, and have been standing
there for three months past, asking to be al
mitted to seats which disloyal representatives
OF the rights and duties OF the States, as well
as OF the sovereignty Of the Union, had reck-
lessly abandoned.
These representatives after lapse of three
months, yet remain waiting outside the chain
Der, while Congress passes law after law. inn
posing pufueu aiter pufueh, AMI duty after
duty upon the States which are thus. against
their earnestly expressed desires, left without
representation. SO far as can judse of human
probabilities, feel sure that loyal men from
the now loyal States will sooner or later al
this session, OF at some other, by this Congress,
OF some other, be received into the legislature
of the nation. When this shall have been done
the process of restoration will be completed
for that is all that now rem aims to be done
The President thinks that the transition
stage has nearly passed, and the original pro-
Vision for the freedmen's bureau is all that IN
necessary to secure the end i'll view; while the
bill submitted by Congress seems to him to
| give 1t lndehnlte eXtansinn In t,.ao ....-.-