The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1866-09-25
Of Richmond County.

| we copy Iue ioiiOWlHS appear 10 Tile
Southern people from the New York Herald
of the goth inst:
against the warnings of Stevens and the
f1ippant objections of Brooks we urge upon
the politicians and white people of the South
ern States the adoption of this constitutional
amendment. The public mind of the North
is not in the mood for a repetition of the SUI
percilious, imperious and insolent demands
of such Southern fre-eaters and revolutionists
as defeated the great object of the Border
States Peace Convention of 1861. We have
had enough of the folly OF domineering
Southern ire-eaters and enough of the fanat-
icism of Northern radicals, and we want
peace, and we can get it in the restoration of
tum of the republican conservatives of Con-
gress We feel entirely justified in admon-
ishing the Southern States that delay is dan
gerous to them that If they reject these condi-
ton Of Congress they aoilI be far more likely to
get something mach instead Of anything
better that State government, according
to the Supreme Court if recognized by Con-
gress, is the State; that if not recognized by
Congress, there is no appeal put to the next
Congress, and that in such an appeal there IS
no I0irg chance Of anything better than THIS
amendment for the excluded States.
1t is the victorious party in war that die
tates the treaty of peace; and as the terms
OF restoration and peace offered to the South
by Congress propose nothing Of corJfscation, no
enforcement Of negro suffrage, no vengeance, no
exclusions from federal offices that cannot be
renaed5ed, no ACCOMPLISHMENTS but only those
securities deemed necessary for the safety of
the national treasury, the liberty of the blacks
and the future peace of the Union, zee aoould
appeal to the excluded Southern States to come
into the general government fast possible
on these generous terms offered through Con-
gress By the uictorious North. We urge this
course because it is abundantly manifest that
nothing less will satisfy the great dominant
Union war party and Congressional peace
party of the North.''
The Herald truly says that the proposed
amendment has been offered to the South by
the moderate republicans in Congress, and
the Sentinel of this place, recently admitted
the same thing. This amendment is moth
ing more than President johnson has himself
required of the Southern States and all
Congress asks is that the principles it con-
tains, every one of which has been approved
by the President, shall be engrafted in the
National Constitution.
The Herald sustains us in the view We have
taken that the Southern States would do we'll
at once to accept this amendment. They
will never get better terms. They will not
get as good terms hereafter if they reject this
amendment. Instead of being proposition
for negro suffrage it contains the only plan
we shall be able to get which will prevent
negro suffrage. There is no negro suffrage in
this amendment. This question is expressly
left where the President would leave it-with
the States. We shall have the same number
of members of Congress until 1872. After
that time, the white voters will only be
counted, as whites only will vote, and in this
way we shall lose two or three members of
Congress. But, by 1882, we shall increase
again in our members. by the importing
white population. The same rule will apply
to all the States, Northern as well as South
erh. We shall have as many members as
Maine, for our white population is equal to
hers; and if we can only get back to the
Union, it is more than probable that the white
emigration to our State will place US ahead
of that State in 1872. Surely it cannot be
supposed that the Northern people will ever
consent, unless we allow the negroes to vote,
that we shall count them. in the basis of re-
presentation against their free whites. We
our people to determine that they will have
five or six members of Congress with white
voters in preference to seven or eight mem
bers of Congress with negro voters. It will
do no good to complain of loss of power in |
the House of Representatives. five had not |
rebelled slavery would not have been abol-
ished, and we would still have counted three
ffths of the slaves in the apportionment, as
this amendment allows US to do until 1872. |
Besides, we have been losing members ever
since the Union was formed. North Carolina |
had fifteen members-as many as New York,
in 1890; in 1860 the number had been re-
duced to seven.
Nor is it true that this amendment deprives
any man of his right of suffrage 1t simply
prohibits certain persons from holding Office,
until such time as Congress may relieve them.
President johnson has gone much further in
this respect than this amendment goes. He
declared, in the very outset, that no man should
vote or hold Office until he gave the word.
He pardoned the great body of our people,
but those whom he refuses to pardon can not |
even vote, much less hold Office. They can
not even make title to a square foot of their
land. Congress has not gone that far. The
President says to Mr.. Stevens, MIR. Graham,
Mr.. Turner, and Others, you shall not even
vote or make or receive title to property, I'M
til 1 think proper to allow you to do so
Congress merely says you shall not hold of
flee for the present. The writer of this, the
Senior Editor of this paper, isas much banned
by the proposed amendment as the most
thorough secessionist in the South. If it
should be accepted, he would not be allowed
to hold office until he was relieved by Con-
gress. What assurance has he that he would
be relieved? 1t is well known that the Sem
ate would not confirm him for foreign mis-
sion. But what of that 2 The Union must
be restored at all hazards. No man or set of
men should stand in the aoay Of its restoration.
The interests of the great body of the people,
who do not want Office, should first he con. |