The Norfolk post. [volume] (Norfolk, Va.) 1865-1866, 1866-02-09
.THAD STEVENG MANIFESTO.
HIS LATE SPEECH IN CONGRESS
REPUTATION OF THE PRESIDENT AND HIS
POLICY.

REPUTATION Of THE PhhSiDENT AMI Ills
POLICY.
Mr.. SPEAKER-All / shall attempt on
the occasion is to place before the House
distinctly, and hope intelligibly, the
true meaning of the proposition submit.
ted by the committee, noticing slightly
the objections which have been made to
il. tits true, we have been informed by
high authority, at the other end Of the
avenue, introduced through an unusual
conduit, that no amendment is neces-
sary to the constitution as our fathers
made it. and that it is better to let 1t
stand as it is. Now, sir, think very
differently myself for one individual.
believe there is intrusted to this Con-
gress high duty, no less important and
no less fraught with the veal or woe OF
future ages than was intrusted to the
august body that made the Declarati N
of Independence. / believe now, five
omit TO exercise that high duty, or abuse
it, we shall be held to account by fttuic
generations of America and by the whole
civilized world that is in favor Office.
dom. and that our names will go down
to posterity with some applause or with
black condemnation five do not treat
the subject thoroughly, honestly, and
Justly, in reference to every human
being on this continent. The time has
come when we can make the constitu-
ton what our fathers desired to make
It, The time has come when through
blood every stain has been washed out
unless we choose to re-establish it. God
forbid should so adopt the principle o
the gentleman from New York, (Mr.
Raymond), that this constitution needs
no amendment.
MIR. RAYMoND--I rise simply to re-
mark that If the gentleman understood
me TO say no amendments whatever were
needed to the constitution, and the cons
titntion was better without them, he
misunderstood me for expressly said
OH this very point Of representation that
some amendment was necessary.
Mr.. Stevens-I refer not only to the
gentleman from New York, but To what
I take to be an authorized utteranoe or
one at the other end of the avenue. |
am glad the gentleman has explained it
in that way. Now, sir, since i have
referred to that. l believe am right, for
I have no doubt that this Is the prOcla-
nation, the command of the President
of the United States, made and put
forth by authority in advance, and at
time when this Congress was legislating
on this very questiOn--m8de, IN my
Judgment in violation Of the privileges
of this House-made in such way that
centuries ago, had 1t been made to Par
Lament by British king, 1t would have
cost him his head. But, air, II we pass
that by we are tolerant Of usurpatiOn i'm
this tolerant government of ours. Now,
sir, let me consider what il the meaning
of the proposition mahs by the com
mittee how far it ought TO be attepted
by any notifications. II has been
amended by the committee, III 0hedi-
ence to what is supposed to be the sense
of the House. The committee have re-
ported back the simple proposition
that representation shall be apportioned
among the states ia proportion to their
numbers, provided that when the cleo
tive franchise shallbe denied or abridged
in any state on account of race or color,
all persons therein of such race or color
shall lie excluded from the basis of rep
resentation. But some OF our friends
are apprehensive that this is an implied
permission to the states to regulate the
elective franchise within the states.
Now, sir, / venture to say that there is
no good philOlogist who, upon reading
single moment pretend that it either
grants privilege or takes away priyi-
Iege from any state on that subject. IT
does, however, punish the abuse of that
privilege If it exists. Now, l hold that
the states have the right and always
have had it, TO Il X the elective franchise
within their own states. And ! hold
that this does not take 1t from them.
Ought it to take it from them? Ought
the domestic affairs of the states to be
infringed upon by Congress 80 far as to
regulate the restrictions and qualifca-
tions of their voters? How many states
would adopt such prOpsitiOn? How
many would allow Congress to come
within their jurisdiction to fix the quail
ification of their voters? Would New
York? Would Pennsylvania? Would
the Northwestern states? / am sure
not one of them would. Therefore, ifyou
should take away the right which now
is and always has been exercised by the
states, by fixing the qualification of
their electors, instead OF getting nine
teen states, which Is necessary to raitfy
this amendment, you might possibly get
five. venture to say you could not get |
five In this Union. And that is an an
sWer, in the opinion of the committee, |
to all that has been said on this subject. |
But it grants no right. Itsays, however, |
to the state of South Carolina and other |
slave states True, we leave where il |
has been left for eighty years the right |
to fix the elective franchise, but you
must not abuse it; if you do, the consti-
tuition will impose upon you penalty,
and will continue to inflict it until you
shall have corrected your actions" Now,
any man who knows anything about |
the condition of aspiration and ambi
ton for power which exists in the slave |
objects is to rule this country. 1t was
to ruin it If they could not rule it. They |
have not been able to ruin it, and now
their great ambition will be to rule it.
II state abuses the elective franchise,
and takes it from those who are the
only loyal people there, the constitu-
ton says to such state: you shall
lose power in the halls of nation, and
you shall remain where you are,
shrIveled and dried up nonentty, in
stead of being the lords of creation
as you have been, so far as America
Is concerned, for years past" Now, sir,
| say, no more strong inducement could
ever be held out to them mo more severe
could ever be Indicted upon
Them as States. If they exclude the
colored population they will lose at least
thirty-fve representatives in this hall.
II they adoptit they will have eighty
three votes. Take 1t away from them
and they will have only from forty-five
to forty-eight votes, all told, in this hall;
and then, sir, let them have all the con-