Marshall County Republican. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1856-1878, 1866-07-12
WHOLE NO. sos.

of one section of the country than that which now
exists in the inequality of representation cannot
be imagined, ant the cheerful submission to it BY
Northern Democrats for the low and selfish pur.
pose of reaping little political gain, presents a
spectacle which 1t is not pleasant TO contemplate.
disqualification OF this amendment is one OF the most
important issues submitted 10 the people of Ind-
ana at the next election. The justice of it,, and the
necessity for it. lie upon the surface and are too
plain for argument. We might as well argue that
two and two make four, or that a whole is equal
TO all It's rsrls.
The third section provides in substance that
every person, who, as "A member OF Congress, off
Ger of the United, member of the State Legisla.
ture, or judicial officer of any State, had taken
an oath to support the Constitution of the United
States, and afterwards committed perjury by en-
gaging in the rebellion, shall be ineligible 10 any
Office under the United States or any State. The
object OF 1t is to exclude perured rebels from pow
er. III man has once taken an oath to sup
port the Constitution and broken il, he should not
be permitted to take it again in the same way
You will doubtless agree with Congress that men
enough can be found who have never committed
this wicked and bloody perjury to fill all the Off
ces, both State and National aud that il is but a
reasonable precauton for public safety to prevent
these men from again coming into power. There
is no political or moral obligation to trust them
again, and every dictate of prudence Justice oy c
for the Union, and abhorrcnce for the rebellion,
demands that they should not be again trusted.
The fourth section proclaims the validity of the
public debt of the United States, including debts
incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for
service in suppressing the rebellion, and prohibits
the United States or any State from assuming or
paying any debt incurred in aid Of the rebellion
or any claim for the loss or emancipation OF
slaves.
The strong sympathcs manifested By Northern
Democratic leaders for the holders of the rebel
WAL do thpir ,nth hos tho boi1
ers of the bonds of the United States, make this
amendment necessary. Should the great calami ty
happen that the National Government should pass
into the possession OF the Democratic party, are
not at liberty to Doubt but that they would cause
il to assume the payment of the rebel war debt
Not only the inclinatons of the Northern
members already in that direction, but their well
known pusillanimity in the presence of Southern
men would overcome any fears of unpopuarity at
home, AID they would march up promptly TO the
support OF the measure as soon as il was demand
ed by the Southern wing Of the party. Should
the Southern wing demand as a condition for their
support that they should be paid for their slaves,
who can doubt for moment, when they consider
the love and devotion OF the Northern Democra tic
leaders to slavery, the history Of the passage of the
Nebraska bill, aud hundred other political events
which have occurred in the last thirty years, that
the demand would be promptly acceded to.
The amendment is. therefore, imperatively re-
qnred, by the sympathies, cOwardice, and habits
of submission to Southern men by which Northern
Democratic leaders are distinguished.
To say that men who but yesterday were in re.
belion to destroy the Government, having been
vanquished last night, may to-day, without con-
dtion or hndrance, resume their seats in Congress
and take part in the administration of affairs wo'd
be proposition of which we might say, in homeIy
phrase, There is no sense in it." Ii would be to
destroy all distinctions between loyalty and treason:
foo Iall L., a.
the Government and destruction of il. Il is an old
saying that treason is justified by its success, bu.
this would justify it equally in defeat. This prop
osition belongs 10 the class of vile "onhis' rIes
wherewith the country assailed at 49, -.
ming of. and throughout the war, and which were
the flimsy and transparent garments by which
Northern men sought TO cover the hideous naked.
ness of their sympathy with rebellion. They said
"the Government could not coerce State; that it
was incompatible with the nature OF q Govern.
mcnt to preserve its existence by force" and that
our Government had no right by force of arms to
preserve its life against rebelOus violence.
Mr.. Buchanan. in his message to Congress in
December, 1860 committed himself to the incon-
ceivaby foolish paradox, that States under the
Constitution had no right TO seccde but that ii they
attempted secession, the Government had no pow
er to prevent them from doing And again, du-
ring the war; when it became manifest TO the world
that the rebellion could not be suppressed and
slavery preserved. Mr.. Lincoln was furiousy de-
nounced rs usurper, tyran, and tend for bis great
proclamation of freedom. And now as a proper
conclusion we told by the authors of these in
famous savings that vanquiShed rebel. may and
ought to, without condition, hndrance or delay,
return to their places of trust, profit and power in
the Government, just as il nothing had happened
The right 10 protect itself against public or secret
enemies, aud TO punish impose conditions upon
traitors is an essential principle In every form of
government, and without it no government can ex
list. In our government the law has rrescribed
death as the punishment for treason, but il is true
in government as in everything else, that the
greater includes the less. The Government may
commute the punishment Of death TO imprison-
ment. II may remit the Imprisonment and insist
only upon the forfeiture of civil and political rights;
and may leave to the traitor his civil rights, it
may forgive the crime in all its consequences, and
restore him to full citizenship. q living menu-
ment OF pardoning grace. Every step that has
been taken in the work of recon,truction thus far
has proceeded upon this principle And here
may be allowed to remark that reconstruction :
siss oftwo distinct things which are in many res
poets independent of each other:
First-The reorganization Of the State govern
ments, in the States lately in rebellion.
Secondly-The admission OF Senators and mem
bers of Congress from such States to seats in the
Congress of the United States.
The first part was undertaken By President
JonDsOn anu Wnetner properly or improperly, IL ls
now hardly worth while to discuss, inasmuch the
State governments reconstructed upon his plan are
in operation, and the programme submitted by the
Reconstruction Committee does not, as l under
stand il, contemplate their dissolution, or require
their modification beyond ratfyng the constitution
al amendment, and making their Constitutions and
laws conform 10 its provisions.
President Johnson in hi. plan for rcconstructing
the State governments, treated the rebellious in
habitants of those States having by their treas
on forfeited their political and civil rights. and he
granted them permission to reorganize State gov
ernments only upon certain conditions, and eK
cluded from all participation certain classes Of per-
soDs specially designated, unless they should first
receive personal and specific pardon. He proyid
ed that no one should participate in the work OF
reconstruction without first having taken oath.
the terms of which he prescribed.
He then provided that the governments which
might be reorganized should not be recognized un
ill they had formally abolished slavery intheir
eral States, had ratified the amendment OF the
Constitution Of the United States. which forever
prohibited slavery within the States or Territories
and had repudiated their several war debts, nor
until they had by law secured to the negroes with
in their limits the right to sue and be sued, and
testify as competent witness in the courts.
The second part OF reconstruction. the adm ission
of Senators and Representatives from the rebe
States to seats liz Congress. is matter over which
the President has no control or jurisdiction. The
Constitution declares that each House shall be the
! Judge of the qualifications Of its own members,
and in this respect one House has no control oveI
the other Each House udgeS for IL, elf " he ther