The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1866-08-28
Tri- ri-M5eekly Standard.
SOLDIERS, CONVENTION.
TO the Soldiers and Sailors who Served
in theArmy and Navy OF the United
States During the Late Rebellion.

in theArmy and Navy Oh the UnItcd
States During the Late Rebellion.
Tn nursuance of a resolution of a
meeting of soldiers now, or lately in the
Union army, held in this city last even
inc. we invite those of you who ap-
prove the restoration policy of the
President and the principles announced
by the National Union Convention at
Philadelphia, to assemble at Cleveland
on the 18th day of September next, for
consultation on the momentous issues
now convulsing our country. :
We need not argue to you at length
the Importance of these issues, nor
your duty to take part in their settle
ment. After five years of fierce and de-
structive war, in which our arms were
gloriously triumphant, the Union for
which we fought is still practically I'M
restored. Why is this? We struggled
to maintain the rightful supremacy of
the General Government-to conquer
all who, in arms, disputed its authority
and to make every rebellious citizen
Weld to it's laws We, held through
out the war that the Union is indissolu-
bic, and it's powers, as eXpounded by
its courts, supreme that no State can,
of it's own motion, withdraw, or, at the
will of its sister States. be excluded {:
and that the duty of each State to main
tain the Union, and its right to take
part in the Government, are alike ab-
solute Every object of the war ever
recognized by or known to the army
and navy has been thoroughly achieved.
The Southern people, decimated, impov-
erished, and subdued, have, for more
than year past, abandoned the rebel
lion, and now only ask that the Union
for which zoe fought may be recognized
as existing, and that they may he dealt
with as the Constitution and laws pre-
scribe.
In their anxiety to restore the Union
and bring harmony to its councils, they
have gone beyond mere silent submis-
ion to it's laws. Through their dele
gates at the National Union Convention,
they solemnly renounced the doctrines
of notification and secession, from
which the war arose-repudiated the
rebel debt, aud declared of sacred obH-
CATION the national debt-proclaimed
the faith of the nation pledged to the
continuance of bounties and pensions
to loyal soldiers and sailors and their
families-declared slavery forever abol-
ished, and freedmen entitled to equal
protection of law, in person and proper
ty, with their former masters. Their
platform is not only one of emphatic
loyalty, but it is moreover most liberal
in spirit ON all the great issues growing
out of the war.
The character of the men who repre-
sented the Southern States in that Con
vention preclude us from believing this
enunciation of principles to be insincere.
They sent to it their foremost states
men-men who, like Rives, Graham,
Orr, Parsons, Sharkey, Houston, Brock
enborough, Hunt, Manning, and Ste
phens, were known throughout the land
before the war as men of the highest
character and influence. Among the
five hundred delegates from the South,
there was not voice or vote dissenting
from the resolutions adopted by the
Convention. If the best of the South
ern people are eUer to be believed, we
must accept these solemn declarations
as sincere. We do accept them as con-
elusive evidence that great majority
of the Southern people-sick Of war
and anarchy, and longing for restora-
ton of free governnent-are ready to.
bear true allegiance to the Constitution
and laws of the Union.
We are, therefore, unwilling to see
the Southern people held longer in vas
salage. They are our countrymen-cit-
liens of the United States-who have
incurred penalties, but who have rights.
Those who wilfully participated in the
rebellion and are unpardoned are sub
ject to the penalties prescribed for trea-
son. But, though individuals may be
tried, convicted, and punished, commu-
mites cannot; nor can the States and
their people, without a plain violation
of the Constitution, be denied the right
of representation, through men person
ally qualified, in the councils of the ma
ton.
The intention of Congress seems to
he to deprive them of representation
just SO long as it suits the Radical par
ty. Many assert that it will concede
the right whenever the constitutional
amendment shall have been adopted
and each prescribed State shall have
ratified it. But it is quite certain that
the amendment will not be ratified by
three-fourths of the States, and there
fore that it will not be adopted. Some
perhaps many-of the Il orthern States
will reject it, and we cannot expect its
legal ratification by any of the lately
insurrectionary States. If there were
no other reason why the Southern
States will reject it, it is enough that it
proposes to disfranchise nearly all the
men in the South, who have influence |
over the masses of the people. If none
were to be disfranchised except officers
of the rebel army, we still could not ex-
pect the South to adopt it, for large
majority of the men in the late in
surrectionary States, through compul-
sion or choice, served in the rebel az
mics, and their votes alone would over
whelmingly defeat it. Would Union
soldiers, to recover political privileges,
disfranchise their leaders, whom they
love and revere for their heroic virtues? p?
now, then, can we expect Southern
soldiers to degrade their old comman-
AS there is no probability that the