The evening Argus. [volume] (Rock Island, Ill.) 1861-1871, 1866-02-19
Suffrage and RepresentiOn.

The New York Tribune is maliciously ia
cetious towards the governor OF FLORIDA Tor
the views he has presumed to utter, IN bis
proper place, relative to negro suffrage and
the social status of the freedmen in that state
1t thinks to crush him outright, by answer
ing one of his inquiries out OF the Federdtsst,
with an extract from the pen of Madison
The extract is taken from No. "a, IN our edI-
ton, although the tribune credits 1t TO No.
SO. the whole of which essay is devoted TO
discussion of the ratio of federal representa-
ton. To make it appear that MIR. Madison
held the opinion, that, whenever the proper
ty character of the slave should disappear al
together and the personal character FREEDOM
mate, he would be fully entisled-not to the
same right of representation which non vo-
tsrs in other states enjoyed, but-to the priv
ilege of suffrage, the Tribune quotes from the
essay in question the following passage, which
1t manifestly believes establishes the whole
case in it's favor:
sfThe federal constitution therefore, decides
with great propriety on the case OF our slaves,
when II vie WIS them in the mixed character OF per-
and of property. This is, IN fact, their true
character. 1t is the character bestowed on them
by the laws under which they live and 1t will not
be denied that these are the proper criterion; be-
cause it is only under the pretext that the laws
have transformed the negroes into subjects of
property that place is disputed them in the COM
pUtutlOn OF NUMBERS and IL is dQmilteu LndL II the
laws were to restore the rights which have been
taken away, the negroes could no longer be
fused equal share af representation with the 9th
iDhabtants.''
1t has evidently escaped the attention OF
the Tribune,-whieh thus betrays the fact
that it picks over that body of approved com.
mentary on our government and constitution
for party ends, rather than study it consecu-
lively and thoughtfully,f for the enlightenment
ofslts views and the enlargement OF its reason,
that Mr.. Madison puts the argument OF the
entire paragraph, whose concluding passage
has Just been quoted into the mouth of a
southern man, who thus reasons to the objec.
tons which the opponents of the proposed
eonstition have adduced. 1t is to be further
observed, that the triumphant flourish with
which the Tribune citessits quotation, will
not in any fair sense bear out the conclusion
that negro suffrage was therein conceded, by
the use of the phrase IAN equal share of rep
reseat1tton with the other inhabisants"-
The Tribune, however, would have it's rea-
ders believe that this was what the reasoner
OR Mr.. Madison himself rather-realiy
meant. The very matter under discussion of
itself disproves this assumption. 1t is the
ratio of representation that forms the subject
of the essay !; not that the qualifications of
voters.
To bring out the fact still more clearly
that the writer was, in that stage of his gen.
eral argument. awaiting himself of merely
superstltlous reasoning, through the entire
course of which we need not say that the
Tribune did not follow him,-the very next
paragraph opens with proposal to place the
matter In still another light. And it is then
argued that those who object to the ''repre.
sentation" OF the slaves as men, because thew
are held as property, cannot in consistency
reproach the masters with sentiment of in
humanity which, for political reasons, thew
betray In much larger measures themselves.
Because the negroes were held to be two
parts siave,tne opponents of slavery were not
yet willing to recognize even three parts as
men 1t was the reasoning of prejudice. if
that be a permissible phrase, lust "a to .dav
we are regarded with the roaring reason of
passion. The whole difference betwaar the
friends and opponents of the constitution on
this point, was about the adiustmentof tho
claims which were urged, on the one side
tor representation on the basis of numbers
counting slaves as persons.-and, on the
other, for taxation on the basis of wealth,
reckoning slaves only as property
To give the subject completeness, however
and supply the essential part which the Ir;
6une passed by,we subjoin the following pas
sage from Mr. Madison s individual reflections
and opinions, in the same paper, which will
be found applicable to this very question of
the right of the general government to i'm
pose qualifications upon the electors of the
several states. We need not add that it ex-
poses the 1ribune'S assumption that Mr. Mad
1son was speaking of suffrage when he spoke
only of"an equal share of representation with
the other inhabitants, "and warned the public
against too greedily swallowing what radical