Orleans independent standard. [volume] (Irasburgh, Vt.) 1856-1871, 1866-06-15
Senator Polands Speech.

Mr.. President, the few observa-
lions which I propose to make are
addressed to the general merits of the
proposition which is before the Senate
but some of them are addressed to the
very point of this pending amendment.
l read in a morning paper that it was
expected that [ would present some
and new views upon the
subject. The views that shall pre-
sent, Mr.. President may be important
in the sense that almost any view that
any man may present who has a vote
to give on such a subject is important
but that | shall be able to say, after
six months discussion of this subject,
anything new is more than | expect.
Mr.. President, all the questions in
volved in the proposed amendments
to the Constitution have been so
deliberately and ably discussed on
former occasions during the present
session that | do not feel at liberty
to attempt to argue them at length
and in detail. | do not propose to
do more than to state, in the shortest
and plainest manner [ am able, some
of the reasons for my action upon
the propositions submitted to US by
the committee.
The clause of the first proposed
amendment, that "no State shall
make or enforce any law which shall
abridge the privileges or immunities
of citizens of the United States" Sc
cures nothing beyond what was in
tended by the original provision il
the Constitution, that the citizens
of each State shall be entitled to al
privileges and immunitieS of citizens
in the several States"
But the radical difference in the
social systems Of the several States
and the great extent to which the
doctrine of State rights or State SOY
ereignty was carried, induced mainly
as | believe, by and for the protection
of the peculiar system of the South
led to a practical reputation of thu
existing provision on this subject
and it was disregarded in many o
the States. State legislation was al
lowed to override it, and as no ex
press power was by the Constitution
granted to Congress to enforce it, i
became really a dead letter. TIL
great social and political change il
southern States, wrought by th
amendment of the Constitution aboI
ishing slavery and the overthrow
Of the late rebellion render it eminent
ly proper and necessary that Con
gress should be invested with tn
the power to enforce this provision
throughout the country and compe
| its observance.
| Now that slavery is abolished, an,
the whole people Of the nation stan,
upon the basis of freedom, it seem
: to me that there can be no valid O
reasonable objection to the residue O
the first proposed amendment:
Nor shall any State deprive any person of life
liberty, or property without due process of law
nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction tn
equal protection of the law.
| 1t is the very spirit and inspiration
of our system of government, the al
solute foundation upon which it wa
established. 1t is essentially declare,
In the Declaration of Independence
and in all the provisions of the Con
stitution. Notwithstanding this w
know that State laws exist, and som
of them of very recent enactment. il
direct violation of these principles
Congress has already shown its de
sire and intension to uproot and de
stroy all such partial State Legislation
in the passage of what is called tn
civil rights bill. The power of Con
gress to do this has been doubted an,
denied by persons entitled to hig
consideration. 1t certainly seem
, desirable that no doubt should be LEI
existing as to the power of Congress
to enforce principles lying at the yer,
foundation of all republican govern
ment if they be denied or violated b
the States, and cannot doubt bu
! that every Senator will rejoice il
aiding to remove all doubt upon thi
power Of Congress.
The second article of the propose,
amendment involves many consider