Baltimore daily commercial. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1865-1867, 1866-02-08

In reply to some of your Inquiries. not to make a
speech about this mater-or it is always best to talk
pam, and distinctly about such questi0ns-I will
say. that II have not given evidence in my former
course that am a friend of humanity and thai nor
| can give no evidence here Everything that have
had;; b9!h as regards life and property has been
understand-not to be egotistic-what should he the
true direction of this question: and what cOnrse oG
pohcy would result in the ameliOration and ultimate
eeVauSni not only Of the coored, but Of the great
mass ~ OF the people of the United States. say that
naie nSf o6d fe that am friend
man In my past conduct, there is nothing that can
Irepeat. all that 1 possess-life, liberty and nro-
| perVy-haYe neen put up in connection with that
question, when l had every inducement held out to
have accomplishment perhap al tba Ba T40n would
| tlous might have desired. If knew myself and the
| feelings Of my own heart, they have been for tbe
coored man. | have owned slaves and honsht Siaas ,
but never sold one. l might say, however that
practically SO far as my connection with slaves has
nine Some have even followed me here while others
| are occupying and enjoying my property with nv
consent; For the colored race, my means, my time
my ALL have been peril ed aud now at this late dav
after giving evidence that is tangible that is pract
cal am free to say to you thatI do not like to be
aTrMgned by some who can get up handsomely
rounded periods and deal in rhetorical talk about
abstract ideas OF liberty who never perilled life
| impractical friendship amounts to but very little
While | say that | am a friend of the coiored
| man, do not want to adopt policy that believe
| will end in contest between the races which if
persisted in will result in the determination of one
| i'll such u work.
Now it is best to talk practically and in a common
sense way. eS, have said, and repeat here that
II the cGored men in the United States could find no
other Moses, or any Moses that would be more able
| and efficient than myself. would be his Moses to
| him from land where he had lived IN slavery to
iandl 1t iTl; were in our reach-of freedom Yes
Sea and the Land of Promise to the land of Tberty
But am not willing under either circumstances, 10
adopt pQllcy which believe will Only result in the
sacrifice OF his life and the shedding of his blood I
| think know what l say. feel what say, and
feel well assured that if the policy urged by some be
persisted IN, It will result in great injury to the white
as well as to the colored man. There is great deal
OF the same on one hand accomplishing an end and
the ballot accomplishing another at the baliot-box
These things all do very well, and sometimes have
| forcible application. "
We talk about justice. We talk about right We
| say that the white man has been in the wrong in
keeping the black man in slavery as long as he was
ihat Is all true Again, talk about the Declara-
ton of Independence and equality before the law
iou all understand that and know how to appreciate
It, But now let us look each other in the face let us
the slave States, let take the condition in which
they are at the resent time, and it is bad enough we
all know; and suppose you could say to every one
you shall vote tomorrow, how much would it anne
orate their condition at this time Now let MS get
closer up to this subject and talk about it, What re-
cupled IN the South heretofore? / opposed slavery
upon two grounds-frst, it was great monopoly,
enabling those who controlled and owned it to CON
sttute an ariStocracy. Enabling the few to derive
great profits. and rule the many with an iron rod as
1t were. And that is great objection to it in a
goyernment-its being a monopoly | was opposed
to 1t secondly upon the abstract principle of slavery
Hence in getting clear of monopoly we were getting
clear of slavery at the same time So YOU see tbere
were two right ends accomplished in the accom-
pllshment of the one.
Mr.. Douglas-Mr. President do Won wisb-Tbe
Presldent-I am not quite through yet Slavery has
been abolished "a great national guaranty has been
glven-one that cannot be revoked 1 was getting at
the relation that Subssted between the white man
and the cOlored man. A very small proportion Of
white men compared with the whole number of each
owned the colored people of the South | might in
stance ths State of Tennessee in illustraton%there
were t"enty-seEen non n-slayeholderS to slave
holder, and yet the shareholders controlled that
State. Let US talk about this matter as il is abough
the colored man was IN slavery there and owned as
property IN the sanse and lii the language of that
locality and OF that community. yet, in comparing
his condition and his position there with the nom
Shareholders he usually estimated his Importance
just in proportion the number of slaves that his
master owned with the non Shareholders Have you
ever lived upon a plantation? Mr.. Douglas-I have,
The Pre8ident-,When you would look over and see
poorer piece OF land, you thought great deal less
las-Not |. The President-Weii. I know sncb wes
the case with large majority of you in those sec
hons-Where such is the case, we know there is an
enmity-Te know there is hate. The poor white
man on the other hand opposed to the slave and
his master, for the cOored man and his master COM
bined kept him in slavery by depriving him of a |
fair participation in the labor and productions of the
riGh land OF the country. Don't you know that
coored man is going to hunt master as they call il?
m
VINO owned slaves, rather than with who did not
L know the fact at all events. Mr.. Douglas-Be-
cause they treated him better The President-They
dd not consider 1t quite as respectable to hire to
man who did not own ncgroez hire to one who did
Mr.. Douglas-Because he would not be treated as we'll
The PreSident-Then that is another argument in |
ayor OF what am going to say. 1t shows that the
c00red man appreciated the stakeholder more highly
than he did the man who did not own slaves-hence
the enmity between the colored man and the non
SHAREHOLDERS. The white man was permitted to vote
before the Government was derived from him. He is
part ana parcel OF tho political machinery now, by
Teoeloh OF reyolutlon, ana when you come back to
the objects OF this war; you find that the abolition of
slavery h WAS not one Of the objects: Congress and
our part IN order to suppress the rebellion. The alb
olltoa "a slavery has cGme as an incident the sup
preston OF great rebellion AS an incident and as
an accident, we should give it the proper direction
The colored man went into this rebellion slave; |
by the operation of the rebellion he cut freed
man, equal to freedman in any ether portion of the
country There then, is a great deal done for him |
on this point. The STAKEHOLDER, who was forced
lived beyond the limits of the State was carried into
it. and his property and in number of instances the
vived has come out of 1t with nothing gained but a
great deal lost Now, upon a principle of justice, |
what they were before? On the one hand, one has |
gained great deal; the other hand one has lost
great deal, and, IN j. political point of view,
talking about what We are going tG argue.
We have got at the hate that existed between the |
low races. The query comes up whether these two |
races situated they were before without prepara
ton, without time for passion and excitement to be
offered, and without time for the slightest improve
ment. whether the one should be turned loose upon
the other and be thrown together at the ballot box
with this enmiuy and haze existing between them
The query comes up, will we not then commence a |
war OF races l think L understand this thing. |
Especially is this the case when you force it upon
people without their consent.
You have spoken about Government. Where is |
power derived from2 We say it is derived from the
Columbia by way of illustration. Suppose for in
stance then, in this political community which to
certain extent must have government, must have |
law putting 1t now upon the broadest basis you can
put it take into consideration the relation which
the whites nave heretofore borne to the coOred race
u proper 10 enforce upon this community without |
their consent the elective franchise without regard
to color. making 1t universally Now, where do you
beglnE Government must have controlling power |
must have Judgement. For instance, suppose Con-
gress should pass law authorizing election to be
held, at Ehoh all oyer y years of age without re-
gard to color should be allowed to vote and ma
orty should decide at such election that the elective
franchise should not be universal what would you do
about ltg 10 you deny that first great principle of
the right Of the people to govern themselves? Will
you resort to an arbitrary power and say majority
OF the people shall receive state of things that they
are opposed tot
Mr.. Douglass-That was before the war
The President-l am now talking about q princi-
pie: not what somebody else said
Mr.. Downing-APpy what you have said, Mr.. |
President to South Carolina, for instance.
The Presdent-Suppose you go to South Carolina |
suppose you TO Ohio, that doesn't change the prin
egie at ati The question to which nave referred
damental change. Government commenced upon
this principle. 1t has existed upon it, and you lro-
pose now to incorporate INTO II element that did
not exist before. the query comes up in under
taking this thing, whether we have q right to make
change in regard TO the elective franchise in Ohio
for instanGe} Whether shall not st the people in
that State decide the matter for themselves
Each community Is better prepared to determine
the depository OF its political power than any body
else and it for the Legislature for the people of
Ohio, to who shall vote and not for the Congress
of the United States. might go down here to the
ballot box tomOrrOw, and vote directly for universal
suffrage but II great maJ6rlty Of this people said
no, should consider it would be yrannical and ar
bitrary in to attempt to force il upon th5n with
out their will II is fundamental text in my creed
that the will of the people must be obeyed when
fairly expressed. Is there anything wrong in that?
Mr.. Douglass, smiling-A great deal OF wrong, Mr.
President, with all respect
The Presidentlt is the people of the States that
must for themselves determine this question. /
don't want to be engaged in work that viii com
mence war Of races I want to begin the work of
preparation. If a man demeans himself and shows
evidence that this state of things will operate
he will be protected in all his rights and given every
| possible advantage by that community, when they
become reconced socially and politically to certain
| things. Then will this new orde. Of Affairs work
haTmoniousy but forced upon the people before they
prepared for it, it will be resisted and work in
harmoniously. feel, too, feel conviction that
forcing this matter upon the people upon the com-
munity will result in the injury of both races and
| the ruin of one or the other God knows have no
| desire but the good of the whole human race |
| SOt ar al