Spirit of Jefferson. [volume] (Charles Town, Va. [W. Va.]) 1844-1948, 1866-06-19

Mr.. Fessenden in the Senate, and Mr..
Stevens in the House of Representatives.
presented the report of the Committee on
| Reconstruction.
1t commences by stating the reasons for
the conclusions to which they came on the
subject submitted to them. They speak of
| the Confederate States at the close of the
rebellion being in utter exhaustion, with
out government, and say the President had
no power except to execute the laws of the
land as Chief Magistrate. The laws gave
HIM no authority over the subject of re organ
] lzation. By the Constitution he was com
mander-in-chief of the army and navy. 1t
was his duty, under the laws of nations and
the army regulations, to restore order, to
preserve property, and to protect the people
! against violence from any quarter until pro
visions should be made for their government.
He might, as President, assemble Congress
and submit the whole matter to the law
making power, or he might continue military
supervision and controAntil Congress should
assemble on its regularly appointed day.
AS to the Governors appointed by the
President, it could not be contcndcd that
they possessed or could exercise any but
military authority. They had no power to
organize civil governments, nor to exercise
any authority except that which inhcred in
| their own persons, under their commissions
Neither had the President, as Commander
in-Chief, any other than military power.
But he was in exclusive possession of the
military authority. 1t was for him to decide
how far he would exercise it-how far he
would relax lt-when and on what terms he
would withdraw it. He might, perhaps
permit the people to assemble and to initiate
local governments, aud to execute such local
laws as they might choose to form not in
SIckn tTuIth Al.
OF the United States; and if satisfied they
might safely be left to themselves, he might
withdraw the military force altogether, and
leave the people of any or all of.thosc States
to govern themselves without his interference
The committee, after speaking of the ori-
gin and leading incidents of the war. say it
was waged as civil war of gigantic magnitude.
1t was necessarily subject to all, the rules
which, by the laws of nations, control a
contest OF that character, and to all the lcgiti-
mate consequences following it. One of the
consequences was ths:-Within the limits
prescribed by humanity, the conquered rebels
were at the mercy of their conquerors.
The committee did not deem it necessary
or proper to discuss the question whether the
late Confederate States arc still States of this
Union, or can ever be otherwise Grant this
profitlcss abstraction, about which so many
words have been wasted; it by no means
follows that the people of those States may
not place themselves in a condition to
abro9atc the powers and privileges incident
to a State OF the Union, and deprive them
selves of all prctcncc ofright to exercise their
power and enjoy their privileges. The COM,
mlttcc maintain that no portion of the people
OF the country, whether in Il State or Ter
rltory, have the right, while remaining on
its soil, to withdraw from or reject the
authority of the United States. They say it
IS quite evident from all the facts, and indeed,
from the whole mass of testimony submitted
| by the President, that in no Instance was
any regard paid to any other consideration
than obtaining immediate admission to Con
| gross, under the barren form of an election
IN which no precautions were taken to secure
regularity OF proceedings, or the assent Of
the people. No constitution has been legally
adopted, except, perhaps, in the State Of
Tennessee, and such elections as were held
were without authority of law The cont
mittcc are accordingly forced to the concu-
sion that the States referred to have not
placed themselves in u condition to claim
representation in Congress, unless all the
rules which have since the foundation of the
| Government been deemed essential in such
cases shall be disrcgardcd.
The committee then review at length the
tscondltlon and feeling of the Southern pco-
I pie, saying. among other things, the latter
claim as right the privilege Of participating
at once in the Government which for four
| years they sought to overthrow while their
presses abound in abuse of the loyal States,
and efforts are made to perpctuatc the deadly
hate and discord between the two sections,
and excite hostility against the Federal Union.
The report which is a long one, concludes
as follows, which may be regarded as a sum
mary of the whole case:
The evidence Of an intense hostility to the
Federal Union, and an equally intense love
OF the late Confcderacy, nurtured by the
war, is decisive. While it appears that
nearly all are willing to submit, at least for
the time being, to Federal authority it is
equally clear that the ruling motive is
desire to obtain the advantages which will
be derived from Representations in Congress
Officers of the Union army on duty and
Northern men who go South to engage in
business, arc generally dctcsted aud prescribed
Southern men who adhered to the Union
arc bitterly hated and relcntlcssly prosecuted
In some localities prosecutions have been
instituted in State courtsagainst Union officers
for acts done in the 1inc of official duty; and
similar prosecutions are threatened elsewhere
| as soon as the United States troops arc re-
moved. All such demonstrations show
state of feeling against which it is unmis-
takably necessary to guard.
The testimony is conclusive that, after the
collapse of the Confcderacy, the feeling of the
people of the rebellious States was that of alb
jeet submission. Having appealed to the
tribunal of arms, they had no hope except
that the magnanimity of their conqucrors their
lives, and possibly their property, might be
preserved. Unfortunately, the general issue
of pardons to persons who had been prominent
in the rebellion, and the feeling of Kindness
and cOncilation manifested by the Executive.