Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-01-11

some locdifues II Is, believe, oppreSsis
and CALLING, while in others it is milder an
more tole>able; but that is not the most .
} rious and forcible view Of the subject &
consideration. They are now in the posse
sion and enjoyment Of many rights an
privileges, by which they may be able, cril
pied as they are in their resources, to mai
comfortable living for their families. Has
they ever reflected how long these priyileg,
may be continued to them or how soon the
may be withdrawn? Have they ever r,
Heefed that they have no security or guarar
tee for their continuance even for a day
They know perfectly well that they are uttel
ly helpless, they have no means, i
their own hands, of redressing any wrongs 0
injuries, however small, that may be in
ficted upon them. 1t is, moreover
quite certain, that, if the radical Re
pubiicans, now said 10 be in two-fhird
majority in both Houses of Congress
continue to be dominant in that de
gree, they will be the controlling power in tn
Government, and, by every rational conciu
sion that can be dednced from the spirit ana
designs manifested in the speeches anc
writings of the leaders Of that party, in anC
out Of Congress, the States of the South, ono,
in rebellion, will be governed fer an indef
mite period, for ten or twenty years, or for q
| generation, as conquered provinces, as Terri
tories of the United States-with such liber-
ties or privileges, as citizens of the Terri
tories, as a majority of their conquerors may
think proper to concede or dictate to them,
as a conquered people. Then why should
the people Of the South, hesitate to accede to
any requisition or suggestion, implying nc
dishonor, coming from such friend to their
interest and welfare as President johnson
could show himself to be, consistently with
his sense Of what is due to his station as the
Chief Magistrate and guardian of Govern
ment that has been so recently compelled to
defend itself against a most formidable and
fearful rebellion at an immense cost, both of
blood and treasure? Can the President be
thought to be offensive by being dictatorial in
hisdemandsupont the people of the South? Or
can he be truly said to be illiberal, or will
ing to see them unnecessarily Inundated,
in conceding what he asks of them? What
man of any experience or observation in af-
fairs Of government does not know and ac-
knowledge that President may sometimes
be compelled, by sound policy, to make to a
powerful opposition, concessions, as modif-
cations of his own favorite plans and poll
cy, which his individual Judgment may not
dictate or approve? Let any man contem-
plate President johnson, if he wishes to do
him full Justice, surrounded with the highest
responsibilities and the most appalling diff
culties that ever before embarrassed or per-
picked President of the United States, the
entire novelty of his position, without any
precedent, any old landmark, any highway
trod in former times to guide him, having
10 1..rI h.. - -
making blunder at every step that may be
fatal to his administration and to the cause of
free government, and, withal, knowing as he
has probably known from the first, that he
would be opposed by fierce and powerful
opposition, that may be goaded to vindictive-
ness, in their course, by proclaiming that his
policy, if not defeated, will rescue from their
grasp what they consider their lawful prey
the legitimate fruit of their victory over the
South in the late war; and who claim, in
addition to the twelve thousand millions of
dollars they have taken from the Southern
people from Union men as well as rebels,)
the estimated value Of their slaves--the con-
fscation of all the lands and other property
of the rebels. With this view of his situa-
ton, who shall say that the President ought
not or might not make some concessions to
his opponents, as to their desires in the de-
mandsor acquisitions he makes on the South?
1t may be that the President thought it his
duty to make some acquisitions that should
be regarded as final in their nature, and such
as ought to be inflicted with his sanction, as
a punishment for rebellion.
NEGRO SUFFRAGE.
The President has expressed no wish and
made no requisition as in other cases regard
ing the concession of the right Of suffrage to
the freedman or negro, and this because he
believes that each State has the exclusive
right to regulate that question for itself; but
doubtless he would be gratiied by prompt
and liberal exercise of that power by their
Legislatures or conventions in forming their
as such a course would tend |
TO satisfy the North that the South are not
disposed to act illiberally or unjustly by the |
colored population. Now, as to the basis or
standard of merit or qualification by |
which the granting of the right Of |
suffrage shall be regulated, surely the |
most liberal basis or test of qualification |
adopted by any Northern or Eastern State |
ought to be satisfactory to the whole North. |
I am not informed what qualifications are |
required at the present time in Massachu- |
setts but few years ago, believe, proper |
ty to the value of two hundred and fifty dol |
lars and to be able to read and write entitled |
The free man of color to a vote. A grant of !
he right of suffrage to the Southern free |
men Of color upon snch basis or standard |
IF merit cannot be dangerous. l am per-
,uaded it would be entirely safe and proper. |
NEGRO TESTIMONY.
The question of granting to the negro the |
right to testify in courts of justice, or before |
magistrates, whether for or against white |
nen, in all cases, in which the rights Of black |
men are involved or concerned, is one of the |
most repulsive, not to say abhorrent, propo-
itions that can be presented to the Southern
planter, and to white men generally, who
ire acquainted with the traits or points most |
marked and noted in the African race. There
s nothing that so shocks the feelings and
ouses the prejudices into more intense action
lmong the masses of the Southern people
han the suggestion that their life and pro-
,erty should be exposed TO the hazards to
which the admission Of negro testimony, as
hey think, would necessarily subject them.
duch of this adherence of the idea Of negro
/ believe to be the result of preju-
lice. / have observed the peculiarities of
he race with care, and / have seen some
reemen among them, and some in a state of
ervitude, and from knowledge Of whose
haracter, would credit their testimony in
court of justice, as readily as that Of a white
nan, of no higher grade Of intelli-
ence or capacity for close observa-
ion; but it is nevertheless true that
he great mass eff the African race appears
D have low estimate of the value Of truth
: an element Of character, as means of adj
ancing their interest among their fellows
qually as among the whites. 1t is certain,
think, that no sufficient allowanceis made
y those who object most strongly TO the pol
" Of conceding This privilege to the black
ian, for the degradation Of his condition
lille in a state Of slavery, and the absence,
n the most part, Of any stimulant or induce
rent to excite their ambition, to cultivate
ne virtues Of truth and regular habits, the
,undation Of character. With the great
lass of them there has been no fair field for
,e cultivation Of truth and honesty. After
4 the reflection can give the subject,
elieve that the concession Of this right 70
stify in all cases where the black man is
is necessary TO the security Of his
ersonal rights; and, itismy opinion, ifhe we're
lowed to testify in all cases, il would not
: attended with the inconvenience or dis
Vantage that is generally unprecedented.
he weight that is given to all testimony by | /,
illnesses depends chiefly upon the charac-
r Of the witness, and the penalties against /,
sr;ury, operating equally upon the black