Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1866-10-02

mestic concerns, and this virtually abol-
ishes the State. Perhaps any State that
has so little self.respect as to adopt the
amendment deserves no better fate.
The second section, if my construction
of il be right, would probably exclude
one State from representation in Con-
gress, as / suppose the number of male
negroes over twenty-one to be nearly
equal to the number of white males. 1t
is therefore mere effort to force negro
suffrage upon us, whether we are willing
or not. Either do this or you shall have
no representation 1t is presumed that
our intelligent people would not hesitate
long in making their choice.
The third section provides that no
person shall hold any office who may
have heretofore. taken an oath to
support the Constitution of the United
States, and who, afterwards, engaged in
the rebellion, or who gave aid and com
fort to those who did engage in it. This
is a sweeping act Of. disfranchsement,
which would embrace, perhaps, major
ity of our citizens; for there are prob
ably few who have not, in some way or
other, taken an oath to support the Con-
stitution. Even those who opposed Sc
cession, and engaged in the war only
under compulsion, would be embraced
by this provision, as well as the man
who had to give to hungry soldier a
meals victuals or piece of bread; and
also all those who, in charity, had given
an article of clothing to suffering
friend or relative in the army. Such a
provision would be SO contrary to the
theory of our Government, and so OPP
pressive towards a very large class of the
population of the Southern States, that
it cannot be supposed that those who
proposed it could have entertained a
hope that it would be accepted. They
ought to have known, too, that such a
provision was calculated to endanger the
existance of the Government, as revo.
lutions may always be expected, sooner
or later, from acts which disfranchised
the enfranchised class. II the people
cannot exclude unworthy or undeservlng
men from the office by the instrumental
ity of the ballot box, then they are unfit
for selfgovernment,. and the sooner they
abandon the experiment the better.
/ need say nothing of the fourth sec
tion, but the fifth is the Trogan horse,
aboundng in mischief 1t provides that
Congress shall have power to enforce,
by appropriate legislation, the provisions
OF this article, which may be construed
to authorize Congress 70 do whatever it
may desire to do Under this same pre-
vision, attached to the emancipation
amendment, you have the Civil Rights
bill and the Freedmen's Bureau bill. 1t
was construed in the Senate, just as |
admonished many members of the Legis
lature it would be, to authorize these
odious measures We should profit by
the experience it has furnished us.
l might have greatly extended my ar
gument in support of the many objec-
tions to this amendment, but have
deemed it sufficient very briefly TO ex-
press my own opinions, and to leave the
subject for the reflection of all who may
feel an interest in it. will only add,
that should this amendment become part
of the Constitution, we shall have very
different government from that which we
inherited from our ancestors.
Very respectfully, your obedient SER
want, W. L. SHARKEY