The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1866-03-13

oCneo w A~eASoSNAs " OoAAohsoCaSy VhASH S~sA ~
gulled by such trash as he uttered on Saturday.
All this bodies no good to Andrew Johnson
nor his policy Of restoration. II is intended
to deceive the people until the radicals can
Garry the fall elections. The President should
take good care that they do not get him into
position that will strengthen this assertion, but
on the other hand, boldly meet the issue, and
in Q manner that will leave no doubt as
to the attitude Of the Jacobin faction of Con-
gress They are his foes and the enemies Of
the country, and his course should be marked
with deeds so positive that the humblest
citizen in the most secluded portion of the
country will understand it, not excepting the
voters whom Thad Stevens has proclaimed to
be 80 ignorant
M. THEIRS spceoh-Franoe and Prussia-
The state OF Europe.
The speech of N. Theirs in tho French Legis-
lative Chamber Is sharp examination Of the
Emperor's position in relation to freedom In
France. In the speech from tho throne Napo-
leon, il will be remembered, told tho nation
how free 1t was, In Tow phrases that spsrkled on
buo oataoVoD Out $nOt WOuA0 aAOs OOot o&DOUnDsOms
He had iaudcd tho prosperity Of his own reign,
the quiet of France, and the happiness Of q ma
ton whose Executive cannot DO hampered in
his acts by the Representatives of the people.
N. Timers finds that these things on which the
nation is congratulated are the dangers which
menace its peace, and the evils which obstruct
its progress. He supposes that even IN
inferior constitution which L. the choice Of
the people may be more consistent with
freedom than = very good ono given by
an emperor, which permits that emperor to
override the will Of tho people. He cites an
awkward instance of the danger Of the kind of
constitution that the Emperor praises in the
case of the first Napoleon. That great man saw
nothing but confusion in the constitution pre-
pared by the Able Sieyes, and gave France
wh1F hs thought better one. But his own
CONSTITUTION allowed the ruler to engage in
&reer marked by names Of painful memory
Moscow, Leipsic, Waterloo and, worst of all,
St. Helena" Therefore it was great evil to
France; and possibly other constitutions given
to the country against its will may have not
dis,mlar history. Despite the Emperor's IT
terry, NJ. Thicrs fully tolls France that she is not
free, because in a free country nothing is done
but what the nation Desires" She is not free,
because she is not the arbiter of her own
destiny.
Sharp as this speech is, 1t is yet moro rcmarls-
able for what it ind Gates than for what it says
Fenianism, we have often declared, is less i'm
portant to the world for what it will accomplish
in Ireland than for the effect 1t will have
In again swaking in Europe the suppressed
but not extinguished spirit OF republi-
can freedom. Appearances ct present are
against the SUCCESS of on isolated struggle in
Ireland but Ireland seems destined to be the
means of lighting up Europe. Ireland, nearer
to us in sympathy than any other land, has felt
in her veins The hull influence Of the great war
waged by our people for free Institutions; and,
unable to use It for her own good, she will COM
munioate it to the peoples Of Earope ready to
receive 1t, and more likely to bcncfi. by follow
ing the grand example. Europe Is uneasy.
In Germany and France freedom has been
lulled 10 IN uuquiot slumber. II Is ~ an in
uso01Vh Au ehao hOopcCs su"s sho oPooCu
Of N. Theirs is most significant N. Theirs
In all his career was never more in sympathy
with the best and most earnest sentim, nts Of
the French people than he Is now. A man Of
the people by origin, he has been identified on
the popular side with the great mo vements in
France, and his anteccdents OF this nature give
double weight to the words he now tutors. As
. journalist his influence on the revolution of
1880 was very positive, and in the same sphere
he lent himself earnestly to that agitation which
resulted in the expulsion Of Louis Philippe.
That so old politician, one so schooled in
governmental mutations, and who has udied
French history and the French people so
deeply, should thus 50 boldly put his finger
on the vulnerable points Of the Emperor's po-
sition must be taken as significant indica-
ton Of the state OF public opinions an indi-
cation that France is ready to hear the evil
dence agains! the empire, and perhaps to act
on it.
Revolutions are made by two classes of per-
sons-by the friends of freedom and the enc
mics Of freedom. On the one hand the spark
is cautiously, persistcusly famed 10 fame.
No opportunity is permitted TO pass by which
the thoughts Of the people can be urged In the
right direction-by which tyranny can be put
In Its most odious light. On the other hand,
the enemies Of freedom force revolution by the
extravaganza Of the acts by which they hope to
rcprcss the people. While Theirs and others
act on France in one of these ways, Blsmark, In
Prussia, acts on the Germans in the other.
This peremptory Minister has forgotten the age
in which he lives. He has forgotten that 1t il
the nineteenth and not the sixteenth century,
and this forgetfulness Is for the good of the
people. II opens their eyes to the true nature
Of monarchicsl institutions, and viii stimulate
them to the endeavor to secure institutions un-
der which such acts Of tyranny Is Bismsrk's
recent action TO the Deputies will be impossi-