Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1866-08-15

was made 1t would De less IN harmony Will
the views of the President and Congress
than the Constitution of 1864, the result of !.
which would be to lessen the chances for
the admission of our representatives. |
urped these views on the members of both
Houses of the Legislature, but they had no
effect with the majority. | deprecated the
city and parish election for the reason that
feared the result because of the character
of the men that would be elected, because |
had seen enough of public sentiment to con-
vince me that more of those who bad serv-
ed in the Confederate army or who had gone
In the Confederate lines would be elected TO
Office foresaw that such result would
be Justly regarded by the people of the 10y
al States as showing a defiant spirit, and as
still glorying in a course that had cost them
such fearful loss of life and expenditure
of treasure. With nunerous and repeated
evidences of the continuing of an lntoler
ant and rebeilious spirit, and the manifes-
tation of the persecution of all that did not
adhere TO the fortunes of the Confederacy
to the last on the part of a large majority OF
the citizens. and with a press almost unanl-
mously expressing sentiments OF the same
tenor, is it a matter of surprise that | should
pause and commence TO reflect on the con-
sequences both as regards the future secu-
rity of the Government and the fate of u
Mon men in the South, if these men who
once attempted to break up the Union sue
ceeded in grasping the power of the nation
again | had seen that while protesting
with their lips renewed allegiance to the
flag and obligation to the President for his
pacific policy, they were hscoming arrogant,
intolerant and dictatorial. They were glo-
rying in the apparent schism between the
President and Congress in the policy of re-
storing the States lately in rebellion, and
rubbing their hands with delight at the idea
of civil war in the loyal States. In view of
all this array OF strong, stubborn facts, L
frankly own that my views OF the concllla-
tory policy in bringing back to allegiance
those who have been engaged in war to
destroy the Union have undergone a change.
The intolerant spirit engendered by slavery
still exists. The loss OF property and the
failure Of their hopes can never be forgiven,
and though | regard them as impotent to
renew constituted authority, enforced by the
| presence of military forces, yet | am con
vinced that they would renew the rebellion
| to- morrow. If there were sure prospect of
success Impressed with the truth of these
views, foreseeing the uncertainty for the tu-
ture security of Union men In the South,
desiring that the amendment to the Consti-
| tuition adopted by Congress and submitted
to the several States for ratification should
prevail and fully realizing the fact that the
amendment would never be ratified by the
present Legislature, | own that | was in ia
vor of the reassembling of the Convention
of 1864 as the only means of securing the
ratification as required and thereby insure
| the admission of our representatives IN Con-
gress. The legal right of the Convention
| to continue its functions is question | sup
pose properly pertaining to the Courts to
! decide Senators and representatives IN
! Congress of great learning, and men of high
! legal attainments in New Orleans have eX-
pressed the opinion that under the resolu-
| ton of adjournment the Convention could
/ lawfully reassemble A distinguished Dem
ocratic Senator in Congress took the same
view For myself if | had any doubt on
this subject, which | have not, | should
/ have deferred to the opinion of abler men,
| The total number of delegates composing
! the Convention was one hundred and fifty
! The number elected was seventy-three.
| The quorum was fixed at seventy six. This
number being majority of the whole, there
were twenty-seven parishes unrepresented
! in the Convention, entitled to eleven dele
| gates, and adding thereto ten vacancies TO
| be filed it would make sixty-one delegates
/ TO be elected, besides there were some ten
or twelve delegates, who, disappearing the
emancipation clause, refused TO sign the
/ Constitution, who may be ranked with the
/ extreme Conservatives Counting the six
| ty-one delegates elected to be of the same
1 class and the balance of the Convention to
/ be radical, il viii be seen that the parties
would have been nearly equally divided.
There are disfranehising clauses in the
constitution of 1864 The much abused
/ members of that body had it in their power
{ to have made the constitution as stringent
! against those engaged in the rebellion, as
/ Tennessee and Missouri have done. They
pursued an opposite course, believing and
! trusting, as | did, that these men would be
actuated by spirit of tolerance and forbear-
ance, in return for the liberality shown to-
ward them. How the members of that Con
vention have been treated individually by
| the very men in whose honor and good faith
they had trusted, to say nothing of the
scorn and villifcation Illuminated against
! them as a collective body, and the constitu-
! ton they made, let the record of the bloody
doings at the Mechanics Institute on Mon
day, the Both ult., answer. In keeping
! with their unrelenting policy to maintain
the power OF the State in their own hands
| exclusively, they opposed the meeting of the
convention of 1864. They needed no bet
/ ter monitor than their own conscience to tell
tnein tiat Dy tnelr conduct they nad forfeit
ed all claims to further favors from the orig
| NAL members of that convention. They re-
solved that it must be put down, crushed
out at all risks. The terrible scenes of the
| thirtIeth of July confidently predicted in
case the Convention net were the result
The letters of Mayor Monroe to Gen. Baird
| accompanying this communication furnish
| proof that 1t was the determination that If
| every other measure failed resort would
| be made to force Everything was arranged