Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1866-01-16

I seyerlties Of negro slavery in the West
/ indies there being no African slavery
[ then on the continent Of America. The
sentiment, therefore, could not have
/ been Intended 20 embrace the negro, and
/ 1t rs highly probable that, If It had ocep-
pied place in his thoughts, his unso-
/ phistic4ted mind would have led him to
4 the conclusion that the natural equality
/ Of rights even Of white men, in the
/ lowest condition Of life, and their claims
/ 70 the justice, protection and sympA-
thies OF their fellow man, in the highest
/ classes OF society, or in the higher stages
/ Of civilization, neither qualified them to
/ become Legislators, rulers, or officers Of
/ Government Of any grade, or to select
/ others as their delegates, without other
qualifications than those with which ma
ture had endowed them. The eoncep-
tl0n, however, Of the equal rights of all
men, hy The law of nature; was 3 beauti-
fll one, and Il struck the fancy Of Mr..
Jefferson, whose mental organization,
rich and exuberant as Il was In all the
higher faculties Of the mind, often ex-
posed him to the delusions Of visionary
schemes and speculative theories, and he
made the most of this Idea in the embel-
lishment OF the Declaration Of lndepend-
ence.
But the thought which now rules our
modern enthusiasts, the radical Repe BILL
cans, Is, that without any previous train
ing or experience IN public affairs, or any
cultivation above what the corn and rice
field supplied, the negroes IN South Caro-
Ina and Mississippi, or wherever they
may be found 10 the majority, are fit and
qualified by nature to have the dominant
power over any other people, though pos
sessing greater cultivation and expert
ence In Affairs, and that they should RUE
according to numbers, without other
qualifications.
But 7 cannot leave the Chicago Plat
form without calling attention % the
fourth declaration Of principles. VIII
you tell me, my dear sir, why this num-
Der in the series has not been oftener
quoted and relied upon as an obstruction
in the path Of the radical Republicans,
who seek 10 deprive the states OF the
right to regulate their own domestic az
fairs--such as the qualifications Of the
electors Of the members Of their Legisla-
lures, admitting that they may be re-
stored 70 their constitutional rights at
any future time, early or late ? /
or am [ mistaken as 10 the use 1
which has been made of that part I
Of the Chicago declaration Of principles, /
As ! admit that l may be, not having 4
seen the consecutive numbers of any /
leading journal OF the North on either I
side of the question Of restoration? / |
viii SAY no more on this subject, than to |
quote the declaration in my letter, and 1
make this further remark, that the autho
Of the Chicago declarations must have
made a mistake. They contemplated a
change Of the Constitution by reducing
The states TO the condition of municipal
corporations, as the radical Republicans
seem now resolved 70 do, in order TO ef-
feet the further humiliation and punish
ment OF the Southern people. The fol-
lowing is the fourth resolution OF the
platform
Fourth. That the maintenance in
violate Of the rights of the States, and
the right of each State to order
and control its own domestic institutions
according TO its own judgment ex-
is essential 10 that balance Of
power on which the perfection and en-
iWance of our political fabric depends;
and we danounee the lawiess invasion by
An armed force Of the soil of any State or
Territory, no matter under what preteXt,
is among the greatest of crimes.
I will reserve any further remarks for
a subsequent article.
Respectfully, JOHN BELL,