The Hancock Jeffersonian. [volume] (Findlay, Ohio) 1857-1870, 1866-01-05
The President aud Congress.

be only advisory. The Executive
aud Legislative branches Of the Gov.
ernment are co ordinate and equal. -
Each has.its )herc and its duties
Neither has the exclusive direction
of this affair. Both have finally to
agree on the course to he pursued
In order to bring about this agree
iucnt there must necessarily be die.
cussions. Views are to lie compared,
and disagreemcnts reconciled. Ear
nest men will earnestly urge their
own opinions, and will give way only
when they are convinced that wiser
views, or at least views more strong
ly backed, are to prevail. Harmony
of ideas in SO large body as Con.
gress is not to be expected at once.
Neither is it to be expected that any
member of Congress stands ready to i
adopt, without comment or question,
the views and acts of the Executive.
Such n course would make Congress
more obscqlious body than the
Corps LegislaiiE and the President
more absolute than Napoleon.
The problem now about to be soiv-
ed is an untried one. There is no
precedent wLcrewith 10 be guided.
The solution can only be gained by
patient investigation. The President
Is no wiser in this matter than the
Senate. The Senate is no wiser than
the House. The House is no wiser
than many Of the people who assisted
in its election. The press is of a
piece with the rest. The whole can
advise, suggest and advance views,
and out of the multitude of plans,
the Senate and the President can
adopt.
With this state Of facts undeniably
before the country-with the Presi-
dent and Congress actuated alike by
motives of honesty and patriotism,
why should there be angry recrimi-
nations, denunciations or taking sides
with the purpose of declaring war
upon the views of The opposite party!
Why declare the President is wholly
in wrong-that he is urging un-
du aste; that he is placing more
confidence in the professions of the
South than facts will warrant? He
has opportunities for gaining knowl.
edge which, perhaps, we have not
His honesty, his patriotism is beyond
suspicion. His past acts are su!li-
cient credentials to our confidence
auu 'vur rcoPcct. IIc wuy ur"o -,.~..
others were .laithless. lie was loyal
when his colleagues proved traitors.
On the other hand, why should we
unequivocally endorse the views and
plans of the President, without stop
ping to examine the plans of Con.
gress, or those brought forward by
the individual members of CongressP
Is it because hc is President? Is
Andrew Johnson any greater or wiser,
to day, than he was when q member
of the Senate of the United States?
Is he any more entitled to our re-
spect? Arc his opinions entitled to
any greater weight simply because
he is President and not u Senator?
/. Shall we dcnouncc the Senate be-
cause it is q Senate? Shall we de-
uounce Congress because it is Con
gress? Shall we uphold, endorse
laud, and glorify the President sim.
ply because he is President? Oh
shall we, like sensible men, look up
ON the President and Congress as
equal and coordinate branches ol
one government, graphing with one
OF the most intricate and diillcul,
problems ever presented to q Nation
honestly endeayoring, out OF the
many dissimilar and conflicting views
to come to u harmonious and tri
umphant solution.
What the President and Congress
need ut the hands of the people is
toleration. They need that the peo.
pie and the press be patient, assist
ing with suggestions and kindly ad
vice, rather til n, carping, and criti
cism, and condemnation. The path
before us is difficult enough without
strcwing il with the thorns of i'll .na.
ture abuse. Let the Union element
Of the country-the people, press,
Congress and the President, pull
kindly in the harness together-hear
each others views, examine each 9th
ers plans, and after full, calm and
candid consideration, adopt that
which secms TO be the sentiment of
the majority, whether it be our own
individual sentiments or the adverse.
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