The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1866-04-29

Be tie ju1ys of the elections, returns,
and qualifications of its own members.
Under this power each House may re.
ceiVe loyal representatives, and send
| home, or seize and try for treason,
every unrepentant rebel. Is not this
sufficient for all practical purpOses-in
other words, for restoring the late in
surgent States to their practical rela-
| tons TO the Government? We have
many nice and skillfully balanced the
cries to the contrary We are told that
each State must, before she can be re-
presented, be put through some process
of adjustment, aEd be declared, under
due form of law, n proper condition
| for admissiontto the Union, from which
she has, in fact, never gone out
We do not believe that the people
can be induced to lay aside the practi-
cal ideas which they bring into use in
all their business affairs for such finely
wrought philosophies in defiance of the
simplest provisions of the Constitution,
which gives to each House the power Of
determining, and that without quslifi-
cation, the elements of its own body
1t is said, however, that this power of
AIhAAAk VIC olttteo VI a 0EuIDf bCAOAC
admitting its representatives to Con
gress, Is necessary, and should be exer-
eised to prevent rebel influences from
gaining an asoendancy in the Govern
ment The same plea is always made
to Justify usurpation. Under that plea
Connecticut, if ever involved in serious
domestic trouble, might, by a sectional
majority, be shut out from representa-
ton, though her Congressman, asking
for admission to their seats, might be
as loyal and worthy as the best that
| hold them.
The Constitution, rather than the
theories of the Wiset and best of our
congressman, should be our guide in all
matters pertaining to the existence and
perpetuity of the Union and the rights
of the States within it.
We address you, fellow-citizens, in
| this form because we feel that justice
TO our convictions and doctrines has
not been done by a considerable por-
ton of the press of the State of our
own party; and it certainly has not
been done by the press of the opposite
party. Althogh the latter profess, in
| general terms, to be warmly in favor of
the Presidents policy, we have reason
| to distrust their sincerity, both from
their past history and our knowledge
of their present position. Their doc
trines are the doctrines Of unrepentant
rebels. We cannot go to them, or &C
cept their past history. If they are
sincere in their present professions
they can readily come to US. But to
ask US to 60 to them and sanction the
verl organization that fought so persist
emily against the war for the Constitu
ton, and against our candidates for the
Presidency and Vice Presidency, would
be demand upon our creduGty as
we'll as our loyalty that we regard as
simply preposterous.
In the late State election we con-
tended against that organization and
against the party leaders who were
identified with 1t, although not salts
fed with our own apparently negative
position in our own party, where our
votes and efforts we're liable to be and
have been misrepresented. WerejOice
at the result of that election If for no
other reason than that it keeps from
power a party which has been inimical
] 10 INT bONC nLA4CnE ALU 4dL5b bAA years
We desired, in the late convention of
our friends, the adoption In our plat
form of resolutions, of some one or
more which recognized the funda-
mental principle which we have favor
ed in this address but we we're over
ruled upon the ground that the cleo
ton was not of distinctly national
character, no candidates for Congress
being in nomination. The failure,
however, of the convention to speak
more decisively upon the topics alluded
to, afforded the anti-Wsr party an op-
portunity to occupy the position which
the convention had abandoned, and
they improved it While we confess
to the skill of their tactics, we yet re-
main unbelievers in the sincerity OF
their professions. We understand
their policy to be widening of divisions
already existing in the ranks of the
Union party, and the attempt to re-
cruit from those Of US who will not re-
cognize the creed and do not favor the
spirit of the extreme uhrdiSts of Massa-
chusetts and Pennsylvania. Yet to-
wards the masses of the peaee-party"
Of the North we are inclined to be as
charitable as towards the masses of the
, rebel party in the South Both have
been deluded and may be forgiven
But the leaders of both should remain
: out of political influence until they
have brought forth fruits meet for
repentance"
We desire to see the Union restored,
both in form and in fact, at the earliest
possible moment We have something
10 hazard in any form of restoration
With President bound to the consti-
tutional Union party by every cOnsid-
GRAFTON of honor, interest and patriot
ism, and Congress in which neither
the "peace party in war, nor the rebel
: leaders can have control for consid-
cradle period of time and with slavery
! legally abolished, we can afford a lib
eral or even a magnanimous expert
ment in the work of restoration. The
examples of an opposite course, IS wit
messed in the mother country in her
dealings with her revolted colonies. and
especially her policy toward Ireland,
| and the example of Russia with Po-
land, warn US of the dangers Of dealing
harshly with communities large enough
to constitute a great ration, and, there
fore, capable of subjecting us to vast
and needless expense, and constant an
noyance and apprehension.
If the Union cannot be restored with
out the exercise of despotic power, the
/ question arises whether such a Union
! may not in time become unsafe to our
! selves, and unworthy of the cost we
: have endured for its preservation. If
. our fathers revolted against the assump
, ton of the British Parliament that could
e tax them to any extent while it denied
, them representation, we ask if whole
States in the Union can be safely sub
a iected 10 the legislation of Congress in
! their purely domestic affairs, without
being allowed 8 voice or a vote in such
legislation The fact that they have,
e technically, forfeited their pol Utica
4 rights, is not the question. Upon that
!, theory they might nearly all be sub
iected to the severest penalty of the
. law against treason. No man in the
exercise of his reason would propose tC
9 enforce such a penalty against whole
: communities The civilization Of the
p age forbids it, Christian charity, re
publican equality, and ordinary good
sense forbid it An enlarged patriot
! ism points to a more liberal policy
The condition Of the public finances re
ouires it The commercial, manufac
turing and agricultural interests of the
country urge it The honor Of the ma
ton in the eyes the world demands it
. The selfssorihcing spirit Of the found
! ers Of the Republic continually plead
4 with us 70 follow if We would save e
ourselves and transmit to posterity oui
!, priceless inheritance,
But we are told that there Is vs.
' rance between the President and Con-
gress. and that the combined wisdom
! Of the latter must Of necessity be 50
/, perior to the best judgment Of th
] former. In this conneetIon let US II
q member that in Congress, whatever -th
1. wisdom and purity Of motive, there
a divided responsiblhty--that malorlt
I votes are often produced by combine
! tons Of interests-tbat 4nferlor mind
! fare often controlled by superior talen
- Ind that such votes frequently reE