The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-09-28
The Present Canvass.
From the Tribune.

from Ne ITfOUHe.
There are many reasons why the great politi-
cal campaign into which we are ushered should
be, "a it is, the most earnest and exciting ever
known to the country. Compared with this,
1he old contests we're but the struggles of par
lies and politicians for office, though it is true
that important industrial questions underlad
the old rivalries Wings and Democrats. Pro.
lection and free trade were the main issues of
the Presidential elections which preceded the
anti-slavery agitation which resulted in the
fight upon the Wllmot provlso the territorial
question, and the division otthe Democracy into
the Douglas and Breckenridge wings. Though
the Republican party first proved itself power
in the Fremont canvass OF 1856, 1t was not till
1860 that its principles eclipsed all minor inter-
ests. In MIR. Lncoln's election the North, drop
ping all other questions OF trade aad finance,
endeavored to settle forever the question OF
slavery extension, and asserted the right of the
majority OF the people TO control the national
course. That contest was earnest enough yet
it would have been douby so bad had the threat
of the South to rebel been believed. In 1864, the
canvass was all one way. No Republican, how
ever lukeWarm, dared 10 vote against the repre-
sentative of the Union while the South was in
rebellion, and there were many Democrats who
yielded their party principles TO what they felt
to be national duty.
But this canvass has elements previously un-
known, which makes it more complex and i'm
portant than any preceding. For sixty years
we had merely the administration OF the Gov
ernment to determine; in 1864 we had ITS pre-
seIVation imposed upon us; now we are re-
quired 10 decide upon the reconstruction OF the
Union. All the old questions that led to the
Rebellion are summed up in this new dilemma,
and matters of indnite Importance TO a repub-
lie, which men we're afraid to touch during the
days OF peace, have been yitaliZed by war. The
extent OF State rights must be decided now, and
finally, for IL Is forced upon the country In q
form even more dangerous than that of seces
sion. We find the Southern leaders and the
Northern Copperheads claiming that rebellion
itself does not affect the relations of a State to
the Union, aad that South Carolina may fight
for four years 10 destroy the Union, and then,
by the mere act of throwing down her arms
take full part in its government.
This hypothesis, ii recognized as an element
of Republicanism, would be perpetual lncen
tive to treason, for, if rebellion succeeds il is
safe, and ii II fails, it is safe the more We
must proclaim III this canvass that State rights
can by no possibility mean such national wrong
as these. The North, which Is alone the nation
for il alone is loyal, is to decide the nationa
creed, and the South is to accept it. This is tn,
first great principle the people are imperatvely
required by their duty TO the future, to main
tain, and IL must be maintained, or the reoublit
becomes an anarchy, and It's peace rests, no
upon the laws, but upon the forbearance of it
foes. Besides this, the true theory of represen
tation, the basis of all republicanism, is TO b
equally applied to all the States. For fifty year
the South governed the country, for purely sec
tiona interests, uDon fraudulent votes
so far as absolute right was concerned.
might as well have based its Congressional II
presentation upon the negroes in Africa as tn
negroes in America, and the Northern farme
might as well have claimed the three-ffths pr
yeee because of his herds of cattle as tn
Southern planter because OF his herds of slaVe
The Constitutional amendment, which euualize
representation, giving the South no more nc