The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1866-04-05
The YetO Message.


famous Civil Rights Bill, and the
message of the President vetoing the bill.
We publish them side by side that our
readers may read them both and decide for
as to their relative merits.
We must confess. that for ourselves We
regret that the bill is vetoed, even more
than we have words to tell not only that
we believe the bill =, necessary one-a meas
ure intended only Cor philanthropic and bell
gicent purposes, to further the cause OF
Justice and right, and fraught with present
good 10 the freedmen and large class OF
the hite population Of the south, and
eventual good To th- late sldvehoidipg class,
themseives-but even more, that it will
tend iminealuIas'ly TO widsn the breach be-
tween the President aud the great Union
party of the country that elected him to the
high position lie now holds. this OF itself
we look upon as great misfortune to the
country Never in our history as nation,
has there been period, when it WAS 80 i'm
portant that there should be harmonious ca
ton between the several departments OF tile
government. just emerging from. long
and exhaustive civil war.the country needs
peace quiet and the fostering care of the
administration We believe the Union ma
iority in Congress, call them what you
please, radicals aboIitionists or Republicans
are actuated only by one desire and that 49,
for the best interests of the country Ne
cannot divest ourselves of the belief that the
men VINO fought tor or Iabored for, i'll the
capacity of soldiers or Legislators, are more
to be trusted now Ill their efforts for the
good of the whole Union, than those men
fought or labored against the Union during
the four years war of the rebellion. We
cannot believe that the two great parties Of
the country nave SO soon changed places
that the men, who, during the campaign
that resulted in the election of Lincoln &
johnson, were confessedly in favor If Peace
at any price even at the cost of disSoutipn
and the destruction of the Union ard the
government, have all at once become the
only real and trustworthy friends of the
[ MON, while the men who i'll that Same
campaign had for their Watchword 'The
Union--it must aud shall be preserved"
have just as soon become the worst ene-
mics of the country, and utterly hostile to
the great cause of Liberty, Union and Jus
tice Hence. we are disposed to accept
a-prdo'i, a measure like the Civil Rights
Bill that has received the calm considera-
ton of Congress and has been examined
and discussed in ali its bearings, and finally
receives the approval Of every Republican
Representative and Senator in Congress with
the exception of two or three members who
only wait To see what position the President
takes before definitely deciding in their
own minds whether they approve or con
denim il
We have carefully read the message with
a strong desire to find reasons and argn :
ments so cogent as to convince us that the
interests Of the country or it's unconstitu
tionality demanded the interposition of the
Presidents pregrogative in tue case of the
Civil Rights Bill for we are of those who
are most anxious t" go win the President
or have him go with us-but we do not finn
them 1t is declared TO be unconstitutional
but the particular POI Ton Of the bill open to
that objection is not pointed out. Cor tho
particular clause Of the constitution sup
posed to be i'll cn"f1ct With the bill The
objections to the bill are of that broad and
sweeping character that clearly ind icate an
objec ton to the principles and spirit of the
bill rather than to any particular provisions
it contains 1t is hardly necessary to enter
a particular analy sis of the message There
are few points however that strike US
The message urges as one reason Why the
vetoed bill is unnecessary, that it interferes
between capital aud labor 1t says speak
ing of Capita! and Labor They stand
now each master of itself In the new re-
lation, one being necessity to the other
there will be new adjustment whict both
are deeply interested in making harmonious,
each has equal power i'll settling the terms
AS we understand it the master and his for
mer slave, Cor capital aud labor) have not
equal power in settling the terms of the
new adjustment. And because they had
not equal power-becaute the former mas
ter. with all the prestige and prejudice OF
the old position in his favor had all the DOW
er Oh his side--this bill was introduced and
passed. The message costumes, IF lefmto
the laws that regulate capital and labor it
is confidently believed that they will salts
factorily work out the problem Capital it
is true, hss-more intelligence, is never so
Ignorant as not to understand it's own inter
ests, not to know its own value and not to
see that capital must pay that value >
Labor, though 1T may not be so ignorant rs
Dot to understand its own interests" may
nevertheless be too weak to contend with
the Intelligence and power of capital. Of
what use is it for labor to understand its
OWL interests, ifit he bound hand and foot,
by laws discriminating entirely in the iu-
tHrests of capital Suppose that i'll all the
late .sIaveholding states, as has already been
done in two or three of them, laws be enact
ed making it a criminal offence for the
freedmen to leave their employers without
their consent for any reason, and making
them liable to be arrested as Migrants when
ever found out Of employment, for either Of
which crimes ~ their services may be so.d
TO the highest BIDDER for any length of time
at the discretion of the court Such laws
are siready enacted and enforced in several
Is H.. l. 4 @. y