The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-03-28

win rally an overwhelming popular party to the
Presidents support from Connecticut to Pennsyl;
he Freedmens Bureau bill was but the distant thun-
der announcing the approaching storm. This
have = passed s saw away we we shall have a purer
political sky and better atmosphere. But
before that happy change the Radical msJ9I1nes oi
States Of the Union will be invited INTO both
Houses Of Congress under the successful restoration
policy of ANDREW JOHNSON. We dare say THAI this
Civil Rights bill against the Presidents objections
wal share the fa We of the Freedmen's Bureau bill;
but any event, 1t is declaration of war against
ANDREW JOHNSON, as in the Rebellion IS the man
20 fight it through on his platform OF the Union ana
The New York Tribune radical Republ
CAM says:-
''bay1ne been among those who could not help
evIncing mpat1ence with tho tameness and slowness
o. our Government when the knife was first thrust
at its lie by slayenodng treason having with dif-
IN the Bull Run dsasteT-havlnR found
II impossible to endure silently, unprotestngv, the
obstinate dawdling and purposeess strategy OF
MCCLELLAN and BUELI--yet having lived to soc all
This, in Coos good time, work out for our country
grander, truer deliverance than was contemplated
by our snoIt-slghted ken-we feel smoVed to thank
ANDREW JOHNSON for his unassigned but most
important demonstration of the vital truth that no
class can be trusted with the rights of an
other but that the only security tor liberty and
justice inheres IN the securing OF all mems rights
under the only safe guarantee OF all mems votes.
Let thank Mr. JOHNSON that his veto is so sweep.
ing He might have phrased il more cunningly;
but he has chosen to let know that it is not tnis
part cuar bill that has provoked his opposition but
that dny measure whereby Congress shal attempt
to protect the Southern blacks against white abuse
and oppression must encounter his determined,
deadly opposition. 1t is not to q mode OF doing
the thing but to the thing that Congress proposes to
do, that Mr.. JoHNsoN's main objection hes; conse'
quently, 1t Is idle to- hope that any bill which
provides no matter how cautiously tImidly -
Tor the .protecuon OF the blacks, will receive
his sanction 1t IS therefore idle to consider his
QaFNOa N r. IL mai
any detail but to the purpose and necessary scope
OF The measure Letus rejoice, then that 1t IS thus
made still clearer that the blacks can have no other
protection than that of their own votes. The
FTeedman's Bureau must 20 the civil rights of the
blacks must remain SUCH and only such as their re-
are to remain subjects ana Parahs IN the land of
their birtn, they can have no rights at all;
tOr the bone thrown by cOntemDtuous pity
to beggar's dog Is not his by right but oy
grace anu favor. The blacks must vote, or those
who hate them will verify their prediction that
they cannot live free among us, but must perish
from off the face of the earth. Happily, there is
another lssue-that to be attained through a legal
created equal, and enCowed by their Creator with
certain iDaliensble rights, among which are life,
liberty, and the RursSSl sui Of i 9appmesLs L ana nd @ Gnat
s,nt OF the governed When these vial truths are
recognized and obey.d, as they must be, then wall
our land have true, enduring peace.
The New York Times Conservative Re
publican) says:- i9 Err
''1he Message of the Pr sident announcing his
veto of the Civil Rights bill, which we publish IN
fuii IN other columns may not command universal
assent. But we venture to think that few Stale
papers have ever been given to the world that will
so thoroughly compel the attention OF. thinking men
oil whatever creed, or kindred, or party. The Pres-
dent deals almost exclusively with the details OF the
bill as 1t passed through Congress, reserving his
comments upon its policy to few sentences at the
close OF the message The analvsls OF the details,
however, IS OF so keen and searching character,
tie logic is irresistible, that should hope
The strongest advocates OF the measure will how
vastly important IS that the constitutional power
of the veto should exist. and now important also
in higher sense, 1t that such a constitutional
power should be intrusted to a President en-
dowed with judement, dlscieton, and most uncom-
the President applies TO particular sections of
the Act Is SO overwhelmingly strong, that the
hardly help blushing to find themselves entirely
at fault under the sharp logic OF iayman. So far
as we can learn the sentiment of the more discreet
portion of the majority thai voted for the bill, they
are ready to confess that the Presidents
too strong for them, and they are tain to fall back
on what they call his political oRiDluS to excuse
their non-acceptance of his arguments. Those vino
have throughout doubted the eXpedlency OF multi
plying discriminating laws in favor of class which
has achieved an enfranchlsement and social eleva-
tion uneXampled in it's suddenness and completeness
in the history OF the human race must necessarily be
pleased that the President goes even further in his
veto than to interpret the mere technicaes of the
law. To moderate and rational reformers the few
simple but pregnant words which MIR, JOHNSON utters
on the policy of enforcing the iaws OF political
economy through the agency of q countless army OF
stipendiaries, have value far beyond the en-
torcement of the immediate argument. They are
WORDS which have scope and a bearing aside from
the provisions of this any other negro protection
bill And they show how lar above the majority
which desires to control his action the view OF
the Executive in all that appertains to the mainte-
nance OF constitutional freedom. 1t may be hoped
that arguments sa cogent as those employed in the
message Will not be thrown away. 1t is not every
day that members have an opportunity OF listening
10 reason and common sense They may find this
appeal q seasonaDle and acceptable change. Be that
as 1t may, the Presidents message will be read and
studied outside OF Congress, and everywhere
throughout the civilized world; and wherever it is
read and studied the American name and character
VIII be elevated, IN so far ANDREW JOHNSON il
held to represent the American people"
The New York World (Democratic) says -
"lhe message sent by the President to the Senate
yesterday, returning, with his objections, the 80
called Civil Rights BILL will command the attention
OF the country, and arouse conflicting admiration
and rage among different classes of readers. The
veto IS q conclusive demonstration of what was ap
parent before, that the conflict between the Pres
dent and Congress admits OF neither compromise moi
reconciliation; and that the controversy can be de-
cIded only by an appeal to their common superiors
the sovereign people. The two antagonstIc policies
proceed from totally different order of ideas. One
order of ideas tends to contradictions the other 10
preserve the balance of our complex system. The
TWO systems of political thought are irreconcila'
bic; the difference between the President
ana CONGRESS- is an "irrepressibie conflict,
just because different order of political ideas
prevails at the two ends of Pennsylvania
avenue. Every argument urged in favor of the
Civil Rights bill saVors of Capitalization; every OBJ
lection TO it pre- ented in the Veto Message built
powers to the States. The Prehdent justly charac-
terizes the vetoed bill as, not step, but a grand
stride toward centralzatlon. The Civil Rights bill
oVerrides and virtualyIaboishes the State Govern
ments, by putting all their officers under Federal
surveillance and controlling them in the discharge
OF OF their lunctohs; opens the way i0r negro SUI,
OF Federal baYonets The constitutional objections
urged by the President against the Civil flights bull
are reinforced by considerations of economy. The