Columbia democrat and star of the north. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1867, 1866-03-21


:. .ioss.-iasssad Of being Goyernmiint of the
people, is in fact a Government OF but a
part of the people; and our fundamental
principle. ncce ped in theory by all, is n-
rerfeclIy applied. / conceive that the po.
iiiicaI svlis which aff1ict Us, thai most of
The in nerfeciions in The practical working
4 Of our system of government, flow from
THE canss. The peoPle are 10 govern them
selves; all authority is to rest upon the con-
sent Of The governed. This IS what we pro-
claim as our fundamental doctrine, and Jet
we do not apply il, except partially, in our
electoral arrangement. M. Guizot, in ais
History of The Origin of Rep.esentative
Governmeni, well points n.i The inconsis>
isncy of the claim =. a majority to absolute
power, with The olher principle, which af-
firms right IN every individual 10 be gov
erned c1uy by those laws TO which be has
given Eis assent The two things are utter
" i0cou paiibls, and can never be made 10
harmonic. Many persons talk loosely and
fo0ishly about the sacred principle that the
msjoriy shall rule, and Mr.. Jeferson's en-
phalic observation, 10 his first inaugural ad.
dress, inculcaIing absolute acquiesceuce in
abe decisions OF the majority, is frequently
quoted, ,and as frequently misapplisd. Now
that The majority shall gosern, is not our
fundamental principle, but rule, and is
used by US, along with other rules, to ac-
complish our purpose, OF government by
the people. We use The majority rule, the
plurality rule, the lwo-,hirds rule, and the
lhree-fonrlhs rule, according 10 ciTcumsfan
ces and upon considerations OF convent
ence aud expediency.
majority rule Tor popular elections,
. when found 10 be inconvenient in practice,
gives place TO plurality rule, as our expe-
Tience shows. The science Of government
is progressive, and the discussion and illus
:ralion which republican principles have
nndrgone during The last century have
enlarged the minds of men, and eRa
bled ihem to obtain conceptions which were
before i'm mpossible. We now understand
that the majority rule for elections is rn6e
and imperfect coniriyance that 1t inevila-
big creates and inflames 10 The highest ex-
tent the passions OF party that il oslracZes
from-ihe public service many OF the bes;
and the ablest men OF the country and
that it iDjects into popular elections very
nuch Of the corruption and violence By
which they are degraded aud disgraced.-
Unquestionably il but part Of the people
are to bear rule and 10 act their pleasure 10
8f7airs OF government, il is better that The
majority should bear such rule than that The
minority should. But why should part Of
the people monopolize all power; and is a
rule which produces such result wise. salu-
1ary, and Just 2 II is in conflict with our
principle of government by the people,
while il is practically mischeEious and
evil.
Impelled BY these considerations founded
upon experience in the practical workings
Of free government. men otgreal ability
and wisdom have sought for devices of va
rious kinds by which the mischiefs of The
L. 4 -. r.
ced 10 their minium. From their reAec-
lions q doctrine OF concurrent majorilies
has been deduced and vigorously and elab.
orately expounded By the elder Adams ard
by Mr. Calhoon. The views of the latter
as applied 10 our own Government, led 10
the proposition of dual Executive, which,
Just before the rebellion, was presented and
defended in The Senate by Mr.. Hunter, OF
Virginia, in an elaborate argument. That
proposition was mpracicable, for several
reasons, and did not command any consid-
erable amount of public favor. 1t was Who'll
~ ;naanissible, as practical arrangement
in this country, and may be dism missed 10
its place among things obsolete on earth.-
But minority representation, which it illus
trated and applied, is an idea which must
be entertained in all goVerpmenis pretend
ing 10 be free. lt was not ignored by the
men who made The Constitution of The Uni
ted States, nor has il been ignored in Stale
constitutions. All checks and balances, as
they are called, in our American coustilu-
fic1s, Tend 10 the protection of minorities,
and were intended Tor that purpose and
various constitutional Provisions might be
pointed out by which power and influence
are secured 10 hem ia government ] am
of opinion, an opinion founded upon much
Independent and earnest reflection, that we
require additional provisions in our consii-
iuiions, State and Federal, for the protec ion |
OF Mlnoriiies ia their interests and rights =
and iftime permitted. should be glad TO
present.ihe arguments by which this opin-
ion would be vindicated and established -
One form in which minority repre- senlation ]
might be made 10 appear in the C0nstitu-
lion of the United States, would be as a pro-
vision that, ia all elections for President of /
the United States, the candidate second high
est in electoral votes should become Presi-
dent OF the Senate, with the power OF object
ing 10 bills, liable, however, 10 have his OBJ
jectioDs overruled by two thirds vote -
Tins the minority Of the people, who
would, nevertheless, be part of the peo-
pie, and entitled 10 be heard in ONE way
ia The Government, would be represented
here by their chosen chief or leader, who +
would be armed with a real power for de- |
tending than against new measures Of hos
iility or aggression.
Bat ! must here content myself with |
bare suggestion, without producing lhe ar
gumsnis iu its support or referring 10 those /
most pertinent facts, scattered ihroughoul
our history, by which those arguments might |
be illustrated and confirmed. Nor shall |
refer 10 objections TO ii which, however |
plausible or striking al first view, would
Dpon examination, wholly disappear.
must pass on 10 consider what is more ap-
propriale TO my present argnment, an i'm
provemeni in the present mode OF securing
representation 10 the lower House of Con-
gress.
Lord John RusseIl, in his reform bill Of