Cleveland daily leader. [volume] ([Cleveland, Ohio]) 1865-1873, 1866-04-14
SPEECH OF SCHUYLER G0LFAX.
The Civil Rights BiII-The Congress
siOnaI Policy of denomination
Andrew Johnson I'm 1865 vs. Andrew
johnson I'm 1866.

I have no doubt that you, like myself,
rejoice with exceeding great joy, and are
prouder to-day of being citizens of this
great country than ever before. There
was a time, in this land of Ours, when Sla-
very was regarded as the cornerstone of
American institutions. Thank God that
time has passed, and we build, henceforth,
on a foundation of liberty. Applause.
To-day, under the legislation of the Amer
lean Congress, in the great Republic,
shaped by the geography of a continent
and washed by the water of the two great
oceans of the globe, there is no person,
rich or poor, high OF humble, learned or
unlearned, who does not live in security
under the protection of equal laws. In
the Senate Chamber and in the Represen-
tative Hall, they have placed by over
whelming majorities that Civil Rights
bill on your statute book, which declares
that every one born on American soil
shall have a birthright as an American
citizen. (Cheers.) That now, misrepre-
sented as it has been by its opponents in
Congress, will never be repealed, and
in the years that are TO come it will be the
proudest recollection and browning honor
of those men who stood up in the national
councils that they gave to the American
Magma ChGrta their cordial support. And
why should there be objections to a law
like that Every n born on the soil of
the Republic owes to it allegiance, and is
it not the reciprocal duty of the Republic
to give to them its protection Hence
forth whenever in this land a person
shall be oppressed or outraged, or his
rights withheld whenever tyranny may
make his soeptre over him, he has but to
turn to the national flag and to the Ma
| tional Government for that protection
which the Congress of the United States
has ordained is his right. [Applause.l
We are sometimes asked land I know
with what solicitude the American peO-
pie regard 1T why the work of recon-
struction has been delayed. I do not
think it has been u~nreasonably delayed.
The President of the United States in the
eight months between the collapse of the
/ rebellion and the opening of this Con-
gress was engaged in the work of that
policy which seemed to him the most fit
ting, and Congress has been engaged for
the past four months in collecting testi-
mony, in comparing opinions, and in ac-
ton to lay the foundation of that plan Of
reconstruction. which shall make our
Union eternal as the ages. [Applause.
But they have already, in past years,
initiated a policy of reconstruction. In
1862 they placed on the statute book the
first law indicating their policy OF recon-
struction, the law known as the test oath,
/ declaring that no man should be eligible
who could not swear that he had not vol
unfairly given aid and comfort to bloody
conspiracy and treason. That law was
well understood by the American people,
South as well as North. No one expected
that then when the rebellion had its
armies in the field against the Union, any
one would come knocking at the door Of
Congress, claiming to represent the States
of Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, South
or North Carolina, Florida or Texas. But
it was believed that, when the rebel
lion should end, the men who had in
sultingly turned their backs On Congress
and spurned their seats, who had killed
the Unions defenders and sought to cap
ture this Capital, would, with the assur-
ance of old times, demand that they should
govern the country which they had inef-
| fectually attempted to ruin. That test
oath was placed there as the flaming
sword at the Garden of Eden, to warn
such men that till there were fruits meet
for repentance, or bonds for future good
behavior, there was no place in those pre-
oincts for them. [Cheers.] Again the
policy REPRESENTATION was indicated by
Congress in the winter of 1854, when it
passed, nearly unanimously. and without
the yeas and nays, a joint resolution that
the Vice President, in counting the Presi-
Dental vote, should not count the elect
oral votes of any State that had been en-
gagged in the rebellion. That was intend
ed to proclaim that until Congress re-
moved their disqualihcations by laws re-
storing them to their rights, they should
stand back. Congress has, therefore, by
these two striking enactments, indicated
its policy DEMONSTRATION. But the Con-
stitution has 8 still palmer language de-
clsring where the responsibility of recon-
struction should rest; it has declared that
every State shall be guaranteed a republi-
can form of government, and IN a subse-
quent section it declares that Congress
shall have power to make all laws neces-
sary and proper to carry into execution
all the powers vested in it or in any de-
partment of officers of the Government.
This was intended to declare that Con-
gress is the only law-making power of
this land, and by the Constitution to Con-
gress, and Congress alone, all must look
for legalized reconstruction. [Cheers.
The President of the United States, in
his proclamation last May, appointed
Provisional Governors, declared that the
States which had been in the rebellion
were without civil government. That
was a fact as palpable as the stars when
they shone in heavens. Ny regret is, for
L must speak frankly, that Congress was
not at that time called together. I be-
lieve it would have fastened the work of
reconstruction. / believe that Congress
and the President by his approval of their
legislation, would have united, last sum-
mer, On a policy of reconstruction which
would have been acceptable to both
branches of the Government, and in which
the South, seeing this cur action,
would have acquiesced. The Constitution
of the United States declares that the
President, on extraordin airy occasions,
may onven Congress; it has already
seemed to me that last April was an ex-
t~raordinary occasion. The President had
been murdered by q rebel conspiIa-
tor, and the Vice President had
assumed the Presidential functions; the
rebellion had seen its flag trampled in
the dust, and its armies surrendered.
1t seemed to me if there ever was an
" extraordinary occasion" this was one.
But the President-and 1 recognize his full
constitutional authority to decide the
question-deemed that it was not expedi-
ent to call Congress together, and went
on himself with the work of r~econstruc-
ton. 1 believe he entered upon and pro-
ceeded with that work periodically, and
that he thought as an experiment, it
would be best to test it before Congress
r~eassembled. 1 am confirmed in that be-
lief by the messages which he sent to the
Governors of Florida and Mississippi,
that their restol alton would de-
pend on Congress but l do not think
that resulted in developing loyalty at the
South. Congress at last convened on the
first Monday of December last. 1t could
convene earlier, for it had no power to
meet until its regular session, unless con-
vened by the President. 1t appointed a
70 examine into the condition
of the late Confederate States, and it was
only one short month ago they received
official documents from the Executive De-
pertinent, which enabled them to know
what trsnspired during the long recess of
Congress, and now it IS able to act intelli-
with some official knowledge of
the situation.