The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1866-03-01
The Debate on Universal Suffrage.


those held by the affirmative on the pre-
vious meeting II is the duty oil the gov
erining class 10 extend TO the minority.
the means Of self protection. The ballot
will afford this selfprotection- To say
that the class that is down have no rights,
as a monstrositY. The minority have
right to be heard as much as the MAORI
ty to rule What ever is necessary to
protect in rights, is necessary to give
Colonization is absurd and thing Of the
past The blacks will remain here, and
they must have equal rights. for when
two races are together and have not
equal rights, one or the other is sure to
be exterminated and both injured
W W. FoULKE, claimed that men if
not educated, were not competent to ex-
ercise the right: that it we make an I'M
popular law, it fails. We should view
from Southern point There is diff
ferent sentiment there. Even in the
most liberal rebel States, and among
loyalists, there was opposition to Uni
versal Suffrage, they-nOt being ready.
If we enact suffrage over that section,
we would have to enforce it by the bay
onet, which action would be anti repub-
lican. Where is the power TO establish
universal suffrage? By our Coustitu-
ton it Is reserved to the States.
PAYNE explained, that, as Congress
has the power to say that those States
shall confer freedom upon the blacks,
&c, it has power over suffrage.
After States resume their power they
were free to change any laws not suited
to their taste, and we could not prevent
such changes. Prejudice must be up
rooted first Suffrage may be abstractly
proper, but public sentiment must be
changed. Now the question arose q How
ton by reducing representation TO the
number of voters. then the Politician of
the South to gain political power would
enfranchise all.
MAJOR KINLEY: The Declaration of
Independence had set forth the equality
of man, and his unalienable rights
Having these. the right to be represen-
ted in the government follows. Suffrage
is not granted, but governments derive
their existence by virtue Of suffrage Suf-
frage is right, but the privilege is often
denied. The right belongs to him a
man, he as'exercised it in the beginning,
but has been deprived of it to satisfy
Slavery. Now that Slavery is dead, it
would be but returning TO him that Of
ment that sentiment is opposed, is not a
Legitimate argument, as the people have
not been tried. If we deny, our Gov
eminent is not Republic. The whites
OF the South are equally ignorant, while
educated men of the South are traitors
and dangerous. 1t is better to trust an
ignorant RICH. headed man, than an in
telligent wrong headed man.
WIN. BANTER pronounced the resolu-
ton unjust, impracticable and impolitic.
There were different grades of society,
and of moral character. 1t would make
the intelligent on a level with the debas-
ed. Instead we ought to restrict with
preference to moral worth and intelli-
gence. Adams. Story and others had
testified against universal suffrage that
by it, ignorance, corruption and crime
sap the foundation of our Government.
A half million of ignorant voters had
been controlled by corrupt leaders in the
South, and were sympathized in by the
debased in the North
Mr.. HAYWARD Would not consult
traitors for their preferences and preju-
dices. Education would not answer be
cause impracticable. Considered the
veto as wrong-being against the wishes
of majority. What has the black to
protect him after the Bureau expires
Then the traitors could take away the
right to testify, the veto and all priyi-
leges, for they have given no pledges
w hat is freedom without its protection
Congress should have the power, and
does have power to provide for the well
fare of the whole country All States
that pretended to secede are not entitled
10 n Of ha 4
which they revolted. and Congress can
refuse them representation until they
make proper laws. To give suffrage is
to insure prosperity to deny will re
open the revolution which has desolated
the South.
GEO. W WOOD said. the educational standard
vas not Improbable as shown by Massachusetts, and
Missouri. In districts where ignorance IS prevalent
the disoyal had heavy votes while intelligent regions
loyal Ii intelligence improved mans cspabiity
OF self government ignorance would have opposite
effect.
Mr.. PAYNE in the second round said substantially:
Was IN favor of an education basis II organizing
government, but IN republic alweaiy formed. j,
would be tyrauical exclude some fer ignorance
which may not be their fault. He read among others
an extract from Mr. Julian the effect that honesty
was ct none Importance than lutelhgeCe. 1t
necessary make the Southerners respect the right.
OF the blacks, and the ballot IN their hands Will
that respect. Ii the government compel States
10 adopt certain laws, il can compel suffrage.
Mr.. FOULhE: Each State acts for itself We must
change sentiment The Government would have TO
enforce universal suffrage here. What kind of
republic would II be for the South. Amend the Con-
sttutlon, reducing rePreSentaton to the number OF
voters We should wait tor the education Of tie
whites also. Ignorance in the South was our danger
sheaetore not add to its power. Time will Ultimately
mend all.
MAJOR hlNLE1 : We cannot prevent the dislavaI
from voting. No s2uttr white will favor he nation
al debt unless the rebe! deot IS included More dan
ger IN the wrong whites. Il would be injustice 10
withhold from the LOYAL black They would vote Win
those who favored educa ton &c.
WM. BANTER, read several extracts
| from eminent writer's. TO sustain his 20
/ sitlon, and said. Mr. Payne gives up the
argument when he saws that in forming
a government, he would make education
/ the standard. Ignorance might be the
/ failing of the parents, but it is the fault
/ OF the individual 10 remain in ignorance,
with the advantages offered in this coun-
{ s~f- ha =