New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1866-08-11
IOmN BRIGHT ON ENGLISH LIBERTY.

JOHN BRIGHT ON ENGLISH LIBERTY
In bis letter to the Secretary Of the Reform League,
replying TO All invitation to the meeting 1t had been
proposed to hold in Hyde Park Mr.. John Bright puts
the following query: If public meeting in public
mark is denied you and if millions Of intelligent and
honest men are denied the franchise on what founda-
ton does our liberty rest, is there in the country
any Gbeny bat the liberation Of The ruling elds"sF
lie then significantly adds: "ThS is serious ques-
ton but it is necessary to ask it, and some ansrer
must be giren it," There is something startling in
these bold words-no doubt well considered
Of the famous English Democrat, and wo
are not surprised that they have kndled
the fury of the Tories against their author, and even
called forth the condemnation Of some who make
boast of being Liberals. 1t has been so much the
fashion to hold up England as above all other coun-
tries the land of liberty, and the majority of English
men go regOusly believe in this dogma, that must
appear to certain classes in that country something
akin to dreadful blasphemy whom natiye-bon En-
glshman of Mr. Brights intellect and position pre-
sumes to question whether, after ALL the English peo-
pie really enjoy the political freedom Of which their
public writers, their statesmen, and their orators, are
wont to vaunl. The English have been accustomed
to hug the idea that they the irees people on the
face of the globe. The ruling classes at least have
cordially believed this; and for good and sufficient
reason so far as they are concerned; and as for the
masses why they have been taught to sing "Britons
never shall be slaves" which implies, of course, that
Bdton. one and all, are prominently and goriously
free. But now, GOO years after the Magma Charta
was extorted at the point of the sword from the
III afer tbe
Declaration of Rights and the Bill Of Rights had laid
foundation deep and broad for the ediGce of political
liberty, there steps forth from the peoples ranks
Engishman OF no small power and no mesn rcpue, and
boldly asks the question. Are the people oil England
after all free people or il their liberty anything
heittr than the liberation Of the ruling classes
This il not the language. let 1t be noted of one
ignorant Of the peculiar characteristics Of English in.
,ttutons and their working but of man thoroughly
Acquainted with The whole structure Of English So
cic,r and with the widespread ramiiicatons OF In
e.h law aud it, operations. These aye not words
uttered in the heat OF passion, but pcnned evidently
after scrous dobcratiuD. and with earnest pur-
pose; FOR 10 the question be has asked, Mr. bright
saws "somo answer must be given Considering
these things, It i, no wonder that his pointed query
.hould have raj ed n storm in the Tory camp, and has
caused no small perturbation even among sell'com'
placent Liberal OF a certain cla,s.
hut It strikes II, that the disqnietins upheaying
power of Mr. Brgbts question lie, in lis truthful sug
aesiivencs. 1t takes the form of insinuaon, but it
points nevertheless most unmistakably to a broad
fact. 80 long a. there il in England "a ruling class"
distinct from The great body Of the people England
j. not. in the proper acccptation Of the term, pot
cay free country So long the elective franchise
the birthright OF every citizen, whatever his cond
TOMS denied to the masses. the masses are, polit
ciy nothing better than serls. II is fact not to be
denied that in England the masscs-the working
people the nation. chief strength, the source and the
suslenaon Of the national greatness, and power and
wcalthare politically ignored, and worse than this,
are held in contempt Ivy the classes in power. Look
at the exhibitions We have had during the late debate
OH Parliamentary Reform in the House OF Commons.
In what terms did the Loves aud the Elchoes OF that
body speak of the workngmen Of England! Why,
a, an ignorant yena drunken, brutal mob, TO whom
it would be most perous experiment to concede
political rights. And we have now Lord Derby, aud
his ministerial colleagues, speaking, with the most
patronidng airs, Of granting permission TO the
people" To hold public meetings in certain public
places Tor the ul,curslon Oh pollllcdi qucaior' We
write in no spirit Of enmity to England and
with no desire to depreciate her. Still we can
not but look upon these things as unequiyocal signs
of national dogeneracy and alarming symptoms OF
national DANGER II we are 10 believe the Tories the
English outside the pale Of the favored classes are
nothing better than mob. And il We look impair
tally at the case as it stands, We broad line of
dcmarcation with caste on one side clutching
monopoly of rule and political scrlom the other,
struggling, apparently in vain, for liberty In either
case there il imminent peril to the internal peace and
the safety of the nation. Without pretending to the
gin OF prophecy, we feel safe in predicting that En-
Gland on the eve Of serious civil COMMISSIONS which
can only be averted by timely concessions TO those
demands which the people are now urging on the
attention OF The ruling classes. Brghts words are
omnous: Some answer must be given" TO the
question, Are the people free or not
In the fresh struggle on which the Relormers OF
England lave entered, the example of America can
not fail to have guiding influence and an nspirng
effect. Here selfgovernmenti is a reality, not myth.
Here the people really make the laws; and to this
power OF their own creation they yield ready and
cheerful obedience Equal rghts,not in theory only,
but in fact are at the foundation Of political sys
tem aud hence tho stability Of the edilee and hence
is attractions for the lovers of liberty the world over
The Declaration Of Independence is for all peoples,
aud all time. IL is the immortal Magma Charta oil
the human race.
III, RaLigh Sentinel which takes us to task for hay