Cleveland daily leader. [volume] ([Cleveland, Ohio]) 1865-1873, 1866-08-23

LIC olLtE Etete W lie An-
stitutions of the several states themselves.
In short. the doctrine was distinctly and
emphaticalIy recognized that "irreversible
GUARANTEES" should be given for the OBJ
servance of the terms imposed. Had the
T~hirty-eighth Congress embodied all
these propositions in an amendment 10
the United States Constitution as they did
that Of the abolition of slavery, it is JIM
possible 90 entertain 3 doubt that the
President would have insisted upon that
form of ratifying and guaranteeing the
whole. It is moreover notorious, and l
believe it is not questioned, that the ad-
ministration plan involved the probable
demand, through the legal forms, ofthe
equitable adjustment of the representation
of the several States in Congress. These
two other propositions, viz: continuing
disabilities for leading rebels AID equall-
cation of representation, properly make
part ef the administration programme OF
restoration and may therefore be numbered
as the fifth and sixth in the series.
If we turn toithe plan and policy adopt
ed by the Union party Of OhiOin its State
| Convention we shall find, Ito the astonish-
ment of some, perhaps, that these identi-
cal terms are embodied in it and consti-
tute its essence. If there is snydifference
whatever, it is in form and not in cub
stance. The whole six may be thus emu
merated in order l, submission TO law
2, abolition of slavery; 3, reputation of
rebel debt 1, protection OF freedmen .,
| disqualification Of rebel leaders, and 6,
| equalization Of representation. The tally
is completed And not only are they ell
there, but they are all that are there.
Will it be objected that these terms are
embodied in the form Of an amendment to
the Federal Constitution The answer IS
plain and conclusive that if the South are
willing to accept such terms as a fnality,
they cannot object to placing their accept
ance beyond the reach of their wi recall,
and where our consent must also be had
to any future change in them. To higgle
upon that question would raise reasonable
doubts as to the good faith of their accept
ance. They would have reason to be of
fendedif we should assume that they could
do so. We simply carry out more per-
fectly the original idea of the Admins
traticn programme that the guarantees
should be as far as possible irreversible.
But it may be urged that some of these
terms are varied in form from the Presi-
dents propositions. Let vi see how farthat
is a valid objection. Take the disqualifying
clause. It cannot be denied shat the
classes excepted from the amnesty procla-
nation are incomparably larger than the
| one described in the amendment. If those
reached by the one may be psrdoned by
the President in detail, those included in
the other may be relieved by vote of Con-
gress, and once let the country be assured
of the sincerity of the Southern communi-
ties in returning to loyalty, and l would
pledge my life that the amnesty would be
voted not by a two-thirds vote merely, but
by one absolutely unanimous. For my
own part 1 have looked upon the terrible
experience of the war itself as the best
possible safeguard against future rebel
lions, and as 1 hold the protection of the
community to be the chief object in pun
ishirg political o~ffenses, I have regarded
infections of any sort upon whole classes
Of citizens as unnecessary and therefore
unadvisable. remember that Hallam, a
high authority in the philosophy of his-
tory, has declared that "elemeney Is the
standing policy of constitutional govern
ments, as severity is of despotism,' and
the great Lord Chatham adopted the
bold, yet, as it proved, most safe and
wise policy of raising Highland regiments
from the lately disaffeeted clans soon
after the last effort Of the Stuarts to re-
cover the English throne. Rebellion had
been chronic in the mountains Of Scotland, |
and through three generations the High
landmen had lost no opportunity of dis
tulbanee. The fathers fought under Mon
trose for the dethroned family, and the
g~randsons were out under the romantic
Chevalier, yet as soon as theyhad learned
the lesson that the government was too
strong for them, Chatham trusted them,
and more than twenty years afterward.
when u revolution again broaght up the
question how rebels should be dealt with,
the old statesman, who was our advocate,
referred with pride to his policy in regard
to the clans, exclaiming, "they were re-
claimed by this means Every Ameri-
can must bow with more than ordinary
respect to that authority. / know that
the same spirit pervsdes the Union party,
and every honest observer must admit
that the most earnest advocates of uni
amnesty have been found amongst
known as the extreme radicals.
If we look for a difference of policy be-
tween the Administration and the Union
Psrry 0n Tue SUBJECT of basis of represent
tation we shall fail again to ind anything
essential. The suggestion of one was that
representation based upon votes would be
equitable, the other has embodied thatidea
IN a section of the proposed Amendment.
Where then shall we fnd a collision of
plans? On the proposition that the
are not dead, and that the right of
characterization Sc On nalapoh1a aFFrTkr#O Il
f their existence, l am told. I deny to-
ally that the Union party in word or deed
committed itself in opposition to that
1t is no secret to any of you {
hat I have advocated the immediate adj s
to Congress of loyal representa-
ives as rapidly as such should be duly
lected and present themselves, and 1 have {
lot been unobservant Of the action of the !
,arty in regard to the question. Whilst '
!, therefore, in common with you all have I
such debate on this subject and {
,now full well that strong efforts were s
made to secure another result, yet the fact {
emains clear to all who will see, that such
failed, that no theories were adopt I
{, but that the strongest possible practi- l
al pledge was given in the case of Ten I
lessee that the acceptance of the terms I
ave been describing would be followed 6
y the immediate admission of Represent
and Senators. If any one COM 7
that this was not done sooner, 1 I
hall only ask of what use is it 10 discuss l
hat point. The vital question to the c
southern States is, how shall this period t
f s~emi-anarchy be quickest ended. I d
ave promised to adhere to practical ques- c
ions Of present Importance and interest, c
nd cannot see how any good can be got 2
en- by stepping to ask whether more !
peed could have been made. It took go |
So much we know and NAV regret, q
ut regrets will not change the fact. The 4
.xercise of the righto of representation was c
Interrupted during the war; the admins |
ration offered to favor the resumption of 1
he right, not Internationally, but upon 1
be acceptance OF certain terms and con- 6
which I have e~ndeavored to detail P
oecifcslly. Congress by its final action, T
as said, agreed, provided these same .
Be put IN the shape Of an amend q
icgt to the Federal Constitution There y
the whole controversy in g nutshell I :
already said all 1 care to say upon !
lie folly of refusing that proviso which :
as reference only to form, when the :
ling TO be done is professedly agreed
pom The quickest, the easiest way to :