The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-12-08

Supported by an overwhelming majority Of
the people, and for the most part reelected to
their seats the majority of the Thirty-ninth Gen.
gress have returned to Washington under cir
cumstances not unlike those under which the
Long Parliament came together in 164O, and
with spirit very similar. That famous body, II
will be remembered, was composed mainly Of
the same men who were summarily dismissed in
the spring of the year by Charles the First, who
attempted once more for few months, to
govern without Parliament. His temporary
arrogance only irritated the Commons into
severer measures, and he mad to accept harder
terms by far in November than had been offered
to him in April.
So Congress, having been compelled to appeal
to the people, and having been triumphantly
sustained, is no longer disposed to hesitate and
compromise, as 1T did all through last spring.
SO long as there was any possibility OF conciiat-
ing Mr.. johnson, or any doubt as to the drift of
public sentiment, Congress was anxious TO
avoid an open breach; and even when the
breach was evidently final, Congress refused to
DO anything which seemed to imply feeling of
personal hostility to the President, or distrust
OF bis intention to act within constitutional
limits, IhIs is no longer the case. Mr.. john
son has dehed Congress with all the force OF his
vituperative powers, and has very plainly indi-
Gated his wish to find some excuse for breaking
il up. Congress feels, therefore, no delcacy in
dealing with him within the scope of its legit-
mate powers, and Is vidently resolved to make
hlm realize his defeat and future insignifcance.
We hold that the events OF the last few
months VIII justify very stringent precautions
against the dangerous tendencies OF the Presi-
dent. He has shown a decided inclination to
usurp power which does not belong to him, and
ought TO be rebuked for the past and restrained
for the future. No action, short OF impeach-
ment, ii decorous in form, can be too severe tor
this purpose; for MIR. johnson is not man who
can be checked by mild and moderate restraints
Our views on the subject of impeachment we
need not reiterate. The question is not likely
to arise unless the President taxes some new
step in defiance of the popular will.
The bill introduced by Mr.. Stevens, In relation
to appointments to office, is in substance good
one. II is already rldlculed in some quarters as
mere measure for the protection of office
holders, and it is said that the country feels
interest in these squabbes for Office. But the
merit Of the bill is that it will do more than any
measure ever yet adopted in this country to
diminish the number OF these squabbles. The
| powers exercised by our Presidents, and espe-
| clally by Mr.. johnson, in the matter of appoint
ments to and removals from office, are utterly
inconsistent with good government and with
the real intent OF the Constitution If Mr.. John
son has, as he pretends, the power to remove an
officer confirmed by the Senate to appoint
l successor without consulting the Serate, and to
reappoint him after IL has rejected him, then the
1 Senate has no cal voice in the matter, and the
| form OF asking its consent is ridiculous one.
The subject is one OF no small importance, and
we trust that the present conflict between the
! executive and legislative departments will lead
| to a settlement of these questions upon a new
| and sound basis.
We should much regret however, to see the
| appointment OF revenue officers committed to
| the Supreme Court, as proposed by Mr.. Kelley.
| No doubt it would just now greatly improve the
character OF the appointments, but it would
| eventually destroy The character of the court.
| The price is altogether too dear for the advan-
| taee to be gained The impolicy of the measure
| is indeed so apparent that we cannot believe
| argument upon it to be necessary.
The reconstruction of the South will clearly
be taken in hand by Congress in more uncom
| promising spirit than at the previous session.
| The rejection of the Constitutional amendment
| by the entire South seems to be certain, and it
| is not likely that Congress will wait for any re-
consideration of the subject. 1t is necessary
| that the South should be made to comprehend
its position, and should no longer be allo wed to
suppose that IL can dictate or even reject terms.
| Reconstruction is the duty OF Congress, and not
| Of the Southern States; nor has the to1mer any
| more right to leave it at the option of the South
whether the Union shall be restored, than it
had in 1860 to leave it to Davis and Stephens to
| say whether the Union should be dissolved
The present condition of the South is not far re-
moved from anarchy. Ii the governments set
up by Mr.. johnson are legitimate State Govern
ments, they are entitled to representation in
Congress-. II they are not entitled to this, they
| are bald usuIpatiOns, having no more claim to
recognition than the Empire of Mexico. This
is condition of affairs i'll which Congress has
| no moral right to leave any part of the Union.
Whether the people Immediately concerned
prefer anarchy or not, the interest of the whole
people of the United States forbids that anarchy
should be tolerated in any STATE And this, we
think, will be the decision of Congress at ITS
| present session. ..
The situation of Mr.. Johnson is certainly
pitable. Not many Gays will pass before he
| will be deprived of all his strength; and he is
even now utterly without influence, even in the
party which gives him no mlnal support. His
continuance in office may lead to positively
beneficial results, in bringing about reduc-
ton OF the Executive power, which has been
| growing so dangerously OF late years. Dis
trusted by all parties, there will be no deter
mined opposition to any reasonable measure for
limiting his power, and thus benefit may be
con erred upon the nation which never could
have been looked for from legislature acting
in harmony with the executive department.
The Presidents Message is really not worth
commenting on. 1t repeats the old arguments
1Cr the unconditional admission of Southern
representatives., but plainly with DISCOURAGED
spint 1t is not beigerent towards foreign
powers, Tor which we may be thankful. As it
could not be expected TO do any good, it is
some relief TO be able to say that 1t wili do no
harm Like its author, it is without inf lence
and without importance. Congress is now,
practically, the entire Government of the
United States. A great responsibility therefore
rests upon it. We are glad that it is disposed
to be thorough in its work, that 1t is fearless
and IesUute. We hope that it will cast aside
all demagoeuism, and act with prudence, steadI-
ness, and wisdom, as well as with courage and
| hrmness.
We feel bound to protest one more, however,
against he practice with which the session has
been opeued, of sitting debate by the use of the
| ''preYious question: We repeat, that legsla-
| tliIe which decides without discussing, and re-
| fuses to hear the minority, is guilty OF as
| great q scandal as a Judge who decides with
| of framing measures secretly in committee, and
| bringing them before the House simply for