Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1866-06-01

And prejudice, nurtuTed through genera
tions and shared by millions Of men, is as
much fixed fact as the existence of sunk
en- rock in the entrance channel Of harbor.
The statesman who regards it not is no wi
ser than the mariner who should run his
vessel against that rocky obstruction because
it ought not to be there. We should con-
ciliate sectional prejudice, so far as prudence
and conscience permit The limit is, due
consideration for the Right and for the pub
lie safety.
/ am content, then, TO sec civil rights as
serted, and to await the action of time on
the question of suffrage, provided we offer
by Constitutional Am ndment, to the late
insurgent States, strong inducenent ulti-
mately to act, In this matter, up to repubh-
can principles.
We can do this, in strict accordance with
justice between the two great sections of our
country, BY provision regulating the basis
of representation. Such a pro vision is of
unspeakable importance, not alone as an In
centive TO justice, but as one of those meas
ures of 'precaution and foresight" which,
in the extract rom Vattel already quoted,
we have seen justified and recommended,
to provide for our future safety by depriv-
ing the unjust aggressor of the means of in
juring us. 1t might be added, "of the
means of injuring himself" for we have
one common cause as we have one common
country; and in the safety of one section of
the Union is involved the safety Of the
whole.
This brings me to consider the second of
the dangers incident to unconditional resto-
ration.
The eleven States lately in insurrection
are inhabited by two races, i1 tho proper
ton taking our data from the census of
1867 of about 81 to Sc lin these eleven
States, 5,449, 453 white and 3.653,87 color
ed, in other words, three ffths are white
and two fifths colored. In two of these
States the colored exceed the white in num-
bers lSouth Carolina white 29l, 36S, colored
4l2, 800 Mississippi, white 353, 99l, colored
4S7, ,404. In several others the numbers of
each approach equality. Louisiana, white
550,629, eOlored $50, 383 Alabama, white
526, 43l, colored 437 TO; Georgia, white
59l, $751; colored 467, 1913, Florida, white IL,
T4S, coloFed 52,677.)
1t so happens that the race numbering
two-ffths of the population of these States
are, with very few exceptions, loyal to the
Union and friendly to the North while the
race numbering three-fifths are, by large
majority, tinged with secession heresies and
unfriendly to the Northern people, / make
this latter statement not as an imputation
but only as asserting fact well known and
a result which, under the circumstances, is
very natural. The sword eonquers it does
not convince and the yanquished are not
want to love the yicters.
1t will happen also, in case no provision
touching suffrage enters into an amendment
to the Constitution, that the race number
ing three fifth will have the power to ex-
clude from yo<ipg the two-fifths. If they
do so, the Constit Iio2 remaining unchan-
ged, then, on an average, eUely three loltite
voters throughout tbs eleven States lately in
rebellion will have as much Lolitical power
in Congress and in all Presidential elections
as eUery IRE 1chite roters throughout the
Northern States.
We cannot, even By amending the Con-
stitution, wholly remedy this inequality
because no State, without its consent, can
be deprived of ita equal suffrage in the Sen
ate. Constitution Art. VI
But as to the members of the House OF
Representatives, there is a constitutional
remedy, by roviding that if the colored
race are not admitted to the polls neither
shall they be included in the basis Of repre-
sentation. These eleven States are entitled
under the present appointment, to fifty
eight Representatives. They should be en-
titled, under purely white basis of repre-
sentation, (the divisor see Census, page %,
being l57,000), to about forty-tlCo Repre-
sentatives only.
This would reduce the electoral vote ac
cordingly, but, because of unchanged rep
resentation in the Senate, not so as to fully
equalize, even then, political power as be-
Presidential election, the South would still
prevented by so amending the Constitution
that the President shall be eligible directly
by the people.
1t viii be observed that, while the basis
of representation remains unchanged and
the suffrage question undetermined, two re-
suits viii follow: First, the ex-Secessionists
of the South are allowed to weed out from
among their voters, to the extent of two
ffths of the whole, that particular class
which is known TO be almost unanimously
loyal and secondly, in virtue of this weed
ing out. these ex- Secessionists clothe them
selves with measure of political power al
together out OF proportion to their numbers.
Under the plan Of prospective suffrage for
which | have expressed my preference, both
these results, SC greatly TO be deprecated,
would have been ultimately ayerted. The
direct correction of the first, it would seem,
Congress has resolved not to press That
is eonceding much The reasons in favor of
a constitutional, remedy for the second, be-
fore people endowed with common sense,
are absolutely overwhelming. A mere
statement Of the case supercedes the neces-
sity for argument.
If the States of Mississippi, Louisiana,
Alabama, Georgia, Florida, see fit to debar
from suffrage the negro population, is the
result of such exclusion of loyal element
to be that they will have nearly twice the
political influence, voter for voter, that is
enjoyed in the States of the North? Is our
political system to remain so constituted
that the first mover and prime agent in
bringing on that war which put In immi-
nent peril the Union itself shall be the chief
gamer in political power by the giant iniq-
nity she instigated Is South Carolina,
the arch conspirator, to be rewarded for
her completely in the rebellion and her ex-
clusion of loyal men from the polls by this,
that hereafter, SO long as she deprives her
colered people Of suffrage, every white vo-
ter within her borders shall have twice and
one-third as much political power in Presi-
iential and other Federal elections as a
white voter in New York or in Ohio Itis
not enough to declare that this would be an
folly and fragrant injustice
10 not content myself with asserting that
such an anomaly In our democratic system
would outrage the very principles upon
which that system rests. / say that the |
permanent existence of such a feature of |