The Hancock Jeffersonian. [volume] (Findlay, Ohio) 1857-1870, 1866-03-02

compel all the States to send their
Senators and Representatives to the
Congress of the United States; yes,
compel them. The idea was in his
mind, that il was a part OF the doc
trine of secession to break up the
Government by the States withdraw.
ing their Senators and Representa-
teves from Congress and, therefore,
he desired q Constitutional amend
ment to compel them to be represen-
ted.
How row does the matter stand in
the Constitution of the country, even
that portion of which provides for
The amendment of the organic law
which says that no State, without its
consent, shall be deprived Of its rep
rescntation in the Senate. And now
what do we lindf We find the posi-
ton taken, that States shall not be
represented--that we may impose
taxes in the States-that we may
send our tax gatlierers to every por
ton of the State--that the people are
to he oppressed with taxes but
when they come here to participate
In the legislation of the country, they
are met at the door and told no.
you must pay your taxes, you must
bear the burden of the Government,
but you must not participate in the
legislation of the country, which is
to effect you for all time. Is this
just2 No, no. Then, l say, let us
admit into the councils of the nation,
those who are Enthusiastically and un
equivccally loyal: those men wdo
acknowledge their allegiance to the
government and swear to support the
Constitution. 1t is all embraced in
that The amplillcation of an oath
makes no difference If q man is not
loyal, but YOU may adopt whatever
test of oath you please to prove their
loyalty. ii, while the rebellion was
going on, the Constitution was rolled
up as q piece OF parchment, aud was
violated in some particulars to save
the government, there may have been
some excuse to justify it, but now
that the war Is over, we want writ
ten Constitution and say the time
has come to take the Constitution
down, unroll it, read it, and under
stand its provisions. came here to
vindicate the Constitution and TO
save it, for IL does seem to me that
encroachment after cncroachment is
proposed. l stand to-day prepared,
so far as | can, to resist these en-
croachments upon the Constitution
and Government ! tell the oppo
nents of this Government, care not
from what quarter they come, you
who arc engaged in breaking up the
Government by amendments to the
Constitution, that the principles OF
free government are deeply rooted
in the American heart, and all the
powers combined, l care not of what
character, cannot destroy that great
instrument--that great chart of free
dom. They may seem to succeed
for time, but their attempts will bo
futile. They may think now that il
can be done by q concurrent resolu.
ton but when 1t is submitted to the
popular judgment and popular will,
they will find that they might as
rohi TO febed1- the law 81 gravity as
to keep this Union from being restor.
ed. 1t is just about as feasible to re-
sist the great law of gravitation,
which binds all the common centres,
as that great law which will bring
back those States to their regular re-
lations with the Union.
l have detained you longer than |
intended. Voices--"Go on" We
are in great struggle. l am your
instrument, and wheie is the man or
woman either in public or private
life, who has not always received my
attention or my time? Pardon the
egotism. They say that man John,
son is lucky man--that no inan can
defeat me. | will tell you what con
stitutes luck; IL is due to right and
beng for the people. That is what
constitutes good luck. Some how or
other the people will find out who is
against them. l have been placed
in as many trying positions rs any
mortal man was ever placed in, but
so far j have not deserted the people
and believe they will not desert me.
What principle have | violated Z
What sentiments have l swerved
from2 They put their iingen upon
it. Have you heard them point out
any discrepancy? Have you heard
them quote my predecessor, who fell
martyr to his conntry's cause, as
going in opposition or in contradic
tion to any thing l have done? The
very policy which am pursuing
now was pursued under his admins
tration; was being pursued by him
when that inscrutable Providence saw
fit to summon him-I trust, to bet
ter world than this. Where is there
one principle adopted by him, in rel
erence TO this restoration, that have
departed from? ? ["None, none"
The very policy that | am now
pursuing was pursued by me under
his administration, l having been ap
pointed by him in a particular posi-
ton for that purpose.
An inscrutable Providence saw
proper to remove him from this TO, |
trust, better world, and came in
TO his place, and there is not q prin.
ciple Of his in reference to the resto.
ton of the Union from which | have
departed.
Then the war is not simply upon me