The New York herald., 1866-05-10
The Radicals and Their Game OF RevOlu-
tiOn-The Danger to the Country.

tion-The Danger to the Country.
Congress is getting into deep water. On
Tuesday morning last, according to appoint:
ment, the reconstruction scheme Of the joint
committee of fifteen was taken up in the House
as the special order of the day This scheme
embraces a constitutional amendment and two
supple mental bills. Mr.. Stevens explained that
the amendment would be first considered, and
that it was not the purpose of the committee to
have the two bills acted on until it was seen
what disposition the Senate would make of the
amendment. The proposition before the House
fell far short of his wishes but he believed
that it was all that could be obtained in the
present state of public opinion.
Something is due, then, even in the estima-
ton of Stevens to 'the present state of pub
lie opinion" But let us see what he is aiming
at. He says that "not only Congress, but the
several States are to be consulted. On a care
full survey of the whole ground the committee
did not believe that nineteen of the loyal States
could be induced to ratify any proposition
more stringent t6an this. He repeated mine
teen states; for he utterly repudiated and
scorned the idea that any State not actually in
the Union was to he counted in the question Of
ratification" This is an important feature,
then, in the scheme of the committee. Three
fourths Of the States now represented in Con-
| gress are to be deemed sufficient for the ratif-
cation Of the proposed amendment; and its
| ratification by the other States is to
| be required only as a condition of their
restoration to Congress. The amendment
abolishing and interdctng slavery was
| officially declared part Of the cons,iu-
| ton by the Secretary of State, in having re-
ceved q ratification by twenty-seven States, or
| three-fourths of all the States of the Union, in
or out of Congress-. Now, if Congress shall
accept ratification by nineteen States as
enough, how is the Secretary of State to be
made to proclaim it as required by the consti-
tuition? Does not this make a case for an i'm
peachment of President Johns On?
Assuming, however, that this idea Of i'm
peachment, from the utter impossbility of car
rying it out, is not entertained, the question
recurs, what is this joint committee aimiag at
Mr. Stevens admits that the third section of the
proposed constitutional amendment which
till the Fourth of July, 1870, all persons voun-
tarily aiding the late rebellion, becomes a dead
letter under the pardoning power of the
President. IT, therefore, under the am
nesty proclamations and special pardons
already issued by the President the most of
the Southern people are not affected by this
constitutional amendment, may not the rest Of
them be relieved in the same way? The pro-
position, however, was intended to rule out the
Southern States concerned from the Presidential
election of 1868; and we presume that as it has
been found Intellectual, some other device will
be contrived for that purpose, in an amend
ment of this third section. In fact, the object
Of this radical Congress is so manifestly the
continued exclusion from the government of
the now excluded States, not only till
1870, but for an indefinite number of years
to come, that we care not to waste any
further time upon the details of this Congress
sional scheme. II is at best only scheme
| for revolutionary reconstruction Of the gov
| ernment under the ruling faction of this Con-
| grcss, or for the perpetuation Of their power
| after the fashion of the Directory of the first
experimental French republic If this is per-
mitted, the next thing will be a reaction from
anarchy to q despotism, as in the case of the
| first Napoleon; or from another commonwealth
! of rJtndheads like that of England 10 the old
monarchical system; or from the fighting fac
tons of the republic to the consolidation of
Caesar
Thaddcus Stevens and his joint committee
are fighting behind n masked battery. Under
the cover of plausible measures of national
security they seek to disguise their real de-
signs. But Wendell Phillips, the infallible
pioneer of the radical faction, speaks without
reserve and without quibbling. He despises the
cant Of constitutional measures. He hates
the word. He says 40. He wants universal
suffrage negro political and social equality;
he wants "liberty, equality and fraternity
without any constitutional drawbacks. He
wants negroes in the government, and he is
disgusted at the shrinking Of the radicals Of
Congress. Phillips dscloses what Stevens
would conceal. Phillips fighting his battles al
his own expense, has no favors to ask Of parties
or State elections. Stevens, as party leader
dependent upon popular support, is compelled
to bend to public opinion. Stevens, however
though far behind with his reconstruction
wagon, is still on the same road with Phillips
Hence, whatever may be the scheme Of recon
struc,ion finally agreed upon in this Congress
# they can agree upon anything-the people
will be secure only in adhering to the simple
safe and acceptable policy Of President John
,on. The radicals contemplate radical revo
luton in the government There is danger II
II. disguise II as they may. II the American
people desire to perpetuatc the blessings o
r constitutional liberty tbev should prepare q