The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1866-02-02


nished toward carrying on the contest against us;
and TINS We ind them when arms nave dlsap-
peared.
Now. will any man tell me that under such cir
cunstauces, n great people having ayailed them
selves of that very fact. having used these former
slaves, having deprived the enemy OF all the aid
which M received from them, will now throw them
mon the worll without the slightest protection,
without the slightest aid, without any comfort,
exposed to persecution and prosecution in every
possible shape; aud whyl Because there is no
provision in the Constitution whereby Congress is
authorized To feel and cloihc anybody. We have
a written Constitution. In spite Of all that the
honorable Senator from Delaware has chosen to
say, think we have respect for II. think in
all cases We have endeayored 20 adhere TO II.
There may have been come cases during the war
where its provisions were violated, and perhaps
necessarily violated. That comes rs matter in
evitable in the course OF all Governments in the
many contingencies to which they arc exposed,
and under circumstances for which no previous
provision could be made but would have gen :.
temen to reflect upon one thing, that as part OF
the constitution, written or unwrittcn, OF oil gov
crnmcuts, stand the laws Of nations, necessarily,
inevitably, from the relations which oil commune
ties bear 10 each other, and from the contingent
cieS Ia which they are cSposef. That being the
case, AMI that unwritteu law of nations heing nc
tually part ot our written law, we accept, rs We
must accept, oil the consequences which follow
from Il.
We have been plunged into war almost, IL not
quite. the greatest Of modern times, involving
vast results. viii gentlemen undertake to tell
me that under such circumstances the necessary
results Of that war. if II brings about state at
things not found in our written Constitution, are
10 be avoided, Stunned. not noticed in any post
bic way; that our affairs rs connected with II are
not 10 be closed up under the sauie law which
governed Us md govern all nstous while the war
contnuedl IL so, what a miserable, weak, pow
erless people VIC are We can carry on great
war, but the moment tho clash OF arms has ceased
Z, strike our ears, we become utterly powcrlcss to
provide for any uf its necessary and inevitable
results because il is not written in the Constitu
tion what we should 10 in case which could not
BE- forcscen. anil which the founders of this Gov.
eminent purposely avoided forcsccing or speaking
about! They provided ou general principles, Tor
the emergency. but did not talk Of Il as n thing
that could possibly occur. The Greeks would not
mention in their laws the crime OF paIriciie be-
cause they would not suppose II was crime that
could ever BE- perpetra,ed.
When gentlemen from any State which has
been "a Confederate State undertake To tell me,
You are taxing the white man for the beneht oil
the negro" will say. "Sir, you did this thing;
hal YOU not commenced this war sni driven us
Ia this necessity there would have been no taxa
tou; you are responsible for II, not we; you have
placed the necessity upon US; W. have not placed
IL upon ourselves" Aud IL there IL any gentle
man who encouraged the South in their previous
action aud held out Ia them even sympathetic
hand in the course they were pursulnc.-''f there
IL any such person. here or elsewhere, | say To
him, "You make this drain upon the Treasury,
not we; you are the persons who are responsible
for 1.-THE South and their Northern allies. ifthey
had any SUCH" and know they had some-none
In this Chamber, hut many able men out OF 1t
who did sympathise with them aud aid them all
they could. say TO them, when you talk about
the great expense Of this thing, tell them that you
were the authors Of il, and that that your inca.
surcs and your sympathies brought IL upon the
country, AMI that the dominant party in the
Congress of the United States are simply trying
to do the best they can with the result OF your
wickedness."
lean understand why gentlemen ON the other
side OF the House, and gentlemen OF the same
way Of thinking out OF this House, should be
very anxious To get up the idea that there Is
collision Of opinion between the President and
Congress. We have all sorts Ut rumors where
"ths wish is father 10 the thought" One day
We hear that such q Cabinet minister is To be
turned out or resign; another day we hear that
something else is being done, that the President
has said this, that the President means to Ostra.
else people who do not support his policy, &c -
all idle, ridiculous rumors, without the slightest
foundation except the wish Of those who invent
them and give them currency. understand the
object IL will he point for gcntlcmen on the
other side of the Senate. and their friends out
side, IL they can make the people believe that
there Is or is likely 10 he some collision between
the great party which elected the President aud
the President himself | bcs gentlemen not to
hatter themselves with any such idea. | have
not, rs yet, seen the slightest indication OF and
| do not expect to see IL. Why, sir, even sup
pose there is a difference Of opinion, to certain
extent, Us to the time and manner Of accomplish
Ing great work, which VIC all desire to see ac-
compshed at the earliest possible day, does IL
follow that because there Is that difference of
opinion, to certain extent, greater or less. there:
fore there is To be a collision! I know very well
that gentlemen hang about the President and the
White House, and very probably try to persuade
him. and, whispering in his ear, (thc Senate will
remember the pvctc illustration Of the serpent
temptcr, "squat like toad at tho car Of Eve, }
insinuatc that those who ought To be his best
friends. and who are his friends and supporters,
are not doing all they ought To do To sustain him.
Do they in their secret souls pay the President
the poor compliment to think that he does not
see through all these suggestions OF what they
dare not openly speak, Do they think he is not
n man of sense, that he is not n man OF fixed
opinions, that he does not know his iriendsl Let
me say that, in my judgment, they mistake him.
Sir. there is no collision; aud | say it-be my
word worth much OF litile-for the benefit OF the
country, TO add my word To that statement Vt
fact. Whyi Because the President has done
nothing that his friends complain Of, and his
friends IN Congress have done nothing that he
can complain of,
Sir, what Was his authorityl Ito was Com
mander-in. Chief Of the Army. aud as such. when
the enemy ceased To exist, he had power nccessa-
r,ly TO cont ol the rebelous States which were
thus reduced to subsection. IL was his duty to
control them, and control them rs Commander
in Chief Of the Army, having the military power
in his hands, to keep order, to sec that there was
no anarchy; and IL he chose to say to the Conlcd.
crate States. or to any portion OF them, ~ viii
appoint provisional governor for you; IL you
choose To come together In n certain way and
make a constitution Of government fnr yourselves
aud take the power In your own hands oi regula
ting your own domestic internal affairs, will
give you all the all eau. and when you do It to
my satisfaction and think II Is safe will then
withdraw the Army, or such portion OF u as see
ht, and leave you To leSislate for yoursclyes; he
did what he had perfect RICH, to do what nobo-
dy has right to complain OF. might have
done differently il I had been President, but
might probably not have done so wisely as he
did. II Is not for me to say that my opinion, had
Il differed trom his, would have been wiser than
his or better than his; but what mean ~ say is,
that his policy went To that extent, and so Tar rs
he hal the power To exercise IL in u given way he
exercised 10 rightfully, and we have no occasion
10 complain vi IT, lie NAV think that these States
are ready TO come back altogether, and To send
their Senator's and Representatives TO Congress.
| DO not know how that may be- think they
should come in at the earliest possible moment
that they can come with safety. So he thinks.
We may differ as to the time.
But mark me, sir, no man In this country, To
my certain knowledge, has greater respect tor
the Constitution or more profound respect Tor
the rights and privileges OF the coordinate branch
es of this Government than the President OF the
United States. His life has illustrated IL; and
whatever gentlemen may think, he, In my judg'
ment, would be the last man to complain OF Con =
gress for acting with reference to what Is peculi-
arly incumbent upon them according to their own
Judgment aud sense Of propriety' so long as all
A L. -. al. d.. Ia.