The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-11-03
osic OF the Secretary of the Interior.
on, fl,e Nnfe,en5oo,


Even he has never defended himself as weakl,
as he has recently permitted his Secretary o.
the Interior 10 defend him. 1T is not certain,
says Mr.. Browning, speaking of the Government
'tlAt we will save it.n We shall not Interpret
he ,oM in the above phrase as anything worse
han grammatical blunder Mr.. Browning
doubtless, wishes that the Government should
be saved. That he should doubt of its safety is
natural; with his views followed out, its saliva
tion would be more than doubtful. Its safety
consists In this, that the people repudiate ali
such views. Mr. Browning thinks that, at the
close OF four years emblttered war; producing
a radical change in the legal and social condi-
tlon on iour millions OF people, creating two
vast antagonistic public debts, and involving a
thousand diversites OF interest between mil
hons on one side and millions on the other, no
precautions are needed. no conditions should
pc imposed, IN receiving back as LEGISLATORS the
defeated Rebels. The people who defeated
them are not willing to trust these Rebels with
out conditions. They wish to render the South
incapable of doing mischief with the same ease
In the future; and in this Vattel and other pub.
lclsts agree with them, though Mr. Bro owning
does not.
They decided, at the recent elections, that
tney would have constitutional guarantees for
the future. Mr. Browning SAYS these elections
are not indicative of the judgment of the peo-
pie OF the Northern States upon the Constltu-
tional Amendments for, says he, 'they have not
calmly and dispassionately discussed and re-
hected upon it.n Mr.. BrOwnIng's logic Is re-
markable. The issue was made up on qucs-
ton that has been before the public for months,
and been discussed by every freside in the
country; the people voted distinctly on that
issue. Mr. Browning thinks they were not calm
and dispassioDate when they voted; therefore
the result OF the vote is no indication of the
Judgment OF The people. When the amendment
decides upon its validity, await Mr.. Bro wning's
opinion as to whether The members of the legIs-
latures that ratified it were calm and dispas-
sionate?
The amendment has this provision.-aNor
shall any State deprive any person OF lite.
liberty, or property, without due process OF
law" Mr.. Browning thinks that is totally to
annihilate the independence and sovereignty of
State Judiciaries in the administration of State
laws, and the authority and control OF the State
over matters OF purely domestic and local con-
Germ" The people remember the scenes in
Memphis and New Orleans; they know that
stare laws have not secured, and are not at all
nkely TO secure, the persons or properly of
American citizens, white or black, who are
heartily loyal and avowedly opposed to slavery;
they do not regard this as "a purely domestic
and local concern;" they regard a country as
semi-barbarous where life and liberty are
habitually insecure, and they do not intend that
one,thIrd OF their country shall remain semi
of the world. IT the States protect life and
property, good and well; If not the people
intend that the Federal Government shall,
and Tat is one reason why they vote for the
amendment.
More than four-sevenths of the population of
South Carolina are blacks (blacks Az, 32O, whites
29l, 3Ss). Mr.. Browning proposes ito select this
one State as an eXample) that the white three
sevenths, of whom three-fourths at least are
disloyal shall, because of color, disfranchise
the black four-sevenths, of whom ninety niue
IN a hundred are loyal; and that the reward of
these secession sympathizers ior thus shutting
out the loyal element from all part in legislation
shall be that every white voter in South Caro-
lima shall have twice and one-third as much
political power, in Presidential and other Fede-
raj elections, as white voter in New York or
Ohio The people who beat these white South
Carolinians on the field of battle are of opinion
that ii they give each of them the same measure
Of political power as they themselves possess,
they are acting not justly only, but generously;
and that to give them more than twice as much
would be an act OF supreme folly. For this
reason, also, they vote for the Constitutional
amendment.
When Mr.. Browning tells them, as he does,
that because the interests of white women and
white children are cared for by their fathers,
and husbands, and brothers, therefore the eX-
Shareholders OF South Carolina Will be sure to
care for the interests of their former slaves. so
that it matters little whether the blacks have
any voice in the matter or not, they smile at mis-
reasoning, and hope that his qualifications as
secretary exceed his powers as log1claD.
The third section O. the amendment provides,
as to any persons who shall have taken an ofll-
cial oath to support the Constitution of the
United States, and shall have violated the same
by taking part in the Rebellion, that they shall
be deprived not OF the right of suffrage but of
the right to be elected to any Federal or State
Office, unless, by q two-thirds vote, Congress
shall remove the disability. To this Mr.. Brown
ing objects, He thinks the men who have
broken an oath once may be safely trusted to
take the same oath again, and TO keep IL this
time. The people do not think they may; and
that is another reason why they favor the
amendment.
MI. Browning thinks that this list of the for
sworn includes 'the great majority of the edu-
Gated men oil the States which have been in
rebellion The people think that if Southern
education has failed TO teach the majority OF
its pupils the respect due to the sanctity OF an
oath, that majority had better elect to Office
some OF the minority whose moral sense has
been more carefully cultivated, and that there
Is no great hardship in this. Fortynine out
OF every htty Northern men hold no Office what
ever. Office is duty imposed, not favor
granted.
MIR. Browning seems to forget the fact that a
large majority of the educated men of whom
he speaks, believing the Rebellion to have been
arightful war for independence, and believing
also that slaves slaves were property, and that man
cannot rightiuily be deprived of his property
without just compensation, are in favor OF
assuming the Rebel debt, and of paying for
three millions OF emancipated slaves. The
people have not forgotten this; they have de,
termined that the Rebel debt shall not be
assumed and that the three millions of eman
cipated slaves shall not be paid for. And this
is a streng additional reason why they vote fOl
the amendment.
Whether Mr. Browning wishes the Rebel deb
assumed ana slaves paid for or not, he has not
in his long letter. taken the trouble to inform
us. All we know is. that he Is opposed to an.
constitutional provision on the subject.
MIR. Browning objects not only to the amend
ment proposed, but TO any amendment. Nv
had better" he says, "adhere to the form OF GOV
erLnent our fathers gave us. We had better le
well enough alone" OF course, he thinks we di
wrong 10 amend the Constitution so as to Grad