Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1866-11-21
depends upon how these questions are now

-uePeuos upon now tnese questions are now
to be solved. .e-r, ~p5
lion is over. The armed rebellion is over l
say the armed rebellion because you cannot
fail to perceive that although the clank of arms
has ceased, yet the rebellion itself is not over.
Precisely the same spirit, precisely the same
motives, precisely the same purposes are man.
ifested to-day that we're two years ago.
Now it is m aintained, gentlemen, know, it
is maintained by high Executive authority
maintained by proclamation which only few
months since was issued, that peace-b!essed,
white-robed peace-existed throughout the
borders Of this land that order was restored !;
that personal liberty again secured, and
that therefore every part OF the country shonld
again De represented in the national Congress.
am sorry that we cannot unite with that
great authority in seeonding that proposition
Ii the truth were so, am sure there is no
people within the limits of this Union who
would hail it with greater satisfaction than
yourselves. There is no people, north or
south, east or west, who desire peace more
sincerely than we do. But, gentlemen, we
are too old in this struggle for political and ma
tional life-ws are too old to believe against
the facts, that that exists which does not exist.
w lth almost the same breath that brought US
this sounding proclamation, the telegraph
brought US the news of the riot at Memphis
aud the massacre at New Orleans Ii now
brings US the news that over all the sunny
SOUTH from hill to hill, from hamlet to hamlet,
those who have stood by the government and
the flag, are still pursued by the same old re-
ientless spirit OF vindictive .corn-the same
old scorn OF northern liberty and northern in
sutuiious that abounded before. The proca-
nation, gentlemen, of which have spoken, IS
net true
This, then, is the situation. The Southern
States, which have been In rebellion and
whose armed resistance TO the government has
osen overwhe lined, found themselves, at the
end OF the contest, entirely disorg rganized, SO
far as the practical operations of their govern
ment went. lam not now taking up the disputed
theory to whether any rebelous State was
in The UGion or out Of the Union-which Ques-
tons eminds me very forcioly of a scriptural
one, AS to whether . certain apostle in the
body or out Of the body-we all know that
practically these States were found without any
g.nized government.) The original organ
lzed communities with their laws, officers and
machinery, had been scattered to the winds by
me rebellion. These States, then, were found
IN a disorgsnzsd condition. or this there is
question. Inere be no ouestion-e1 en-
the chief expounder, himself OF this theory Of
brotnerly love--the head and front of that
Orotherly love proposition nforms Us in his
proc amaton issued May 29, 1866, that the
oiaie OF North carolina, having rebeliet, AID
its rebelllous government having bsen conquer
| ed, there existed no power whatever within the
| State 20 reorganize civil government. And he
| informs us OF the truth L. had no man with
| 10 It's borders whom, by Jaw, entitled to
set Il up again. AS If one Of your scnool dis
lricts should lose its organization by non-else-
ton of officers. The district exists, if you
| please, but there Is no man 10 The district more
than another who has any right TO set il on
/ its feet again. But the district exists as much
as II ever did. Now that w.s the exact condi-
/ tIon IN North Carolina The 70 b of May,
| lc05. Ii their true condition. Aud here
arises he frs. cardinal difference between the
President and Congress. AS he rightfully
says, these States were disorg g.uiz-d communl-
ties, and he goes forward and undertakes 10
declare th,, 1t belongs 10 him TO MAKE Jaw, for
States. TO revlta!ze States and communities,
and declare who among the cilizens of these
ota'es should exercise tae nigh privilege of the
elective franchise!
Gentlemen, il will repay the perusa for you
| TO read that hrst document of the President
! ms proclamation of M.y 29th. 1865. Ii be-
gins by truly declaring That the Constitution es
the United States requires that lhe UDiisd
States should guarantee TO each Sate Re
| publican form of government. That is true.
| That by force of the rebellion the form aud
substance OF government had ceased u exist.
! That is true. Then 1t deciAres-'. Therefore,
| |, Andrew Johnson, set up this government.
| declare that no m.n shall be entitled to vote if
he comes under any Of the exceptions laid
down in this my proclamation, ard that others
must conform TO certaIs other declared regula-
tions, and when they shall have brought them
selve, into conformity w,h my will they shall
be rishtfuly and Lawfully entitled TO all the
! privileges of citizenship" etc.
Now, gentlemen, here, in the question oi
| Executive power Is ons cardinal, and radical
difference between the policy of the Pres ent
or my policy" it is c.lled-and the poi
icy of Congress. 1t is true that by the Consii-
tutiou the United States guarantee to each
State Republican form OF government. 1t IL
true that the Constitution of the United States
makes the President the Chief Executive ofh-
Ger, and the Constitution also declares
how the United States snail do great many
other lhings-how tariffs shall be regul lated
eLc.; it prevents them from doing certain
things. Now what if any other State or the
United States fail TO execute any OF these pro-
vsionsp ls the President of the Urited
States he Judge, and is he to create laws Il
Congress does not, or If the States do not
Liberty, representative republican liberty, lu
SUCH a case would be at an end. Therefore,
think | may almost assume that 1t is to the
Iatc making poDcr that the solution OF each
, question belongs. The theory of this govern
ment is that the President is what hr is de-
] scribed to be-the Erecutire officer of the na
ton. 1t is his business TO do the people,
will, not to declare it for them 1t is the busl
ness Of yourselves, through your representa-
: tves IN Congress. 10 Ceca'e tchdt tdtc is OIL
shall bs, and it is his business put your viii
+ liz execution-noi his own. Tne rightful dis
posal of this question therefore rested with th'
Representatives of the people, because Their
was no law in force providing for such an exi
} gency. No provision had been made for 1t b.
= law.
Now, gentlemen. if you will pardon me 70
a moment, you will see the difference in ehsc
and result 10 which the first step OF the Presl
dent has brought US. flaG We insisted IN sub
, mtting this whole matter to our represents
tives do you fancy that rebels who had Just lai
, down their arms would have been thought suit
. able and proper agents or representatives fe
the exercise Of this power of restoring loys
{ men to their rights! l think you would hav
declared that if there were buL five thousand 10y
: al men ia any State it should be to them and t
! no others that the work of reorganiz.t .tio
should be submitted! Let that have bee
done, and there woull have been peacs .
1 the proclamation says. The Southsr
e States were then 10 condition far more fAvo
4 able to such an end than they are now. The
: we're ready to conform to the just requirement,
}, of the loyal north. But where do we fiLd oul
s selves now7 We find the Chief Executi'
d undertaking TO uswrp the rightful powers ar
!, prerogatives of the peoples represen tativ'
= and reorganising every one OF the rebeliio,
D States on the same basis, and in the same o
. oliearchial and anti-republican spirit in whit
g | they existed before. On the one side is th
1t system of brotherly love, and zoe are to sh