The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-03-09
Senator Yates on Universal Suffrage.

Senator Yates on Universal Suffrage.
From the Tribune. t-r--r
1t Is probable that the second clause Of the
Anti4Slavery Amendment will be q good deal
discussed and availed of IN the legislation that
is to precede Reconstruction. The power to
enforce the prohibition of slavery by "apPro-
pirate legislation might be derived from the
first clause of the amendment under previous
provision OF the Constitution, but il was none
the less prudent precaution to affirm it in ex.
press terms. Several measures based on this
second clause are now before Congress- among
them the folio wing, introduced last January
in the Senate by the Hon. Richard Yates, Of
Illinois,
"Be il enacted by the Senate and House OF Repre-.
sentatives OF the United states OF America in Con-
gress assembled, nat ate Territory OF the
united STATES shall, by any constitution, law or
hereafter to be adopted make, or ENFORCE, or in any
manner recognize any distinction between cit zens
of the Upitod tates, Of any State or Territory
on &C count of race or color or condition. and that
hereafter ali citizens wltnout distinction oil race
color, condition shall be protected in the full and
equal enjoyment ana exercise OF all their civil and
political rights, including the right OF suffrage"
IT is about two years since Illinois, under the
guidance we believe, of Governor Yates, abo-
lished her black code, which was scarcely better
than a slave code, and here now is her Governor,
become Senator and presenting bill to protect
all citizens without distinction of color in the
enjoyment of all rights, including the right of
suffrage. This progress Is somewhat character
istic OF the West, which is apt TO make up ITS
mind with considerable degree of decision
What IL wants, it wants with will. Mr.. Yates
may or may not be ahead OF his State in this
matter, but he assumes the risk fearlessly:-
"Gentlemen ask me If will go before the people
of Illinois with such proposition thisp Ay, in
decd, and welcome IT, have no fear OF the result.
Through the ouds Of the present see ,he bright
ness of the future. There is deep.seated In the
hearts of the American people every ywhcre, the firm
conviction Il at this negro question, however un-
atable Its discussion may be, viii never be set
Il until 1t is adjusted upon the principles of justice
and equality"
If Congress does possess the power to regulate
by such bill as this the qualifications Of
electors there is no little force IN the suggestion
that its exercise is the only sure way to settle
questions Of reconstruction. Whether any par
ticular amendment to the Constitution will be
adopted is doubtful, and whether 1t can or can
not be, 1t involves delay, whereas legislation is
complete, speedy. and, Mr.. Yates believes, will
be effective. The war, in his view, was to de-
termine whether the Constitution and laws
of the United States were TO be the supreme
law of the land, or whether State Sove-
regnty was to be the supreme law. The
Union conquered, yet it is now proposed to
leave to the local politicians of the several
States the adjustment of the relations of the
freedmen; and by SO doing to imperil all we
have gained politically by the war, and to
abandon the freedmen themselves to the con-
troll of their old masters, or OF the white class
which they aided to subdue. But by the anti
slavery amendment the iermer slave mas become
freeman; his disability is removed; he steps
from his condition of slavery into the family of
freedom, becomes one OF the body polite, and
is one OF the sovereign people. He does not
need that the. rights of citizenship should be
conferred on him; they are his; and all that is
necessary is that he should be protected in their
enjoyment. The distinction between civil and
political rights is an illusory one; at any rate,
the ballot is necessary to the secure enjoyment
of all other rights, and as it is admitted that
Congress has the power to pass laws to protect
the freedman in his person and property, it
must have the power to protect him In the exer
else of the elective franchise.
Nor is Senator Yates disturbed by the cry that
his demand is impracticable-that such mea-
sure cannot be carried.
GAS tor me- would rather face tho music and
meet the responsibility like man, and send TO the
people OF the State of Illinois the boon OF universal
suffrage and of Iull and complete emancipation,
han meet the taunt OF Northern demagogues that
would force suffrage upon North Carolina, and Ten
nessee, ana Delaware, while had not the courage
tu prescribe 1t for our Wn Iree States Sir, IL Will
be The CRIME OF the century If now, having the
power, as we clearly have, we lack the nerve to do
the work that is gwen US to do.
"Let me say TO my Republisan friends, you are too
late. You have gone too far TO receoe now. -Four
million people, one-seventn OF your whole popula-
ton you have set tree. Will you stand back ap-
palled at the enchantment wand has
called upy The sequences of your own teachings
are upon you AS for me, start not back appalled,
when universal suffi age confronts me. When the
bloody gho.t Of slavery rises, i say, Shake your
CORY locks at me; did IT. L accept the situation.
fight not against the logic of events the DEGREES
of Providence. expected it, Sir and meet II hail
way. am for universal suffrage, bid 1t all hail"
The speech is throughout in the same cou-
rageous and hopeful tone, confident of the
future land of the malienable fidelity of the
people to the idea of political equality.