Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1866-02-23
BRATTLEBORO, VT, FRIDAY,

vidual man, and still more IN nation. Just
iea gives life, and progress, and glory false
conception portends disaster, shame, and death.
hundred and twenty years ago, West Jer-
sey Quaker wrote: "ths trade of importing
slaves is dark goomEess hanging over the
land the consequences will be grievous to pos
terity" At the North the growth of slavery
was arrested by natural causes in the region
nearest the tropics it lhrove rankly, and work.
ed itself into the organism of the rising States.
Virginia stood between the two with soil, and
climate, resources demanding free labor, and
yet capable Of the profitable employment OF the
slave. She was the land of great statesmen /;
and they saw the danger of her being whelmed
under the rising food in time to struggle
against the delusions of avarce and pride
Ninety-four years ago, the Legislature of Vr-
ginia addressed the British king, saying that
the trade in slaves was "of great inhumaniiy,"
was opposed to the security and happiness"
of their constituents, "would in time have the
most destructive Influence" and "endanger
their very existence" And the king answered
them, that "upon pain oi his highest displeas-
ure, the importation of slaves should not be in
any respect obsirucied." "Phatsaicsl Britain"
wrote Franklin in behalf of Virginia "to pride
thyself in setting free a single slave that hap
pened to land on thy coasts, while Thy laws con-
tinue traffic whereby SO many hundreds Of
thousands are dragged into slavery that is
entaed on their posteriy." "a serious view
of this subject" said Patrick Henry in 1873,
"gives gloomy prospect to future times" In
the same year George Mason wrote to the Leg
islature of Virginia 1.-The laws OF impartial
Providence may avenge our injustice upon our
posterity." In Virginia, and in the Continent
al Congress, Jefferson, with the approval of
Edmund Pendleton, branded the slave trade as
piracy; ard he fixed in the Declaration of In
dependence as the corner stone of America /:
"Al men are created equal, with on unalienable
right to liberty" On the first organization Of
temporary governments for the continental do
main Jefferson but for the default of New Jer-
sey, would, in 1874, have consecrated every
part of that territory to freedom. In the form
alton of the national Constitution Virginia, OPP
posed by part of New England vainly strug
| ged to abolish the slave trade at once and for
ever; and when the ordinance of 1877 was in
troduced by Nathan Dane, without the clause
prohibiting slavery, it was through the favora-
BILE disposition Of Virginia and the South that
the clause of Jefferson was restored, and the
whole Northwestern Territory-al the terrific
ry that then belonged to the nation--was re-
served for the labor of freemen.
DESPAIR OF THE MEN OF THE REVOLUTION.
The hope prevailed in Virginia thai the abo-
| llion of the slave trade would bring with it
the gradual abolition of slavery; but the ex-
pectation was doomed TO disappointment. In
suDporting.incipien measures for emancipation
Jefferson encountered difficulties greater than
he could overcome; and after vain wrestlings,
the words that broke from him, 81 tremble for
my country, when | reflect that God is Just,
that his justice cannot sleep forever" were
words of despair. 1t was the desire of Wash
ngton's heart that Virginia should remove
slavery by public act and as the prospects
of general emancipation grew more and more
dim he, in utter hopelessness of the action OF
the State, did all that he could by bequeathing
freedom to his own slaves Good and true
men had, from the days of 1776, thought of
colonizing the negro in the home of his ances-
tors. But the idea of colonization was thought
to increase the difficulty of emancipation and
| in spite of strong support, while it accomplish
ed much good for Africa, it proved impractical
BILE as a remedy. Madison, who in early life
disliked slavery so much that he wished "to de-
pend as little as possible on the labor OF slaves;
Madison, who held that where slavery exists
''the republican theory becomes faacious !;
Madison, who in the last years Of his life would
not consent 10 the annexation of Texas, lest his
countrymen should fill it with slaves Madison
who said, "slavery is the greatest evil under
which the nation labors, a portentous evil, an
evil-moral, political and economical-a sad
blot on our free country" went mourniully in
to old age with the cherries words: "No sat
isfactory plan has yet been devised for TAXI ng
out the stain"
NEW VIEWS OF SLAVERY.
The men of the Revolution passed away.
new generation sprang up, impatient that al
institution 10 which they clung should be con
demned as inhuman, unwise and unjust; il
the lhroes of discomfort at the self-reproach o
their fathers, and blinded BY the lustre of wealtl
to be acquired by the cllture of n new staple
they devised the theory that slavery, whcl
they would not abolish, was not evil, but good
They turned on the friends of colonization, ant
confidently demanded "Why take black mel
from a civilized and Christian country, wher
their labor is a source of immense gain and
power to control the markets of the world, ant
send them to a land Of Ignorance, idolatry, ant
insoence, which was the home OF their foreta
thers, but not theirs ? Slavery is IA blessing
Were they not in their ancestral land naked
scarcely lifted above brutes, ignorant of th
course of the sun, controlled by nature? An,
in their new abode, have they not been laugh
, to know the difference of the seasons, TO ploug
) to plant and reap, to drive oxen, to tame th
) horse, to exchange their scanty dialect for th
richest of all The languages among men, an
the stupid alteration of follies for The purest re
t ligion? And since slavery is good for th
blacks il is good for their masters, bringin
t opulence and the opportunity OF educating
E race. The slavery of the black is good in ilsel
. he shall serve the white man forever" An
4 nature, which better understood the quality c
heeting interest and passion, laughed, as
caught the echo: "man" and "loreyer! !"
SLAVERY AT HOME.
J A regular development of pretensions 70
: lowed the new declaration with logical consi'
! tency. Under the old declaration every one
, the States had retained, each for itself, III
{ { right of manumilting all slaves by an ordinar
: act Of legislation; now, the power of the pee
= pie over servilude through their egislatur,
y was curlailed. and the priviles sed class was swi
!, in imposing legal and constitutional obslru
' ' lions on the people themselves. The power
= emancipation was narrowed or taken ava
. The slave might not be disquieted by education
), There remained an unconiessed conscious n e
y y that the system of bondage was wrong, and
y restless memory that it was at variance with Il
- true American tradition. its safety was thereto
!! to be secured by political organization. III
= generation that made the Constitution Toe
= care for the predominance of freedom in Coz
gress, by the ordinance of Jefferson; the ne
= school aspired to secure for slavery and equa
- " of votes in the Senate and while il hint,
at an organic act that should concede to Il
collective South a veto power on national lie
10 slaton, il assumed that each State separate
hal the right to revise and nulify laws of q
ot United States, according to the discretion
ID its judgment.