The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1866-06-09


cause and if we forget not our passions anu
,,re;ndices can we reasonably expect them to
fnrSet and forgive? As long as there IS a
noiit,caI sympathy manifested by the South
For secession and its leaders, 1t Will increase
the tendency to radicaism at the NORTH
These two sectional feelings by operating up
ON each other produced the rebellion, and
thew are now in the way of reconciliation ;
and conservative men should alike oppose
both. if they expect a speedy and complete
reunion of the nation.
President johnson has often expressed the
opinion that the work of reconciliation can
only be effected by the Enthusiastically loyal
men at the South. Who are these snm ms
takably loyal menu They are those who
now have no political sympathy with the
principles and leaders of the late rebellion,
butwho earnestly desire the prosperity OF the
whole country and the perPetulty OF the
Union These men are now denouhced us
being untrue to their section and unworthy
of public confidence, by men who claim TO
be the peculiar friends of the President, ana
they appeal to the people to sustain them
because they were active in the rebellion dnd
thus true to their country. The President
has not and never will have any sympathy
with such men. He has suffered and sacri-
feed too much for the Union to be in accord
with men who once hated it, and who now
fear but do not love it.
desire no political prescription, but the
peace of the country requires that those men
who glory in their secession ideas, and claim
that they are the true patriots at the South
should stand aside until the work OF restora-
ton is completed. Then we can have an
open field and fair fight and let the people
decide who were the best friends of the coun-
try, those who preferred and obtained sublu
cation, or those who wished an honorable
peace and restoration to the Union.
The President in his plan of restoration
laid down another test of loyalty. The acGr
debt must not be assumed By the rebel States
1t would be difficult fer us to satisfy the
country that we were loyal, if we had ac-
knowledged as just debt incurred IN an
attempt to overturn the government. inns
was a part of our treason, and 1t was strong
power in the gigantic rebellion, and 1t IS but
right and Just that it should perish with the
rebellion. In this respect we have fully and
promptly done our duty. As to the debt in
CURED in acts of necessity and charity, and
in the proper discharge ofthe civil functions
of the State government, it ought to lie left
to future legislation, when it can be calmly
considered and properly adjusted. Our peo-
pie ought not now to be burdened with tax
alton for the payment of any old debts as 1t
will be difficult for them to meet present OBJ
legations Let us hope that our posterity
will be prosperous, and able to meet the
honest and loyal obligations which we incur
red. In refusing to assume the war debt we
gave the highest possible evidence Of our
loyalty. 1t involved the destruction of our
public credit of which we had long been
justly proud. 1t swept away all Of our pub
lie charities, our banks and private fortunes,
and left thousands of widows and orphans,
the helpless objects of charity. If our State
is fully restored to the blessings of the Union,
these pecuniary losses will soon be forgotten
in the peace, security, happiness and pros
perity of the future.
The restoration policy of the President
required the emancipation of slavery
Slavery was the prime cause of the rebellion.
1t was the stake we ventured in our appeal
to arms After long and fearful struggle
we have lost the stake, and we should yield
it up fully and cheerfully. The Southern
people were always unnecessarily sensitive up
on this question. 1t was safe under the con-
stitution, and could never have been destroy
ed without a revolution in the government
The Supreme Court had solemnly adjudica-
ted and established the proper status of
slavery, and the government had always |
faithfully endeavored to protect it. Politi-
clans made it hobby and by frequent agi- |
tatiUn produced strong feeling of sectional |
alienation which led to a terrible war
This question should now be settled forever. |
A large part of the Christian world was OPP |
posed to slavery, and it was only maintained !
at the South by the protection Of tie con- |
stitution.
In yielding up this question we should |
also properly recognize the consequences |
which necessarily follow. By the action of
the government the slave became a freeman, |
and it was but proper that the government |
should demand for him the cicH rights of |
freeman. The great fundamental rights to
which every freeman is entitled is the |
right of personal security, the ri ght of per- |
sonal liberty and the right of private pro-
perry" If the Southern people, after the |
surrender had by proper legislation prompt
ly guaranteed these rights to the freedmen,
the government would have been satisfied,
and even radicalism would have been quiet
But we permitted our old prejudices to con-
troll our action, and thus we kept alive and
strengthened the spirit of radicalism at the
North. The President gave us his wise and
kind counsel, but we needed him not He
asked us to hold up his hands in his great
contest for our rights, but we failedto do so,
and now radicalism has triumphed We re-
fused to grant negro rights, and we may now
have to take negro equality.
Why should our legislators be so reluctant
to allow the negro to sue and testify in our
Courts in cases in which he has an interest
He is entitled to the protection of the law,
and this Is the only means of obtaining it.
With learned and upright judges and honest
juries, have no fear that the white man
will ever suffer wrong from negro testimony
I have long thought that the rules of evil
dence ought to be so modified as to do away
with most of the objections to the compe-
tency of a witness and allow him to go before
the Courts upon his credit. The object of
every Court in a legal investigation ought to
be to find out the truth, and do justice to the
parties litigant, and it matters not whether
the truth comes from white or black lips.
As to negro suffrage, that is entirely diff
ferent question: The right to regulate suf-
frage certainly belongs to the States, and any
interference upon this subject by Congress is
an unwarranted usurpation of power. The
right of suffrage is founded upon the idea
that the elector understands the true theory
OF the government and can make wise Sc
lection of his representative. This right is
refused to boys until they arrive at the age
OF legal maturity. 1t is denied to woman,
no matter how intelligent, because their pro-
per sphere is the household and there thew
are supreme. We love them with all our
hearts, but they cannot be trusted with too
much power, for fear that there may not be
a proper equilibrium in society. This right
is also denied t0 foraiornarc for lir,i+ol