, 1866-06-08

we think the result will be, on the whole.
10 make an arbitrary division of North
and South Germany, the group Of States
round Prussia and Hanover going neces-
sarlly with Prussia, and the States com
manded by Austria and Bavaria adhering
to Austria. We do not mean that the
two Empires will be united either under
one Sovereign or in one Confederation.
But # they are dragged into the war
they must take part with their neigh
which Mettcrnich applied the term) be-
ing merely a geographical expression,
must obey the laws Of geography.
From a political point Of view there
might seem to be another alternative.
All Germany is agreed in exccrating a
civil war, aud would gladly agree in OPP
posing the man by whom the offence
came. The people know what it is TO
have dragons quartered on them, and
their eXecration of the First Napoleon
for bringing war into Germany is almost
us fresh as ever. To the immense maio-
rity of Germans Italy is Indifferent, TO a
large majority she is hateful. 1t was
with difficulty that Germany was re-
strained from taking part with Austria in
1859; the feelingi in misunderstanding LON
hardy was strong, and that in favour of re-
tanning Venice ever now amountsto amania.
Combining all these forces, the hatred of
civil war, the hatred Of italian freedom,
the hatred of the Napoleon family, and
the hatred of Bismark, we might have a
very strong party to throw into the scale
against Prussia. Even those who have
hitherto been the u%ntiring advocates of
Prussian supremacy shrink from advan-
cling the supremacy of Prussia under its
present ruler. The proposal for a Prus-
sian Parliament, which was received with
wild enthusiasm even in Munich, fell
coldly on the ears of trained politicians,
because of the character Of lis promoter.
Yet we fear that if Prussia once begins
to act, all these scruples will be forgot
ten. The Germans will think only of
their former poWerlessness, and will hail
any opportunity Of escape from it. They
will think, as the Prussian Liberals have
often thought of Pfussian supremacy,
that it is better to have a strong govern
mcnt under Bismark, than to wait for a
better leader. Bismark will pass away,
but what he has won will remain while
the better leader may keep his oath, but
may want the will or the strength TO adj
vance the nation. This will no doubt be
the conclusion formed by the Liberal
friends of Prussia. They detest Count
Bismark, but they would like him to do
their work, Just as the lords debtors may
lave objected to the unjust steward on
principle, but were quite ready to have
their bills reduced. But this rule does
not apply to any part of South Germany.
If it applied to anyit would be to Baden,
which is the stronghold of the National
Verein, aud the Government of which is
highly Liberal and intensely Protestant.
We may conceive that Baden would
gladly side with Prussia, but It's situation
puts it out of the question. Divided
from Prussia by Wurtemburg and Bava-
ria, and from the Pfussian-Rhenish pro-
vinces by the Bavarian Palatinate, Baden
is thrown into the arms of the South,
with the overwhelming forces of her two
Southern neighbours to keep her in order
Even thus she is more fortunate than the
Northern States which may happen to
differ from Prussia. Saxony, with her
25,4O0 men, her open frontier towards
Prussia, her Catholic King ruling a Pro-