The Highland weekly news. [volume] (Hillsborough [Hillsboro], Highland County, Ohio) 1853-1886, 1866-05-24
lFrom Horpers Weekly, May i2th
The Congressional Plan of IIe.
OrRRniZaftOn

w US W JuSllly lOpe VI lnb UlOSL truly |,
intelligent and patriotic persons that Con-
gress would propose no policy upon which
the whole Union party of the country, in
Guiding the President, might not agree
Some concessions of opinion were inevita-
Bile upon all sides. Those who held with
Mr. THADDEUs STEVENS that there should
be general contiscation, or with Mr.. SUM-
NER that impartial suffrage should bo inn
mediately established throughout the coun-
try, or with the President that no farther
conditions whatever were necessary, must
have seen that the opinion of the country
did not support them, and that all must
meet upon some firm and moderate middle |
| ground such as the Committee now offer.
The objection TO what is called the Presi- |
dents policy is plain and conclusive. 1t |
is that, by allowing the late rebel States to |
resume their full relations in the Union |
Immediately, and without further provision, |
those States would have actually gained |
political power by the rebellion. This |
gain arises from the fact that every colored |
man, as slave, counted as three-fitths of a |
man in the basis of representation; but as
n freeman he counts as five-fifths. In a
State like South Carolina, therefore, where
the colored population is half or even more
that half of the whole, and where that half
is disfranchised, every voter has practically
twice the power of voter in State like
Justice so conspicuous as to demand in
stant adjustment.
On the other hand, the objection to the
imposition ofcqual suffrage by the National
Government as a precedent condition of re-
; sumption of full rights in the Union, is
practical and twofold. In the first place,
it is hardly to be presumed that the States
which prohibit equal suffrage, or deny it TO
a colored skin altogether, would insist upon
Il
, in the second place, such a proposition
, would have been very widely regarded as
a radical blow at the most sacred of State
I rights, and a contamination of centraliZa-
ton. Moreover, there are many of the
most faithful and liberty-loving Union men,
who are steady advocates ofequal suffrage,
+ and who, under the circumstances, do not
, doubt the entire competency of Congress to
II require this or any other condition which
d might seem to ii necessary, but who doubt
the wisdom of this method, and question
the eXpediencvof such requirement and
q who could not therefore heartily sustain
it.
$ But we see no good reason for supposing
\ that all reasonable and patriotic men should
. not sincerely unite upon the propositions
presented. They have reference exclusive
!, ly to national relations. They do not in
4 terfere in the State economy, except in de.
. fence Of national rights. They declare
q simply, in the first place, that no State
shall abridge the privileges of citizens o
the United States. Such u proposition il
h its own irresistible argument. A citizen o
" this country should be equally a either
every where in it this is plain, and there
a fore all his civil rights as n citizen of the
n United States should be sacred wherever
the national flag floats Can the Presi-
e dent, with all his warm convictions of the
II sanctity of States, object to SO obviously
just provision?
}, In the second place, whenever the cleo
tive franchise shall be denied to any por
ton of the male citizens of a State who are
t of age, except for crime or participation ir
e the rebellion, the basis of representation
shall be reduced in the proportion which
u the number of such male citizens shal
bear to the whole number of male citizens
not less than twenty-one years of age. Ir
y other words, if South Carolina shall choose
& to dsfranchise 100, 900 other citizens because
of their color, or New York shall choose tC
l. do the same thing because of want of prop
erty, then each of those States shall suffer
in the national representation just in tina
IL proportion. Such a provision stimulates
d every State to enlarge the suffrage, and tC
extend education in order to make the suf
. frage safe. 1t is strictly harmonious will
g. the Presidents expressed wish to base rep
=, resentation upon the number of voters.
- In the third place, the Committee recon-
1t mend that until the 4th of July, 1870, fou
- years hence, all persons who voluntarily
~ adhered to the rebellion shall be excluded
n from voting at national elections. Thi
article we presume is introduced to embod'
the Presidents desire that "treason shal
be made odious," and that in the grea
work of reorganization the late rebel lead
ers shall "take back seats" In his FIRE
ftnpnt and ynhnmnnt axnrpSGiOn a Of that do
sire the President unquestionably spok
d for the loyal country, and his sentiment
n are still further Incorporated in the pre-
posed bill to render certain of those leader
IL ineligible to office under the government
of the United States. This third propos
ton is the one which seems to MS likely
ld occasion most difference of opinion. Thr
ct IL is In strict accordance with Presider
IT, JoHNsoNs frequent suggestions is true, bu
of it is point of doubtful policy, not esser
- tial to the general plan, and, it seems to u
Ie- might be safely omitted.
. The fourth proposition Is n matter
of course, that neither the United States M
20. any State shall assume to pay any debt il
n Cured in aid of the rebellion, or for an
- claim for compensation of loss of slave
&C. and Congress is authorized to enforce IL
tn provisions of this article.
ap These are the propositions Of the Con
IRE mittee which we trust will be unanhnou
-; ly adopted by the Union vote in Congress
:, because they are perfectly just and mode
III, ate, and because they do not claim to res
he more than has been sown. They simp
be define and secure the legitimate result
of the war as recognized by the general co
or yiction of the loyal country, and as it h
"a been often strongly stated by Preside
el' JOHNSON. They contain nothing vindi
DIS, tive and if the Government of the Unit
M States has any right whatever to do al
,en thing whatever to prevent the late reh
.ho States from gaining political power by the
i1 rebellion, it may challenge the whole wor
lut and its late domestic enemies to show al
yer thing unprecedented, unjust, or ungene
ian Gus in the settlement 1t proposes. We b
nd leve that the vast body of the Union par
~, of the country, which carried the war 81
'hS cessfully to tho end, and which trump
all antly elected Lincoln and Johnson, W
most cordially sustain this policy of rec
ganization and gladly appeal to the cou
yed try to ratify it. And however anxious
ret President may be TO see loyal men fro
. the late disturbed States admitted to Co
oeu gress we shall be very slow to believe IL
he will refuse his sincere cooperation L
led plan which does not conflict with any
md his known opinions, and which secures [
tba admission of loyal members to Congr,
with the heartfelt welcome and eongrat