The national Republican. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1866-1870, 1866-04-26
SUFFRAGE IN THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA.

Inc WHlIH DuooNu thO llOust hcdIl1
two months since, providing universal suf-
frage for the District Of Columbia, has been
quietly laid away in the files Of one of the
Senate committees, and has not as yet been
acted upon. It is rumored by the CORE
spondents Of various papers that the subject
is soon TO be called up, when the House bill
will be approved by the Senate. The reason
given for this spasmodic revival Of interest
in the welfare Of the colored man is to dis
cover who is the best friend" of the negro
race.
The President. in his remarks to the
black people Of this District a few days ago,
said they would find out in time "who were
their real friends" The Senate, being ex-
ceedingly anxious to have this all-impOrtant
matter settled, proposes, as we are told by
those in the confidence Of that august body,
to put through the most obnoxious presents
ton Of the suffrage question that could be
devised, with the expectation that The Pres
IDESr will veto it, so that then they can ex-
claim, There we told you SO; now see who
are your friends~
Before this melancholy game of using an
unfortunate race for party ends and to make
party capital is carried out to its fatal re-
suits, we wish to put in an honest plea for the
roal xrnlfara odvoncn,nant ond ,;ok., 81 A.
deserving colored population of this District
We are most decidedly of the opinion that
nothing will prove so injurious to this part of
our population as to make them the pup
pets" of political shows and intrigues No
true friend Of the negroes would ever desire
to see them tossed about like shuttlecock
from one political battledore to another; yet
that is precisely what their pre-emnent
champions seek to do in the Senate of the
United States. We are, as we have ever
been, in favor Of extending suffrage to the
black people here, on the conditions which
The president Of the United States has said
he would advocate for that people in Tennes-
see: first, to those who can read and write max
ing basis Of intelligence; second, those who
have served in the armies of the nation, max
ing the basis of patriotism; and third, those
who have certain real or personal possessions
making basis of property. This is qualified
or limited suffrage, as distinct from universal
suffrage. We are unhesitatingly in favor of
the former, and as unequivocally opposed to
the latter.
We hold the elective franchise to be O
trust delegated by the compact of society to
the person, and not a right inherent in the
individual. We hold, also, that it can only
be safely delegated to the male population
Of a prescribed age, and with the incidents
or qualifications above mentioned; and We
think as q matter of justice there should bC
no discrimination between races, and no dis
tinction because of diversity in color Man
hood with capacity, and that capacity to bt
determined by its possessions, its service, OIL
its intelligence is our suffrage platform. Al
the same time, we deny the right of Congress
TO touch, NEEDLE with, or regulate this mat
ter in the States. To do SO is an assumption
Of authority without shadow of sanction
and an interference with the reserved right!
Of communities unjustifable as 0 principle
and injurious as policy. But Congress hal
tlG unquestioned power and we concedC
the right, to make laws for this District. i
has the right Il, enfranchise the black people
in it. Now, knowing there exists among thu
white people of this locality : bitter and, as il
seems to us, an unwise prejudice aga. INST an!
grant OF suffrage to the colored people
knowing there is a great doubt in all por.
tons of the country against this extension,
and that out of the twenty-five States which
Congress permits to be in this Union but
one fifth recognize this privilege for the
negro, knowing that vast majority of the
whole people are rooted in their opposition to
~ ouuEuBtJ anu KNOW
ing that The President stands by the funda,
mental idea that the organic laws made for a
people should be originated or accepted by
those who are to live under and obey them,
we ask, in the utmost candor, if the proressed
friends of the black race in Congress should
not strive to adopt some measure which
might bestow this great boon of franchise
upon the non-yoting class which would not
only receive the sanction of The President
and the efiicacious weight of his personal and
public influence, and the general assent of the
people Of America, but at the same time be as
little objectionableas possibe to the older Cit,
zens Of the Districtby whose side this cassis to
vote, and with whom they are to live and find
employment That such measure can be
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