The home journal. (Winchester, Tenn.) 1858-188?, 1866-11-24

| DN j llOUrht we SilOU!u sVcNTe ~
ncwed Union. tirmer and more stable
than the old and that thus the great
war party would show itsrlfa still great,
cr peace party and the priceless bcr'
tagc Of our fathers be handed down un
lctormed by the passions and unstan-
ed by the blood and dust OF the great
conflict. But, sir, | was doomed to a
sad disappointment, and while ] can
not but admit, 50 long as | feel human
passion and experience the prejudlce'
and bitterness and eyaspcration neccs'
sariy engendcrcd by long and bitter
war, that we should deal most tendcrly
with I'm error which encloses in it 50
much Of the necessities Of human ma
ture say, sir, must always think
that the Republican party, as now di-
rcctcd, has rcnouncpd its true destiny,
rclnuuishcd the untarnish&ble glory
within its grasp, and for the miserable
mess Of temporary powcrand ephemer-
al applause, hartercd its priceless birth
right to stand on the page OF history
as the great and bcniilcent party which
was able to carry through revolution
and yet rcstore to the people their an
ccstrll frame Of constitutional govern
mcnt uuhrokcn and uniInpaired. Theirs
might-thcirs should have been the
spotlcss fame Of Washington-to-day
an impartial historian may well dread
for them the inperishabje iniamy of q
Rohcspicrrc.
Where was The danger in following
the precedents and verifying the sol
cmn declarations Of its earlier and bet
ter day? The path was plain. Presi-
dent Lincoln in his first inaugural set
his foot upon it and to the end trod
firmly forward in it. This WAS, he said,
an insurrectlon in certain States, pre-
venting the execution Of the United
States laws therein and overpowering
the law-ahidjng portion Of the commu-
nifty. 1t was his duty as executive
magistrate to see those laws enforced
and he did so at any cost OF treasure
and blood. The war once owe, by the
suppression of the insnrrecl'on, the
loyal people Of the States were to re-
t I'm at once to their old relations as
soon rs ther govc nmenjs coal bcrc
organized. The gllin,, might OF course
lie punished, but the schem, Of impos-
ing conditions upon States not contcm-
plated by the Constitution formed no
part Of the policy Of restoration OF Lin
coin. No, gentlemen, the great Pres
idcnt surely remembered well how the
Convention which nominated him re
solved, :. IiIat the maintanance invio-
late of the rights Of each State TO or
der all control its own donest,r !nst!
tututlons according to its own judG-
mcnt exclusively, is essentiel to that
ta.ance Of power on which the pericc-
ton endurance Of our pOltlral tahi'ic
depends, And in his first inaugural he
said, II now rciteratc these SENT
ments; and in doing SO only press
upon the public attention tie most con
elusive evidence Of which the case is
susceptible, that the property, peace
and security Of no section are to be i'll
any wise endangered by the new in
coming administration. "lt BY 'Hcre
force Of numbers Il majority should Dc
prive q minority OF any clearly written
Constitutional. right, it might i'll NOR,
al point Of view justify revolution; it
certainly would if such point were e
vital case"
But after the war was ended new
policy, never sanctioned by him, and
based upon the idea, not of a rcstora-
ton Of the Cnion, but upon the recon
struction ofa Union substantially diff
ierenr from the one when slavery had
strivcn in vain to overthrow, was orig
mated by extreme men in Congress,
and has gro wn to be the acliuo wlriged
theory of the dominant majority This
new revolution differs from the old in
this, that, whereas, the Union Of the
fathers was based upon the corhef-
stone d! equal rights, mutual 'conce''
sion, free adhesion, and cheerful 60
operation, resting on the foundation Of
a substantially univc"aa! fellowship an"
common interest, the latter day doc
trine spr.n.s from fear and u'stf''st,
and rests upon the prmoval roc& Oh
conquest, and the time honored claim
of the conIulror III war to impose
terms upon the captive and the con
quercd. Now, my friends, there is Il
very marked difference between these
two schemes Of national policy, and
to day we are called upon to say which
one we prefer as our security for the
future. The demand Of Congress for
additional guarantees, is more radical
than we sometimes think. 1t amounts
to rebuilding ofour Government upon
an essentially new plan. The central
idea of the old was u voluntary com
pact, the plan OF the new is compulso-
nv cohabitation. The insurfcctionary
States ter pacllication, were ready to
perform their duties under the old con
tract, and Pre- 5idcnt Lincoln was ready
anu MI, JOlusOl ID nov lttttiJ W biiO"
them 50 to do; but Congress says no
you have done what we always said
YOU never could do, anu what our peo-
pie spent their fortunes and gave their
lives to prevent your doing;yo have
ruined the old UniOn--cracked its walls
so that sc dare dwell there no longer;
you shall agree to come with us INTO
our new Union, or we will have no
Union ut all, but We will live within the
walls and you shall dwell Without
This, in plain terms is the meaning of
the amendment which is offered to lis
now for our adoption. 1t rests not on
the old theory oil general assent, but
upon the recent doctrine Of war pow
ere and the rights of conquest.
Now which plan shall We prefer? Ii
says plainly, We have conquered yon,
We fear to etyon return u TIE Old vol
untary ~ rec ient. the bond Oi COMMON