The Plymouth weekly Democrat. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1860-1869, 1866-02-22

ARE We ENGAGED WAR !!

a tribunal within State is warranted as a
measure of war, the question Immediately
presents itself whether We are engaged in
war. Let us not unnecessarily disturb
the commerce and credit and industry of
the country by declaring to the American
people and the world that the United
States are still in a condition of civil war.
At present there is no part ofour country
in which the authority of the United
States is disputed. Offences that may be
committed by individuals should not work
a forfeiture of the rights of whole cons
munities. The country has entered, or is
returning to, a state ofpeace and industry,
and the rebellion Is in fact at an end The
measure, therefore, seems to be O.; mcon.
sistent with the actnsi condition of the
country as it is at variance with the Con-
stitution of the United States.
NO NECESSITY FOR THE ENLARGEMENT
OF THE BUREAUS POWERS.
If, passing from general considerations,
We examine the bill in detail, it is open to
weighty objections In time of war it was
essentially proper that we should provide
for those who were passing suddenly from
a condition bondage to state of freedom.
This bill proposes TO make the Freedmen s
Bureau, established by the act Of 1868, as
one of many great and extraordinary mills
tary measures to suppress formidable re-
belion, permanent branch of the public
administration, with its powers greatly en-
larged. l have no reason to suppose, and
| do not understand it 10 be alleged. that
the act of March, 1865, has proved deficient
for the purpose FOR which it was passed,
although at that time, and for considera-
bic period thereafter, the Government of
the United States remained unackn5wl>
edged in most of tie States whose inhabi-
tants had been involved in the rebellion.
The institution of slavery, for the military
reduction Of which the Freedmen s Bureau
was called into existence as an auxiliary
force, has been already effectually and fin
ally abrogated throughout the whole COINS
try by an amendment of the Constitution
Of the United States, aud practically Its
eradication has received the assent and
concurrence of most of those States In
which it at any time had existed. | am
not, therefore, able to discern in the coun-
try anything to Justify an apprehension
that the powers and agencies of the Freed>
men Bureau, which were effective for the
protection of freedmen and refugees during
the actual continuance of hostilities and of
African servtude, will now, in time OF
peace, and after the abolition of slavery
prove inadequate TO the same proper ends.
If | am correct in these views there can
be no necessity for the enlargement of the
powers of the Bureau, for which provision
IS made in the bill.
SUPPORT AND EDUCATION OF FREED
MEN.
. The Sd section of the bill authorizes a
general, unlimited amount of support to the
destitute and suffering refugees and freed>
men, and their wives and children. Sue
ceeding sections make provision for the
rent or purchase Of landed estates for freed
men and for the erection, for their benefit, OF
suitable buildings for asylums aud schools,
the expenses to be betrayed from the treas
ury of the whole people. The Congress Of
the United States has never heretofore
thought itself competent to establish any
such laws beyond the limits of the District
Of Columbia, except for the benefit OF our
disabled soldiers and sailors 1t has new
er founded schools for any class of our own
people not even for the orphans of those
who have fallcu in the defence of the
Union, but has left the care of their edu>
cation to the mach more competent and
efficient control of the States, of commu
mites of private associations, aud OF midi
yiduals. 1t has never deemed itself au-
thorizcd to expcnd the public money tor
the rent or purchase of houses for the
thousands. not 10 say millions, OF the white
race who are honestly toiling from day to
day for their subsistence. \ system for
the support Of INDECENT persons in the
United States was never contemplated by
the authors of the Constitution, nor can any
good reason be advanced why, as perma-
nent establishment, it should be founded
for one class or color of our people more
than for another Pending the war, many
refugees and freedmen received support
from the Government, but it was never
intended that they should hencetorth be
fed, clothed, and sheltered by the United
States The idea on which the slaves were
assisted to freedom was, that, on becoming
free, they would be self-sustaining pop
ulation. Any legislation that shall imply
that they are not expected to attain a self
sustaining condition must have tendency
injurious7alike to their character and their
prosperity.
The appointment of an agent for every
county and parish will create an immense
patronage, and the expense of the numer-
Gus officers and their clerks, to be appointed
by the President. will be great in the be-
ginning, with tendency steadily to in
crease The appropriations asked ~ the
Freedmen's Bureau rs now established, Tor
the year 1866, amount to Sll ,14o, l0J.-
1t may be safely estimated that the cost to
be incurred under the pending bill will re-
quirc double that amount-more than the
entire sum expended in any ono year I'M
the administration of the second Adams
If the presence of agents in every parish
and county is to be considered war meas
uro opposition, or even resistance, might
be provoked, 80 that, to & i've effect to their
Jurisdiction troops would have to be sta