The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1866-03-30

to execute warrants ard ether processes d.
sirable by the bill.
These numereas official agents are mad
to constitute a sort g police, in addition
the military, and are authorized to suI1mo
posse c0Mitatus, and even to call to the
aid such portion Of the land and naval forcS
OF the United States, or of the militia, s
may be necessary. to the performance Of th
duty with which they are charged.
This extraordinary power Is to be confer
red upon agents irresponsible to Govern
ment, to the people, 10 whose number III
description of the commissioners is the onl
limits, and in whose hands such authorit
might be made terrible engine Of wrong
| oppression and fraud. The general statute
| regulating land and naval forces of tn
| United States, the militia and execution Q
the laws are believed TO be adequate for an,
emergency which can occur in time 0
| peace.
If it should prove otherwise, Congress
can at any time amend those laws in suel
manner as, while subserVing the publil
welfare, not to leopard the rights, interest
and liberties of the people.
! The seventh section provides that fee o
$40 shall be paid TO eseh commissioner il
every case brought before him, and fee o
/ 80 to his deputy or deputies for each person
he or they may arrest aud take before any
such commissioner, with such other fees a.
may be deemed reasonable by such com.
missioner IN general for performing such
olher duties as may be required in the
| premises.
All these fines are ts be paid out of the
Treasury Of the United states, whether there
/ q nNr Tfaffn -. - o
tlonj they are TO be receivable from the de-
tendant. 1t seems to me that under the in
fuence Of such temptations, bad men might
convert any law, however beneficial, into
an instrument of persecution and fraud.
BY the twenty-eighth section of the bill
the United States Courts, which sit only in
one place for white citizens, must migrate
with the Marshal and District Attorneys,
and necessarily with the Clerk, although he
ls not mentioned, to any part of the district,
upon the order of the President, and there
hold a court, for the purpose of the more
speedy arrest and trial Of persons charged
with violation Of this act, and there the
Judge and officers of the court must remain
upon the order of the President for the time
therein designated.
The ninth section authorizes the Presi.
dent, or such person as he may empower for
land or naval forces Of the United States.
or Of The militia, as shall be necessary 10
prevent the violation and enforce the due
execution OF this act. This language seems
TO imply permanent military force that is
to be always at hand, and whose enly busi-
ness IS 10 be the enforcement of this meas
ure over the vast region where it is intended
to operate.
do not prospose to consider the policy
Of this bill. To me the details of the bill
are fraught with evil. The white race and
black race of the South have hitherto lived
together under the relation of master and
slave, capital owning labor. Now that re-
lation is changed, and as to ownership, cspi-
tai and labor are divorced, they stand now
each master of itself.
In this new relation, one being necessary
to the other, there Will be a new adjust
mentJ which both are deeply interested in
making harmonious; each has equal power
IN settling the terms, and if left to the laws
that regulate capital and labor it is conf
IDENTIFY believed that they will satisfactorily
work out the problem.
Capital, it is true, has more intelligence,
but labor Is never so ignorant as not to un-
derstand its own interests, not to know its
own value, as not to see that capital must
pay that value. This bill illustrates this ad-
jus;ment.
1t intervenes between capital aud labor,
and attempts to settle question of political
economy through the agency Of numerous
officials whose interest il will be to fernent
discOrd between the two races, for, as the
breach widens, their employment will con
tinue, and when it is closed, their oceupa-
tion will be gone.
In all our history-in all our experience
as people living under Federal aud State
laW-no such system as that contemplated
by the details of this bill has ever before
been proposed or adopted. They establish
for the security of the colored race safe
guards which go infinitely beyond any that
the General Government has ever provided
for the white race.
In fact, the distinction of race and color
is, by the bill made to operate in favor Of
the colored and against the white race.
They interfere with the municipal legisla-
tion Of the States, with the relations exist
ing exclusively between a State and its citi-
zens. and between the inhabitants Of the
same State and absorption and assumption
OF power by the General Government, which,
If acqHiesced in, must sap and destroy our
tederatiye system Of limited powers, and
break down the barriers which preserve the
rights of the States.
1t IS another step, or rather stride, to
ward Capitalization, and the concentration
OF all legislative powers in the national gov
ernment; the tendency of the bill must be
to resuscitate the spirit of rebellion, and to
arrest the progress Of those influences which
are more closely drawing around the States
the bonds of Union and peace. Ny lamented
predecessor IN his proclamation of the 1st
of January, 1868, ordered and declared that
all persons held as slaves within certain
States ~ nf 4
ted, were and thenceforward should be free.
And further, that the Executive Govern
ment Of the United States, including the
military and naval authorities thereof,
would recognize and maintain the freedom
Of such persons.
This guarantee has been rendered espe-
cially obligatory and sacred By the amend
mept Of the Constitution abolishing slavery
throughout the United States. [ therefore
fully recognize the obligation 10 protect and
defend that class Of our people whenever
and wherever 1t shall become necessary, to
the full extent compatible with the Consti-
tuition OF the United States entertaining
these sentiments,
IL only remains for me to say that will
eheefiully cooperate with Congress in any
measure that may be necessary for the pre-
servatlon OF the civil rights of the freed
men, ss well as those of all other classes Of
persons throughout the United States by
Judicial process under equal and impartial
laws or conformably with the positions Of
the Federal Constitution.
l now return the bill to the Senate, and
regret that in considering the bill and joint
resoluhons-lorty-t in number-which
have been thus far submitted for my ap-
proval, am compelled TO withhold my es-
sent from second measure that has receiv-
ed the sanction of both Houses of Congress.
(5gnedl ANDREW JOHNSON.
Washington, D. c., March 27, 1866.