The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1866-02-01

flow from such AZ indiscriminate eXpen-
diture and demonstrated that national
bankruptcy, crime and speculation must
fo low in the train of such legislation
He proceeded 10 show that il would
break down tie rights OF the States and
ultimately terminate II / great central
power. TOO weak and too corrupt to meet
anv Of tue legitimate objects Of the Gov
eminent = Let the States thus become
dependent said he, on the Federal
Government, and the sovereIgnties OF
which this glorious Union Is composed
VII. ere long sink into petty corpora
tion.-the cringing footstools OF the led
eraI power. the mendicant recipients Of
the iouu.es Of the federal government;
and this federal government itself Will
become 4 grea. consolidated power,
around which the States will rcvolve as
mere satellites receiving from It's
scorching rays their light, heat, and mo
tioa Are We prepared for such state
OF things : Is the Congress OF the nj
ted States, l ask. ready to adopt sys-
TEN which will inevitably bring along
with it such a crushing calamity, such
overwhelming and disastrous ruin
These utterances on free trade, inter
nal improvements and Capitalization,
NAV give useful hints TO the politicians
in Congress, concerning the probable
fate Of some Of their pet schemes of leg
islaticn in favor of special interests
They will do well to remember that Mr.
johnson once made q great speech II
favor of the exercise of the veto power
by the President, in the course, OF which
he said
1t will be seen. from the origin of
the government to the present time, this
power has been exercised twenty five
times The whole number of laws pass
ell from the organization of the govern
ment and approved is about seven thou
sand. which would make one veto TO
every two hundred and eighty-a very
small proportion; and l think l may
appeal with confidence to all those who
are conversant with legislation here,
whether it would not have been better
20 the people and the country if five
thousand out of the seven thousand had
been vetoed l have been thus part;cu-
lar in giving the origin and exercise OF
the veto power, to prove that whenever
it has been exercised in compliance with
the popular will BY tribune or presi-
dent, or any other name you may think
proper to call him, so that he is immedi
ately responsible to the people, it oper-
ates well.
ROUGH TI3IEs IN TENNESSEE.
When we were at Nashville, seven
years ago, anecdotes OF the GOODNESS and
courage of Governor Johnson were
among the current coin Of conversation.
One gentleman, Il political opponent of
the Governor, an eye witness of the oc
currence, told us that q placard was post
ed in the town one morning announcing,
in the well known language of old Ten
nessee, that Andy Johnson was to he
shot = on sight " Friends OF the Gov
ernor as embed at his house, DESTROYS
to form a body guard to escort him to
the State House. No, said he,
gentlemen, if l am to be shot at, |
want 10 man to be in the way of the bull
let ;" He walked alone, with his usual
deliheration, through the streets to his
official apartments at Capitol Hill.
Another eve witness related similar
story. johnson was announced TO speak
on one OF the exciting questions Of the
dar: and loud threats were uttered that
if he dsred to appear, he should not
leave the hall alive a. the appointed
hour he ascended to the platform, and
advancing to the desk, laid his pistol up
on it. He then addressed the audience,
in terms as near like the following as
our informant could recollect:
= Fellow citizens It is proper when
freemen assemble for the discussion OF
important public interests that every
thing should be done decently and in
order. | have been informed that part
of the business to be transacted on the
present occasion is the assassination OF
the individual who now has the honor of
addressing you. | beg respectfully to
propose that this be The first business in
order. Therefore, if any man has come
here tonight for the purpose Indicated.
do not say to him let him speak, but
let him shoot.
Here he paused. with his right hand
on his pistol and the other holding open
his coat while with his eyes he blsndly
surveyed the assembly. After a pause
of half minute. he resumed:
''Gentlemen, il appears that | have
been miSinformed | will now proceed
10 address you on the subject that has
called Us together.
Which he did, with his accustomed
boldCess
MR. JOHNSON on THE PRESIDENCY.
In the Senate lie once gave his opin-
Aoti " VIC tOo ~ SNa-c'ie ISH1CIAS
amongst politicians to seek the Presi-
dency. 1t was in reply to Jefferson
Davis, singular enough, that he made up
on that ambitious politician this retort:
:. We have got to making Presidents
IN modern times, SO that nobody knows
who IS safe. / 90 assure the senator
that prefer to discharge my duty faith
fully rs an honest representative Of the
states or the people. Occupying this
position-the Senate will pardon me for
the expression. and | do not use il in 4
prot2ne sense-when contrastei with
being President of the United States.
say damn the Presidency it is not wor-
thy OF the aspirations Of man who
believes IN doing good, and is in posi-
ton 10 serve his country by populariz-
ing her free institutions.
The Presidency I would rather
be an honest man, an honest representa-
tive. than President CT the United States
forty times. The Presidency is the ab-
sOrbiuC IDEA, the great Asron-S rod thu