The Anderson intelligencer. [volume] (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, 1866-05-03
Nhe Testirnony ofthesV anqlished

our readers, inasmuch as it is doubtless
from the pen of its editor, Nr. Raymond,
who member of the present Con-
gress, and whose opinion of che sphiloso,;
phy" of Mr.. Stephens craftsmanship, and
ssof his testimony before the committee
will, however it may be received in Geor-
3 mia, iin,psessasself largely upon the read
ers of the Times in the North, who num- mum
ber thousands upon thousands. kay
mond, though Republican, is not radl-
cal; and though a supporter Of President
johnson, in his policy of reconstruction,
still clings to his party, and isas hostile
to the democrats as any radical of them
all. He may beset down now as being a
conservative Republican, nothing more,
and Republican he will remain, what
ever changes may take place in parties
North a. =. " -
s,.eaThe same philosophical characteristics
that distinguished the speeches OF Mr..
Stephens, Of Georgia, appear in his testi-
meny, recently given before the Commit
= tee on h6c0HSuFuctioH. ~ oiH.tS WI
strikingly in several respects, and In none
more than in ats vein of philosophy, from
the testimony of General Lee. Les de-
clined to indulge in speculative faneies ];
refused toago below the surface, OF to set
forth anything that was not quite papable
mon the faoe of It., He could hardly be
dawn. into the answering ef questions
Z ;nvolv;nognoIitica views, and was eau
tiousto the last degree as to the torce'
and bearing of every word he uttered.
Stephens WAS more ,open and free, more
explicit and exact, as well as more rheto,
'ricai, less dubious and less fearful !; and
was not backward in exhibiting what OF
course he pessesses-a far more thorough
knowledge z6g political influences and
laws, aildsa far more exteneive apprehen-
sion of the springs of human action end
tho forces that govern the popular will.
The two names just mentioned are
those of the two foremost men in the
Southern States. The testimony of no
other party on parties could be OF equal
importance or historical value, unless it
were that of Jefferson Davis. His testi-
mony, moreover, would have more his
torical interest than practical value. de
ia capable of telling the world some
things about the inside working and ac-
tual condnes Of the rebellion, which we
should probably learn from no other
source; but as he has been kept in close
confinement ever since the fall of the
Confsd deracy, he knows little of the great
moral changes which have come over the
Southern people sintse that time. More
over, it is probable that Davis is now,
among Seutherners, quite exceptional in
his feelings and views. AS the actual
fgurs,heade of 1.-The great Southern Cen
federacy, and it's representative man be-
fore the world, itsis probable-and in
truth we understand it to be a. Sact-that
he still regards himself as the guardian of
taruins, and the sentinel defender of its
wrecked fortunes putative parent and
its inconsolable moarner; he will neither
restrain his bitterness against its destroy
ers nor acquiesee in the DEGREES whose
supremacy is inevitable. This may all
beas pleifll as tits puerile5 butitis what
might have been expected Of Davis, and
what would render any evidence that
might be extracted from him moro en-
tertaining than anything else.
Wssares by mo means committing our
selves to the political philosophy of Ste
-phens, as set forth in his testimony, when
we say that ia many particulars it pos
sesses the characteristics that are ordina-
rily designated statesmanlike. Stephens
displays faith more or less hrm in prin-
ciple, and profound regard for that
which is;expedient. Mistaken frequently
In the apprehension Of truth-as in his
celebrated acorn rner-stone" blunder-he yet
exhibits q perpetual tendency to base
himself on broad and established doc
trines; but, when the application of any
one of those, doctrines to the circumstan-
ces of practical life is palpably impossi-
blea hewould either ignore it altogether,
or, for the, time being. subordinate it,
He declares himself for example to have
sbpen g Union man at the epoch of seees.
sion; but finding secession inevitable and
the Confederacy:an accomplished fact, he
became a leader of the new Confederacy,
in order that hesmight do all in his power
to rescue and perpetuate the principles
established in the old Constitution and
the political forms established in the
original Union. So now, again, he is
still q believer in the Separate sover-
eighty of the several States" though il
will be observed he does not now reiter-
ate as strongly as he proclaimed in the
South. two or three years ago, the ssulti-
mate, absolute sovereignty Of each State;
but while, as he alleges, his convictions
on the original abstract question have
undergone noo change" he accepts the
issue of the war as settling it finally
against his views. We say that, as things
20, views of this style are considered
philosophical enough, and though they
na;tho,. indinatn the claarest initial con.