The spirit of democracy. [volume] (Woodsfield, Ohio) 1844-1994, 1866-02-07
Civil Rights of Negroes.

Inc question:, RnaL Shail De doue Win the
freed negroes of the South? is now not
only agitating the Congress of the United
States, but the entire people of the coun-
try. Nj. Pendletop ssume the position,
and we think rightfully, that prudence,
justice, humanity aud sound policy alike
require that The negro should be protect
ed in his civil rights-leaving his status
to be settled by each State for itself:
CINCINNATI, Dec. %, 1866.
! NATHANIEL b. MEADE, Esq, Win
chester, Va.-My Dear Sir: Your letter
has just como to hand. have been alb
sent from the city a good deal lately. and
this may account for the delay in part
the mails must answer for the rest.
l regret hat / have not a compilation
of the laws of Indiana and Illinois to
send you. / am not familiar with their
provisions in relation to negroes resident
in these States, but | have an impression
that they are more stringent than those of
Ohio
Indeed, in this State, the negro enjoys
practically all civil rights. He may ac-
quire and hold property, make contracts,
sue and be sued, and give testimony in all
courts and il all cases. In some parts of
the State, public schools forthe education
of eolored children are established under
the authority of law, and are supported
by the property levied on the taxes of all
the people of the State, and apportioned
pro rata according to the enumeration of
white and colored children. The laws
which created disabilities on the part of
negroes in respect to these civil rights,
were repealed in the year 1913, after a
contest quite memorable in the history of
the State. Their repeal was looked upon
as a dangerous innovation upon a Just
and Well-settled policy, and vote in that
direction consigned many a member of
the Legislature to the repose of private
life. But | am not aware that any evil
results justified these apprehensions, or
that any effort was ever made to re impose
the disabilities. On the contrary, the
new policy, if | may call it so, has been
found so consistent with justice to the
negroes and the ainterests of the whites,
that no one-certainly no party-in Ohio,
would be willing to abandon it.
My observation of the effect Of such a
policy has been limited to Ohio. I am
we'll aware that q policy well suited to a
State where the negroes are few in num-
Der and generally of good character might
be disastrous in a State where the ne
groes ere very numerous and generally
very ignorant and degraded. | am also
fully aware that a condition Of society
which has existed for centuries leaves
deep impressions on the habits, modes of
thought and character of of a people, and
that it is always unpleasant and frequent
ly unsafe to disregard them. History
teaches in every page that sudden and rad
ical changes, which at once shock deeply
rooted prejudices and go too far, even in
a right direction, are followed by a reac-
ton which leaves the latter state worse
than the first. The wisdom and benef-
Icenee of any change depend upon its en-.
tire fitness in time and manner, and de-
gree, to the condition OF the people upon
whom il operates.
The questions relating to the status of
its inhabitants belong solely to each State.
They lie within the domain of reserved
powers, u5on which neither the Federal
Government nor the other States can law
fully enter.
These considerations constrain me to
speak with difidence of the proper course
to be pursued at this time by the South.
ern States IN relation to their freedmen
That it ought to be humane, and in con.
formity with their changed condition ,and
calculated to give free scope to whatever
capacity for Improvement they may pos.
sess, l do not doubt. Whatever may
have been expedient or necessary in a so.
eicty where the condition of slavery ex.
lists, it does seem to me that justice and
good policy alike require that ample pro
lection should be assured to the person
aud property of the negro wherever he is
recognized as a frceman; | mean that pro
lection, and that sense of protection
which just laws, impartially administered
give to the person !and property of tht
white man. The condition of freedom
depriyes the negro Of that care and pro
lection which the affection and interest o
his master assured him, and impose upol
him the duty to support himself and fam
lily. The full employment of the fruit
of his labor-the right to acquire anc
hold property, to make and enforce con
tracts-is essential to the performance o
this duty. The society which impose
the duty should guarantee the protection
This is simple justice to the negro.
believe that it will at the same time pro
mote the peace and good order of society
and the pleasant and profitable connection
Of the two races in their new relation t
each other.
Tnotice what you say in reference t
the proposition to permit negroes to ties
tify. Many judicious persons agree wit
the opinion you express, but my obserVa
ton and experience have convinced m
that the true rule is to permit all person
to testify, leaving to the Judge or the jur
the question of their %c:edibility. Such
with very inconsiderable exceptions, ha
been the law for ten years, and it has bee
attended with good results. = :
l am very respectfully, your obedien
III
servant, GEO. ID. PENDLEToN.
Fenian Mass Meeting.
BUFFALo, Jan. 26.-1here is a larg
mass meeting in st. James Hall thi
evening HIM A M Clamp. Geners