Juniata sentinel. [volume] (Mifflintown, Pa.) 1846-1873, 1866-11-21
THE CoNSTGTUTIoSAL ANENp-
HESC.

From the Indications, 1t is generally ip-
ferred that the whole body of the south.
ern States, rebel and otherwise, will be
arrayed against the ratification Of the pro-
posed amendment. Over this the cop
perheads rejoice rs though they had
achieved great triumph, and the New
York World defantly calls out that the
south mus; now dictate terms to Us, while
few extreme Republicans eagerly urge
that the amendment having failed, We
must now advance our demands and ac-
cept nsthing short of negro suffrage. We
do not feel inclined to agree that tie
amendment must be given up as failure,
nor dc We thiak that the majority Of The
Republicans in Congress VIII give it up.
Il was the result Of mature deiibcration,
and it contains essential principles which
We cannot under any circumstances afford
to give up. As for allowing the rebel
States to dictate terms Of adjustment, We
would sooner keep them per9etually out
OF Congress than DO it, and if they can
afford to wait we are quite sure that We
can. We 10 not suffer in the slightest
degree from the absence of southern meH
from either House Of Congress, aud ii we
miss the oftrecurrins hint of duel, or the
occasional attack upon northern member
with a cane Or a dinner plate, we dc uot
feel il the least put out by the depriva-
ton.
The southern States are now il the po-
sition Of conquered territories. having no
voice in national affairs, and not likely to
have any, unless they should submit to
the conditions proposed by their conquer
oTs. II they are not admitted into Con-
gress before the Presidential election shall
have been held, they will be deprived Of
all participation in that election by an act
of Congress similar to that which. exelud-
Cd their votes in 1864. Congress un-
d0ubtedly has the power to provide such
governments for them as shall be abl.
and willing 70 protect the Union people
residing within their borders, both white
and black, to suppress the universal brig
andage and lawlessness nov prevalent
there, and to re.establish law and order.
/ we were to put a vote in the reach
Of every negro in the south we have no
assurance that even that would end the
trouble. For these negroes are a minor
ity, and unless reinforced by some party
Of southern whites, they could only pre-
vail in such States as South Carolina and !
Mississippi, and probably not even there,
if the white rufiians were allowed to DOM
mate the polls by force Of arms, after the
Kansas style. But the constitutional
amendment guarantees all the rights Of
the colored population, and makes them
citizens of the republic and of the States
in which they reside. 1t does more. 1t
makes the national citizenship the para
mount duty everywhere, and renders the
State citizenship subordinate TO it, thus
forever abolishing the dangerous heresies
that gave rise to the rebellion. La regard
TO the disfranchisoment section of the
amendment, whether applied to the pres
cnt rebellion or not, we think it should De
against future treason, tor it must be ap-
parent that men would not be so ready TO
rush into revolt we're they sure Of thereby
bauishing themselves fiom public Office
for the rest Of their lives We think, /
also, that the fourth section Of the amend
mcnt is Of great importance in guarding
against the assumption Of the rebel debts
or the reputation of our own, and also
as wise provision to prevent rebellion in
future by rendering it impossible TO negc-
tiatc loan in support thereof. Had it
been known beforehand that such proyis-
ions as these were in the national Cons;-
tuition, the recent in5nirection would have
collapsed in the heginuing, for no rebel
anticipated, in case of failure, either
dislranchisement or the reputation Of tie
rebel debts, believing firmly throughout
that the northern Democrats would join
tho soCth ID resisting hOlL