Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1866-03-01

freedmen and refugees during the actual cont1nu
ance of hostilities and of African servitude, will
now, in time of peace and after the abolition OF
slavery, prove inadequate to the same proper
ends If [ am correct in these views there Can
be no necessity for the enlargement of the powers
of the bureau, for which provision is made in the
bill
The third section of the bill authorizes gene
raj and unlimited grant of support to the desti-
tute and suffering refugees and freedmen, their
wives and children. Succeeding sections make
provision for the rent purchase of landed estates
for freedmen, and for the erection, for their ben
eft, of suitable buildings for asyums and schools
the expense to be betrayed from the treasury of
the whole people. The congress of the United
States has never heretofore thought itself empow-
cred to establish aSylums beyond the limits of
the Distric of Columbia, except for the benefit of
our disabled soldiers and sailors. It has never
founded schools for any class for our own people
not even for the orphans of those who have fallen
in the defence of the Union but has left the care
of education to the much more competent and eff
cient control of the states of communities of pri-
vate associations, and of individuals It has never
deemed itself authorized to expend the public mo-
ney for the rent purchase of homes for the thou
sands not to say millions, of the white race, who
are honestly toiling, from day to day. for their
subsistence A system for the support of INDECENT
persons in the United States was never contem-
plated by the authors of the constitution nor can
any good reason be advanced why, as a permanent
establishment, it should be founded for one class
or color of our people more than another. Pend
ing the many refugees and freedmen received
support of the government, but it never in
tended that they should thencefOrth be fed, cloth
ed educated and sheltered by the United States
The idea which the slaves were assisted to free
dom was, that, on becoming free, they would be
a Self-Sustaining population. Any legislation that
shall imply that they are not expected to attain
self-sustaining condition, must have a tendency
injurious alike to their character and their pros
poets
The appointment of an agent for every county
and parish will create an immense patronage ;
and the expense of the numerous officers and their
clerks, to be appointed by the President, will be
great in the beginning with tendency steadily to
increase. The appropriations asked by the Freed
mems Bureau, now established, for the year
1866, amount to $11, ,745, 900. 1t may be safely
estimated that the cost to be incurred under the
pending bill will require double that amount
more than the entire sum expended in any one
year under the administration of the second
Adams. If the presence of agents in every par
ish and county is to be considered war meas
ure, opposition, OF even resistance might be pro-
voked so that to give effect to their Jurisdiction,
troops would have to be stationed within reach of
every one of them, and thus large standing force
be rendered necessary Large appropriations
would therefore, be required to sustain and en-
force military jurisdiction in every county par
ish from the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The
condition of fiscal affairs is encouraging ; but,
in order to sustain the present measure of public
confidence it is necessary that we practice not
merely customary economy, but, as far possible,
severe retrenchment
In addition to the objections already stated, the
fifth section of the bill proposes to take away land
from it's former owners without any legal proceed
ing being first had, contrary to that provision of
the Constitution which declares that no person
shall "be deprived of life, liberty or property
without due process of law It does not appear
that part of the land to which the section refers
may not be owned by minors persons of un-
sound mind, or by those who have been faithful to
all their obligations citizens of the United
States. If any portion of the land is held by such
persons, it is not competent for any authority to
deprive them of it. If, on the other hand, it be
found that the property is liable to confscation,
even then it cannot be appropriated to public pur
poses until by due process of law, it shall have
been declared forfeited to the Government.
There is still further objection to the bill, on
grounds seriously affecting the class of persons to
whom it is designed to bring relief. It will tend
to keep the mind of the freedmen in a state of
uncertain expectation and restlessness, while to
those among whom he lives it will be source of
constant and vague apprehension.
Undoubtedly the freedman should be protected,
but he should be protected by the civil authori-
ties, especially by the exercise of all the constitu
tional powers of the courts of the United States
and of the States. His condition is not so expos
ed as may at first be imagined He is in a portion
of the country where his labor cannot well be
spared Competition for his services from plan
ters, from those who constructing repairing
and from capitalists in his vicinage or
from other states, will enable him to command
almost his own terms. He also possesses a perfect
right to change his place of abode, and it, there
fore, he does not find in one community or state
mode of life suited to his desires, or proper re-
for his labor, he move to another,
where that labor is more esteemed and better
warded In truth, however, each state induced
by it's own wants and interests, will do what is
cessary and proper to retain within its borders all
the labor that is needed for the development of
it's resources The laws that regulate supply and
demand will maintain their force, and the wages
of the laborer will be regulated thereby. There
is no danger that the exceedingly great demand
for labor will not operate in favor of the laborer.
p Neither is sufficient consideration given to the
ability of the freedmen to protect and take care
of themselves. 1t is more than justice to them
to believe that they have received their freedom
with moderation and fOrbearance SO they will dis
tinguish themselves by their industry and thrift,
and soon show the world that in II condition of
freedom they self-sstalnlng, capable Of select
ing their own employment and their own place of
abode of insisting for themselves II proper
and of establishing and maintaining
hoped that instead of wasting away, they will by
their own efforts establish for themselves condi-
ton of responsibility and prosperity. It is certain
that they can attain to that condition only through
their own merits and cXertlOns.
In this connection, the query presents itself
whether the system proposed by this bill will not,
when put into complete operation, practically
transfer the entire care support AND control OF
four millions of enlanci pated slaves to agents,
overseers taskmasters who, appointed at Wash
ington are to be located in every county and par
ish throughout the United States containing freed
men and refugees? Such system would inevita-
bly, tend to a concentration of power Iii the exc
cutive which would enable him, If SO disposed, to
control the action of this numerous class, and use
them for the attainment of his political ends.
cannot but add another very grave objection
to this bill The constitution imDeratively de-