The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-06-01
The Policy of RestOratiOn-C Conservative
Action of the Senate.

The Policy OF RestOratiOn-C Conservative
Action of the Senate.
From the Times
The Senate on Tuesday made short work Of
what MIR. Stevens In the House declared to be
the only one of the Constitutional amendments
reported by The Committee on Reconstruction
for which he cared 'suap of his finger" It
was the one which disfranchised until 1870 all
in the Southern States who had. at any time,
given aid to The Rebellion. The Senate struck
it out by a unanimous vote, and substituted for
il clause by which all who, after having sworn
to support the Constitution of the United States,
afterwards, in violation Of that oath, Joined the
Rebellion, are declared ineligible to office; and
even this may be waived, so far as members OF
Congress are concerned, upon the vote of two
thirds of the members of either House. Sundry
other amendments of no great importance
were reported to the original proposition; and
the whole nov stands substantially as the more
conservative Unionsts of the House would nave
made 1t, II they had been allo we'd to bring their
propositions To a vote.
This action OF the Senate Is in the direction of
harmony and concihatiJn. Coupled with the
decisive action ot the House on Monday, in reject
ing the proposition to deprive the President OF
his constitutional authority over those who
held Office under him, it indicates more than
the possibility OF renewed concert OF action be
tween Ine Executive anu Legislative Depart
ment of the Government. Oisclaim 1t as mem.
bers may, this action has been largely influenced
by Difference to thet position, II not to the
opinions, of the President. AS the session
dra VS. towards close, members are more alive
TO the responsibility of their acts, and are more
soliCitOus than they have hitherto been not to
court quarrel rom which nothing but injury
can possibly accrue to themselves or to the
Union party. They begin to perceive that
however pleasant it may seem at the moment to
denounce the President and defy his influence,
they cannot possibly strengthen themselves in
the least thereby. Whatever effect their action
has, must be against them, At the very best
they can only hold their own; while it is quite
possible that they may ALLEVIATE Just enough Of
their old supporters 10 al short Of reelection.
They would gledly, therefore, in many cases re-
trace their steps and correct the errors into
which they have been betrayed by an over hasty
and inconsiderate zeal, and all seem anxious to
avoid their repetition.
The amendments to the Constitution, as they
now stand, will not encounter strenuous obiec-
tion from any quarter. All are wiling to sub
init to the States the question whether they will
Concede to Congress the power to prevent un-
EQUAL State legislation touching the civil rights
of citizens of the United States. Few question
the abstract justice and wisdom OF changing the
basis of representation so that it shall not be
unequal at the North and South in proportion
to voters. The exclusion from office of men who
added perjury to treason is certainly not severe,
either ae penalty or precauuon, and no one can
object to declaring the national debt lnviolate.
To every one OF Ghese propositions, presented on
Its own merits, we presume the President him
sell would not object.
There remains now but one point involving
danger of serious collision. AS the matter now
sta ds it is proposed to make assent to these
amendments, on the part OF every Southern
State, condition precedent to the admission OF
her representatives to Congress. The bill from
the Committee, which was brought up tor dis
GussIon in the House yesterday contains not
only this condition, but also excludes those
States until the amendments shall have become
valid as parts OF the Constitution; but this
latter clause is so manifestly unjust that it will
undoubtedly be stricken out. Even then the
provision will encounter serious objection. 1t
IS fundamental principle with the Presi-
dent that the right to be represented in
Congress belongs to. every State under the
Consiitution-that 1t is an absolute right, es-
sental to the very existence of the Govern
ment, and never to be refused or denied when
the State stands IN loyal attitude and elects
loyal men as representatives. He denies the
right of Congress, therefore, to prescribe condI-
tions Of any kind TO the enjoyment OF that right
except such as touch the question OF LOYALTY OF
which each House Is to be the exclusive nudge.
AS matter of course, he will deny the right of
Congress to require any STATE to ratify any
amendment to the Constitution, no matter what
NAV be It's character, still less to ratify one
stripping herself of political power which she
now enjoys under the Constitution, as a cOndi,
t1Cn OF her being admitted to representation in
Congress. The BILL If passed in its present
form, is therefore, almost certain to be vetoed,
and, so lar as the political result is concerned,
1T will make very little difference whether it is
passed in spite Of his objections or not The con-
tlict between the President and Congress will be
continued, and as each branch of the Govern
ment will have It's adherents, nothing but weak
ness and disas'er can ensue.
This ought by all means, to be avoided; and
now that Congress seems to be more dIsposed
than hitherto to heed counsels of prudence and
moderation, we trust 1t may be. There are GER
1ainly other modes of presenting these amend
mems to the favorable consideration of the
States, than by prescribing them as conditions
OF representation. We trust some mode more
reasonable in itself, and less obnoxious to Just
objections ON constitutional grounds, may be
devised and adopted. The difference between
the President and Congress is now becoming,
through the advancing ascendancy of more
moderate counsels, so narrow and so slight that
its complete removal becomes an imperative, as
il ought to be pleasing, duty.
Southern Codes for the Freedmen.