The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1866-06-27
OF EpGEcoMBE.

REMARKS OF MR.. HOWARD,
~ OF EDGEcolfBE,
In Generation, .June 10th, 1866, on the pro
posed change in the Basis Of Representation
Mr. PRESIDENT "A few days ago, when
we had what delegates were pleased to call
" love feast" over what they considered
just and fair compromise of this question.
feeling that it would be useless to attempt
to stem the commingled tide of Eastern and
Western influence, and thinking that in a
few moments vote would place the terms of
the adjustment on record. / arose simply to
enter my protest against it either as a COM
promise or as embodying the;true principles
of sound conservative government | should
have been content with this simple express
ion of my dissent, had the matter proceeded
to its consummation But it did not. and as
l find the Convention disengaged, while the
delegates from Lincoln and Orange are set
Ting the details Of this 6 treaty of amity and
peace" hope shall he pardoned for set.
ting forth the considerations which shall in
fuence my vote.
Before doing SO, however will candidly
admit that when first came to this city. and
before had fully investigated and well con-
sidered this question, did express to Eas-
tern delegates probable willingness to &C
cept the provision about to be adopted. And
Twill also state, that still believe, that the
West, under the new apportionment of pow
er, will be incapable of inficting wrong upon
the East, except by the desertion of her own
representatives induced by the honors or
emoluments of Office
Were this then simple matter of State
policy, would add nothing more; but in
my opinion, it is not only no compromise,
but the unjust disturbance of a compromise;
not only desertion of the great, conserva-
tive principles of government, but rejec-
ton of every principle upon which a Just, a
fair, a successful resistance can be made to
radicalism.
Before the Convention of 1885, there was
much agitation in this State upon this SUBJ
Ject, and justly so. The Convention met,
and after mature consideration, by mutual
concession effected a compro mise. Consid-
cred as mere distribution of power between
sections, a compromise wise and Just, for it
gave to each section branch of the General
Assembly. Either was powerless for ag-
erosion on the rights of the other; both
must evince kindness and good will to effect
the many objects of legislation majority
OF numbers and a majority of interest must
concur. This was compromise indeed, in
substance as well as name; but it was much
more than compromise. 1t was perfect
embodiment of the highest, conservative
principles of representative republican gov
eminent. Let us examine its principles The
Senate was based on taxation, the Commons
ON population. Adopting the well consider
ed and established division of the political
character of the slaves class combining
the rights of persons and propcrty-they
were allowed representation as population,
three-tifths, as property two-ffths- while
every freeman or freedman was fully repre-
sented
The rights of person and the rights of
property are the two great interests of So
ciety. The government which affords the
surest protection to both is that which is
most entitled to the admiration, the love,
and adoption of mankind Disregard the
rights of persons and the popular heart
swells with discomfort until physical power
upheaves the foundations of the social and
political fabric. Disregard the rights of
property and that equality" which the
delegate from Lincoln seems approvingly to
evoke, shakes its red cap in the face of au-
thority and tramples beneath its desecrating
tread every material interest which man has
enshrined in his heart and consecrated by
his affections The distribution of constitu-
tional power should harmonizc and protect
all. This is true conservatism, and most
happily is it adjusted in our present Consti.
tuition. Yet founded in justice, approved by
experience, binding as compact of compro.
mise, it is proposed now, when every South
ern voice should be raised for the sacredness
of constitutions, to abrogate and annull it
and for what
Mr. President, let lis examine the PROPOSE
ton of the delegate from Lincoln. Analyse
and view it. 1t is monstrous. Insert it in
the constitution and it amounts to thistle
negroes shall have no power, either primary
or delegated-the whites shall constitute q
Democracy and the will of the numerical ma
jority shall be the law of the land. Not q
check with which to defend the rights Of 9
minority or the rights of property-an alb
solute negation of the essential purpose Of
constitutions. Well might the delegate from
Halifax say, they dare not adopt it if they
could.
Constitutions are not, except in delega
ted government, to confer power but to re
! strain it. Without constitutions the ma
jority rule. Such are the purely Democratic
governments of history. I hoped that such
governments at this day found no advocates
save among the reckless, the bankrupt OIL
the revolutionary. The delegate from Lin
coin is far from either, and yet he utters such
sentiments as these "why should property
be less secure or justice worse administered
when confded to the majority of the people
of the whole State 2" sour government il
based upon faith in majorities." The context
shows that he speaks Of numerical majorities
| He can find no such sentences among the
writings Of the recognized statesmen Of
modern times; and 1 am sure they accord
| not with the settled convictions of the dele
gate himself The able manner in which be
has discussed this question shows too clear
! ly that he is too wise and I know he is toe
conservative to desire the adoption of such
principles. What is it but the rejection Of
all constitutional Yet the pride and boast
| of our land have been that those embOdi
ments of checks and balances in the exercise
1 of power have welded an influence mort
conservative of the rights of minorities and
property, epowerfulto preventive wrongs
which passion, or prejudice or mistaughl
philanthropy or unchecked fauaticism could
inhict, than all the "pomp and circum
stance and authority of royalty. And to
day westand powerless, unprotected, beneath
the impending wrath of a numerical ma
/ jority, if this shield held by apowerful hani
nerved by indomitable will, is stricken from
above us Our only help now is in God ant
the broad, fundamental, constitutional prin
ciples ofjustice and right established by ou
fathers s.saH 'it6
But Mr. President, I did not arise to repl.
to the delegate from Lincoln. This has beea
most happily done by my friend from Hall
fax. with the marked ability which he Away