The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1866-02-22

lCONCLDDED.
But, sir, as to the matter of the fact
whether this resolution is the Lincoln and
and johnson theory, or the Sumner theory,
the Senator from Massachusetts has not yet
regret to say, Endorsed that resolution mol
anything said in support of it; and | sup
pose the Senator from Massachusetts will
claim the right which under the con
stitution, as [ understand it, belongs
to every Senator on this floor,
to speak for himself If it should
hereafter happen to receive his Endorsement,
it will be very gratifying to me- If l should
find that | had given utterance on this floor
to one sentiment which is approved by the
Senator from Massachusetts, it will be only
small compensation for the great number
of living sentiments to which have listen
ed from the Senator from Massachusetts,, and
which are bound to live long after my col
league and myself shall have passed from
this stage of existence.
While, therefore, MIR. President, | see no
warrant in fact for the assertion of my col
league that this is the theory of the Senator
from Massachusetts, | deny that he is au-
thorized to say that it is opposed to what
he calls the Lincoln and johnson policy
There are in that preamble and resolution
just four simple propositions Three o1
them are stated in the preamble by way Of
postulates One of them is, that the func
items of these states are suspended took
that literally and UeybGt3m from the message
of the President Of the United States. The
second u.s. that the time for restoring then
has not yet arrived | did not take that
literally from the President of the United
States. He has not said it, but he has not
affirmed to the contrary, nor has my col
league, and | venture to say that neither
the President Of the United States nor my
colleague, nor any man who calls himself
the supporter of the President of the United
States, will venture to stand here before
the American people and say that the time
has come for at once restoring to the people
of those districts the prerogatives and the
functions OF states wait yet to hear the
first man assert that proposition. My col
league himself only says that he thinks We
should call them States and begin to see
whether we will let them act as states; thai
we should call them states now and the1
see how far it will do to trust them TO exer
else the sprerogatives Of States; take up TIN
cases of their representatives and act upoI
them, one by one, with as much deliberatiol
as we please Sir, | want to say for mysel
that if the Congress of the United States
shall determine that these are states, | shall
revert to the Constitution of the Unite,
as to what they have have right to do
When you have declared their character a
states, when that is their established condi
ton, | shall say for one, they have right t
send Senators here and Representatives t
the other House, and to participate i
the election of your President and Vic
President, because the Constitution says Sc
The third proposition contained in thi
preamble is, that military governments, ur
der which the people in those states, so cal
ed, have been ever since their armies SUI
rendered, are unfit for the government {
American society. That proposition DIRE,
directly from the message of the Presider
of the United States. supported it by a
argument quoted at length uerbGtim, froI
his message.
The fourth proposition stands in the resC
luton itself, and it is but the natural, an
as it seemed to me, the inevitable deductio
from the others.
If the functions of those states are suspeI
ded, if the time has not yet come for resto
ing them, and if military governments a
unsuited for their control. | see no altern
tive for us but to organize provisional go
ernments for them. | think, therefore,
were disposed to look about for some ma
to stand godfather for this little resolutiC
Of mine | might honestly and fairly clai
that the President of the United Stat
should act in that capacity. But am n
in search Of a godfather, the resolution is b