The national Republican. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1866-1870, 1866-06-01
pRIDAY MoRNINa,,..,il:,;manaJUNE !, 1864.
CONsTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTs.

No sounder principle was ever enunciated
by an American statesman than that Of THE
President, that too frequent amendments Of
the Constitution were unnecessary and dan
gerous. The modern presumption which in
spires so many members Of Congress to i'm
prove upon the work Of MADISON and JAY
and HAnnros, is not by any means com
mendable or consistent. The foundations OF
Government, as laid down by the fathers,
were set in eternal principles and reared upon
the enduring rock Of justice and right. We
have seen nothing in either the statesman
ship or the ability Of our present Fabians to
indicate their superior knowledge over the
men who framed our organic law. It may be
regarded as q heresy in radical conventicles,
but we put as high an estimate upon the
talent, the integrity, and the wisdom Of the
Convention Of 1857 as the Thirty-Ninth
American Congress. We admit that extra
ordinary occasions may arise, and unusual
circumstances may occur, requiring an alter
alton Of the fundamental law. But they are
extremely rare and such change should only
be resorted to where the vast legislative
powers possessed under the Constitution fail
to establish any right or remedy any wrong.
The abolition Of slavery was an occasion
Of this kind; and, to the glory Of the Amer
lean name and the honor Of humanity the
prohibition Of human bondage is law Of the
land. SO, too, we are willing to concede
that the rectification Of the basis Of repre-
sentation demands constitutional correction.
We will not deny that the freedom of the
slaves leaves the basis in such manner that
it operates unjustly, and in different way
than that intended by those who adjusted
the system at the commencement Of the
Union. We do not hold this change to be
OF such vital importance as to keep the
country in state of fermentation, or to ere
ate any decided alarm or agitation espe-
cially we do not think that the inequalities
of the present basis should be made pretext
for keeping eleven States unionless, and mil
lions Of American citizens out Of their hered-
itary representative rights. We are per-
fectly willing to use all our efforts to install
itself; and that basis we maintain should be
the elector. In no other way can we have
absolute justice; that only will insure the
actual equality Of every ballot. While doing
this we cannot assent that the readjustment
Of the relations Of the lately insurgent States
should be postponed until the present repre-
sentative system is altered. We will not
consent to do one injustice to correct another.
All the other propositions in the pro-
gramme Of Congress, as it at last appears,
after the senatorial manipulation, we regard
as utterly useless, and Of no value should
they be ratified The disqualification clause
Of the senatorial reconstructors is already
provided for sufficiently by the test oaths,
which are likely to remain fully as long as
the country shall require them. We have
exploded too often the fallacy of protecting
the national obligations by constitutional
amendments to need q repetition. The debt
stands in no danger whatever Of reputation,
but Of increase. When you can alter the
Constitution to prohibit adding anything to
the debt you may establish its inviolability;
until that time we shall have to depend upon
the honesty and virtue Of the people to Sc
cure it. In that lies its safety. 1t is an in
nocent amusement, to which we make no
objections, for Congress to submit as many
amendments as it pleases to the people. 1t
may deal them out like autumn leaves for
ought we care; but If they are to be made
the condition Of political action, and the cri.
terion Of political faith, or if they are to be
the reasons for delaying the solemn duty Of
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