The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1866-02-08

The French Empcror's Speech.
The speech of the Emperor of the French
10 the C0Tps <gislatV, mention of which was
made in the telegraphc news published in
the DispatcA yesterday, gives the quietus TO
the predictions Of war with France which
have been so rife, and which this journal has
often endeavored 10 explain We're without
foundation.
Public sentiment is, after all, supreme In
France rs indeed in most of the empires and
even despotisms, so called, of the old world
The Emperor of the French had indeed the
power III that speech which he has just made,
and which two hemispheres awaited with
profound solicitude, to open the gates of war.
50 any individual has the power to arm him
self with revolver and blow out the brains of
any of his neighbors, provided he is prepared to
abide the penalty of the law. The Emperor
could have involved France in an unnecessary
and suicidal struggle, but it could only have
ended in the loss OF his throne. Any man of
ordinary reason must see that France had
everything 10 lose and nothing to gain by
war with America. She had no means of
transportation, nor all Europe combined, to
convey 10 this continent IN army sufficient TO
cope with the immense military resources of
the United States, and before she could have
even set in motion any considerable number of
troops, Mexico itself would have fallen into
our hands. French commerce would have
been ruined, and English commerce aggran-
dlZrd At her expense. The financial condition
OF France is already embarrassed. A war
with America would run counter 10 the
traditional policy of France, which is TO
secure maritime ally in the United States
that will assist in setting limits 10 the naval
prcponderance of England. No poiut of
honor was involved in the Withdrawal of the
French troops. The public sentiment of
France was, therefore, clearly pronounced
against the continued occupation, and the
Emperor, the elect of the French people,
wisely yielded 10 the public sentiment.
IN the late views OF GIsARDIy on interna-
;ional amity, published in the Journal les DebatS
of January -, an arguments is presented which
may also have had its weight with the Empe
rnr, who considers ii n part OF his mission TO
carry out the ideas of the first NAPOLEON.
GIEARDIS says that the sale of Louisiana by
NAPOLEON l. was not merely piece of traffic
viewed III which light il was bad bargain
but "was apoltical thought" From the time
of the fall of the colonial empire of France,
her interests on the American continent Were
necessarily slight and it was therefore better
;hat she should have none whatever, and
avoid that contiguity with North America
which, provoking collision, would sooner or
later have cost her more than Louisiana was
worth. The prolonged occupation of Mexico,
the Emperor has no doubt thought as GIRAR-
DIN has said, is contrary 10 that conception of
the first Empire. When NAPOLEON embarked
in that enterprise, he no doubt believed that
the Southern Confederacy would be successful,
and that he should not have the United States
for his next neighbor. He made an error in
his calculations, but has had the sense TO re-
trieve il before 1T was too late.
1t was imagined by some that his pride
would not permit him TO make this plain
admission that he had committed q blunder.
Those who thought so did not understand his
character. He is TOO great man TO indulge
such sentiment al the expense of the interests
Of his country and the peace of the world. M
GIEARDIS was right i'll the declaration that
the Second Empire, unlike the First, had
always comprehended the true craftsmanship
Of retiring from policy ~ the first moment
interest dictated such a course, regardless OF
any point of honor, none such was involved
in this case which might be engaged; that, in
fact, a Chief of State was not bound, like indi
ylduals, by point of honor; and the writer
then cited the examples of the peace Of 1856,
and that of Nillafranca in 1889, as good ones to
bc followed in regard TO Mexico in 1866. The
Emperor Of the French is one of the few men
who know when TO stop.
1t now remains for MAXIMILIAS TO prepare
FOR his departure. Without the aid of French
troops, his Empire must pass away like the
eAhalation Of the swamps. His feelings to-
wards his imperial patron Of France cannot
De of very agreeable character. We are
really sorry for this amiabe gentleman, who
has been used as a eats-paw by the adroit
Emperor Of the French, and is now summarily
cast away. His government has, no doubt,
been beneficial to the MeXicans but II was
ausnrpation, and it has no resources, military
or financial, 10 stand alone. But here new
danger arises Shall Mexico fall into our
hands? If il does, we shall get an elephant
that may prove as great a calamity asa French
war. II would seem the course OF wisdom to
permit MACMILLAN, like NAPOLEON, TO retire
gracefully from an awkward situation, and
then TO avoid rushing too hastily into the
vacant place. 1t does not follow that because
Mexico does not belong 10 MAXIMlLIAS, it be-
longs 10 us; or, If IL is necessary TO take that
country, il is always ready 10 be taken.
The telegram informs us that the United
States was invited to join the French in the
Mexican expedition, but declined This is the
first we ever heard of such Il thing. The
Emperor could scarcely have expected that
such an invitation would be accepted.