The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-01-03

bracing many articles now in the treaty" I'm
doubtedly IL cannot. Having Southern coun-
try we shall sell corn to the provinces OF the
North, and buy oats from them to the end of
time, If The laws OF man do not Illustrate the de-
signs Of Providence. We shall sell coal from
Pennsylvania and Ohio to Canada West, and New
England and New York will buy coal from Nova
Scotia We must not expect TO BUY and sell the
same articles, or at the same place. Tho whole
etst and essence OF wholesome trade consists
in supplying the deficiencies of others out of our
own natural superabundance, and receiving in ex-
change corresponding advantage where we, in
our turn, are comparatively deficient, whether
the variations in products arise from the soil OF
the upper earth, the rays OF the sun, or the geo
logical formation beneath our feet.
Among workmen the tailor does not expect
from the farmer or blacksmith bare and simple
reciprocity In the product OF his needle. He
has no desire to fill his shop with products such
as ne makes, aud receive nothing else in ex-
change. He would sllze the fable of the miser
who perished mserably from starvation be-
cause the gods had granted his prayer, that all
he touched might turn to gold. Instead of
clothing the tailor would rather have beef or
flour from the farmer, and cash or iron-work
from the blacksmith. His profits, as well as
theirs, arise out of the complete absence OF ere
ciprocity" in special articles. There is not a
tourColner storekeeper of Vermont, unless he is
member of Congress, who desires this bald
reciprocity" or insists, with his individual
customers, upon that Favorable balance of
trade which Mr. Morrill, and his party regard as
the leading axiom or foundation and ultimate
perfection OF all reasoning on political economy.
The emba1rassments said to have arisen from
the treaty to our own system of tariff and inter
nal revenue exist more IN the indeiatigable as
seveTation OF the present Chairman of the Com
mttee on Ways and Means than in reality.
There Is scarcely article named in the treaty
which can properly be a subject of internal
revenue. They are chiefly the common neces-
saries OF life. Wheat, -four, coal, and timber,
at least, should never, directly or indirectly be
made subjects OF monopoly or taxation by any
State or by the nation.
The benefits resulting from wise treaties of
commerce are admitted by the concurrent testl-
mony OF the leading nations OF modern times
No political movemenC is doing more good or
making greater progress among mankind. No
temporary obstacle to taxing coal OF flour is to
be weighed in the balance against the permanent
benefits of these treaties. Nor can reciprocal
legislatiOn"-a temporary decree-aford the
mutual benefits which Will result from a more
stable system end mutual agreement. An unset
tled rule, depending upon the Whlm or caprice
of both parties, can never adequately develop the
trade tthe countries. Indeed, 1t was the sug-
gestion or decree of Mr.. Morrill,, only when he
found how formidable and emphatically express
siye we're the domestic interests opposed 10 an
exclusive system with the Provinces. The West
wants Canadian railroads, rivers, and canals;
New York desires liberal and just policy; New
England wishes for trade with the country be-
hind her, ana thence to the far West. The lead
ing commercial journal Of Boston says that "cut-
ting OFF not only our fishing interest, but the
immense overland trade with Canada West
must prove most withering blow to our com
merclal prosperity"
Still, the Secretary of the Treasury intimates
that "intercOmmunicatiOn through rivers and
lakes, and possibly railroads and canals, are pro-
per subjects of negotiation, and their import
aDce should secure early consideration" In this
we have the pleasure OF concurring with him.
There should be no monopoly. 1t is q worse and
more foolish policy than that of the dOg-in-the-
manger, to refuse profitable freight for the sake
OF splting our neighbors: and the same reasons
" lNg l.,
in them 70 compel us to go round two sides of
triangle in our territory, when we can reach the
desired point by going along one side only in
their territory. The same rule applies TO our
selves.
But in what important respect, upon closer
analysis OF principles, does this carrying trade
differ from agricultural produce or manufac-
tUTes? II Canadian vessels are TO carry grain in
free competition with our owu, why should ours
be taxed, on their completion, on their sails,
their machinery, their nails, bolts, screws, and
every part Of their structure If Canadian
railroads, 'outside of our boundaries" are per
mltted to compete with our own roads, why
should the iron of ours be subjected to a heavy
Outy, and why should their receipts be taxed
ii our men who make and man our ships, rail-
roads, and canals are to be taxed either di-
recty or indirectly, twenty times as much as
our millionaires while our Canadian COmpe-
utors are comparatively untaZed, the compeJi-
ton i as unfair as IL would be IN Oat5 or coats
manufactures or the products OF the farm Labor
employed IN the internal carrying trade does
not tOr that reason cease to be American.
Let no one think We argue against tree compe-
tiIOn. We claim no monopoly against others,
and should be subject TO none ourselves. Our
routes nave many and great advantages. Per-
baps we can afford TO permit a practical dis
elimination against us, and drop into frame of
mnd as COntented as that OF the Colorado miner,
who felt satisfied If, under the operations Of the
tariff, be paid Tor new coat for some one in
New England every time he bought one Tor him
self. Eut We take the opportunity of suggesting
a dimuLtiOn Of the taxes which press upon
laboreTs or upon those materials witch impede
either manufactures, railroads, or shipping, and
diminish our national prosperity and greatness.
Unless this is done, and industry is emanci-
pated, we carry heavy weights in all our COM
mcrclal struggles with rival nations.