The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-01-10

tcole OF tfCD government ana etnnuC uato con-
I'M Mt a. ore stroke which might otlerwise hhger
long in coubt ard difficulty. Great Britain is the
Dauon which can do VS. the most harm OF any one
OF all on Garth; and with bof on our de we need
not fear the whole world. With her, then we shou
most seoulouslY cherish a cordial friendship, and
nothing would tend more to knit our an ctOns than
TO b. fighting once ore. side by side IN th6 same
cause. Not hat would purchase even her amtty
at q pnce of aking part in her wars But the war
IN winch the present proposition might ENGAGE us,
shoDld that be Us consequence, not her var, but
ours. It's object IS to introduce aud establish the
American s'stem OF keeping out of our land al
1roItIEh pOWeIs, OF never pelmtung, thOse OF
EurOpe to intermeddIe with the affairs our
nations. 1t Is to MAINTAIN oui own p Incipe, not to
oepart from IT,. And II, TO faciltate this, we can
efect division in the body of the European powers
and diaw over TO oursde i,s most powerful member,
smely We should 10 t. But am clearly OF Dir.
CaImne's opinion, tnat II Will prevent instead
OF provoking With Great Britain Withdrawn
tom their scale. and shifted into that OF our two
continents all Europe combined would NOT under
take such n For how would they propose to
get ut either enemy without superior heeIs Nor is
the occasion TO be sighted which this propOsltion
offers OF dec arinP tTotest gainst the arncous
vioation OF the rights Of nations by the intrterenoe
OF any one IN the internal affairs Of another, agi-
iiOus y began by BOnaparte, and now continued by
the equally lawlcss Alliance, calling i'self Holy.
But We have first to ask ourselves question. Do
we wish TO acquire to our own ConiedcracY any one
or more OF the Spanish provinces? candiulY con-
fess that have ever looked on cuba as the most in
teTesiing ADDITION which could ever be made TO our
system OF states. The control which, with FLORIDA
POINT, this isand would give ns over the Gull OF
Mexico, ana the country and lsthmus bordering on
ii, as wei as those whose waters would 1ow INTO IT.
would ill up the easuTe of our political webeing
Yet, as am sensible that this can never bo OBJ
tanned, wi h her own consent, but by war. end
IFS INDEPENDENCE, which is our second interest land
especially its independence OF Eng andJ can be Sc
cured without It, have no hesitation III abandoning
my first wish TO future chances aud accepting its
lndependence, with peace anu the friendship OF
England. rather than Its association at the expense
o. war and her enmitY.
could honestly therefore, join in the declaration
proposed, that We ann not at the acquisition any
OF these possessions, that we Will not stand in the
way OF any an' cable arrangement tetweon them and
the mother country; but chat wIli oppose, with
ali our means the forobe nteIpOsluon Of any other
power as auxiliary, shpendarY, or under any other
iolm or pTeeAt, and most especlahy their transfer
10 any power by conquest cesslon, or acquisition IN
any other way, ] should think 1t, therefore ad.
ylsabIe that the Executive should encourage the
British Government to continuance in the dspo-
slhons expressed in the letters by assurance of
has concurrence with them so far as bis authority
poes and that as II may lead 10 war the declaration
OF which requires act of Congress, the case sha
be laid before them for alton at their first
meeting and under the reasonable aspect in which
have been so long weaned from political sub
ecs and havo so lone ceased to take any interest IN
them, that am sensible am not qua itied to offer
opinions on them worthy on any attention But the
question now proposed involves consequences so
lasting, and effects so decisive OF our IUture desl-
mes, to reklnule all the interest have heretofore
felt on such Oeca ion,, and to induce me to the
hazard of opinions VIII ch Will prove only my wish
to contribute sti my mite towards any hing which
NAV be useful 10 our country. And praying You to
accept it tor what 1t worth, add the assurance of
my constant and ahechonate treneship and res pect.
tn JEFFERSON.
Here, then, is q contemporary exposition of
the Monroe Doctrine, OF more value than all
else that has ever been written on this subject.
Those sCiolists in American history who affect
to enlighten popular ignorance, and think to be-
little and explain away the Doctrine by proving
ii suggestion Of Cannings, adapted TO a tempo
rary and deiunct occasion, may here learn its
true scope, and the longsighted aim of its
author. In his mind, it rested on no transient
grounds: and he eagerly caught at the oppJItune
occasion Tor prompting a step, which, like the
Declaration of independence, should mark the
opening of a new epoch in the politics OF the
Western Hemisphere. Blr. Cannlne's proposal
aud the schemes OF the Holy Alliance merely
furnished the costume in which the enduring
policy Of our Government made its first appear
ance in political society. In Mr.. Jetferson's
letter the policy is explained with the lrankness
OF private friendship, unrestrained By the official
reserve OF Mr.. MonIoe's Message, which put
nth the same ideas in the "Stale-paper style"
1t is an illUsrous proof of Jenersons gift to dis
cern the beginning and to anticipate the wants
OF q new era, that, so long ago as when he was
President, he conceived policy which, after the
LAPSE of tfty-elght wears, is found to be true
embodiment of the sentiments and the sense OF
duty of a mighty people, and accepted by them
as the abiding cornerstone of their continental
politics. The idea might have occurred to an
inferior mind; but who but Jefferson could, al
that early day, have appreciated its growing i'm
portance, and have made this exposition which
the lapse OF time has not rendered obsolete?