Orleans independent standard. [volume] (Irasburgh, Vt.) 1856-1871, 1866-03-02


have employed to establish as secufi-
ties for the protection of the innocent
the punishment of the guilty and the
equal ADMINISTRATION of justice are to be
set aside, and for the sake of a more
rlgoro~s interpOsitiOn in behalf OF
justice, we are to take risk of the many
acts of injustice that would ofnecessity
follow from an almost countless mum
Der of agents established in every
parish or county iii nearly a third OF
the Union over whose decision there
Is to be no supervision or control by
the Federal courts. The power that
would thus be placed in the hands o1
the President is such as in time OF
peace certainly ought never to be en-.
trusted to any one man. If it be ask
ed whether the creation of such a tri
bunal within State is warranted as a
measure Of war, t h e question i'm
medlately presents itself whether we
are still engaged in war Let US not
unnecessarily disturb the commerce
and credit and industry of the country
by declaring to the American people
and the world that the United States
arc still in a condition of civil war
At present there is no part of Oul
country in which the authority of the
United States is disputed. Offenses
that may be committed by individuals
should not work a forfeiture of the
rights of the same communities. The
country has entered. or is returning to
state Of peace and industry, and the
rebellion is, in fact, at an end. The
measure, therefore, seems to be as III
consistent with the actual condition Of
the country as it is at variance with
/ the Constitution of the United States.
OBJECTION TO THE PERMANENT CHARAC-
TER OF THE BILL.
/ If.passing from general alcOnsideratiOnS
we examine the billin detail tits open to
weighty objections. In time of wal
it was eminently proper thatwe should
provide for those who were passing
suddenly from a condition of bondage
to state of freedom; but this bill
proposes to make the Freedmen'S Bu-
reau, established 10y an act Of 1863
/ as one many great and cXtraOrdlna-
/ ry military measures to suppress a
( fOrmida bic rebellion, a permanent
branch of the public administration
with its powers greatly enlarged.
have no reason to suppose, and | dc
not understand it to be alleged, that
the act of March. 1865, has proved
deficient for the purpose for which ii
was passed, although at that time, and
for a considerable period thereafter
the government Of the United States
remained unacknowledged in the States
whose inhabitants had been involved
in the rebellion. The institution oi
slavery, the military destruction o
which the Freedmen's Bureau was
called into existence as an auxiliary
force, has been already etfectually anc
finally abrOgated throughout the whole
country by an amendment of the Consti
tuition OF the United States, and prac
ticallv its eradication has received tht
assent and concurrence Ofmost OfthOSt
States in which at any time it had eX
isted. am not, therefore, able tC
discern III the country anything tC
justify any apprehension that the pow
ers and agencies Of the Freedmen 5 Bu
reau, which were effective for the pro
lection of freedmen and refugees dur
inc the actual continuation of hOstill
ties and Of African servltude, vii
now, in a ime Of peace, and after the
abolition of slavery: prove made
quate 10 the same proper ends.
OBJECTIONS TO THE ELEEM0SYNARl
FEATURES OF THE BILL.
III am correct in these views, there
can be no necessity for the enlarge
ment of the powers. Of the Bureau, fOI
which provision is made in the bill
: The third section of the bill authorize
general and unlimited grant of sup
port 10 the destitute aud suffering
refugees and freedmen a n thel
wives and children. Succeeding sec
tions make provisions for the rent o
purchase of landed estates for freed
men, and for the erection, for thei
benefit of suitable buildings for asy
ums and schools, he expenses to b'
lefrayed from the treasury OF TIN
whole people. The Congress of tn
United States has never heretolor
thought itself compete 1t to establis
any laws beyond the limits of th
District of Columbia except for tn
benefit of our disabled soldiers an,
sailors. 1t has never founded school
or any class or for our own people
not even for the orphans OF those VIII
I. nave fallen in the defense of the Unior
out has left the care Of their educ;
sion to the much more competent an
efficient control of the States, OF con
nunities, ofp, ivate associations an
, IF individuals. 1t has never deeme
tself authorized to expend the publ
money for the rent or purchase {
+ louses for the thousands, not to sa
Millions, of the white race who al
honestly toiling from day to day fo
heir subsistence. A system for til
support OF INDECENT persons Ii til
J. United States was never contemplate
~ the authors of the Constitution
lor can any good reason be advance
Il Why, as permanent establishment,
! hould be founded for one class {
:. color of our people more than anothe
Is r,efore the war many refugees al
i freedmen received support from Il
d Government, but it was never inten
1t ed that they should henceforth be fe
clothed, educated and sheltered by Il
It United States. The idea on viii,