The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1866-12-12
ur. Blaine ON National Affairs.

this State, delivered in the House of Represen-
tatives on Monday, the House being in Com
mittee of the whole: .
on. Chairman The nopular elections of
sooo 800 nave decided taat the lately rebellious
states % shall not be readmitted to the privilege
osnt tpoesentauon in Congress on any less strin-
gent condition than the adoption Of the nend-
ing Constitutional Amendment Rnf those
giectiois nave not determined that the priy-
neBe Oh representation shall be given tn those
states ~ an immediate Consequence of adopt
ing the amendment. In thar resnect the de-
cision OF the loyal people has been rather nego-
tive than affirmative-expressiye Of the least
that would be accepted rather that indicative
Of the most that might be demanded Had fhe
southern states, after the adjournment of
Congress, accepted the amendment, promptly
and in good faith, as definite basis Of adjust
ment, the loyal States would have indorsed it
% such, and the second session of the 3Dth Con-
gress would have been largely engaged in per
fecting the details for the full and complete
representation of all the States on the new ba-
have not accepted the amendment as basis Of
adjustment. On the contrary they have vehe-
mentlyl opposed it--eyery one OF them that
nave thus far acted on the question having,
WIN tne single exception of Tennessee defian-
~ rejected It, This absolute and oburate refil-
sal On the part Of those States to accept the
amendment as the condition Of their regalnng
the privilege of representation certainly relieV-
es congress from whatever promise or obliga-
ton may have been originally implied in re-
gard to admitting them to representation in
consequence OF adopting the amendment. This
promise or implication or whatever you choose
to term it, was by universal understanding,
conditioned ON Southern States accepting the
amendment in good faith, as was significantly
illustrated in the case Of Tennessee Having
refused so to accept IL, the promise IL ever
made, 10 assuredly no longer binding on the
Congress OF the United States
n.xk - Al .--arA-
should be definitely accepted--South as well
Nerth-as the condition on which the rebel
States should regain the privilege of Congress
sional representation the actual enjoyment of
that privilege would Of necessity be postponed
until the terms of the amendment could be
complied with. For take it for granted, as L
did when Ivoted for the Constitutional Amend
menf, as presume every other gentleman on
this hoor did, that we were not to be guilty of
the supreme folly ofdeclaring that the basis Of
representation was so unfair as to require cor
rection by Constitutional amendment, and
then forthwith admit the Southern States to
this House with their undue and inequitable
share of representatives. If the Constitutional
Amendment Is to effect q correction in the ba-
sis of representation If should effect 1t at once
If the Southern States are to be deprived OF
their undae share of frepresentatives--bas on
their nom voting population-they should be
deprived OF them at once, and not be admitted
even temporarily with the old apportonment,
by which they would continue tc exercise in
the House OF Representatives and in the Elec-
tofal Colleges the same weight of influence en-
joyed by them before the rebellion.
The population OF the States recently slave
holding, BY the census OF 1850, was II 24e 900, Of
whom 100000 were whites, and 5,201 900 ne
groes. The population of the free States by
19,201 $40, of whom only 247 900 were negroes.
1t would hardly be maintained by any one
that the late slaveholding States, taken as a
whole, would have done anything more than
hold good their population of 1860--while in
the free States, despite the losses of war, the
ratio of increase has never been more rapid
than since that year. 1t is speaking with all
moderation to say that the population of the
free States is to-day 25.OOO,OO0
Supposing the Constitutional Amendment
to be adopted therefore as the basis of admit
ting the Southern States to the privilege of
representation, 1t would be cruel mockery of
the whole aim and intent of that amendment
to usher those States upon the floor with the
full number of representatives assigned them
by the census of 1860, when three-fifths of their
slaves, and all their disfranchised free people of
color, were allowed them in fixing the basis of
apporsiOnment Were they so admitted to-
day, the aggregate number of representatives
from the late slave States would be So, and
from the tree States log, making House of 241
in all. And yet if those 241 members were di-
yided between the two sections, on the basis
directed by the Constitutional Amendment
the late slave States would have but SO MEM
bers, while the free States would have 1874
relative gain Of "a members to the free States
A corresponding change would be wrought in
the Electoral Colleges. Were the Government
TO permit an election of President and Vice
President in 1858, on the basis assigned by the
census of 1850, the late slave States would
have 115 electoral votes, and the free States
would have 1913. But on the actual basis con-
temPlated by the Constitutional Amendment,
the late slave states would have but 49, while the
free States would have 225. On the old basis.
the free States would thus have majority of
80, while on the basis of the Constitutional
Amendment they would have majority of 1T
q net Difference of "A electoral votes in favor of
the free States.
In view of these results, which are the plain
est arithmetical deductions, 1t could not be ex-
pected that the free States, even If they were
to adhere to the Constitutional Amendment as
the ultimatum Of adjustment would consent to
have the lately rebelhous States admitted to
representation and participation in the Elec-
toral Colleges until the relative and proper
strength Of the several States should be ad-
justed anewby special census aud by an ap-
portionment made in pursuance thereof 1t
was in this belief and with these views that at
the last session Of Congress framed bill pro-
viding for a special enumeration OF the inhabi-
tants of the United States, which bill was on my
motion referred to the Reconstruction Commit
tee, and has never been reported upon either
favorably or adversely
What then shall be done? The people have
spoken in the late elections so plainly that the
Interpretation of their voice Is not difficult
They have pronounced with unmistakable en-
phasis in favor of the Constitutional Amend
ment, with the superadded and indispensable
prerequisite of Manhood Suffrage. The Consti-
tutional Amendment with its definition of
American citizenship, with its guaranty of the
national obligations, and with its prohibition
of the assumption Of the rebel debt is most
valuable addition to our organic law. We
cannot surrender its provisions, and the rebel
States cannot by their utmost resistance defeat
its adoption. 1t is too late to deny or even to
argue the right or power of the Government to
impose on those States conditions precedent to
their resumption of the privilege of repre-
sentation. The President set the example by
exacting three highly important concessions
from those States as has basis of reconstruc-
tion-Congress followed by imposing four 9TH
er conditions as its basis of reconstruction, if
you please, and now the people have spoken
demanding one additional condition as their
basis of reconstruction, and that condition is
ABSOLUTE equality Of American citizens In eipil
ardpoEiicat rights acithout regard to caste, color
or creed.
The objection in the popular mind of the 10y
| al States to the Constitutional Amendment as
| q basis of final and lasting adjustment is not
| directed to what that amendment scM effect
| but to what it lciH not effect. And among the
| objects Of prime importance which it will not
effect is the absolute protectionofthe two class
| esin the Southto whom the government owes
the most. viz; the loyal white men and the loyal
black men. The amendment, is made the basis
Of final adjustment without further condition,
leaves the rebel element of the South 10 posses
sion Of the local governments, free to persecute
the Union men Of all compilations in number
less ways, and to deprive them of all participa-
ton in civil affairs, progided they will them
selves submit to curtailed representation in
Congress as the penalty. The danger is that
they would accept the comparatively small in
Fiction on themselves in order to secure the
power of visiting the loyalists with full meas
| ure Of vengeance AMI persecuti IN, Just as GER
| tain religious denominations in England, at
| various times under the reign of the Stuarts,
| favored measures of prescription which bore
with some haadship on themselves, because
they were enabled thereby to punish some hat
| ed sectaries with still more severity and cru
| city. ef tl -r.. 1.
Among the most solemn duties of a govern
| ment is the protection of those citizens who,
under great temptation, and great peris, main
tain their faith and their loyalty. The obliga-
EaIo ao..ff fO foo