Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-04-11
THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU--WHAT
ONE OF IT'S OFFICERS THINKS
OF THE INSTITUTION.

From the New York News, April3l
A few days since we published some state
ments in relation to the operations of the
freedmen's bureau in Virginia, from the
pen of gentleman who gave abundant
reasons for condemning the institution al
together Allusion was made to the opin-
ions expressed by several officers, who were
in charge as agents at different points, and
who enjoyed the best of opportunities to
witness its pernicious effects upon the ne
groes as well as the whites. Maj. Henry G.
Lawrence, agent of the bureau at Fayette-
vile, n. c., gives us a further insight into
its operations. lie says:
confess | am tired ont and half worn out
with the annOyances of my position, and
need rest and am so far from having any
sympathy with the views that seem to pre-
vail in Congress, that | am unwilling to be
even humble instrument in aiding to carry
them out. While there was, and could be,
no law but military law, or rather authority,
the bureau was 4 necessity to some extent.
But to continue it, after the States shall
have given the blacks their civil rights,
seems to be the very reverse Of sound policy,
considered simply with reference to that.
1t will engender hatred toward the blacks
on the part of the whites, as favored class
to whom extra legal protection is given by
the Federal Government-hatred towards
the Government itself, which, by the system,
pronounces the people regardless of justice,
and brands court and bar and juries, in adj
vance, az ready periurers. 1t substitutes for
learned men in the law, and soon to admin
lister it-for trial by jury and right of appeal
the decision of men who, in many cases,
if not most, will know nothing of law, who
will often be prejudiced, and some, judging
from the past, will be corrupt. 1t will in
cite in the blacks, to some extent, sense of
independence of local laws; sanction their
distrust of them, the courts, the people, and
certainly cannot tend to educate them in the
duties of citizens. Instead Of allay:ng, it
will beget jealousy and ill-will between the
races to a greater extent than now exists,
and finally produce the very evils it is in
tended to guard against. And how such
system can be exercised, except as tempo
rary military necessity IN conquered coun-
try, | cannot conceive.
1t is liable to all our objections to the "fu-
gitive slave law" and, unlike that, will be
an ever-present, ever-acting evil; and Its
provisions are very incomplete for the end
proposed, unless it is assumed that military
authority is to remain paramount. For in
stance, | can fine man $50, and imprison
him thirty days; but in the case of murder
of black, the district or department mill
terry commander must order trial by court
martial. Upon conviction the case may, Of
course, go to the Secretary Of War for review.
Such trial is in progress now at Raleigh.
If this system is TO be retained after the
States shall be Observation-Disclosures
that may be-and if this is republicanism
or selfgovernment l shall despair of
ever being able to comprehend the firstprin-
ciples of political science. But, if State
should establish such judicial system, l
think the federal government might well be
called upon to enforce its guarantee of
republican government to the people of that
State. | think it would be less outrage
upon the principles of selfgovernment and
upon the Constitution to treat the South
as conquered territory, and govern it by our
territorial system, than to do what is pro-
posed TO be done; and in that case Mr..
Sumner might secure juries composed equal
" of white and black men. | felt ashamed
for myself as an American, and my govern
ment, when, few days ago, Judge Buxton,
of the Supreme Court of the State, called at
my office to inquire as TO the extent of the
jurisdiction he would be permitted to exer-
else in term he was about to hold.