Wilmington journal., 1866-06-07

ton of the Confederate debt and the recognition
of civil rights in the late slave.
O. Will the people of Texas probably prepare
for the enfranchisement of the negro, or such of
them as may meet certain qualifications of prop
erty and intelligence? A. Never, as I believe
They hold to distinction of race that they have
a repugnance to compromise They do not be-
leve in the capacity of the negro for republican
citizenship, and if they did, will not consent to
affiliate with him. In this they are probably as
stubborn as the people of the North, who, like
them, feel the repugnance of a race that God has
planted in our instincts
q. You stated in former part of your testimo-
ny that the census tables exhibit great disparity
in the reproductive power of the negro freedom
and slavery; Please state to the committee how
you account for the difference A. The differ
ence between the free blacks, North and South is
chiefly due to climate, believe the tropics being
the native cline of the negro. But it may be par
italy due to the readiness with which all destitu-
| hon is relieved at the South. As BEFORE we have
no poorhouses and beggars. The difference
between the free and slave blacks is chiefly due to
two special causes The care we take of infants,
and the protection of the marriage relation in
slavery The discipline and police of the panta-
ton enforces faithfulness in husband and wife
and secures, a consequence, the prolifcacy of
families. There is little confluence in the race,
free or slave, and no pride of chastity. This is
recognized almost universally, by those who know
them we'll by close observation. Negro mothers
proverbiay reckless Of and cruel to, their off
spring. Blacks, whether infant adult have
little of the vital force to resist disease that whites
have. When they get SICK unless we'll cared for
they die The owners interest in his slave land
possibly little sense of duty and humanity
prompts him to take care of every life Nurseries
are established on plantations, supervised by the
doctor and the mistress that save the lives of in
fants The mother only comes to nurse her child
and is too happy to be rid of further care. She
has little of the affection for her young that char
acterzes white mothers, or many of the lower an
imals. Her devotion to the children of her mis-
tress is often far greater than to her own. These
facts will explain why the negroes lately emanci
pated are dying so fearfuly. They have to thank
the emancipation for taking the life of one of every
four, in this brief time and the process will con-
tinue, in spite of Faneuil and Exeter Halls, Civil
Rights bills and Freedman's Bureau. Even the
luxury of voting would not save the race from the
doom of freedom and death.
@. Has the mortality been so great as represent
ed ? A. believe it has never been exaggerated.
have seen it estimated at one-lourth the whole
number, and do not think it too great figure
Had slavery given many stripes all christen-
dom would have been Mortified. Emancipation,
black with its million graves, gets only peons of
praise the world over Time and history will, we
believe, change the song, despite the hurried re-
cords and willing testimony of the Lossings, the
Abbotts, and the Brancrofts.
q. Is the good order you represent in the South
ern States the result of total abandonment OF the
|
quiet? Would the struggle be willingly resumed?
A. Permit me to explain in reply to these queries.
There is no intention anywhere to renew the con-
test. When we surrendered and were paroled, we
did so in good faith and will keep parole as
long as the conditions are fulfilled. To doubt this
| is to mistake entirely the Southern character
When they surrendered they gave it up !; and any
doubt of their good faith is offensive, so much SO
that, personally, they will resent it. They sur
rendered as men, as your equals upon honorable
terms and will keep faith to the letter, and fight
| those that doubt it.
| @. What did they give up A Their and
| the question at stake.
| Q. What were those questions, as you under
stood them ? A. The right to a separate nation
aity and independence on our part. A central
government State rights, and the destruction of
slavery, on the part of the United States.
| Q. You speak of the terms of submission
What terms do you mean? A. Those stipulated
in actual surrender, of protection in person and
property, SO long should obey the laws ; and
those submitted by the President of the United
States in his proclamations, and plan of reorgani-
zation. Thus far we have endeavored to comply
with all requirements, reasonable and oppressive,
and held our peace, lest complaints might be mis-
construed into disloyalty, they have been else
where.
@. Is the present feeling the same as heretofore?
A. [ think not. The return of good feeling has
been greatly repressed, I think, by the rejection
| of members from States already recognized
There seems to be suspicion of bad faith, and
a fear that they have been decoyed into the steps
they have taken; and much apprehension. And
should this be continued after the Texas Repre-
sentatives go there, there will be- l fear a great
revulsion of feeling
@. What will they do in that case ?
A. I cannot answer. They cannot resort to
arms, because they have surrendered them. They
are tired of war; and utterly broken in fortunes
But they not without the spirit that feels in
| dignation at broken faith and continued oppres-
sion.
| Q. In case of Wal with any other power how
would your people act
A. I cannot answer directly. Should they not
be admitted into the Union, as expected, they
certainly would not feel called upon to resist the
enemy. If admitted, they want peace above all
things and would not unite in aggressive war
upon Mexico, Canada, Cuba, or any other nation.
In case of invasion sweeping over them, they
would resist and do their whole duty, they have
heretofore done in two wars But they desire
peace above all things, and take very little interest
In politics. They have gone to work to mend
| their fortunes, apd are determined to prosper,
whatever the political condition of the country.
They believe that the Northern States have pos
session of the government, and are determined at
all hazards to keep it. They therefore look to the
support of their families, and Indifferent about
general politics. So long as they can make a
living, in spite of the tax-collector they may be
quiet. But if the State should be rejected, as the
others have been, should rather have any other
Office than tax-gatherer. Taxation without repre-
sentaton is tyranny, and they will so regard it
in my Judgment.
@. Do they expect admission at once to repre-
sentation, and will they elect loyal men to Con-
gress
A. If by loyal men you mean such as could take
the test-oath or iron-clad as they term it, they
would not generally. We have not respectable
material for that purpose, if so disposed. One or
two men, such as Judge Hancock and Judge
Evans, who have been spoken of for the Senate,