The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-08-02
President JOhnson' IS Responsibility.

President JOhnsOn's Responsibility.
From the Tribune .
If any doubt existed as to President Johnson's
connection with the massacre in New Orleans,
ii will be removed by reading his despatch to
Attorney General Heron, OF Louisiana. This
despatch, written with the knowledge that loyal
citizens of the United States we're dying from
wounds received by a Rebel mob, assumes the
full responsibility of the deed. The policy that
prompted Mayor Monroe and his followers found
its inspiration in Washington. ....
This conclusion fills us with inexpressible
sadness but we cannot resist the facts. 1t is a
dreadful thing to arraign the President of the
United States as being in any possible sympathy
with the unlawful shedders of blood, but when
n plain fact is to be stated the plainest words
are the best. In the first place, the President
recognizes usurped power to communicate his
wishes. James M. Wells is the Governor OF
Louisiana, and the official representative OF the
State. To him the President should have
spoken. But Governor Wells, a duly elected
Governor by Rebel votes, had called this
Convention together, and the President steps
sends his commands to an officer OF, his
Cabnet-his Attorney General-one Andrew
s. Herron-a conspicuous Rebel in the days of
treason. The President directs him to call upon
General Sheridan for Sufficient force to sustain
the civil authorities in suppressing all illegal or
unlawful assemblies If the President really
believes that States have rights, and Governors
of States privileges, then his course in recog-
nizing an officer of Governors Wells Cabinet as
the proper authority to call out troops is
nsurpation. What would have been SAID if Con-
gress had requested Attorney General Speed to
call out the troops and perform the highest
executive functions? Yet Mr.. Speed has as
much right to call out the troops OF the United
States as Mr.. Heron has to take command of
the troops in Louisiana.
This is small point in our argument, but it
OH uG no nf thn Hnnl Ire
despatch recognizes usurpation, and proceeds
10 defend the massacre. Ali unlawful Assem-.
blies" must be suppressed. Well, this parCicu-
lar assembly was suppressed-and very elfectu-
ally-for its leaders were murdered, and those
who escaped murder are either lying in the
prison OF the hospital. According to the Presi.
dent, this Convention had not obtained the
consent of the people of the State" 1t it at all
entered into our argument, we might ask him
what right the President had to determine
this fact? Governor Wells thought the Conven-
tion was legal, and as he Is Governor, what
business has President Johnson with it? Who
gives the President OF the United States the
power to traverse the decision of g. State EXecu-
tive, or to decide upon the competency of
State Convention? Would he be authorized in
sending despatch to General Barlow declaring
the New York Legislature to be unlawful, and
calling upon General Hooker to disperse its
members? According to the Presidents own
theory-the theory that Louisiana is a sove-
reign State, and her officers competent to gov
ern it-he is guilty Of most hagrant assumption
OF executive power.
We pass beyond this theory, or indeed any
theory OF Presidential prerogative. The facts
are that certain Union men-conspicuous for
their loyalty during years of war-have been
murdered by Rebels, who were conspicuous for
treason in years of war. The men who did the
deed are enabled to show warrant for their
crime from the President of the United States
When Governor BroWnlOW asked Tor troops to
compel the obedience of Executive commands,
and TO protect the Legislature IN its legislative
power, he was petulantly refused. In Ten
nessee the majority was loyal, and the President
threw his influence with the minority. In
Louisiana the majority was Rebel and the Presi-
dent not only sustained If, but placed in its
hands the army Of the United States. If it was
right TO refuse aid to BroWLlow in seeing that
''the law and the Constitution were sustained,
and thereby peace and order" then 1t was wrong
to refuse aid TO Governor Wells and his ConVen-
hon. II that Convention was unlawful, there
are remedies in the Supreme Court. We have
had dozen Fenian Conventions in the last
year-all unlaWtul-as organizing war upon
friendly power. The President permitted them
to assemble, and sent no troops to disperse
them. Why make an exception OF loyal men in
Louisiana, who, at the very worst, and accepting
as truth the charges OF the President, were no
more Illegal than the Senate of the Fenian
Brotherhood?
1t IS folly to use soft phrases in speaking OF
this appalling crime. The policy of Andrew
johnson engendered the demon fury which has
shed blood In the streets of the Crescent City.
His statesmanshlp has once more raised Rebel
flags in New Orleans. His construction of
Presidential duty has led hun to commit an act
of direct usurpation in Louisiana. His oath to
protect and deeld the nation finds expression
in the unavenged assassination of men whose
loyalty was as conspicuous and selfdenying and
sorely tried as his own. All that we have gained
by the war comes to thls-that in Louisiana an
illustrous general of the Union army is com.
pelled to accept the orders of a notorious
punished Rebel. The time has come for the
people to speak-and let it be'in tones so distinct
and unmlstakabe that even Andrew johnson
viii not dare to disobey the warning.