Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1865-1869, 1866-02-21

mind Of the freedman in a state of uncertain eSpec-
tation and restlessness, while to those among whom
he lives il will be u source OF constant and vague ap.
prehensiOn.
Undoubtedly the freedman should be protected,
but lie should be protected by the civil authorities,
especialiy by the exercise OF all the constitutional
powers of the courts of the United States and Of the
States. His condition is not so exposed as may at
first be imagined. lie is in a portion OF the country
where his labor cannot be spared. COhpeutloh ior
his services from planters, from those who are con-
strneting or repairing railroads, or Iom cap1tIiIss
in his own vicinage or from other States, VIII ehab!e
him to command almost his own terms. lie also
Possesses a perfect right TO change ms pace oil
abode, and If, therefore, he does not hnd IN one
community or State a mode Of life suited TO ms de'
sires, or proper remuneration for his labor, he can
move to another where that labor is more esteemed
and better rewarded. In truth. however, each state,
induced by its own wants and interests, will do
what is necessary and proper to retain within its
borders all the labor that is needed for the develop
ment of its resources. The laws that regulate sup
py and demand will maintain their force, and the
wages Of the laborer will be regulated thereby
There is no danger that the exceedingly great de-
mand for labor will not operate in favor of the la
bOrer.
Neither is sufficient consideration given to the
ability of the freedmen to protect and take care Of
themselves. Ii is no more than justice to them to
believe that, as they have received their freedom
with moderation and forbcarancc, so they Will DIS,
tinpuish themselves by their industry and Thrift, ANA
soon show the world that i'm Il condition OF freedom
they are selfSuStaining, capable oil selecting thef
own employment aud their own places OF abode oil
insisting for themselves on a proper remuneration
and of establishing and maintaining their own asy-
lums and schools. IL is earnestly hoped that IN
stead of wasting away, they will by Their own ell
forts establish for themselves L condition al respect
ability and prosperity. IL is certain that they can
attain to that condition only through their own
merits and e~XertiOns. In this connection the query
presents itself, whether the system proposed by the
1 III Ill n~N .T1an a.uf tutn pnInnlpfp nllAllllDn,
practically transfer the entire care. support and con
troll of four millions of emancipated slaves 10 agents,
Ovcrseers, or tlskmasteTs, who, appointed at wash
ington, are to BE- located in every county ana PARISH
throughout the United States containing freedmen
and refugees. Such Il system would inevitably
tend to Il concentration Of power in the Executive,
which would enable him, il 80 disposed, 10 control
the action Of this numerous class, aud use them Tor
the attainment of his own political ends.
| cannot but add another very grave objection TO
ia this bill. The Constitution impcratively declares,
i'm connection with t%aXatiUn, that each Slate SHALL
have mt least one Representative, aud fixes the rule
for the number 10 which, in future LlAiss, each State
shall he entitled. IL also provides that the Senate
of the United States SHALL he composed OF two
Senators from each State, and adds, with peculiar
force, that no State, without It's consent, shall be
deprived OF its equal suffrage in the Senate Tic
original act was necessarily passed III the absence oil
the States chiefly to bc affected, because their people
were then Z ontnmaciously engaged ia the rebellion.
Now the case is changed. and some at least uG those
states are attending Congress by loyal Representa-
tiycS, soliciting the allowance Oi the constitutional
right for representation. At the time, however, OF
the consideration and the passing Ut Tins bill there
was no Senator or Representative in Congress from
the eleven States which are to De mainly affected by
its provisions.
The very fact that reports were and are made
against the good disposition of the people of that
portion of the country, is IN additional reason why
they need and should have Representatives OF their
own in Congress, to explain their condition, reply
to accusations, and assist by their local knowledge
IN the perteCtlng oil measures immediately affecting
themselves. While the liberty OF dcllberatiOn would
then be- free, and Congress would have full power to
decide according to its Judgment, there could be no
objection urged that the States most Interested had
not been permitted to be heard. The principle Is
firmly fixed IN the minds Ol the American people,
that there should he no taxation without representa-
ton. Great burtlens have now to he borne by all
the country and We may best demand that they
shall be borne without mnrmur when they are voted
by a majority Of the representatives Of all the pro-
pie. would not interfere with the UNREASONABLE
right of Congress to judge, each House for itself,
of the elections, rcturns, and qualifications
of its own members" But that authority
cannot be construed AZ including the right to
shut out in time OF peace any state from the repre-
~scntatiOn 10 which il is entitled by the Constitution.
At present all the people of eleven States are cX-
cludcd-thosc whO were most faithful during the
war not less than Others. The state of Tennessee,
for instance, whose authorities engaged in rebellion,
was restored TO all her constitutional relations TO the
Union by the patriotism and energy Of her injured
and betrayed people. Before tile war was brought
To a termination they had placed themselves IN rcla-
ti0uS with the General Government, had established
Il state government OF their own, and as they were
not included in the emancipation proclamation, they
by their own act had amended their Constitution 50
~ to abolish slavery within the limits Of their state.
| know no reason why the State OF Tennessee, for
example, should not fully enjoy all her constitutional
relations to the United States.
The President of the United States stands towards
the country in Il somewhat different attitude from
that of any member of Congress. Each member of
Congress is chosen from a single district or state
the President is chosen by the people OF all the
States. As eleven States are not at this tine repre-
scented in either branch Of Congress, i would seem
to bc his duty un all proper occasions to present
their just claims to Congress. There always will be
differences Of opinion in the community, aud lndi-
viduals may be guilty Of transgrcSsUns Of the law,
but these do not constitute valid objections against
the light OF n State to representation. | would IN no
wise interfere with the discretion Ot Congress with
regard TO the qualifications OF members, but ] hold
1t my duty to recommend to you in the interests OF
peace, and in the interests of Union, the admis.
sion of every State to it's share in public legislation.
when, however insubordiuate, ~insurgcut or rebel
lious its people may have been, it presents it'cif not
only in an attitude of loyalty aud harmony, but III
tie persons Of representatives whose -lOyalty cannot
be questioned under any existing constitutional or
legal test. 1t is plain that an indefinite or pcrma-
h'lA' 'lt'a VI any l'AAA'i hH' ''hkha iACbA ANl''
sentatiOm must be attended by a spirit of diSquict
and complaint. IL is unwiSc and dangerous Ia pur-
sue 4 course of measures which will unite a very
large section of the country against another section
Of the country, however much HE latter may pre-
ponderatc. The course OF emigration, the develop
mcut of industry and business, and natural causes.
will raise up at the South men ~ devoted 10 the
Union as those of any other part Of the land. But
if they are all excluded from Congress If IN a per
mancnt statute they are declared not To be IN full
constitutional relations In line ruuntTN. they NAV
think they haYe canse to become Il unit in feeling
and sentiment against the G0VCinqcnt. Under the
political education Of tho American people, the idea
il inherent aud incradicable, that the consent of the
majority of tin whole people is necessary to secure
a willing acquiesrcnce in legislation.
The bill under consideration refers TO certain OF
the States as though they had not been fully re-
Stored in all their constitutional relations 10 the
United States If they have not, let rs at once act
together to secure that desirable end at the earliest
possible moment. IL is hardly necessary for me To
inform Congress that i'll my own Judgment most OF
these States, 50 far at least as depends upon their
own action. have already been fully restored, and
are to he deemed as entitled to enjoy their cOnstitu-
tional rights rs members of the Union. Reasoning
from the Constitution itself, and from the actual sit
uation of the country, | feel not only entitled, but
bound To assume that, with the Federal courts re-
stored, and those of the several States In the full
exercise of Their functions, the rights aud interests
of all classes of the people will, with the aid Of The
military III cases vi resistance To the law, be essen
TALLY protected against unconstitutional infringe
ment and violation. Should this expectation unaap-
PLY fail, which do not anticipate, then the ENccu-
tive is already fully armed with the powers conferred
by the act Of March, 1865, establishing the Freed
mems Bureau, and hereafter, as heretofore, he can
employ the land and naval forces of the country 10
suppress Instruction or to overcome distractions to
the laws.
Ia accordance with the Constitution, ! return the
bill to the Senate, in the earnest hope that Il mea-
suTe involving questions ami interests 80 important
to the country will not become u law, unless upon
deliberate consideration by the people it shall re-
ccive the sanction 0r ran enlightened public Judgment.
ANDREW JOHNSON.
WAsHINGTOH, y. C., Fcbguary 10, 1866.
WANTED.
NNANTED-FrOm 500 to 1.000 acres o.
w PINE TINRER L.r Iup,l,.r gnr IA -,i.uI,rs al