The spirit of democracy. [volume] (Woodsfield, Ohio) 1844-1994, 1866-02-28

diately presents itself, whether we are
still engaged in war. Let us not unne-
eessarily disturb the commerce and credit
and industry of the country, by declaring
to the American people and the world
that the United States are still In a con-
ditiou of civil war. At present, there is
no part of our country in which the au-
thority Of the United States is disputed.
Offenses that may be committed by indi-
viduals should not work a forfeiture Of
rights of the same communities.
The country has entered or is entering
to a state Of peace and industry, and the
rebellion is in fact at an end. The meas
ure, therefore, seems to be as inconsistent
with the actual condition of the country
as it is at variance with the Constitution
of the United States. If, passing from
general considerations, we examine the
bill in detail, it is open to weighty OBJ
jections. In time Of war it was, eminent
ly proper that W. should provide for
those who were passing suddenl y from a
condition of bondage to a state of free
dom. But this bill proposes to make the
Freedman's Bureau, established by the
act of 1865, as one OF many great and ex-
traordinary military measures to suppress
a formidable rebellion, a permanent
branch of the public administration with
its power greatly enlarged.
l have no reason to suppose, and | do
not understand it to be alleged, that the
act of March, 1865, has proved deficient
for the purpose for which it was passed,
although at hat time, and for a considera-
BILE period thereafter, the Government of
the United States remained unacknowl-
edged in most of the States whose inhab-
itants had been Involved in the rebellion.
The institution of slavery, for the mill
tary destruction of which the Freedman's
Bureau was called into existence as an
auxiliary, for it has been already efectu-
ally and finally abrogated throughout the
whole country by an amendment of the
Constitution of the United States, and
practically its eradication has received
the assent and concurrence of most OF
those States in which it at any time had
existed. l am not, therefore, able to dis.
Germ in the country any thing to justify
an apprehension that the powers and
agencies of the F~reedman's Bureau which
were effective for the protection of freed
men and refugees during the actual con-
tinuation of hostilities, and of African
servitude, will now in a time of peace and
after the abolition of slavery prove in
adequate to the same proper ends. If
am correct IN these views there can be nc
necessity for the enlargement of the pow
ers of the Bureau, for which provision is
made in the bill.
The third section of the bill authori.
zes a general unlimited amount of sup
port to the destitute and suffering refu.
gees and freedmen and their wives and
children.
The succeeding sections make provis-
ions for the rent or purchase of landed
estates for freedmen, and the erection, fol
their benefit, of suitable buildings for
asylums and schools, the expense to be
betrayed from the treasury of the whole
people. The Congress of the United
States has meyer heretofore thought Itself
competent to establish any laws beyond
the limits of the District of Columbia
except for the benefit of our disabled
soldiers and sailors. 1t has never found
ed schools for any class of our own PEG.
pie, not even for the orphans of those
who have fallen in defense of the Union
but has left the care Of their education
to the much more competent control o.
the SAFE, Of communities, Of private as
sociations, and of individuals 1t has
never deemed itself authorized to expend
money for rent or purchase of homes fol
the thousands, not to say millions of the
white race, who are honestly toiling,from
day to day, for their subsistence.
A system for the support of indigent
persons in the United States was never
contemplated by the authors of the Con.
stitution. Nor can any good reason be
advanced why, as a permanent establish
ment, it should be founded for one class
or color of our people more than for an.
other. Pending the war many refugees
and freedmen received support from the
| Government, but it was never intended
they should henceforth be fed, clothed.
educated and sheltered. by the United
States.
The idea on which the slaves were as
sisted to freedom was that on becoming
free they would be a self-sustainiDg pop
%ulation, and any legislation that shall i'm.
ply they are no, expected to attain a self
sustaining condition, must have tenden.
cy injurious alike to their character and
their prosperity. The appointment Of
an agent for every county and parish will
create an immense patronage, and the ex.
pense of the numerous officers and their
clerks to be appointed by the President,
will be great in the beginning with a ten
dency steadily to increase.
The appropriations asked by the Freed,
mans Bureau, as now established for the
year 1866, amount to 81, 745, 900. II
may be safely estimated that the cost to
be incurred under the pending bill, will
require double that amount, more than
the entire sun expended in any one year
under the administration of the second
Adams. If the presence of agents in
every parish and county is to be consid
cred as a war measure, opposition, or even
resistance, might be provoked So that, to
give effect to their jurisdiction, troops
would have to be stationed within reach
of every one of them, and thus a large
standing force be rendered necessary.
Large appropriations would therefore