Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1866-04-19


thence l could command to its various OBJ
1~ectlons to the bill. Would that l could
stop here, that there was no occasion to 20
further but justice to myself, justice to the
State whose representative ] am, justice to
the whole country, 10 legislation for whose
behalf | am called to participate, justice to
the Constitution | am sworn to support, jus
tice to the rights of American citizenship it
secures, aud to human liberty, now imperil-
ed, requires me to go further. Gladly would
| refrain from speaking of the spirit of this
message, of the dangerous doctrines it pro.
mulgates, of the inconsistencies and contra
dictions of its author, Of his encroachments
upon the constitutional rights Of Congress,
OF his assumption of unwarranted powers.
which, IT %persevered in and not checked by
the people, must eventually lead to a sub.
version oil the Government and the destruc-
ton Of liberty.
Congress, in the passage of the bill un.
der consideration, sought no controversy
with the President. SO far from it, the bill
was proposed with a view to carry out what
were supposed to be the views of the Presi.
dent, and was submitted to him before its
introduction into the Senate. | am not
about to relate private declarations of the
President, bat it is right that the American
people should know that the controversy
which exists between him and Congress in
reference to this measure is of his own seek
ing. Soon after Congress met it became APP
parent that there was q difference Of opin
ion between the President aud some mem
bers Of Congress 10 regard to the condition
of the rebellious States, and the rights to
be secured to freedmen.
The President in his annual message had
denied the constitutional power of the Gen.
eral Government to extend the elective
franchise to negroes, but he was equally
decided in the assertion of the right of every
man to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap
piness. This was his language:
"But while ! have no doubt that now. after the close
oil the war, II is not competent for the General Govern
rnent to extend the elective franchise in the several
states, it is equally clear that good faith requires the
1sflyl5y Of the freedmen in their Iil'ry and their pro-
There were some members of Congress
who expressed the opinion that 10 the re-
organization Of the rehellieus States the
right of suffrage should be extended to the
colered man, though this was not the pre-
vailing sentiment of Congress. All were
anxious for a reorganization of the rebel
lious States aud their admission to full par
ticipation in the Federal Government as
soon as these relations could be restored with
safety to all concerned. Feeling the i'm
portance Of harmonious action between the
different departments Of the Government,
and an anxious desire to sustain the Presi.
dent, for whom | had always entertained the
highest respect, | had frequent interviews
with him during tho early part Of the SEES
sion. Without mentioning anything said
by him, | may with prepriety state that
acting from the considerations [ have stated
and believing that the passage of a law BY
Congress, securing equality in civil rights
when denied by State authorities to freed
men and all other inhabitants of the United
States. would do much to relieve anxiety in
the North, to induce the Southern State,
to secure these rights by their own action
and thereby remove many of the obstacles
to an early construction | prepared the
bill substantially as it is now returned with
the Presidents objections. After the bill
was introduced and printed a copy was fur
nished him, and at a subsequent period
when it was reported that he was heaitatine
about signing the Freodmen's Bureau bill
he was informed Of tho condition Of the
Civil Rights bill then pending in the House,
and a hope expressed that if he had OBJ
j~ections to any of its provisions he would
make them known to its friends, that they
might be remedied, if not destructive of the
measure; that there was believed to be no
disposition on the part of Congress. and
certainly none on my part, to have bills pre-.
sented to him which he could not approve.
He never indicated to me. nor, so far as |
know, to any of its friends, the least objec.
ton to any of the provisions of the bill till
after its passage. And how could he, con.
s%istontly with himself? The bill was framed,
a q M o,nnaaaJ .. ont:.o I.... i'll
his views, and certainly in harmony with
what he was then and has since been doing
in protecting freedmen in their civil rights
all through the rebellious States. 1t was
strictly limited to the protection Of the
civil rights belonging to every freeman, the
birth right OF every American citizen, and
carefully avoided comforting or interfering
with political rights or privileges of any
kind.
The bill neither %conters nor abridges the
rights OF any one, but simply declares that
in civil rights there shall be an equality
among all classes of citizens, and that all
alike shall be subject to the same punish,
ment. Each State, 80 that il does not
abridge the great fundamental rights be.
longing, under the Constitution, to all citi.
zens, nay grant or withhold such civil rights
as it pleases; all that is required is that, in
this respect, its laws shall be impartial.
And yet this is the bill now returned with
the President's objections. and such objec-
tons! What are they? That
" In all our history, in all our experience as a people
living under Federal and State laws, no sueh system as
that contemplated by the details oil this bill has ever be.
tore been proposed or adopted,
Have | not already shown in the action Of
the President himself, through General
Sickles, declaring that "all laws shall be-
applicable alike to all inhabitants, " and in
various acts Of Congress, a precedent for
svery provision Of this bill?
The details, " says the President, "es-
tablish for the security of the colored race
safeguards which go infinitely beyond any
that the General Government has ever pro.
vided for the white race. 81
With what truth this can be said of a bill
which declares that the civil rights and the
punishment Of all races, including, ofcourse,
the colored, shall DO the same as those OF
white persons" let IN intelligent public
Judge.
"Theyn The details says the President, q iuterfere
with the municipal legislation OF the States, with the rein,
tons existing exclusively between u state and ia Ell.
Gems, or between inhabitants OF the same state. nm nil.