The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-03-17

who adorn the radical ranks, to find a publioist
protesting to instruct popular opinion, so reck-
less in the assertion OF his premises, and so
ncoherent in his attempted deductions.
IL has not been forgotten that when some of the
southern Legislatures, while discussing the
amendment aDolishing slavery, expressed dis
trust as TO the powers and purposes yelled under
ITS second section, they were reassured by the eX
pianshon that This was merely formal statement,
OF no novel I'm port, and that tue Life OF the amend
ment began and ended in ITS first clause. Warn.
lhgs enough were raised at the time that this
TAU TO the act contained latent stings which
might be unsheathed for mischief but the virtue
OF the extremists was shocked at the supposi-
uon, and the Southern States, lulled by asssl
Iances Oh its haTmlessness accepted the amend
ment as 1t stood.
Now, the radicals boldly avow that the second
section contains, and that II was meant to col.
tain, The gems OF the most sweeping revolution
In the Whole frame oil Southern society. They
CAult N It, as commanding interference in those
internal political matters which have been from
the begnning declared by all sound interpreta-
ton OF the Constitution TO be exclusively re-
served TO the States themselves This Is not the
ant OF government. IL is such paltry trickery as
statesmen despse. 1t is obtaining, under false
pre'enses which no delusion OF ianaticsm can
excuse, power 10 oppre5s WhlChAthe blind viii
ol l0na1cism stands eager to selze
The clear result from all the candid testimony
We haVe with regard TO the state of feeling at
the South is that her best citizens fear to trust
the colorcd race indscrimnatey with the bal.
LOT. The light OF common sense shows, aud
the voice OF all history declares that long
embrutod lace. suddenly enfranchised, is not
ht 10 govern itself, much less to share in gov
eIning others. These radical reiormers are
they Who would lmperl the gain OF the war by
exposing the country to a conflict of races, in
which the less advanced and intelligent Is to be
backed by Government illegally stretching its
constitutional powers, for no sophi>try can Justify
that legislation which destroys the very founda-
tions OF our national system, by directing Con-
g1ess 20 interfere With concerns reserved by the
neat charter itself to the several States.
1t will stonish philosophers to learn that the
distinction between civil and political rights Is
an illustry one. There has been general
consent among those who have given the sub
iect some serious thought Tor q few centuries
before the ADVENT oil this ultraist sage that
while natural rights were PLAIN enough, and
clyll rights were such as Justice required that
every citizen should share, political rights con-
sttuted quite another order. 1t Is the good Of
the whole body polite which mus determine
what classes shall enjoy the political right OF
taking part IN the Government. Protection by
the laws is a civil right which all men may
claim. The power to make the laws is a poll
tical right which society has always had the
wisdom TO exclude certain OF its members from.
And We have confidence enough in the good
sense Of the American people to believe that
such distinction Will endure amorg them TOR
some centuries yet, in spite OF the treacherous
invitations held out by the ignt fdtUj OF these
new lights