The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1866-05-14

| dJury.
General Ben Buffers Plan OF Recon.
struction-Ncgr0 Suffrage tho Main
Question.
General Ben Butler, having failed with the
Reconstruction Committee of Congress, has de-
livered himself Of his views and his plan oil
reconstruction before public meeting in Bos-
ton. We have already published his speech ;
but as the pronunci0mieat0 of one of the great
guns of the radical camp, and as the plan Of
the Rev. Henry Ward Beechers nominee for
the next Presidency, it is entitled to some
special attention.
General Butler holds that, having in the con-
quest of the lately rebellious States "acquired
the title to all they possessed, of life, liberty,
land slaves, INSTRUMENTATION and other
wise"-surely we may require them 81 to come
and live with us under the divine law" What
this learned doctor Of divinity regards as the
"divine law" will presently appear. There
are he says, two plans of Southern reconstruc-
ton before the countryside Presidents plan
and the plan of Congress. He does not like
the Presidents plan, because there is too much
charity in it, and he cannot admire the Con-
gressional plan, because there is too little of
charity in it. He says the Presidents plan
"would be good one if all the people in the
South were loyal" but that those who have
been fighting us for four years don't love us,
and don't love the Union, and the fact that they
have abolished slavery because they were
forced to do it don't make them love us any
better; and the fact that they have been order
ed to repudiate tho debts of their rebellion
| don't create that ardor and affection among
them which they should feel for the govern
ment." Hence the conclusion of General But
Ter is that the Astounding charity of the admin
istration toward those people is "love's labor
lost" or, to shorten the argument Of the General
| by phrase Of Scripture, "it is like casting
| pearls before swine," which is pretty near the
legal opinion of the amiable Thaddeus Stevens
The original law giver to the rebels of New
Orleans then reviews the plan of Congress in
all its details, and says that these terms "seem
on the face well enough;" but that one is forced
| to exclaim on reading them through, "Where
are the rest of them ?" as one would say when
| his servant brings him his bread and coffee for
| breakfast "Where are the eggs and bacon?" In
other words, where are the blacks? "Where i'm
this proposition do we find the protection of the
rights Of those men who have been faithful, and
have fought side by side with u.s." General
Butler complains that Congress, in resorting to
n bride to the ruling classes of the South, is
| giving premium to rebellion, is begging the
question, and pointedly asks, "Why does the
government hesitate to do justice to its colored
citizens p? Moreover, he contends that il you
let the rebels Tor Southern whites) do all the
voting they will have every thing their own way.
In fact at almost every point General Butler
finds this plan of Congress unfair, unjust, fool
ish and impractlcable. II is at best, he thinks,
but "cunning scheme to put off the whole
question of reconstruction till after the next
Presidential election;" view of the subject
which we think every dispassionate, reason
ing man will say hits the nail upon the head.
But what does General Batter propose ?
What infliible panacsa has Ibis experienced
inventor Of patent medicines and Union wash
ing machines for the present disordcred con-
dtion of things in the Southern States Here
il is. He proposes constitutional amendment
binding the United States, the States and the
people TO pay the national debt and 10 repu-
da.c ali the debts OF the rebellion. Then he
should speak out in plain English, "No COM
pensaiion for cmancpated slaves" Then he
would put 1t into the constitution that there
shall BE- no such thing rs property in nan; and
then tiat whites and blacks in the several
States shall be on the same footing OF equality
| in regard TO suffrage as in the matter of their
civil rights. Then, by putting these PROPOSE
tons and those Of the joint committee of Con-
gress all together, he thinks we would secure q
magnificent scheme OF reconstruction.
Negro suffrage, however, is the essential iea.
turc Of General Buffers plan, and the barter
ing away Of the negro's rights upon the
ground of expedicncy will be a severe trial
to Senator Sumner and all That class of pro-
gressive radicals. General Buffers views are
valuable mainly from the fact that he is an out
spoken representative OF this class. What is
to become OF the scheme of the Committee OF
Fifteen in the Senate, which Is distasteful in its
leading features to radicals and conservatives
we shall not undertake TO say; but we are quite
sure that something more satisfactory than this
to New York and Pennsylvania will be required
to keep Old Virginia aud South Carolina out
of the next Congress. The people meantime
will perceive, from the disagreements among
all these radical doctors OF reconstruction, that
the safest and surcst course is to fall in with
the administration and its simple, practical
consistent and successful policy. The further
we 60 beyond 1t the deeper we get into revo.
lutionary expedients and innovations. Our
greatest danger now Is not too little, but too
| much reconstruction.
THE BRrrrsH GOVERNMENT AND THE CuNARD