New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1866-03-20

ash,nc dnripg the last week. the pros and eoH' con-
earning tha refusal Of Mr.. Bigeow, and some olher
Amo,ican officials at Paris TO attend the pubic meet
irc held in The American Chapel on tie 22d OF feDiu
arv in honor Of WashingtoD's Birthday. fargo
meeting was held in London on that day whion MI
Adams attended. A similar meeting TOOK pace at
Rome, presided over by Judge King Whcn was
enliyened by music and patriotic speeches Ano "ee.
ing here was much more subdued In Its characIer 40
was held in q church and associated Wnl ieneO or
snry;ces vct IL seems that it not sufficiently saD
dued to suit the taste Of Minister b.geioW, ,s5
opposed to any meeting at a. anu .neie'oi si nv
10 attend and refused too. somewhat ungracionsy p
not deignne 10 reply 10 the invitation sent nun py ue
Committee Ii is not strange. then' tpat us IvuS 49,
severely contrasled with that Of our Minister al
and that has formed, for the last week. I'LL 70
tonic of conversation in American society," iDe 20
that an American meeting IN honor oil Wasni etons
irthdoy takes place in Paris ana is nov ended by
the American Minister, the American Consul nor
the Vice-Consul is certainly noteworthy crcum'
stance =.
All the journals comment at length on the speech of
NJ Theirs Just delivered in the Legislative Assembly
Nearly all agree in praisng the first half in which he
confined himself to the general principles OF poncai
liberty but the latter hail. in which he makes an ap
peaon Of his argument 70 contemporary events r aaS
is NJ Theirs is too old politician TO be aoc 10 Hee
himself from his preconceived notions and crocheis
they warp bis ana ' ON Ss QUESTION
bencbes and isoates him. so that he speaks only for
himself In reading over his speech was iorcipIy
struck with a peculiarity OF French oratory which
have often been forced TO observe. II may be aptiy
called French spreadeaglesln II consists IN making
ell the liberty existing in the civilized world and all
free ideas and al correct political notions, &c &C.
all depend for their origin the French Revolution OF
| 1850 / constantly hear, The immortal pru
ciples of so" referred to In this unlimited
which listen. Ofa The public speakers have heard in
France during several years at the Sorbonne at the
College of France. in the public assemDhes-f!r an;
Labouaye is the only who has recognized the iae
that here was liberty In the world IN ganu
and in America before the French patented ine inscn
ton in 1850 But hear NJ Theirs he certainty oaSns W
know what he is SAYING for he has studied, and even
written history :" The revolution gave TO al frohon'
men, and as glorious consequence TO all other men,
not the chimerical equality OF socialism, pu' true
equality creating for all the same rights anu the same
Obligations, equality in fact before the law
The Revolution OF l7s9 thus resolved to render all men
equal before the law and 10 make them ireo by laying
down the principle OF national sovereignty. =. E.
All necessary liberties were contained II, ana Original
proclaimed by, the Revolution Of LEG. The
arose among men; Tor II destined to be the revou
ton of the civilized world all stroye to take part IN
it, and that circumstance explains tho violence OF its
character" There is the dictum Of NJ. Theirs. we
may have heretofore imagined that when the Magma
Charta was forced from King John IN 1915. when the
Pilgrims landed in America in 1921 when the English
Revolution Of l6ss, ard own Revolution IN lUo
took place all these events had an important influence
on modern liberty and the birth of free institutions
1t is all mistake; N. Theirs, in unison with the
French public shows that the true date from which all
ought TO compute the birth Of constitutional ber
~ is l759.
A first warning has been given to lie Tempo by the
Government for having published an article Oh the
9th of February which terminated as follows: The
election Is about TO take place. for the as time We re-
mind our readers the electors that II they eject Dep
beers of the chamber, they viii have no right TO com
plain Of the exsggeraton Of the taxes the amount OF
the contingent for the army, the obstacles placed In
the way Of their liberties their business. They will
spare themselves all remorse Of voting for M. Lee
blond the candidate Of liberty This language Is de-
elared BIZ the warning 10 be outrage the Legis
laye Assembly, and an attack tie free exercise OF
the right Of election" This affords neat Illustration OF
how policy of repression advances the real interests
Of true liberty Which is Of Les fdses NapoteRnes
Since my last letter We have received American
papers and dispatches which show that the public in
the United States have cheerfuy accepted the idea,
which they imagine contained 10 the Emperor Ma
poleons speech al the opening OF the Legislative ses
son wiz That 1t is his intention to take his troops out
of Mexico, aud leave the country altogether as soon as
possible. deem il important 10 state that know OF
no wel-infoTmed person here either French or Amer
can, who holds that opinion. Certainly the organs OF
the liberal party, which have always been friendly 70
the United States and which ardenty wish TO see the
French army out Of Mexico. are by no means sangnne
that tho army will leave Mexico during 1866 or that
the Emperor has any intention TO withdraw his troops
any faster than he is compelled to by tho persistent
pressure of the United Staios Government Very nt
mate personal friends OF the Emperor state positively
that there no present intention Of withdrawing from
Mexico that all the speech from the throne meant
that when French interests fully secured and the
purposes Of the expedition accomplished by the conso
idation OF Maximilans government then. and not be-
fore the army will be definitely recalled and this.
they will certainly require considerable time. Now.
II this be true statement Of the case, think the
American public will perceive that their satisfaction
the Imperial speech has been the result rather Of
their own wishes than OF considerate scrutiny OF the
wonis aud motives Of Napoleon. My own opinion Is
that the Imperial declarations are good just 30 far as
they confirmed by acts and no further that 1t will
be very bad policy for people or our Government
TO forget that Napoleon ILL., will bear watching
The language OF The Ntr- York TimeA as to Mexican
affairs leads European opinion to suppose that the
into the hands Of the French policy by smoothing the
way to eventual recognition OF Macmillan.
Whether TIE Tines and Mr.. Thurlow Weed speak by
Inspiration or not cannot tell Of courses but there
no doubt az TO the effect produced here by the utter
to which refer. They are adverse to republi.
canism In Mexico and favorable TO the French policy;
they are therefore In my opinion, in opposition direct
TO the welsettled opinions Of the American people.
% ............ ..-......... .. VERITAs.