Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1866-07-18
THE CONGRESSIONAL QUESTION.
Letters of Correspondents.
GNA lLAG CAA
BACONSBURG.

EDITOR CHRoNICLE.-In your issue Of the 9th
ult: a correspondent thus sums up the charges
which the opponents of Gen. Garfield urge against
his Referring to an article in tho
Portage Democrat, he says.
The editor admits LIST that his, (Garfeld's) de-
tense OF the Indiana eonspiratOrs was a mistake.
ID, That his advocacy of the Loan Bill, comforting
dangerous power on Sec. McCulloch, wasa mistake.
ID, mat his advocacy of the bill to regulate trade
with BRITISH America was 4 mistake. 18th, That
ms failure to sustain his Republican associates in
the Brooks contested election case was a mistake.
3Sth Congress, milage for 2740miles, when he should
have received for only 2260 miles, was a mistake;
and 9TH, that his vote against continuing bOunties
TO volunteers was a mistake"
1 beg leave to briefly consider these different
chargas IN the order in which they are specified.
1, THE CONSPIRACY CASE.
The legality of the commission which tried the
eonspi rators was the question at issue before the
Court at Washington. The guilt or innocence of
the accused had nothing whatever to do with the
matter. The issue simply resolved itself into this
one question, "trds the commission that tried and sen
fenced the prisoners a COnstttutioaaI, tribunal y
Gen. Garfield. as a well known radical representa-
tive. was asked to give his opinion on the point at
issue; and. despite his hostility to the ~eOnvicts,
on examination of the case, was drawn irresista-
bly, to the conclusion that the commission IVA lille
gal, and the Court, a majority Of whom are good
Union men appointed by President Lincoln, in
decision held to the same opinion and set the pris-
toners free. MUehsoever as they deserved pun.
it was felt by leading loyal men in the
country that the Union cause should not be allow
ed to be reflected against by the continuance in
prison of N en- whom the ablest jurists in the land
irrespective of party, declared to have been con-
vieted by an illegal Court. Gen. Garfield did in
the case pre- cisely what any other honest man
would have done in like circumstances. He was
asked for his opinion. He gave it; wherein did
he err?
Il. THE LOAN BILL.
On the first day of last March, our public debt
was $2.71l. $50. COO 90 less than half of which is fun
ded. Before the first of Jan. next, Sl.20l,6 COZ 81 of
this debt will become due; and, within two years
after, an additional sum of 1898, lO9,392 IS, must
also be discharged. All this without taking the
expenses of the Government into consideration.
How are we to meet this normous Indebtedness is
the question that taxes the wisdom of the ablest
fnanciers of the nation. We must meet it punctu-
ally or our paper goes to protest, and our credit is
broken. Prior to the introduction of the Loan
Bill in question, what power had the Sec. of the
Treasury to enable him to discharge this mountain
of indebtedness? In laws then in force, two claus
es bearing on the point existed, giving him, ac-
cording to the first. power simply to exchange one
kind of paper for another. but only 10Th the consent
Of the holder; and, according to the second, to al
low him to take up the various kinds of paper
pound interest notes or 80 bonds.
1t is a well known fact that compound interest
notes are the most suicidal paper that any Gov
such notes as ours with interest compounded every
six months, is simply putting of the evil day a few
months longer. when the final crash must ~inevita-
bly, come, The Sec. of the Treasury and every
man in Congress felt that to be compelled to resort
to such a measure would be q national calamity
it was not to be thought Of. 1t had its origin. in
40 AASN HAoNNa AAALb IN-N "a"
war. and was intended only as a temporary eNpe-
dent and not as a final means of discharging our
debts.
And pray what power had the Sec. of the Treas
ury by the first clause of the laws referred to p
Simply the liberty of exchanging one kind of pa
per Tor another, ore promise to pay for another.
If the holder of the paper consented 10 do so. But
would he consent to the exchange? That depends
on circumstances. If the state Of the market
makes new bonds more valuable to him than money
he would probably take them if not he wonld de-
mand the money. In such an event, Wall street
gamblers might combine and damage the public
credit beyond measure. So, in fact. the Secretary
of the Treasury had no real power of value what
ever for funding the national debt and discharg-
ing the enormous obligations crowding f~earfully
upon him. He must meet. remember, over one
billion two hundred millions of debts before the
first of next year. The committee of Ways and
Means. of which Gen. Garfeldis a member. after a
lone, careful and exhaustive consideration of the
question, reported the measure known as the Loan
Bill, allowing the Sec. of the Treasury to dispose
of any description of bonds authorized by law,
either in the United States or elsewhere. to such
an amount as he might think advisable. the pro-
ceeds thereof to be used for retiring Treasury
nstes or other obligations of the Government.
No one denies but the measure entrusted extra
ordinary power in his hands, but extraordinary
crisis demand extraordinary powers. Sherman
was given it when he marched down to the sea-
Farrigut had equal trusts when he lay of the Forts
below New Orleans, and Grant when crashing
through the wilderness towards Richmond. To
carry through the enormous work before him, the
Secretary must have ample and extraordinary au-
thority. If we would have Atlas bear the world
VI III EuOuAuC1es VIC muEl lGdN6 HIS llU uulGLLeE-
ed. In supporting the bill in question, Gen. Gar
field made no mistake. He acted as a statesman
alive to our approaching perils and with the best
interest OF the country at heart.
III. HIS ADVOCACY OF THE BILL To REGULATE TRADE
WITH BRITISH AMERICA.
This was in no sense a party measure. not as the
parties of the country now stand. 1t was one of
those questions that often arise in which the ablest
men of all parties think differently. Hardly a day
pasSesi in Congress without such issues taking place.
Good Union men of t@lent and S~PerienoS, ~nS
who are we'll informed In regard to our British
American relations, were divided in regard to the
measure IN question-sOme for, and others against
it. With all the information OF, the subject be-
fore him, l have faith to believe Gen. Garfield vo-
ted as his honest Judgment best dictated. whether
wisely or unwisely, time only must determine. 1t
is very easy to cavil and find fault particularly
when we are anxious to do So. Had he voted
against the bill somebody would have grumbled.
and very probably the growler whose earping in
dcued this letter.
Nv. THAT HE FAILED TO SUSTAIN HIS REPUBLICAN
ASSOCIATES IN THE BROOKS CONTESTED ELECTION
CASE.
Suppose he did Is q man bound to vote as a
majority of his party does on questions that are in
no sense party issues? Questions of simple JUS
tice between man and man? Shall l as a Repub-
lican refuse Justice TO my neighbor because he is a
Democracy The above affair was an issue between
two candidates for Congress. The evidence in the
case was submitted to the House, and from that
evidence the members thereof, standing in rela-
ton to the parties as a jury. formed their opinions
and determined their votes. Good men of both
parties had different opiniOns-some for one con-
t%estsnt and some for the other. It seems thatGen.
Garfield did not vote on the question asthe MAORI
ty of his Republican associates did. Is he to be
charged with error or dishonesty on that account ?
Would you have a representative who would
vote against his judgement and sense of right. sim
ply because a number of his political brethren
differ from him in opinion
V. THE MILEAGE QUESTION.
Have the grumblers on this point read the pa
pers 7 1t is known the country over, that Gen.
Garfield has been iaboring this session to reform
that abuse. In a speech on the first ult., he ven
tillated the. whole subject. For the two sessions.
members of Congress are allowed by law, mileage
for four times the distance from their respective
houses and Washington.
In February, 1865. the chairman of the commit
tee on mileage called on him for the distance be-
tween his place of residence and the Capital. He
gave 1t as 564 miles. the same as set down in Apple
tons Railway Guide: The committee, without his
knowledge, allowed him, as they did most of the
other members. for a greater distance. and he did
not discover the error till last month which called
from him a resolution which promises to work an
essential reform. His action in the matter was
honorable and should be commended rather than
blamed.
VI. THE BOUNTY QUESTION.
AT the turning point in the late war, when thous-
and Of men were wanted to fill the battle thinned
ranks Of our armies. when gold was up at alar-
ming figures and our finances in a critical con-
dltion, the measure known as the conscription bill
While it was under consideration. Brown of
Wisconsin,: a vile Copperhead. proposed to pay a
a plan which, for that one call of 500, GOO men alone
would have cost 800 million dollars. He knew the
Treasury at that time could not begin to stand such
a burden. and he made the move simply to defeat
US in the war. EUerV Union man in Congress roted
against a and now the enemies of Gen. Garfield
charges him with being opposed 10 paying bOtHfies
to sOLdiersg! He was not opposed to paying boun-
ties, but he l0ds opposed to q measure that would
bankrupt the Government and defeat the very OBJ
ject for which we were striving.
Gentlemen you seem sadly RrIeved over this
bounty matter. If We soldiers can stand it. you
ought to- served four years and seven months
IN the recent war. and never received a cent of
bounty, and furthermore don't ask any volunteer
grief over it. Why do you become so exceedingly
SAD lust now, over our past sorrow? If during the
wal, yOu had shed on the subject a moiety of the
tears with which you are now submerging us, we
might have believed your present grief genuine -
But you men who are lamenting the loudest now,
are the very ones who cared the least about us du-
ring the war. 1t troubled you but little then
whethes we gotbOunties in our pockets or bulletsi in
our heads, SO you didn't get drafted.
Gentlemen this bounty question is our own affair:
Its none of your funeral and you needn't cry.
Gen. GARFIELD was a soldier with us-one of US
partook OF our perils and sacrifices, and 1 assure
you, you cannot ind one IN a thousand of our num-
Der VINO does not favor his denomination.
A few days since a communication against him
appeared In the Chronicle. purporting to come from
a Rowland soldier. Now. III wager a thousand
TO one that no soldier ever wrote that letter: and,
second, that there cannot be found in the entire
township of Rowland, a single soldier that has
been In action, who is not a Garfield man.
We want Gen. Garfield in Congress, the soldiers
want him as a representative of the young Ameri-
can element of our State and nation-nOt the