Cleveland daily leader. [volume] ([Cleveland, Ohio]) 1865-1873, 1866-05-14
RECONSTRUCTION.
speech OF Hon. r. p. spaIiinE on the
Report OF the Reconstruction Conn
mftfee in the House of RePresen-
tatives, wednesday, May 9th.

5 the floor.
s 1t does not, in all respccts, come up tt
e the standard which my imperfect judg
ment had erected, but 1 have lived long
enough to know that very few things of {
public character csn be accomplished
without some sbnegGtion of ones own no
tons of propriety, and respectful de-
ference to the opinions of others.
Tho joint committee on reconstruction
was made up of able and patriotic men
They have laboled assiduously for nearly
six months, and have now given TO US the
result of their deliberations in certain pro-
posed amendments of the constitution,
and sundry propositions for legislative en-
actment
Regarding it as more important that
some definite project be presented by Con-
gress to the people of the United States
than that the plan itself approach very
nearly to perfection, and fearing the eff
feet OF amendments upon the successful
passage Of the measures proposed through
Congress, have brought my mind to the
conclusion that shall best subserve the
cause Of patriotism and the country's
good by voting severally and collectively
for the measures reported by the COM
mittee.
We are in the process of legislation to
bring back into the councils of the nation
class of citizens who during the last five
years have ayowed the most inveterate
hostility to our Govern ment and its free
institutions, and who have waged cruel
war against our people upon the battle
field Does any sane man believe that
the loyal people of the United States who
have submitted to these great sacrifices,
who have incurred the risk of losing the
benefit of the free institutions handed
down TO them by our fathers, who have,
by the bravery of their sons, put down
this accursed rebellion upon the battle
field; say, does any rejecting man sup
pose that we are so bereft of our senses as
to admit these same men, without why
Or a wherefore" into the Halls of Con-
gress to make laws for our government,
and the government Of our fellow-citizens
at home, who are quite as loyal as our
/ selves? Sir, it is idle TO say that any sane
man expects it. 1t seems to me that the
| only question for our consideration is,
what guarantees may Congress exact frcm
this rebellious people--a people who not
| only fought US, but who declared time and
again that they detested our principles Of
government, and that they would sooner
unite with the monarchies Of Great Britain
and France than live under our free
Government with the race they in deri-
sion termed "the Yankees"
1t has been said in high places that
treason was the creates of crimes, and
that it should be made known for the ben
eft of all coming generations, and as an
avar,,.,1a 90, ba ~, -.J
tors would surely be punished. We have
heard it said by those in authority that
the leading traitors should be tried and
hung, while the infat uated, rank and file
might be pardoEed. That is very well;
but would inquire, what leading trail
tors have been hung? What leading trail
tor has been hung What leading trail
tors or what leading traitor will be hung ?
Mr.. GRINNELL. Mrs. Surrstt.
Mr.. SPALDING. Mrs. Surrattl"
She was tried and sentenced and hung as
an assassin, and not as traitor.
Now, sir, we propose to amend the Con-
stitution of the United States in several
respects. As to the first measure proposed
person may read it five hundred years
hence, without gathering from it any idea
that this rebellion ever existed. The same
may be said of the second proposition, for
it only proposes that the bondsmen being
made free, the apportionment of Repre-
sentatives in Congress shall be based upon
the whole number of persons who exercise
the elective franchise, instead of the pop
ulation.
Inc third section-and this is the one
to which exception is taken by my friends
on the right and left-proposes that no
person who was actively engaged in re-
bellion against our Government shall have
the right to vote for members of Con-
gress or for electors of the President and
Vice President of the United States until
the year 1870. Is this exceptionable? If
it be so, it is, in my judgment, for the rea-
son that the duration of the period of in
capacity is not extended more widely.
take my stand here that it is necessary to
ingraft into that enduring instrument,
called the Constitution Of the United
States, something which shall admonish
this rebellious people and all who shall
come after them that treason against the
Governments odious; that it carries with
it some penalty, some disqualification
and the only one which we seek to attach
by this amendment is q disqualification in
voting-not for their State and county
and town officers, but for members of
Congress, who are to be the law-makers,
and fer the Executive of the United
States, this disqualification to operate for
the short period of four years. Now, sir,
will any patriotic, any loyal man object
to putting this memorial upon the Con-
stitution as they would put "mernento
nori" upon the head of tombstone?
But, sir, there is another reason why
we sholld ingraft this provision upon the
Constitution. All our Congressional leg
islstion may be considered ephemeral.
know that ny friends on the other side of
the House always take courage when we
advance the idea that at some remote pc
riod they may gain possession of the con-
trolling power in these Halls and carry
measures according to the dictates of their
own wisdom and sense of patriotism. Sir,
let the effect fall where it may, and give
consolation to whom it will, I still de-
clare that all these matters are within the
bounds, not only of possibility, but of
probability, that at some not very remote
period, if we admit Representatives from
the rebel States into this Hall without
qualification, the prospect is that, in con-
| junction with their friends who have so
strongly sympathized with them during
the four years of this recent strife, they
will repeal many, if no. all, of the meas
ure which We have adopted for the well
fare and the salvation of the country.
Hence 1 insist that something of this sort
should 60 into the Constitution, where it
shall require not only the action of the
Senate and the House of Representatives,
but the action of the State Legislatures to
erase it. For this reason, and because it
is dangerous at this moment to receive
these men here to make laws for the loyal
people Of the country, go for the adop-
ton os this third section, which disquali-
fes active and known rebels from partie-
/ ipsting in the election of Federal officers.
Mr.. Speaker, much is said, much has
been said-too much, sometimes, has been
! said-about the difference between Con-
| gress and the executive of the nation
Sir, l look upon this subject in some
what different light from some of my
friends whose superior wisdom 1 am
proud TO acknowledge. feel that under
| our Government We owe some Difference
to the station Of the President of the Uni
ted States; and 1 feel that however we
may differ in sentiment with the incum-
bent of that high office we ought, at all
times and under all circumstances, to treat
him respectfully. Hence 1 would have
| preferred. from the first hour of this Con-