New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1866-05-08


The vote on the Franchise bill in the English
House of Commons is not gratifying as we could
have hoped. III House Of 63l members, unusually
full, and showing but q absenees, the Government
received 3l3 votes, 3l3 voting against it, Iis not
so deep as a well nor so wide as q church doors but
It's enough twill serve" We afraid we can get
no better consolation out of it than this The closing
DAYS of the debate exhibited many signs of dsntegra
ton aud Generalization in the Liberal party This
was inevitable when We look at the elements COM
posing that party. The present members were elected
under the leadership of Lord Pamerston. That leader,
By reason of long years Of service, his career gong
back to the time of the younger Pitt, and the con-
tnued success that had attended policy which, with
all its faults was true 20 the English sentiment,
what perhaps we might call the rowdy English sem
timent of brag and bluster-had gained commanding
influence in England. Although his policy was
protest against Reform, he accepted by the ber-
ais As provdentia dspen better than Ioryism
perhaps-a leader, under protest and well to follow
until the time when his name would not be the sym
Dol OF the party of vigor abroad and OF apathy at
home. Those who followed Palmerstons fortunes
and who were the instruments of his polcy-like
Lowe for nstance-disappointed Liberals like Hors-
man, who yainIy yearned for Cabinet portfolios
aristooratc Liberals ike the Earl of Grosvenor, who
belonged to old Wing Houses, and merely wished
Reform that would weaken the Tories, and help them
selves--all sloughed off and found preexts for deser
ton as soon as an honest aud manly Franchise system
was proposed.
The Government may stagger from the defec-
ton Of these classes but in the nature of things 1t
was to be expected. The party which is led by the
conscientious Gladstone and the intrepid Bright-who
boldly declare that they consider Reform measures
but temporary expediens-slices of loaf that must
be theirs in time-seps toward the realization of tho
sentiment that English manhood shall represent En-
glish suiIrage-cannot expect to have the sympathy
Of pensioners upon the old Wing Houses like Mr..
Lowe, or the heirs of those Houses like
Grosyen0r Privilege sweak-prone to do the wrong
thing at the right time. Never was this more
fully shown than now. As Mr. Gladstone eloquently
advised the arstocratic leaders their duty was to be
wise in time As Mr.. Bright during this very debate,
in spirit of honest pride which cannot be considered
egotism, noby said " the policy which have urged
upon the House and upon the country as far az it has
been accepted by Parliament, is policy conservative
of she public welfare strengthening the just authority
of Parliament and adding from day to day fresh user
and dignity to the crown" Aristocracy can only be
strong with the love- the confidence the strength Of a
people. The fear that the possession of suffrage by
the people would array them against the mobiles shows
a want of common sense, which would DO surprising
| were il not characteristic. II We look to America
we find the humbles classes, the men who labor and
who have no possible sympathy with wealth and
mower voting for the men who best represent the
aristocratic of England. The lordly planter who
called his roll of thousand slaves, and great
through the degradation of labor, had more
obedent slave than the poor Irishman who
spent his days breaking stone, or
building turnpikcs. 1t would be so in England if the
aristocracy were to be wise in times for it is in poor
human nature to love ribbons and coronets to adore
the divinity which is said to surround majesty. The
aristocatic classes however, instead of moving and
in time winning these classes and adding from day
to day fresh uster aud dignity to the crown" make
cass-ssue with the working people an issue which
brands them as Englshmen unfit to be concerned in
the honor of the crown. They may fight for it, pay
taxes for its support obey it dutul subjects, but
they cannot enter into its councils sit in its Par
lament nor ever possess representation there.
Therefore we say. better that the Government of
Lord Russell should be weak in the hands OF its
friends than strong with thstrength of its enemies
IA strength which would certainly dissolve in the
hour of its trial. Better 3ls members who are willing
to stand by truth, than $40 who follow the Govern
ment to serve their turn upon ito hold office and
WELD power-and prevent its advance in the
path of progress. If the small majority on
the Franchise bill should be followed by defeat on
the bill for the distribution of seats when it reaches
committee-we trust the Government will appeal to
the people England feels strongly on this question:
and the friends of liberty everywhere send words OF
comfort and encouragement. defeat means further
publication. The party of progress led by Gladstone
and Bright, and Mill and Gibson, men who come from
the people and represent genius and energy, aud not
the faded virtues of forgotten fathers must triumph in
the end We could have hoped to have seen
a satisfactory triumph in this Parliament-but
perhaps it il for the best. If the aristoc-
racy will not accept e franchise now, they may
be compelled, after appeal to the people in new
House of Commons, to accept unlimited franchise
manhood suffrage-the ballot Men who are not wise
in time. even when their own selfish interests are con-