The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1866-12-19


that Justice and the equal protection of tn
laws have been denied him, and howeve
groundess may be his complaint, can obtail
n re-hearing of his cause. The tendency o
all this to break down and bring into con
tempt the judicial tribunals of the States, ant
ultimately to transfer the administration O.
Justice both in criminal and civil causes, tt
Courts of Federal jurisdiction, is too NANTES
to require illustration.
A serious objection to the second section,l
itshould be under stood asimplying the pow
or of State to regulate the question OF sui
frage, is, that it imposes penalty upon any
restriction of the franchise, and offers a prem
Jun for its extension : the representation OF a
% State, and its consequent political impor,
lance being diminished in the one event, and
increased in the other The manifest de-
sign of this provision is, to bring about, by
indirect means, the adoption of the suffrage,
irrespective of races or color. And thus a
premium is offered for the proposition of the
franchise. Nothing could be more threaten
ing to the stability of our republican institu-
tons. There can scarcely be doubt that if
the question of negro suffrage could be calm
ly considered purely on its own merits, and
aside from the prejudices of the times, all
thoughtful and well-informed men, would
unite in condemning it as in the highest de-
gree impolitic and unwise.
A leading feature of this second section is,
that virtually, it makes the basis of repre-
sentation to consist of the voters only, which
is manifestly inconsistent with the theory of
our political system. The voters are merely
the appointing power, whose function is to
select the representative but his true consti-
tuency is the whole population. 1t is great
fallacy to maintain that an officer represents
only those who vote for him. Senators are
chosen by the State Legislature, but they
represent not the Legislature merely, but all
classes of the State population with their
varied interests. But 1t is urged by the adj
vocates of the policy of basing representa-
tion on the voters only, that this is necessary
in order to give equal weight to a voter in
different States, and yet there is neither JUS
tire on the one hand, nor any practical I'M
portance on the other, in this idea. Say two
States have equal population, equal voting
strength, and equal representation and sup
pose one of them should choose to restrict
the franchise so that its quota of Represen-
tatives would be selected by half of its for
mer number Of voters this, indeed, would
be matter of interest to its own citizens,
but of what possible concern could it be to
the citizens of the other Srate A complaint
that the weight of voters was not equal,
would come with bad grace from State.
which, by extending widely the franchise
had thereby diminished the relative inpor-
lance of its Individual voter. If two States
had equal population, but one of them should
allow twice as many voters as the other, then,
according to the pending Amendment, one
would be entitled to twice as many Repre-
sentatives as the other This might be Civ
ing equal weight to voters, but would GER
tainly be giving very unequal weight to the
respective non-voting populations so that
no consideration is given &c the non-voters
who must always constitute the great ma
jority of the people, and bear large share
OF the public burdens. And while the ne
groes, who form so large an element in the
population of this Commonwealth, cannot
wisely exercise the right of suffrage, and
should not, therefore, be allowed to do so,
yet if there ever was time when that race
should be counted in the basis of representa-
ton, it is now; for they are thrown as an
immense burden on few States, and will
for many years demand the utmost exercise
of every moral agency for their advancement
in the scale of being.
The third section of the Amendment is de-
signed solely to affect the South. 1t virtual
ly DISTINGUISHES large portion of the peo-
pie of North-Carolina. 1t 81 well known that
most of our able-bodied men were Confeder-
ate soldiers during some part efthe late war;
and of those of our people who were not in
the army, scarcely an individual, can truth
fully say that he rendered "no aid or COM
fort" to the Southern cause; and all who
had previously taken an oath to support the
Federal Constitution, either as Member of
Congress, or as an officer of the United
States, or as Member of State Legislature
or Executive or Judicial officer of any State,
are excluded from, forever hereafter, holding
any office, either in the State or Federal
Government, unless the disability is removed
by two-thirds vote of both Houses of Con.
gress. And it may be added, in this con-
nection, that Congress by providing for the
removal of disabilities by its action upon
two-thirds vote, invades the Constitutional
right of the President to grant pardons.
Very few, indeed, of the men of this State,
of mature years, and capable of filling such
positions, have not at sometime held one or
more of the aforesaid offices, and taken the
oath specified The immediate practical eff
feet, therefore, of the Amendment. if ratified
will be to destroy the whole machinery of our
State Government, and reduce all our affairs
to con lete choas, by throwing out nearly
every public officer, even to Justices of the
Peace and Constables; and it would be hard
ly possible to find enough of men qualified
to fill those various offices, and re-organize
our State Government.
And besides this, all experience proves
that men rising tc power on the ruin of their
fellows. and expecting success only by the
suppression of the popular will, are generally
the worst of all the enemies of their own peo-
pie; and the great mass of the people of this
Commonwealth would, in the opinion of the
COMMITTEE, prefer to commit themselves,
their honor, and their interests to Congress,
as now composed, rather than to those.
whose only hope of ruling, lies in the disfran-
chisement and oppression of more LOYAL and
better men.
The impolicy of imposing this general dis
ability upon those who, in any way. took
part in the late conflict, is shown also by the
lndubitable fact that most of them are now
as conservative, as loyal, and as well affected
towards the General Government as anv class
OF citizens. Those who personally partici.
pated in the great trial of arms, are perhaps
more thoroughly convinced than any Others,
OF the finallty OF the decision, and the utter
folly OF any future appeal to the arbitrament
OF war; and hence have, with few exceptions,
readily acquiesced in the settlement which
has been made of the questions in d;onn+o
Many of those who would be disabled from
holding office, are among the most prominent
and excellent citizens of the State who al