The national Republican. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1866-1870, 1866-04-24

youf Are you fehov, ~ nee bthtes, 10 put
on o republican form Of government And
are you determined hereafter to be lawful and
law-abiding citizens Of the United Statesf'
II they answer that they are, what then :
Assure me Of that" says the President,
land will withdraw the military power;
will no longer hold you as Commander-in-
Chief will no longer govern you by mar
tial law will withdraw the troops and let
the civil laws, which are silent in the midst
Of arms, once more come into full play. You
may substitute the ballot Of the loyal citizen
for the bayonet of the soldier which com
mand. can then safely sheathe the sword
and leave you to yourselves. And when
can do that there is peace"
This Is the substance Of il all. You may
say there Is an air Of the civilian, a scent Of
the civil law and civil authority in the legal
forms employed in which to put and answer
these questions. What OF thatH These
agents are military agents, although wearing
the garb Of the civilian. They are called
provisional governors, but in reality they are
commissioners to propose terms Of peace or
to see If peace has come in reality, or whether
it is q hollow and deceitful appearance Of
peace only. They are not civil governors,
but provisional governors. No matter what
you call them; names are Of no consequence.
IL they should be sent out simply as spies,
by commanding general to ascertain the
temper Of the peoples to learn whether they
mean to keep the peace, or, as soon as the
army is withdrawn, to fight again, for the
purpose Of satisfying the President whether
he can safely withdraw his military force or
not, it is all the same thing. 1t u.s. Of neces-
sity, military question, and clearly within
the scope and duty Of military commander.
II is, therefore, no INVASION no trampling
upon the rights Of any Of those States, to
use such agencies.
Now, to Illustrate this little more fully.
Suppose the President had not employed
anybody but had gone himself TO do all
these things that his agent, his commits
sioner, provisional governor, or whatever
you calf him, is authorized by him to do;
and suppose he should go around himself
among the people, and that all his Cabinet
should go along with him, administering
oaths Of allegiance, and organizing elections
by which the people could show their dispo-
sition toward the Government, in order that,
upon his own knowledge, he could determine
whether it was his duty still to keep the army
in force or to withdraw it, and say to the
people Of the State, "Now you can go on;
leave you To yourself; reorganize your civil
government republican in form;" what then
would become Of this objection that the
President was assuming power? 1t would
vanish in an instant.
But suppose he had done this, which in my
Judgment would have been the simplest Of
all; suppose he had authorized the general
in command to act for him, to do all this
through officers in the army, to test the
loyalty and allegiance of the people Of those
States toward the Government Of the United
States; to advise them to accept the situa-
ton in which the war has placed them; to
abolish the institution of slavery; to ratify
the amendment to the Constitution Of the
United States which aboliskes slavery in
every State, and thus demonstrate that they
have accepted their situation as free States
forever as the result Of this war; Or, go
step further, and suppose that he had author
lied General Sherman to make Just these
propositions to them; suppose they had been
made as part Of the term Of the surrender
of the armies under the express direction of
the President, who could ever doubt the
Presidents power as Commandern-Ch Chief to
make them? Who, then, / ask, can doubt
that the President has power to send an agent
down into any one Of those States, and by
the cooperation Of the military commander,
do precisely the same thing now? Who can
doubt it?
The reason, probably, why the Admins
tration, instead of employing general in
command, appointed special agents to do this
duty was twOfold: first, because il was sup
posed that some person who had personal in
fiuence among the people, who not been con-
nccted with the army, might have more in
iluence in prevailing upon that people TO &C
cept the situation war had brought upon them
than one who had passed through their coun-
try in the terrible storm of war, and whose
red right hand had been to them like the
scourge of God. 1t was doubtless supposed
that man selected from among their own
people, of great influence among them, might
be listened to, that his counsels would be
more likely to lead them in their very souls
to submit, in good faith, to the authority Of
the Government We know that, in ancient
times, there were certain persons performing
substantially the same duties, who were de
nominated heralds, who were sent out to an
nOunce terms Of peace upon the termination
Of the conflict. 1t does not matter by what
names these persons are called. The power
exists as one Of the necessary incidents of
military authority and military operations, a
part of which is to make peace as well as to
make war.
Another reason, probably, why Mr.. John
son appointed these provisional governors
grows out Of the fact that his predecessor
made similar appointments, and substantially
adopted the same policy. As Mr.. Johnson's
Cabinet is composed Of the same men who
constituted the Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln, no
doubt their advice has been to him the same
which they gave to Mr.. Lincoln, and which
he has accepted as the true policy in restor-
ing civil government in those States.
You remember, as have before stated,
that Mr.. johnson himself was appointed
military governor of Tennessee. He had ex-
perience in that capacity in endcavoring to
restore civil government in that State. Prob
ably no man in the United States was better
prepared to judge than Andrew johnson,
growing out Of the fact of his ability, his
perfect knowledge of the South and OF the
people of the South, and his actual expert
ence while he was military governor, as he
was called, of Tennessee. Therefore he was
likely to follow Mr.. Lincoln in the line Of
policy adopted by him, and which he had
himself actually tried and put into operation.
But now come to the question Of repre-
sentation in Congress.
Having shown them to be States in this
Union, and therefore entitled to representa-
ton under the Constitution; having shown