Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1866-01-26
WHAT tlie Fro9fdent saNs OF
giOnal Amendments.

~ vi NANAa " -
| objections in the South to their payment
would every year grow stronger and stron-
per. How woulditl look to provide by con-
stiutional amendment that the United
States debt should not be repudiated
Yet this would be no more improper than
the other. Furthermore, there was gross
inconsistency in the proposed mode OF
securing these constitutional amend
ments. They were to he proposed by
a Congress from which the South was
excluded. Then the rebel States, who
1 were unfit to be represented in Congress,
were TO be considered fit 10 ratify a con-
stitutional amendment. If they were
I expected as States to act upon the ques-
ton of ratifying them, they should be
permitted, through their Representatives
in Congress, to act also in proposing
/ them. In effect, he did not think il
| right to demand the adoptiOnb of any con-
stitutiOual amendment As a condition OF
/ admitting Southern members to Con-
gress, because those States We're in now,
! and entitled to all the rights Of States.
Legal GUARANTEES Suggested.
Perhaps the most generally accepted
Dlan of reorganization involves constitu-
| tioual amendments. But there are 9th
| ers in Congress who prefer TO regulate, the
| whole subject by law. Among these are
| the most who wish to meet squarely the
| rugged issue OF negro suffrage. In the
last Congress Mr.. Winter Davis came
very near carrying through such a law.
/ Substantially the same measure is now
before Congress again, and is known as
Ashley's bill. Numerous congressman
have urged this upon the Presidents at
Uention, and more have pressed the gen
eral policy Of providing rather by law
than by constitutional amendment the
guarantees which the entire Union party,
with exceptions too Insignificant TO be
mentiOned,) agree in considering essen
tial to any safe organization.
To such suggestions the President has
REPLIED that he considered Mr.. Ashley's
measure simply a bill for the dissolution
of the Union. He had risked his own
life and property to preserve the Union.
The people of the country stood and had
stood upont the position that the rebellion
TO be put downs and the States thereby
kept in the Union. Mr.. Ashley's bill
now proposed 10 turn them out and pre-
scribe conditions for their return.
He thought the true course for the
Union party to pursue was with open
arms and cordial hands, to welcome
these States into a participation in the
Government. Thus we would have them
as the friends OF the Union party, and
not makethem its enemies, by slamming
the door in their faces.
The Presidents Statement of his own
Theory of Accommodation,
In such connections, the President has
more than once stated his Own theory Of
reconstruction in words much more X
plicit than have found their way into
the public documents.
During the rebellion, the loyal Gov
eminent had in a sense been Overthrown.
1t was therefore the duty of the United
Staues and of the President, during this
time, TO do all in their power to secure to.
these States republican governments.
This became especially his own duty, as
one charged with seeing that the laws
We're executed. His own action in pre-
scribing terms upon which these States
should be recognized, in 50 far as he had
prescribed any, not in harmony with
their forms OF State Government, or insO
far as itseemed TO imply that they would
not be recognized as States unless they
complied with his conditions, was in re-
ality, and was meant to beonly advisory.
He had notintended that his own require
ments should be considered as condi-
tiOns precedent, which the Executive,
or any branch, or all branches of the
Government had any right to exact,
before these States should be entitled to
recognition as States in the Union.
IN fact, these States were entitled to
be represented in Congress, all through
the rebellion. Indeed. there was greater
reason for their then being represented
than there was at other times. Congress
had repeatedly dealt with them as States
during the rebellion. Members from
Virginia, for example, were admitted.
Direct taxes We're ap%portioned among
them just as among the other States.
The ninth section Of the act of the sew
enth of June, eighteen hundred and
siXty-two, in its latter clauses recognized
the same principle.
The rebel States are, therefore. now in
the Union. Indeed, their governments
are more republican, more democratic,
more in harmony with the spirit of our
institutions than they ever were before.
II Congress would only look out there
now, il would see Legislators, Governors,
State officers of all grades, members of
Congress all elected by the people
courts in session, taxes being collected,
mails being carried. Surely these made
States in the Union, if they We're ever
in it.
OF the Admission of Southern Members
Of Congress.
in numerous interviews the President
has stated to different gentlemen in sub
s|tantially the same language, his views
concerning the admission OF rebel Con- !
gressmen. In IN of the minutes before
me, / find a memorandum To this effect:
He repeatedly alluded to its being the
nrnrnara q "a aud aGn2fftfnHTnnn Affv~ aF
each House to judge of the merits of each
election BIZ Itself. This also
was the wise way Of keeping bad men
Of Congress, who might not, through
personal disqualification, be entitled to /
seats. But 1t was grossly wrong to eX-
clude States because Of objections to
individuals. Each claimants case should
rest on and be decided according to his
individual merits.
Representation in Congress was but one
the rights Of States under the Consti-
tuition. Exclusion from Congress does
not, therefore, prevent these rebel States
rom enjoying and exercising other Con-
stitutional rights, over which Congress,
N spite of its denial of their rights, has
no control,
The President ON Party Policy.
In the same line Of conversation, the
President a few days ago said, to certain
representative that the South had trav.
s!led a great way in a short time. They
lad freed tho slaves. They h~adprovided
hat no future legislation should enslave
hem, They had recognized ceFtaincj Y
lights Of the late slaves. They had
the constitutional amendment
prohibiting slavery.
Under such circumstances the uublIc
ointment ofthe country would SOONER OF
alter insure their recognition by Con- ;
Tess. For himself, he would feel a per- {
onal pride in having this accomplished
" the same Union party which had car
led the country through the war. Such
party, with such a history, oGch. 10
inish It's work by bringing oack all these Z
states INTO their true relations In a fully +,
Union. .
LVeceHlly certain prominent men Of
massachusetts,, in a conversation with
nm, mad disclosed "a fear that our PARTY
scenaency might be endangered If the S
should come in, and shovlj act. y
II always used 10 act, as a unit. Vet
low many menpeIs were there To he let $
u from the rebel States Onl,, Gft,, q
lgh[. But the House now has 30, g
.undred. IN this the presidant 80 !,
mistake. The House has INIT ona - J.
req eighty-twoj. 1t argued a LARGE Z
mount Of distrust Of the North, and . \
lrge estimate OF ohe power Of these fftv- =
lght, to suppose that they could rule Ne :
.oFeFnment or obtain the ascendencv in q
ongre5s. J
Feeling and Rearing OF the President Y
Throughout all these interviews. the e
manner has been kind and 4
.'nsiderate. NOlack OF respect has been 4
Tor Congressman; no DISPOSITION
attempt any coercive measures. on .
Re other hand, he hasexhibitedn 40 sense b