Cleveland daily leader. [volume] ([Cleveland, Ohio]) 1865-1873, 1866-03-21
FROM WASHINGTON.
The Civil Rights BiII-COngress and
the President-The Character of the
Presidents Guests-A Compromise
ImUOssibIe.

a the President-The Character of th.
Presidents Guests-A COmprOmls,
i Impossible.
Especial Correspondence Cleveland LEADER,l
WASHINGTON, D. G., March II.
E The storm raised three weeks ago seemi
to have spent its fury, and the attention Of
observers is now directed to the political
heavens to see whether this is to be the
? last or whether another is to rage. Both
Houses have passed the Civil Rights Bill,
and the question of most interest now is,
will the President sign it? This is the
ftwin" measure oc the Freedmens Bureau
Bill, and is, in some respects, more radical
than that. 1t has undergone some amend
ment in consequence of the Presidents
veto. The indications are that the bill
will receive the Presidents signature. Mr..
Raymond called at the White House yes
terday, and he stated to a member from
Ohio that he thought the bill would be
signed. This is a small matter, however,
so long as the President and Congress are
at variance on the question of reconstruc-
tion.
a great deal has been said in certain
quarters to the effect that Congress has not
treated the President with due Difference.
1t is pertinent to ask, therefor, what has
Congress done? A very few members
may have used intemperate language in
speaking of Mr.. johnson and his policy,
but the question is, what has Congress
done? Even on the score of talk, the
President has been far more incorporate
than any member of either House has dared
to be- or all of them put together.
True, Congress passed the Freedman's |
Bureau bill, but this can hardly be called |
disrespectful to the President The fact |
is, the great mass of Union men in Con-
gress have treated Mr. johnson courteous
Iy and even tenderly. The object has
been from the beginning of the session to
nurse him. There is nothing that can be
charged upon Congress as disrespectful to
him, nor can indeed, it be disrespeetful to
differ with him upon this question: Who
shall settle the terms of reconstruction /
This is the head and front of Congression-
al offending. The Freedmen's Bureau
bill was small matter, and much more
has been said of it than its own intrinsic
merits justified. 1t derived its impor-
tsnce from the fact that the issue has
most strikingly revealed the difference be-
tween the President and Congress upon
the great question of the hour.
Be it also noticed, that Mr.. johnson
vetoed the bill because it confers too much
power on the Executive. Mr. Seward al
luded to this pleasantly in his Cooper
Institute speech. But be it further no.
ticed, that while the President thus puts
aside power, or pretend; to,-it is upon
a single detail ofa subject vast and compli-
Gated, which he claims the power to dispose
of without the Intervention of Congress.
So long as he continues to arrogate to
himself the power to impose the terms of
reconstruction, it is hard to believe that
he intended anything more than an Gd
captdndltm argument in his message
Stripped of everything adventitious the
question is this; Shall the President or
Congress say upon what terms the late
rebel States shall be entitled to Tep-asen-
tation in Congress? Although the Tres-
ident shall sign the pending bill, so long
as there is so grave difference between
him and Congress, it is difficult to see how
there can be any permanent truce.
The truth is, the party that elected Mr..
Johuson have treated him with great for
bearance. Individual members of it may
have transgressed-not the party. The
party has borne with him since his inau-
guration. He has been plowing with the
Copperhead heifer from the start. While
he is very exacting, he claims the right to
play fast and loose himself. He is in the
condition of young lady who demands
entire devotion at the hands of her affi-
anced, but claims the right to firt at will
herself 1t is noticed here in Washington
that since the memorable speech Ct the
22d ult., the character of the visitors at the
White House has pereeptibly changed.
Washington has been rebel city in senti-
ment from the beginning ofthe war. Over
swed by nothing but military power, yield
ing to circumstances they were powerless
to throw of, the inveterate rebels kept close
to their doors. They never grsced Mr..
Lincoln's receptions. Old secessionists
who have never visited the Preside nts
Mansion since the halcyon days of Bu-
chauan, are now coming up to comfort
Mr.. johnson with their presence. How
cordially they are received, 1 do not
know. Is it not idle, the question being
as stated above, to talk of compromise be-
tween Congress and the PRESIDENT 1t is
time the country should understand that
there can be no compromise upon
the one great question. Either Con-
gress or the President must yield
the whole of it. We can hardly sup
pose it viii be the former Unless NJ.
johnson has determined to throw himself
into the arms of the Copperheads, it seems
inevitable that he must yield. If he do
this, he must do this everyway, unless he
resort to the revolutionary measure re-
commended by Garrett Davis and some
Copperhead journals. He may come
down slowly, and by an inclined plane,
perhaps but still he must come down.
The spring elections may help him down.
The signing of the Civil Rights Bill will
probably be the first step.
The House has spent the last two days
in discussing the Loan Bill. Last night
it was lost by a small majority. Mr.. Gar
field will move a reconsideration on Mon
day, having voted nay to enable him to do
go. The discussion was very exciting and
the vote close, Yours, ETC.,
r n