Delaware State journal and statesman., 1866-05-18
r,om the philadelphia American, Of Monday.
PARTIES AND PLATFORMS.

About the most remarkable proposition
connected with the present political crisis is
that we should go back to the Baltimore
nlntlorm of 1864, and base upon it our re-
construction policy. When we sustain the
action of Congress, we are told that the Pre-
silent is more i'm accord with the Republi-
ran policy than we are, because he iounds
his action upon the national platform Of the
Rrpublican party. We wonder why these
adroi special plepders stop at 1864, instead
of carrying us back to 1860. If they must
needs take the southern side Of every ques-
tion, the Chicago Republican national plat
form Of 1860 would conserve their purposes
"A great deal better, for that respected State
Rights so much as even to leave slavery
alone.
lIuw long did that platform last usT We
sirove manmlly to get along upon IL. But
it embarrassed the progress of the war so
much, that in less than two years il was
nulihed, and in three years we had adj
vanccd so lhr as to proclaim liberty to the
slave. In 1864 we made our fight on plat
form of which the anti-savery amendment
10 the national constitution was the main
feature, and now President Johnson's i'm
mediate friends urge that adherence to that
is al that we have a right to ask. Nine
tcnths of the party think otherwise, and de-
maud such action of Congress as shall de-
prye the southern oligarchy of the means
Of stirring up future rebellions, and we are
rmyely told by few timid conservatives
that we have no right TO make this the poll
~ of the Republican party, because il was
not in the Baltimore platform of 1864.
When that platform was made, the war
was not yet ended, and the need of n recon-
slruction policy was not felt. That the
party should therefore abandon all right to
make any policy on the subject is what we
are coolly asked 10 believe. The men who
say these things seem to ignore the fact that
the successful close of the war has developed
necessities for new platforms; that the Re-
pubicans are the progressive men of the
country; that there is no positive prosperity
ilmt is not identified with their policy or
measures So far as we can now make out,
Democrats and conservatives, to disclaim
their intention of basing their antagonism to
the Republican party on opposition to the
Civil Rights bill. They appear disposed to
accept tacitly that very measure, against
which they raised such clamor, as finali
~. But whilst so asserting to it, they deny
io Congress the credit due it for passing
that measure, and still so on asking us to
restore unanimity in the Republican ranks
by acknowledging the Baltimore platform
oi 1864 as the sole guide TO our action.
Now we beg leave here 10 say distinctly
That the Civil Rights bill does constitute
nur platform. The essential element of that
great measure is equality before the law.
Weregard that principle as too dear to the
hearts of all lovers of constitutional liberty
aud popular rights to be evaded, OF left open
"a ieopary hereafter. We, therefore, most
heartily rejoice 10 sec that the Reconstruc-
lion Committee made il the initial step of
all its final programme, that the principle OF
equality before the law shall be incorporated
with the national Constitution. That is the
first section of the proposed amendment that
las just passed the House of Representa-.
lives, and it is so fundamental in its character
and so inestimably valuable, that we should
he willing even to accept other conditions
respecting which we are not quite so clear,
in order 10 insure this one.
Here, then, we plant our feet. The princi
pile of equality before the law is the platform
of the Republican party, and if the President
and his friends cannot accept it, we mus
part. This is platform worthy of the coun
try, of the age, of the close of such a strug
Hlc as that from which we have just emerged
Upon it we can go into the electoral canvass
with the confidence that ON such an issut
success is merely question of time. We
have but to secure the success of this amend
ment, and the President and his friends will
he as ready TO accept the decision as they
have shown themselves to be with the Civi
Rights bill
II the President wishes still to Temair
with us we cannot understand his excessive
anxiety to conciliatc the rebel States. III
must be aware that if his policy obtains w
shall never have chance of establishing
even the nucleus of a Republican party il
those States, and were he 10 he nominated
for President by the Republican Convention
of 1868, not one of those States would vot
for him. BY vetoing the Colorado bill Ii
prevents the admission of Republican
State which in 1868 would cast three votel
lor our candidates. BY forcing in elevoi
rebel States without any precautions as 4
heir internal organization, he would max
it MS much as mans life would be wort
even to advocate in these States the clectio
of Republican candidate in 1868, eve
were his name Andrew johnson. Let Cor
gress mature our internal polity, and W
shall go into the great canvass of that yea
with such issues as will triumphantly swee
every State not heretofore hitcled to III
inggernaut car of slavery
But TO ask us TO stand still when the who
country shows so much need for our goin
ON, to ask us to be governed by platlor
not now applicable, to ask us to ignoi
every live issue and betake ourselves TO
parcel of dead ones, is sheer nonsense. I'll
- ~ hSiS uA9poSeu w heuih
10 reason, might perceive that he cam
possibly sweep back with broom the gre
Hood that is rushing past him. If he mu
stand still and be swamped, we shall regr
At more for his sake than for that of Il
party. For the party is strong enough
help itself. II did so without the aid of {
fees, and it can do so again whenever ii mt
be necessary. 1t is idle now to talk of retr
gression. Let the Administration go whe
1t chooses, we pronounce for equality befo