New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1866-01-23


posponement Of its consideration TO some future day.
MrSrRvESs replied that be intended If the House was
ready to pass IT before sandown ne was WILING ,nas
side should express their views on the subject now
Mr.. RANDALL (Pa-) inquired whether the whole
policy OF the Government was thus 10 be changed in the
Mr.. STEVENS said he did not yield to discussion.
Mr. RANDALL remarked that he was against the reso-
uton as member from Pennsylvania lie did not
know how 1t affected other States He appealed to his
coleage rot to press vote, but TO let 1t Lie s0d
have printed In order that Its full scope may DO un'
derstood.
Mr.. WILSON Qowa) said the same subject had been
referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. II he had
caught the words Of the resolution correctly the reso
linton was the same denticay as that agreed upon by
Mr.. GRIpgR RyN asked that the resolution be
printed and Its discussion postponed to some day this
week.
Mr.. ROGERS On. J.) remarked that he had made a
minority report and that he was now ready to express
his views Oh the sabject
that members might the resolution In print. and
weigh every word. They should not pass upon q
measure OF this importance when, as the gentleman
from Iowa, said they could only catch the words He
wanted something equivalent to be passed. but at the
same time be wished day stated as early as to.mor
row. when legislation could be commenced and con-
bnued until tho subject was disposed Of
Mr.. RANDALL (Pa.) fully understood the power
his colleague (Mr. stevens) had to drive the meas
urc through BY a majority Of the House. BE had
word only to say: We simply desire to have time to
look into the project He asked his colleague whether
he would consent TO postpone The matter until Thurs
day and make 1t special order from day day. He
had never heard of the resolution before now and to
press II through the House to-day would certainly be
preciptate action.
Mr.. JonN L. THOMAS (Md) made On explanation IN
effect that the afternoon Of the day the bill for
tending suffrage in the District Of Columbia under
discussion be was in receipt Of two communications
which made II necessary for him to leave for
The train to leave at las and he had attend
that city business for hs constituents equal in
import ance to the Suffrage bill. He voted in tie House
fD law no tha fail and ad
ton TO refer the bill with instructions BE then turned
his eye to the clock, which marked ten minutes Of the
starting time OF the Annapolis train when he left the
Hall. twas not with the intention Of evGding vote
on that bill. He thought he had placed himself fairly
and sQuarely against negro suffrage either qualified or
universal. He now asked to record his vote against
the bill.
The SPEAKER said that the rule was that gentleman
could not vote unless be was in his seat.
Mr.. ROGERS On. j.. member OF the Committee on
| Reconstruction, said that there Yves agreement
either expressed or implied that the debate should be
confned 10 any particular number OF persons lie was
here the democratic theory that the resoutiOnught
not to be passed without all gentlemen having full
opportunity to debate II. This the first time since
the formation Of the Constitution that proposition
Of this character of similar kind had ever been
presented to the House Of Representatives to the
people Of the United States for their ratification It
was a proposition to change the organized law
of the land with regard to OF the fundamental prin
ciples laid down Dy fathers at the formation Of
Government. II was fundamental axiom that taxa
tion and representation should always 20 together Ii
the gentlemen would examine the amendment they
would that it in violation Of Che doctrine pro.
claimed by the fathers Of the Republic when they
sisted the despotism and tyranny OF England They
resisted the mother country because she attempted TO
tax the colonies without allowing them repre-
sentatives In the councils Of the nation. 1t
s,apped the foundation and principles nsiIs o.
ter examining the effect of the amendment he
said its only object to deprive States Of representa-
us, they 81 ana ss
the party in power 1t he repeated, TO induce in
qualified suffrage without regard to the intelligence
which refused Ito to be driven BY the Federal power into
that measure. What was moro democratio than that
all States should be represeDtedi The representation
the white race in the legislation Of the Ethiopian Af
can negro Of this continent. The object was TO
remedy the evil which Republican members supposed
toeIist IN the Constitution namely, the right 70 con
tons their Judgment may dictate and therefore 1t
was the duty Of Congress to take the same sovereign
allow this race or color to vote you shall have
no representation for that race or color
In the Of his remarks be said the right OF revo
beev, they were oppressed by despotsm and tyranny
shey had by the laws Of God and nations the high right
resist unto revolution. Had 1t not been for the
the rag o. nsDsd s
cpes Of Secession He stood by Andrew johnson. and
would open the doors Of the legislature to our errng
band ourselves as band Of brothers and march to the
halls Of the Montezuma and drive the Imperial usurper
from his throne. Lie mentioned another objection to
the amendment. 1t should not II adopted at all. be
ratified without consulting the people or submitting it
to convention Of the States The intention o. the
Committee OF Fifteen was seemed to drive them BY
legislation out Of the Union, In other words, to do
what Secession failed TO consummate.
SPEECH OF MR. coNKLISa.
Mr.. CoSKLNG said: The principle OF the pending
amendment IL that political does not be-
long to those who have no political existence Ine
sayes of the South were not members OF that political So
cety which formed the Constitution ofthe United States
being without acknowledged political rights and In our
system the anomaly: the nondeseIpt ASH could not 90
persons to be represented the free States that
slaves persons TO be taxed. was agreed as ono
Of the compromises Of the that the Tree peo
ME OF all the States should be counted alike. and should
ali have their fair share Of power as thus ascertained
and then the free people ofthe ssvehoding States
should have as much more power beside Is would De
measured by counting every slave as threeffhs OF
person, direct taxes to follow the same rate. This
covenant 10 operation 50 long as there was any
thing for it TO operate ug0n but that provision has be-
rely upon in Its place but the residue Of
the second section OF the first article. which.
owing the rupture Of the technical tie OF Slavery
would. as 1t stands. work ont results now when
when the Constitution made, were condemned by
the Judgment Of all -Four millions OF people once
have ss 30. not out y Se
that is to become Of the power they represented.
Where is 1t to got II be true as we areod that the
there IL an end Of the controversy for there Is place
logically for this power 10 90, save TO the blacks.
they are unfit to have IT, 1t should not exist Our
fathers never dreamed Of there being 1000 600 persons
10 the country unfit for political existence. They
trusted TO gradual and voluntary emancipation to 20
hand in hand with education and rsnchsement. The
three hs clause gives sayeholding States, over and
above their Just representation 10 representatives Be-
sdee the new census Of 1860 will enable them to claim %
beside their first proposition to he cast for those held
not fit 10 be jurors nor witnesses nor plaintiffs In gutc
nor voters Shall l27 600 white people in Eew.York
cas-. but one vote In this House and In the Electoral
College while the number Of white people In the