Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1866-02-28


But l am not willing, under either cir
cumstance, to adopt policy which l be
lieve will only result in a sacrifice of hi
life and the shedding of his blood.
think know what say. l feel what
say, and 1 feel well assured, that if tn
policy urged by some be presisted in,
will result in great injury to the white a
well as the colored man.
There is great deal of talk about the
sword in one hand accomplishing an end
and the ballot accomplishing another a
the ballot-box. These things are all very
well, and sometimes have a forceable ap
plication. We talk about justice; We
talk about right; we say that the white
nan has been in the wrong in keeping
the black man in slavery as long as he
has. That is all true.
Again, we talk about the Declaration
of independence, equality before the law
You understand all that, and know how
appropriate it is. But now let US looB
each other in the face. Let US go to the
great mass of colored men Throughout
the slave States. Let US take the condi
ton in which they are at the present
time land it is bad enough, we all know,
and suppose by some magic touch, you
could say to every one, 'you shall vote
tomorrow" how much would that ameil-
crate their condition at this time? Now
let us get closer up to the subject and
talk about il.
What relation has the colored man to
the white man heretofore occupied in the
South2 l oppose slavery on two grounds:
First, it was great monopoly, enabling
those who controlled it to constitute
an aristocracy-enabling the few to de-
rive great profit, and ruled the many with
an iron, rod as it were, and that is one
great objection to it in a Government, its
being a monopoly. was opposed to it
upon the abstract principle.
In getting clear of monopoly, we were
getting clear of slavery at the same time.
So, you see, there were two ends accom-
plished in the accomplishment of the
the one.
Mr.. Douglass-Mr. President, do you
wish
The PRESIDENT am not quite through
yet. Slavery has been abolished. A
great National guarantee has been given,
one that cannot be revoked. l am get
ting at the relation that existed between
the white man and the colored man. A
very small proportion of white persons.
with the whole number Of
such, owned the colored people of the
South. l might instance the State of
Tennessee in illustration. There were
twenty-seV n non-slaveholders to one
slave owner, and yet the slave power con-
trolled that State. Although the color
ed man was in slavery there, and owned
as property in the sense and in the Ian
guage of that locality and of that COM
munity, yet in comparing his condition
and his position with the non-slaveholder,
be usually estimated his Importance just
in proportion to the slaves his master
owned, with the non-slaveholder. Have
you never lived upon a plantation!"
Mr.. Douglass-''I have your excellen-
,y."
The President-"When you would
ook over and see a man who had large
iamily struggling hard upon poor piece
Of land, you thought great deal less of
him than you did of your own master"
Mr.. ouglass-"Not L"
The President-"Well, l know such
vas the case with large majority of you
n those sections where such is the case.
We know there is an enmity. We know
here is a hatred. The poor white man,
IN the other hand, was opposed to both
lave and master, for the colored man
md his master combined, kept him in
lavery, by depriving him of a fair par
icipation in the labor and productions of
he rich lands of the country. Don't you
know that the colored man, in going to
lunt a master, as they called it for the
lext year, preferred hiring to a man who
,wned slaves, rather than to one who
lidn't? 1 know the fact at all events.
Mr.. Douglass-Because they treated
him better.
The President-They did not consider
t quite as respectable to hire to man
Who did not own negroes as to hire to
me who did.
Mr.. Douglass-Because he wouldn't be
reated as well.
The President-"Then there is another
rgument in favor of what | am going to
ay. 1t showed that the colored man es-
imated the slave owner more highly
han he did the man who did not own
laves.
Hence the enmity between the colored
nan and the non-slaveholders. The
White man was permitted to vote before
he Government was devised. He is a
art and parcel of the political machin-
ry now, by rebellion or revolution, and
Then you come back to the objects of
his war, you find that the abolition of
lavery was not one of its objects.
Congress and the President declared
hat it was on our part, in order to sup
,ress the rebellion. The abolition of sla-
cry has come as an incident in the sup
ression of the rebellion. As an incident
re should give it the proper direction
he colored man went into this rebellion
S a slave.
By the operation of the rebellion he
anne out freeman in other portions of
be country. There is great deal done
Or him on this point. The non-slave-
older was for ced into the rebellion, and
-aS as loyal as those who lived beyond
he limits of the slave State, but was car
led into it, and the property, and in a
umber of instances, the lives of such |
ere sacrificed and he who has survived |
as come out of it with nothing gained,
ut great deal lost
Now, upon what principle of justice,
lould they be placed in a condition diff
,rent from what they were beforeY
On one hand one has gained a great |
cal. On the othsr hand one has lost
reat deal, and, in a political point of
lew, scarcely stands where he did be-
re.
Now we are talking about where we
e going to begin. We have got at the
ate that existed between the two races.
he query comes up whether these two
ices, situated as they were before, with
1t preparation, without time for passion,
Id excitement to be appsased, and with
1t time for the slightest improvement,
i'd whether the one should be turned
ose upon the other, or be thrown to-
sther at the ballot box, with this enmi-
and hate existing between them. The
lery, say, comes up, will We not then
war of races? l think / un-
,rstand this thing, and especially is this
e case, when you force it upon a peo-
e without their consent. You have
,oken of the Government. Where is
Ie power derived? We say it is derived
om the people. Let US take il so, and
fer it to the District of Columbia, by I
ay of illustration. Suppose, for in ]
ance, here in this political community,
- n I I