The Jackson standard. [volume] (Jackson C.H., Ohio) 1847-1888, 1866-09-06


half the energy to repairing and main
tanning their levees that they had deyo-
ted to killing the soldiers and friends Of
the Union they could make the Missis-
sippi run as high as the mountain-tops
from its source to its mouth, and 50 they
could. Q.aughter) They dug in
trenchments enough during the war,
behind which to hide and kill your sons
and mine, to have enabled them, if they
had so directed their labor, to have
made the Mississippi obey its bounds
until time shall be no more. You can
not always tell exactly what ails a pa
tient until he reaches the second stage
of the disease. We have reached the
second stage of our national sickness,
and we can see now plainly what it is
that the stage Of "my policy" brings
forth. 1t has ripened and eliminated
in one Of the most bloody and wanton
scenes of murder that the world has yet
seen-the murders in New Orleans.
The men who would WOO us to take
them back into full communion have the
blood Of aDostie and his Union COM
peers upon their souls. The true way,
it appears, to enforce "my policy" is to
kill its opponents. Certainly it is an
efectual remedy, but it is very hard to
take. daughter and Cheers.) The
true way to prevent the holding of a
convention is to kill its members. Oh,
the indescribable beauties of "my poll
cyl" and the insane Radicalism Of Con-
gress that does not believe it is all right.
Let my policy alone all will go easily.
Perhaps so; but why? Because there
is no perceptble difference between "my
policy and rebel policy" That is the
reason. .5(Great cheering) The time
has come when | for one do not mean
to use honeyed phrases to express my
honest convictions What my fate may
be is immaterial; but the fate of Re
publican principles should be as dear as
the apple of his eye to every one of u.s.
| have no war to make upon the Prcsi-
dent, and neither has Congress He
has made war upon them, and in doing
so he has made war upon the best in
terests Of the country. | will illustrate
what | mean. We all rejoiced with ex-
ceeding great joy when the proclama-
ton was announced to the world, and
our joy was redQubled when we saw the
great proclamation consummated. 1t
left upon the hands Of this nation, as
wards, four millions untutored human
beings, to whom we stood in loco parea-
hs. Plainly, then, the first great duty
of the nation was to take care of those
defenseless ones, to furnish them food,
clothing, and education, to open up the
long closed avenues of their intelligence,
and to raise them from slavery to citi-
zenship. Congress, in order to do that,
organized Bureau under the lead OF
that gallant, heroic, Christian gentleman
and soldier, Gen. Howard prolonged
cheering) That Bureau was omnipres-
ent throughout the South. Wherever
the cry of hunger was heard, it sup
piled food. Wherever the starved in
telect of the people craved light and
education, the Bureau set about supply
ing them. / ielt proud when every
Union man in the Senate Chamber vot.
ed for the Frccdmen's Bureau bill. But
that bill went to the other end of the
Avenue, and came back with the Presi-
dents objections. 1t was so expensive.
The last scale in which o man ought
ever to weigh his humanity. Whenev-
er | present good project to man
which, however, asks him to pay some
thing, and he says, "Well, | like it, but
it is so expensive" l say, "Good morn
ing, Sir l have done with you"
Naughter) When you find a man who
puts his duty OE his humanity into one
Scale, and balances it with a dollar in
the other, have nothing to do with him;
1t would be time wasted l would not
give much for his sense of duty, or his
humanity, or his religion either. The
Freedmen's Bureau bill was so expen-
sive the President said. | am afraid,
friends, it is little too late now to be-
gin to economise about the war.
daughter and cheers,) But the Freed
mems Bureau was not alone for blacks.
Let me tell you fact, whichis support
ed by the statistics, that more rebel
mouths were fed by it, more who were
white, or partly so, Qaughter) than
blacks, two to one. That bill was We
toed, and my Brothers Doolittle and
Cowan and Lane, who has since died,
began to see objections to it, and we
lacked one of the two-thirds necessary
to carry it. Poor, weakened souls,
| knew what the matter was. There
was a Postmaster going to be removed,
or Collector of Internal Revenue, or
one to be appointed, and thereupon
Johnson's objections to the bill became
quite palpable to them. But time rolled
on, and, not disheartened, the friends
of freedom and justice brought forward
the twin sister of that great measure.
1t received the sanction of all except the
weakened Republicans and the craven
Democrats. These latter, however, ]
do not blame when they vote or act
wrong, because it is the confirmed hab-
it of their lives | do not expect to
gather figs from thorns, nor grapes eth.
er. Naughter) But the Civil Rights
it never entered into my head that any
one would oppose, What was the OBJ
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