Bradford reporter. [volume] (Towanda, Pa.) 1844-1884, 1866-09-27
A d d r E 5 S
OF THE
NATIONAL UNION COMMITTEE,
To the AnJerican Pe0pEe.

=
to, and so suggest the duties to your coun-
try which they render imperative
We shall avoid the use of hard Words
Of these, there have already been too many
And, that the matters in issue NAV be
brought within the narrowest compass, let
US first eliminate from the controversy all
that has already been settled or has never
been in dispute
The Republic has been desperately as
sailed from within, and its very existence
seriously imperiled Thirteen States were
claimed as having withdrawn from the I'm
ion, and were represented for years in a
hostile Congress meeting at Richmond. Ter
of these States were, for time, wholly in
the power of a hostile confederacy the
other three partially so. The undoubtedly
loyal States were repeatedly and formida-
bly, invaded by Rebel armies, which were
only expelled after obstinate and bloody
battles, Through four years of arduous, des-
perate civil strife, the hosts of the Rebel
COntederacy withstood those of the Union
Agents of that Confederacy traversed the
civilized world, seeking allies in their war
against the Republic, and melting the
rapacious and unprincipled to fit out armed
corsair sto prey upon her commerce. By
State authority, and in the perverted names
of patriotism and loyalty, hundreds Of thou
sands of our countrymen were conscripted
into Rebel armies and made to fight des-
petately for our national disruption and ru-
in. And though, by the blessing Of God
and the valor and constancy Of our loyal
: people, the Rebellion was finally and utter
" crushed, it did not succumb until It had
caused the destruction of more than Half
Million of precious human lives, not to speak
of property to the value of at least Five
Billions of Dollars
At length, the Rebel armies surrendered
and the Rebel armies surrendered and the
Rebel power utterly collapsed and vanish
ed. What then?
The claim of insurgents that they either
now reacquired or had never forfeited their
constitutional rights in the Union, including
that of representation in Congress, stands
in pointed antagonism alike to the require
ments Of Congress and to those of the act
ing President 1t was the Executive alone
who, after the Rebellion was no more, ap-
pointed Provisional Governors for the now
submissive, unarmed Southern States, on
the assumption that the Rebellion had been
Revolutionary" and had deprived the peo-
, pie under the sway Of all civil government,
and who required the assembling of "a Con-
vention, composed Of delegates to be chosen
by that portion Of the people Of said State
!, who are loyal to the United States, and no
others, for the purpose of altering and amen
ding the Constitution of said State 1t was
President Johnson who so late as October
last-when all shadow of overt resistance
to the Union had long since disappeared
insisted that it was not enough that State
which had revolted must recognize her Or
f dinanCe Of Secession as null and void from
the beginning, and ratify the Constitution
al Amendment prohibiting Slavery evermore
but she must also repudiate "every dollar
, of Indebtedness created to aid in carrying
on the Rebellion" 1t was he who ordered
the dispersion by military force of any leg
islature chosen under the Rebellion which
, should assume power to make laws after
the rebellion had fallen. 1t was he who re-
f ierrcd to Congress all inquigers as to the
probability Of Representatives from the
States lately in revolt being admitted to
seats in either House, and suggested that
f they should present their credentials, not at
the organization Of Congress, but afterward.
And fnally,it was he, and not Congress, who
suggested to his Gov. .Sharkey of Mississippi,
, that
'If you could extend the elective franchise to all
persons of color who can read the Constitution OF
the United States in English and write their names,
and to all persons of color who real estate val
uef at no less than $3.50 and pay taxes thereon,
you would completely disarm the adversary, and
set an example that other States will follow.
If, then, there be any controversy as to
the right of the loyal States to exact con-
ditions and require guarantees of those
Y which plunge madly into Secession and Re
bellion, the supporters respectively of An
drew Johnson and Of Congress cannot be
antagonist parties to that contest, since
q their record places them on the same side.
1t being thus agreed that conditions of
restoration and guarantees against future
-, rebellion may be exacted of the States late,
Iy in revolt, the right of Congress to a voice
8 in prescribing those conditions and in shap
- ing those guarantees is plainly incontest
bic Whether it take the shape of law OF
of constitutional amendment, the action
= of Congress is vital Even if they were tc
be settled by treaty, the ratification of the
. Senate by two thirds vote, would be in
dispensable There is nothing in the Fed
: eral Constitution nor in the nature of the
case, that countenances an Executive mon
i oploy of this power.
What, then, is the ground of complaint
g against Congress?
Is it charged that the action of the two
. Houses was tardy and hesitating? Consid
Q er how momcntous were the questions in
volved, the issues depending Consider
how novel and extraordinary was the stu
s alton. Consider how utterly silent anC
blank is the Federal Constitution touching
g. the treatment Of insurgent States, whether
during their fragrant hostility to the UnioI
Il or after their discontinue. Consider will
how many embarrassments and difficulties
! the problem is besct, and you will not won
der that months were required to devise
., perfect, and pass, by two-thirds vote il
either House, just and safe plan Of recon
struction.
Yet that plan has been matured. it hal
passed the Senate by 33 to IL, and tht
House by 1873 to 3G. 1t is now fairly befor,
't the country, having already been ratified
al by the Legislatures of several States anC
% rejected by none. Under it, the State 0