The Daily empire. (Dayton, Ohio) 1865-1867, 1866-03-31


admits of neither compromise nor conciJia-
tlon, and that the controversy can be de-
clded only by an appeal 10 their common
supcrlors, the sovereign people,
The New York Herald Independently
says his (the Iresldent's) objections, on
constitutional grounds, exhibit this (Civil
Rights BID IA Involving the most fragrant
devices for overriding the reserved rights
of the States, In their Legislative aud Judi
clal tribunals, ever attempted In Congress.
We had supposed this bill In new shape, a
sort Of reproduction of the old Fugitive
Slave Law, but under the searching analy-
SIS of Andrew johnson 1t appears u hun
dred times worse that the rejected Freed
mems Bureau experiment. and nothing less
than OIL of unconstitutional dbOmiHdtiOns
from beginning TO end. The objections
submitted against the first section Of the
bill, however, ARE those which mark the
impossible barrier between him aud the
ruling Radicals of Congress.
The veto Is, In fact an emphatic dcclara-
ton Of war against the Radicals and their
reconstruction system, root aud branch,
llcnceiorward there can be no party in~
dOrsements of the policy of Congress,
coupled with professions of adhesion to the
policy of the Administration.
The Cincinnati Times (Republican) says
oft;
Another objection that is well taken Ia
that the bill proposes to arraign members
Of State Legislatures who shall enact any
discrimination founded on color, or State
judges who shall sit In administration of
such laws, and snbject them TO fine aud i'm
prlsonment for the crime, This Is as the
President says, an unwafranted invasion OF
the immunities which should ever guard
the independence of legislative and Judicial
officers. ff .I.tU
Then this bill establishes 'oithin the
States, such II horde OF national judicial
officers, backed by the army and navy, as TO
almost overwhelm State authority. This
horde of officers are 10 DO made the very
blood suckers of the State; for fee of $40
Is 20 be paid to the Commissioner on any
ease brought before him, and S5 TO his dep
uty or deputies for each person that they
may arrest. This Is very like the fee OF $40
for remanding n fugitive slave, and of only
S6 for giving him his liberty, of which
such noise was made few years since.
Corrupt men would be tempted, by this bill,
to make many arrests, ns 30 for each would
be easily earned. This bill proposes to con-
fer upon the Federal Judiciary powers
which are not delegated 10 that tribunal by
the Constitution"
The Cincinnati Enquirer, (Dcmocratlc) In
n somewhat elaborate article on II, says:
The Constitution contains, In itself no
revolutionary element IL can not alter
Itself, nor can II be altered by the mere force
of party or political circumstances, or ma
tiOnal or popular conditions. with the cX-
ception of one most uiwisc and illeglti-
niatcly- -begottcn amendment, Il remains as
II was when IL was accepted by the thirteen
States rs the basis of their collective pollty ;
and no Interpretation of any OF Its powers
or provisions which was c0nf0rmable and
| & n A.
Is any otherwise at present.
The law under consideration was passed
by a legislative body, under the influence
OF social theories to which the Constitution
gave no encouragement, and of party feel
| lngs In rebellion to Its spirit, aud restive
under Its provisions. The design of the
trainers and supporters Of the bill, so far as
they took the Constitution into the account,
was TO cvade 1t. What they wanted was to
get around IL II possible and II this could
not be done, at leAst TO create plausible
appearance Of having done so; but the
thing To be done was too great for the
powers of those by whom Ii was under
taken and while'the attempt 10 evade IL
manifest, the failure to succeed IL equally
palpable,'
And Ii ends with the emphatically most
truthful declarations, worthy to be serl-
ously pondered ""H.
'Let any man cast his eye over the whole
field Of our politics. and he will not fail TO
discover that the elements Of National dis
integration--not the severance merely of
one great part from another, but the dis
solution of the whole by general decline
of cohesive power---are more numerous and
active than ever before, and are rather In
creaslng than diminishing In numbers and
activity. The Union was never In so much
danger before MS II Is noy. There never
was time when the National spirit was
weaker, or when the ultimate breaking up
of our political system was mentally con-
tcmplated with half 10 much indifference; I;
and this Is true especially of the party In
power whose leaders would not. TO all APP
| pearance, abandon one of their vindictlve
and radical measures II they knew that the
breaking up Of the Union would be the
consequences of their adhesion TO It,"
The Cincinnati Commercial (Republiean)
says .t. I'm III,
''rhe class Of legislation attempted by
Congress, and which the President cOinbats
In his veto messages, Is revolutionary, be-
cause subverslve of our system Of Govern
ment, that referred local matters 20 local
/ Legislators and magistrates. 'dau
| "All that was placed within our grasp by
the costly sacrifices Of the wal, may yet be
I lost. IL Is the manifest purpose of tie Pres
! ident 10 pursue 10 the end the line of policy
that he has marked out, and II is lmpossi-
! BILE for Congress 10 succeed In carrying out
the Radical programme, with the whole
Democratic party, the united south, the
President with his enormous patronage,
and the sympathy ofmodeIate men, against
Ii, and the obvious intention IL, by grand
coup d'etdt, TO undertake the impeachment
Of the President, that his place may be
filled by one Of the Radical persuasion.
This, taking all things into consideration,
would be n supremely hazardous expert
ment, asht would have neither the ELECTORAL
majority or physical .preponderance Of the
country 10 sustain IT,"