Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1866-04-18
rae sRAFTsmAm,s JopRnAL.

under no consideration, sought controversy, I
with the President. So tar from it, the piil
was proposed with a1yiew to carry out Wnat
men supposed to be the views OF the fresl-
dent, and was submitted to him before Its
introduction into the Senate. am not a.
bout to relate private declaraslons ol tue
President. hut it is right that the American
neonls shouId know that the controversy
which exists between him and Congress IN
reference to this measure is OF his OWN seek
ing. Soon after Congress met IL became
anparent that there was difference OF opin-
ion between the President and some meh1
bers of CongeSs in regard to the conaition OF
the rebellious States and the rights to be
secured to freedmen The President In bis
annual message had denied the Constltu-
tional power of the General government TO
extend the elective franchise to negroes, but
he was equally decided in his assertion OF
the right of every man to lite, hcerty, ana
the pursuit of happiness. This was his Ian
guage but while [ have no doubt that now,
after the close of the war, 1t is not compe.
tent for the General Government to extend
the elective franchise in the several States,
it is equally clear that good faith requires
the security of the freedmen In their liberty
and their property There were some mem
bers of Congress who expressed the opinion
that, in the REORGANIZATION of the rebcllious
States, the right of suffrage should be exten-
ded to the colored man, though this was not
the prevailing sentiment OF Congress, all
were anxious for a reorganization OF the re.
bellious States and to their full participation
in the Federal Government as soon as these
relations could be restored with safety to all
concerned Feeling the importance of har
monious action between the different depart
ments of the Government, and an anxious
desire to sustain the President, for whom L
had always entertained the highest respect,
had frequent interviews with him during the
early part of the session. Without men,
tioning anything from considerations which
| have stated and believing that the pas
sage of law by Congress, securing eqality
in civil rights when denied by State author
tiles to freedmen and all other inhabitants
of the United States, would do much to re
ieve anxiety in the North and to induce the
Southern states to secure these rights by their
own action and thereby remove MANY of the
obstacles to an early reconstruction, prepar-
ed the bill substantially as it now returns
with the Presidents objections. After the
bill was introduced and printed, copy was
furnished him, and at subsequent period,
when it was reported that he was hesita-
ting about signing the Freedmen's Bureau
Bill, he was informed of the Civil Rights
Bill then pending in the House, and hope
expressed that if he had any objections to
any of it's provisions, he would make them
known to its friends that they might be
remedied if not destructive to the measure;
that there was believed to be no disposition
on the part of Congress, and certainly none
on my part to have bills presented to him
which he would not approve. He never in
dicated to me, nor, SO far as | know, to any of
f,,a ,lr kl,a Nb, - II
the provisions of the bill till after its pas
sage. How could he consistently with him
self? The bill was framed, as was suppos-
ed, in entire harmony with his views, and
certainly, with what he was then, and has
since been, doing in protecting freedmen in
their civil rights ALL through the rebellious
States. 1t was strictly limitedto the protection
ofthe civil rights beloning to every freedman,
the birthright of every American citizen,
and carefully avoided, eonfning or interfer-
ing with political rights or privileges of any
kind. The bill neither confers nor abridges
the rights of any one, but simply declares
among all classes of citizens, and that all,
alike, 81 all be subject to the same punish
ment IN each State. So it does not abridge
the great fundamental rights belonging un-
der the Constitution to all citizens, it may
grant or Withhold such civil rights as it pleas
es. All that is required is, that in this re-
spect the law shall be impartial. And yet,
this bills now returned with the President 5
Objections such objectionsl What are
they? That in all our history-all our ex-
perience as people being under Federal and
State iaws-no such system as that contem-
plated by the details of this bill, has ever be-
already shown in the action of the President
himself, through Gen. Sickless declaring
that all laws shall be applicable alike to all
inhabitants, and In various acts OF Congress,
precedent for every provision of this bill.
'The details of this bill, !" says the Presi-
dent, establish for the security Of the col
ored race safeguards which go infinitely be-
yond any that the General Government has
ever provided for the white race" With
what truth this can be said of bill which
declares that the civil rights and the punish
ment of all races, including, of course the
colored the same as those of white, let an
intelligent public Judge! 'They, (the de-
tail" says the President, interfere with
with the relations existing exclusively be-
tween State and its citizens, or between
inhabitants of the same State-an absorp-
tion and assumption at power by the Gener-
al Government which, if acquiesced in,
must sap and destroy our Federal system
of limited powers, and break down the bar
riers which preserve the rights of the States
1t is another step, or rather stride, toward
Capitalization and the concentration of all
legislative powers in the National Govern
ment." Al! this is said by a President
who, by his own fat issued through Gen.
Howard, set aside an act OF the Legislature |
of Mississippi, and by another order through |
Gen. Terry, an act of the Virginia Legisla- !
ture, and forbade any magistrate or civil |
officers from attempting to execute it; who,