The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1866-03-16
The French Legislative Body.
Bold Attack on Napoleon.
Great Speech of NJ. Thiers, Demand
ing more Liberty for France.


la the French Corps Legislatif, Ia,
: debate on the address WAS opened by
, N. Thiers ON the Goth ult He spok,
in substance as follaWs:
We are assembled here TO discuss tht
great interests of the country. 1t wal
an old custom eDgrafted in our politi
cal habits, which custom wss wisely re
: viVed by the decree Of November "a
that when the monarch expressed hi!
own opinions on public affairs, the op
portunity should be taken for the rep,
resentatives of the people to expires.
theirs-respectfully, of course, but with
the utmost frankness AMI sincerity
The only opportunities that we have to
treat Of the affairs of the nation are the
debate on the address, always too over.
laid with matter, and the debate on
the budget, which always comes on
too late in the session. We are obliged
to say what we have to say all at once.
Happy the nations whose institutions
are settled by law and custom, and
which are not reduced, as we are, to
discuss the sort OF questions which, for
the last three quarters Of a century,
agitate us and cause irritation. Un-
fortunately we have not yet got to the
level of these favored nations. Our in
stitutions are yet awaiting develop
ment, the character or the time for
which is not yet fixed We have lived
since 1852 under the promise that the
arbitrary powers assumed by the EN-
perOr would be only temporary. Until
latterly the re-establiBhment of this lib
erty seemed to be only a question of
time, but now it appears to be made
one Of principle. Last year and this
year the speech from the throne repre-
| gented liberal institutions as likely to
weaken power, to hamper its initiative
aud to replace it under the yoke of as
1 sembiies. tt has been said in terms
why seek TO revise to day what was re
iected yesterday The Senate has en-
larged upon this theme, and the
| Emperor has replied to the Senate
| Shall the Corps Legislatif not speak its
mind? am Of opinion that 1t might
| calmly, frankly and respectfully set
forth the rights of France. Is it neces-
sary for this purpose 10 60 back to
those rights which the French Revolu-
1 ton described IS impel ceptible, and TO
those rights which existed before con-
stitutions, and which, if necessary, will
exist in spite Of them? [Cheersj No
1 1t is enough for our purpose to stand
by the written rights of France which
we haYe to-day. They suffice to estab-
lish these points. The present Consti-
| tuition establishes two Tights-that of
! the dynasty and that of the nation
! The dynasty is beyond discussion, and
nobody thinks of questioning it.
! TCheers Our only object is the re-
establishment of liberty in France, and
we know that any new revolution
would be an adjournment of liberty.
! GCheers The rights of the dynasty
| being frankly admitted, it would seem
that there ought to be in return no
difficulty in admitting the rights OF
| France-that right which was pro-
| claimed and guaranteed by the Con
stitution OF 1852, and which is based
upon the great principles Of l1S9,
Monarchy in France, as in all Eu-
! rope, is founded upon national sover-
eighty. Forms of government fre-
quently change, but one thing remains,
and will remain eternally-publC opin-
ion. That public opinion Is at the bot
/ tom of all acts of power, and fer that
| purpose public opinion must have op-
portunities Of formation and propaga-
ton. Hence what / call necessary lib
critics The frat Of these Is Individual
| liberty, which guarantees TO every citi-
! zen his personsl freedom, secures him
/ from every arbitrary act and gives him
! a right to resort to a court of law against
/ any functionary who acts illegally to-
ward him The second is the right to
express, aad if he pleases publish his
! opinion. 1t Is right which constitutes
! the liberty of the press-a liberty which
can only exist in the condition OF not
being subjected either 10 previous au-
! thorization or an inspection which
| amounts 10 censure Does the liberty
/ of the press exist TO day. No doubt
! there are incOnYeniences IN the liberty
of the press. No doubt the press often
abuses its rights. But the public re-
| probation, not legal repression, Is the
| true remedy for these abuses. ID is
! impossible to ascertain the true measure
of liberty of the press but by usage
! Where are we to begin2 Is France to
| be condemned to a perpetual minority
| The question is whether It Is net bet
| ter to make the trial of free press
uuder strong government than under
a weak one2 To that question | want
an answer. Cheers But 1t il not
/ enoug that the citizen should enjoy the
! inviolability of his person and thoughts
! he is entitled also 10 the inviola-
bility of his preferences when he is
/ called upon 10 choose 8 representative.
| That is what is called electoral liberty.
In principle, government has no right
| to figure at an election, because IL is
not the government, but the country,
that is to be represented But this alb
solute neutrality being difficult to prac-
tice, the government should at any rate
interfere in a fair and decent manner.
! Ii certainly ought not to use public
| funds on behalf Of its candidates In
terruption Once the representatives
assembled IN the chamber they should
| enjoy the most entire liberty. If fleets
and armies are placed on a war footing
the deputies should be entitled to ask
the government what It Is going to do
| with them. The chamber should not
be reduced TO deplore mistakes and to
pay for them cheers Without the
right of Interpolation there Is no guar
anty for the political rights OF the ma
ton. A simple right OF remOnstrahSe
is not enough. The opinion of the rep
resentatives Of the people must be the
rule of action of the government Ap-
plause on several benches When the
opinion Of the nation is not in accord
with that of tue executive power, q re-
public changes the head OF the State
but under the monarchisl rule which
prayails-in Europe the ministers of the
crown are changed. Not to admit this
system is to deprive the national Will
OF all sanction.
True liberty consists in this--the will
Of the country directing the govern
ment IL has been attempted 10 pique
the national honor by saying that the
French people should not borrow for
eign institutions There is no more
sense IN calling the constitution under
whieh our country was governed Tor
many years an English institution, than
there would be in calling cte2m en-
gine English because steam Is much
used in England
NJ. Thiers said it was impossible not
10 believe that the vicious Constitution
of the first empire greatly contributed
TO is fall IL was that Constitution
which allowed the Emperor 10 march
on that painful campaign which was
studded with the names OF MOSCOW,
Ieipsic. Waterloo sud S. Helena At
ter an historical review Of the differ
ent liberal Constitutions OF Europe.