Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1866-04-26
Tbe executive Power.

customs IL to the contemplation Of the
arbitrary use OF extraordinary power. Aud
1t, as with us during the late war, the ex-
ercise OF that power is in thu hands Of o
magistrate entirely beloved and trusted, its
essential and normal peril becomes obscured
to the public eye.
To our fathers who made the Constitu-
ton, however, there was no such obscurity.
They bad emerged fro,a, an exhausting war
with . Government in which the executive
power had absorbed so much more than it's
righttul share. even 10 aemonsrcbieal system.
that its success in America would have been
constitutional ruin in England. When they
framed our government, therefore, they
defined the power of the Executive as ex-
actly as it could be done. Thus the Presi-
dent was made Commander. in. Chief of the
army and navy when in actual service but
Congress alone wa to declare war and raise
and support armies. He was to veto any
but a two thirds vote of Congress was, upon
due consideration, to overpower his veto.-
Ho was to make treaties, but only with the
consent of two thirds of the Senators pres.
ent, and to appaiDt ENJOYS and judges, but
only with the approval of the Senate. In
the intention of the fathers. and because Of
their faith in a popular system. the motive
power OF the Government was to reside in
Congress, which was the Immediate repre-
sentative OF the people. ? r. .
1t was in obedience to this system and in
full sympathy with the spirit from which it
spraDg that Mr.. Lincoln, whom circum
stances compelled to assert the executive
power to its utmost legitimate extent, con-
stantly appealed to Congress TO justify his
acts. During the war he did not hesitate
to state ito whom it might concern" the
terms upon which, az Commsndsr-in- Chief,
he was ready to cease operations in the
field; but he was careful to say that the
question of reorganization must be finally
determined by Congress. While the war
was still raging he said chat he was willing
to recognize in any rebel State q Govern.
ment established and maintained by tenth
Of the number Of voters before the war /;
but he conceded that the admission to Con.
gress of q State so constituted was q ques.
ton for Congress alone to decide.
President Lincoln died just as the work
Of restoration was beginning. President
johnson laid down by a proclamation the
coed to reorganize; but stated explicitly that
consent OF Congress. lie did his part as his
sense Of duty and his view of public neces-
sity demandcd. The States, empowered
and directed by him, did their part as they
T saw fit. Congress il now caution .ly consid'
ering in what way most wisely TODD its part,
which officially completes the work. And
it is just Ut this point that those who are
utterly malignant at the overthrow of the
late revolutionary movement which sought
/, the destruction Of the Government advise
the President to lead a new revolution fol
the same purpose. Those who, in 1861
called upon "all conservative people" tc
Withstand the abolition frenzy of Abra
ham Lincoln in undertaking ito coerce
Sovereign States" now entreat the same
people to call upon the Executive power tc
seize tho Government.
This is a curious illustration of the fac
that the devotees OF slavery, which is g
system of brute force and blood and crime
, have neither the least conception of a pop
ular government, nor the least faith in any
, methods but those OF the sword. Congress
passes a law to protect the equal rights o
all citiz ms of every color in. the, Uuitet
States; and Garret Davis, bred in the poll
tics of slavery, thereupon declares-not tina
he will try to Influence public opinion t.
will devote the feeble remnant of his life Il
overthrowiug the Government. Salisbury
Of Delaware, another graduate of the sam,
, school, more or less soberly announces tina
his constituents will resist the law to tn,
last. Phe New York Daily News, which
reioiced at every bloody victory of rebel
over loyal c~itiz"ns, exhnrts the President Il
shed the blood of loyal representatives. =
The New York World, whose sympath,
: with the rebellion was masked hut not con
' cealed, whose Presidential platform declared
the war a failure, and whose fierce ~vituper
= alton of Abraham Lincoln and Andre,
: johnson in their fidelity to the Union is his
:. %torical, beg President johnson to disregar
y his oath but tho Chicago Times, the dead
u ly foe of the Union and of equal rights
urges him to sweep Congress out like chat
= These mon and paners have no more idc
Of a Constitutional Government than Ne
Zeslanders. Like Preston Brooks, a pol
tician of their school. il they do not like a
r. argument they are Tor knocking the advt
cato upon the head. If thoy do not lik
!. the laws. they are tor instant revolution
u 1t the President differs with Congress. b
is to turn it out Of doors; and IL Cor
= gross which they favored should differ wit
. u President whom they did not like, the,
would urge Congress to hang him withou
Z delay. This was precisely the course of tn
lhto TtutIS. lucy WtfC ulSplohsOu VIII III
' result of an election, and they immediatel
: rose in arms but it is natural that thos
. who either frankly or sneakingly defende
them should invite a repetition Of rebellion
: But the exquisitely humorous aspect
J the matter il, that those who urge revolu
ton as a remedy for legislation which the
!. do not like, solemnly call themselves Coz
servatives. Large property holders, wit
= people of regular industry aud employment
d and Ut small means will, of course, see an
appreciate the advantages of such Cor
servatism. They have been evident i
Mexico for the last forty years. They hav
: been revealed in tina condition of our ow
y country during the last five years. The
u would be illustrated in England II, upo
the passage Of the pending Reform Bill
Lord Derby and Me- Disraeli could psrsuad
Q tho Queen to order tho army to turn Pa
lament into the street. Reduced to y plai
y statement the Conservative policy, AZ repr,
y sentad by the authorities We have named,
: the deliberate destruction Of our Goverr
q ment by the absorption of the whole syster
;, in tho executive branch.
. Now ii any difference ofopinion exists b,
Y tween the executive and legislative author
: ties the Constitution provides a lawful an
. peaceful remedy. In case of extremity, q