Weekly Trinity journal., 1866-03-10
Treachery in High Place.

Treachery in High Place.
The dispatches from the East tell US that be-
fore any action taken the Freedmen's
Bureau Bill in Congress, the document was SUBJ
mitted to President Johnson, and by him ap-
proved, but that during the ten days intervening
between its passage and the veto he was contin-
ually besieged by Copperhead and ex-rebel visit
ors, who induced him to kill the measure. An
other fact which will more fully induce the coun-
try to believe this statement is, that Raymond
and Weed, joint proprietors of the New York
Times and the intimate friends and mouth-pieces
of the President, did, in the January 10th issue
of that paper commend and eulogize this ident-
ical bill, after it had passed the House, in
ticle of more than a column in length We make
few extracts, to show the tone of the article,
and ask the reader whether it, under the circum-
stances, does not substantiate the charge of dou-
ble-dealing the part of the President:
The bill to enlarge the Freedmen's Bureau, as
amended by the Judiciary Committee, has been
presented by Mr. Trumbull to the Senate.
1t provides for the continuance of the Bureau,
and its extension to all parts of the United States
where freedmen may be. For this purpose there
are to be twelve freedmens districts, with
sistant commissioner over each, with sub-disricts
and the necessary clerks. The President is
thorized to place the whole, if he deems it BEST
under officers from the army, and to give all en-
ployes of the bureau military protection. For
destitute refugees and negroes, the Secretary of
War is authorized to issue provisions, fuel and
clothing.
We speak advisedly when say that one
motion of more Importance will come before the
Senate during the present session.
The great use of the Freedmen's Bureau is just
this-to reconcile the master and his paid labor
er. 1t is third power (f we may so call it) put
in by the Government between the employing
class and the laboring, to guard the intrests of
both.
The freedmen need some authority in whose
advice they have confidence some power
beside the courts of planters to arrange their
contracts and to compel them to observe them
and to force them to labor some department to
discourage pauperism and idleness, promote edu
cation arrange wages, protect rights, and force
the planters also to fulfill their engagements.
In ordinary times the local authorities would
be sufficient for this. But after such terrible
war the late one with emancipation forced
by the bayonet we cannot expect the old slave
holding class to do full justice to those who were
their property. 1t would not be in human
till matters settle themselves. Under the bureau
(if wisely administered) the South may yet heal
the wounds of war, and the industrious blacks
may be source of greater wealth to the country
than they in slavery. Without such ad-
minisration we fear only confusion disorder,
disorganization of labor, poverty and revolu-
ton.
ANOTHER Evidence OF CoPPERHEAD LOYALTY
AS proof that the old traitors have grown more
bold and defiant since the President has declared
in favor of the principles for which they fought
during five years, we copy the following from the
Marysville Erpress:
The radical crew in Congress will have to
back out of the usurpaton of the whole legisla-
tive power, and admit representation from the
eleven States, or they will have to fghtl And if
they choose the latter horn of the dilemma lit
tie blood-letting will cool their fanatcal, free
love ardor in incredible short space of time.
Let the individuals connected with that nice lit
tie traitorous and disunon sheet in the town of
Sacramento, take warning in time, is the best
advice give.
That is very much after the style of talk which
Wigfal and other Southern patriots indulged in
before the rebellion commenced, although We in
fer from his course that the President prefers
that style to the ''radicalism of Sumner and
Stevens.