Cleveland daily leader. [volume] ([Cleveland, Ohio]) 1865-1873, 1866-08-23

curing the months and years OF uarkness
and doubt, can desire to leave l. because 1t
has been triumphant. Its danger cannot
come from its old adversary and from the
old questions in debate, but from dissen-
sions in its own ranks, and issues raised
between its own members. The real oues-
ton in this canvass, then, is SHALL THE
UNION PARTY DESTROY ITsELF2 Shall 1t
voluntarily and gratuitously giVs to the
enemies OF its policy during the last four
years, that success which no force Of STRAIT
agem has been able to wrench away from
US? Believing, as I do, that there is no
reason for such a wilful waste OF power,
and of the means of accomplishing great
good for the country, l propose to ask all
true Union men to consider carefully this
question.
In every political organization there
must be something upon which there is q
general agreement, and there always will
be many things about which there are diff
ferences OF opinion. The practical &C
ton of every party may be said to consist
of compromises in regard to the details
and specific measures by which the gene
raj purpose and object which is held in
common is sought to be attained. Agree
ment as to the common object is the cen
tTipetal force which holds the organization
together; difference as to details or in re-
gard TO collateral questions is the centrifu-
gal power which tends to destroy it. The
majority in q party may claim TO control
its policy A. to its measures, up TO a GER
tain point; but if it has any wish for sue
cess it must not insist upon q policy which
repels any considerable part of its mem
bers more strongly than the common pur-
pose attracts them. OF course I am now
speaking only Of measures which do not
violate any fundamental idea of right and
duty, for no one can be more free to admit
that there may be questions upon which
there can be no compromise, and in re-
gard to which an honest man must act
out his principles though he,act alone, be-
lieVing that zone, with God, is a major
ity.D l am, however, justified in assum-
ing that no such causes of difference have
arisen in the Union ranks, and that all
who have acted with the party heretofore
recognize the propriety OF making all
questions of detail subordinate to the
general purpose for which the ~organiza-
ton was made, until that shall be fully
accomplished.
What then is the object which may be
said TO be the common aim of all the
loyal men who have sustained the country
during the war? 1t undoubtedly is to
consolidate the proper. results of the lCaT
itself, and upon this basis to restore all
parts of the country to full participation
in the national government as speedily as
it can be done with safety. We havedif-
fered from the Democratic party in this,
that they have claimed that the war should
have no result, if the Southern Confeder-
acy were not established, but that we
should take up the old thread of our ma
tional existence where We left it before
this great CONFUSION came, and that no
change whatever ought 20 be made in the
Constitution or laws of the land. We, on
the other hand, have insisted that changes
have been made necessary by the progress
OF affairs, and that these changes must be
made before any permanent settlement
would be possib Q. In short, they have
been practically for "peaee at any price,
whilst we have been forpeace, permanent,
assured, lasting peace, upon the full rseoq-
milton By the South of the real situation
produced By the 'gaT. They have insisted
that no conditions should be imposed on
the Southern States, whilst we have uni
yersally and continually affirmed that the
restoration must be made on terms. l
desire TO make this statement as emphatic
as possible, and mean to assert that I have
never heard of any person, high or low,
IN o1hce or out of office, from the President
of the United States to the humblest eiti-
zen, who has claimed to belong to the
great Union Republican party, and who
has not agreed to the proposition that
terms, involving some change in the or
ganic law Of the land, must be accepted
by the lately rebellious States as the con-
dltlons OF completed restoration.
But what shall the terms be ? Here
have the general principle and descend
to practical detail, and here, as was insv-
liable, differences of opinion arise. There
were able men among US who regarded
the rebellion and its subsection as a favor
able epoch granted by Providence to give
A. the bringing the Con- |
of the General Government and !
If all the States to ideal perfection at one
witt bound. There were others who be-
ieved that the changes male should be
he fewest which could possibly consist
With the revolution in the social system
the domestic institutions of the
south made BY the war, Between these
here would, of course, be many shades of
and discussion and comparison
# views necessarily preceded any general
to any policy whatever. l shall
lot stop to inquire whether the period of
lebate has been unnecessarily prolonged,
or l see no good to result from such in
.uiry, and no important influence it could
ave upon the determination of our pres
mt duty. For the same reason I shall
lot discuss the spirit with which the de-
ate has been conducted, nor ask whether
ne or another has INDUCED in improper
crimony or blameable license of speech.
must, however, express a regret that
What appears to be a purely practical
of detail, should have led into a
iscussion, almost entirely theoretic, of
be powers and authorities of different de-
artments of the government over the
of restoration or reconstruction.
constitutional history of Great Bri-
sin is made up of an interminable series
f disputes about legislative privilege or
xecutive prerogatiYe, and no other class of
usrrels has proven so bitter and SO pas
The operation of cur Govern
lent in peaceful times is go well regulated
! our written Constitution that such con
roversies cannot well arise. 1t is only in
n anomalous and revolutionary time
nat they become possible, and for this
cry reason they ought not to occur at all.
the terms on which the rebellion is end
/ and the country restored to peace are
,ceptable to the loyal people of the coun-
y, and so acoeded TO as TO be binding up-
q all concerned, We need not care a COP j
who began, conducted, or ended the I
No example is being set that I
Jay be dangerous in the future, because I
Ike circumstances cannot occur, and If
ould De nonsense to attempt to provide 5
T them if they could. Revolutions make
oprseedents. When they come, thew c
reak through all rules, and in your modes =
dealing with them it is impossible TO i
'duce them to the form of any statute,
II, sin such cssep there is none ''made I
Id provided Let the people be satish-
that the terms of settlement are right, I
Id accepted by the South so as to be L
and they will make short work 5
it'll all debates Of the kind Iha7e spoken +
They will pass the same judgment a
BON such wars of words as a celebrated I
d English divine passed upon the dis v
of forms Of worship when he in 3
tired what they were contending for
or religion2 mol for the body of reii- 4
on not so much for the garment of p
e body of religion ? no, not for SO much; 1
It for the fringe OF the garment Of the il