The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1866-01-12
Friday Morning, January IL, 1866.
Governor Andrew on Reoreanization.

Governor Andrew on REORGANIZATION.
Before retiring from Office Governor AN
DREW of Massachusetts addressed very ably
written valedictory to the legislature of his
State, credtable alike to his head and heart
He seems to prefer the word reorganization
to reconstruction in speaking of the late reb-
ell States and their restoration to their former
normal relations to the Union. Below we
make liberal extract:
Has it never occurred to us all, that we are
now proposing the most wonderful and unpre-
cedented ofhuman transactions The conquer
ing government, at the close of great war, is
about restoring to the conquered rebels not
only their local governments in the States, but
their representative share in the general gov
ernment of the country! They are, in their
States, to govern themselves as before the rebel
lion. The conquered rebels are, in the Union,
to help govern and control the conquering 10y
alistsl! These being the privileges which they
are to enjoy, when reorganization becomes
complete, l declare that l know not any safe
guard, precaution, or act of prudence, which
wise craftsmanship might not recognize to be
reasonable and just. If we have no right to
demand guarantees for the future; if we have
submission from the rebel leaders themselves;
il we have no right to demand the positive,
popular vote in favor of the guarantees we
need; If we may not stipulate for the recogni-
ton of the just rights of the slaves, whom, in
the act of suppressing the rebellion, we con-
verted from slaves into freedmen, then de-
clare that we had no right to emancipate the
slaves, nor to suppress the rebellion.
It may be asked: Why not demand the
slx.,s,r
vote in the business of organization? My
answer isl assume that the colored men are
in favor of those measures which the Union
needs to have adopted. But it would be idle
to reorganize those States by the colored vote.
If the popular vote of the white race is not to
be had in favor OF the guarantees justly requir-
ed, then l am in favor ofholding on-just
where we now are. l am not in favor Of
surrender OF the present rights of the Union
to struggle between a white minority aided
by the freedmen on one hand, against major
ity of the white race on the other. / would
not consent, having rescued those States from
secession and rebellion, to turn them over to
anarchy and chaos. have, however, no doubt
none whatever of our right to stipulate for
colored suffrage. The hequestion is one ofstates-
manship, not q question of constitutional limi-
tati0n. m M
If it is urged that the suffrage question is
that of the abolition of slavery ordinarily
would have been. But we are not now decid-
ing what loyal State acting in its constitu-
tiOnal sphere, and in its normal relations to
the Union, may do; but what rebel, belliger-
ent, conquered State must do, in order to be
reorganized and tO get back into those rela-
tions. And in deciding this, | must repeat
that we are to be governed only by Justice,
| Humanity, the Public Safety, and our duty to
reorganize those conquered, beIigerent States,
as we can, and when we can consistently
| Herewith. r, fa t-...s
In dealing with those States, with view to
fulfilling the national guaranty of a republi
can form ofgovernment, it is plain, since the
nation was called upon to reorganize govern
ment, where no loyal Republican State Gov
| ernment Is in existence, that 1t must, OF abso-
lutte necessity, deal directly with the People
| themselves. 1t State Government were men,
aced and in danger ofsubversion, then the ma
tion would be called upon to aid the existing
government of the State in sustaining itself
against the impending danger. But the pres
ent case is different one. The State Govern
ment was subverted in each rebel State more
than four years ago. The State, in its cOrpor-
ate capacity, went into rebellion; and as long
as it had the power, waged and maintained
against the nation rebellious war. There is
no government in them to deal with. But
there are the people. 1t is to the people we
must 60. 1t is through their people alone, and
it is in their primary capacity alone, as people,
unOrganized and without government, that
the nation is capable now of dealing with
them at all. And, therefore, the government Of
the nation is obliged, by the sheer necessity Of
the case, to know who are the people of the
State, in the sense of the National Constitll-
lion, in order to know how to reach them
Congress, discerning new people, with new
rights, and new duties and new interests (ol
the nation itself event, springing from them
may rightfully stipulate in her behalf HCon
gIess perceives that it cannot fulfil its guaran
ty to all the people Of State, without such Z
stipulation, then it not only may, but it ought
to, require and secure it. The guaranty is one
concerning all, not merely apart ofthe People
| And though the government of State NIGH
be ofrepublican form, and yet not enfranchist
its colored citizens, still the substance ant
equity Of the guaranty would be violated, il
in addition to their enfranchisement tn,
colored people should be compelled to shar,
the burdens of a State Government, the bene
, its OF which would enure to other classes,-tt
their own exclusion, A republican form Q
| government is not OF necessity just and good
| Nor is another form, of necessity, unjust ant
bad. A monarch may be humane, thoughtful
! and just to every class and to every man. A
| republic may be inhamane, regardless of, ant
unjust to some ofits subjects, Our Nationa
government and most ofthe State government
were so, to those whom they treated as slaves
or whose servitude they aggregated by thei
legislation in the interest of Slavery. The Ma
ton cannot hereafter pretend that it has KEEP
its promise and fulfilled its guaranty, when
shall have only organized governments of re
publican form mIunless it can look all the peopl
in the face and declare that it has kept it
promise with them all. The voting class alon
those who possess the franchise under tn
State Copstitutions-were not the People,
|. They never were THE PEOPLE. They are no
I now. They were simply the Trustees of a Ger
9 tain power, for the benefit of all the people
,, and not merely for their own advantage Tn
f nation does not fulfil its guaranty by dealin
with them alone. 1t may deal through them
: with the people. 1t may accept their acIiol
! as satisfactory in its discretion. But no mat
ter who may be the agents through whom tn
nation reaches and deals with the people, tina
guaranty of the National Constitution is fatal
" violated, unless the nation secures to allth
| reopIe of those disorganized States the sub
+! stantial benefits and advantages ofA GOVERN
= MENT. Wecanpot hide behind a toord. w
d cannot be content with the '..torm." The sal
stance bargained Tor is q Gorcrnment. III
= Storm" is also bargained for, but that is onl
an incident The people, and all the peopl
alike, must have and enjoy the benefits an
il advantages of a government, for the commo
good, the just and equal protection of each an
all.
Il But, what of the President? am not alb
to consider his future policy. 1t is undisclo
ed. He seems to me to have left to Congre.
4 alone the questions controlling the condition
d on which the rebel States shall resume the
L representative power in the Federal Cover
, ment. 1t was not incumbent on the Pres
dent to do otherwise. He naturally leaves IL
duty of theoretical reasoning to those who's
d responsibility it is to reach the just practic
conclusion. Thus far the President has siml
ly used, according to his proper discretion, th
power of commander-in-chief. What metho
he should observe was question of discr'
: ton; in the absence OF any positive law, to
answered by himself He might have assun
ed, in the absence of positive law-durlng Tn
- process OF eorganization-purey miiitar