Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1866-12-06


farm, ten or twelve tons per acre will be the
| most than can be allowed, if the manage
! ment be a regular course ofwhite and green
crops. 1t will be found more advantageous
to apply manure in smaller quantities al
short intervals. At whatever time the dung
is applied, it should in the first place be
scattered evenly over the land, and plough
ed in as speedily as possible. Every in
slant in which it lies expose to the air. it is
losing its value.
The Howard Amendment-Letter from Ex-
Governor Swain, of North Caroii IA, to
Governor Perry. OF south Carolina
CHAPEL HILL, n. c., NV 18th, 1866.
Ny Dear Sir -
[ have received and read with the atten-
ton it deserves, the copy of your letter of
the Goth ult., to Charles W. Woodward,
Esq.
Your analysis Of the Howard amendment
is so clear and the objections you present
to its adoption SO forcible, that there is lit
tie necessity for further discussion-none
indeed, for those who understand the pecu-
liar condition Of the state of affairs at the
South. The great obstacle at present, to
of accurate information at the North of the
true condition and feelings of the Southern
people. [ am satisfied that the trainers of
the amendment, if they really knew, as
statesmen ought to know those for whom
they lcgislate, would not for Il moment
urge It's adoption, much less insist upon it
rs a sine qu0 non. The third section pro-
poses double disfranchisement of nine
tenths of the people of North Carolina
/ dO not Overstate the case when [ as
sumo that not one-tenth of those who would
be regarded as falling within the range of
selection under system of unrestricted
suffrage, are eligible to office under the
State or Federal government. While all
who gave aid or comfort to the insurgents,
no matter to how great or small an extent,
have the right to vote, it is the right to
vote not for the men of their choice, but
for persons selected from that tenth of the
community, who, as ageneralrule, without
any reference to political opinions, have
no paramount claims to consideration
mental or moral. My acquaintance with
prominent men throughout the State is
perhaps as general as that of any other ci-
tizens, and yet [ do not know of single
instance IN any one of the congressional
districts of q person who can honestly take
the test oath, who in 1860 would have re-
garded himself or was considered by others
as one of the number who might reasona-
bly, aspire to seat in the National Coun-
ellis. Is it any evidence of want of loyal
ty to decline acceptance of such system
Of suffrage? ?
1t might seem strange if, instead of the
privilege Of a selection from the tenth of
our own, we were allowed to vote for citi- |
zens of other States to represent u.s. For
one, [ could name score of citizens of
other States of the American Union, of eth
er political party, for whom would much
more willingly vote than for any one in
this Congressional district who can give the
evidence of loyalty required by the test
oath.
Suppose the third section adopted how
many voters would avail themselves of what
has hitherto been considered the inestima-
ble right of suffrage? .? Not more than half
the voters participated in the last election
for members of the Legislature and Cover
nor. A smaller proportion, and that not
always the most discreet, would attend the
polls, and the portion of the tithes select
ed would not always be the most discreet
and intelligent of those eligible to office Il
One thing is very certain, those most apt
to secure a majority of votes under such
system, would be those least loyal IN pro-
feSsiOn and derOtiOn to the Union, and the
most Objectionable to those who have been
it's most earnest advocates in times of it's
greatest peril.
[ will not do the committee of fifteen the |
injustice to suppose that the maj ority de-
sired the adoption OF a basis of suffrage for
the South that would insure the selection
L Al, L. IL.
those eligible to office, yet such would be |
the inevitable result; and therefore repeat
that [ do not believe that the author of the |
amendment. Judge Howard, would himself
desire its adoption. if he was accurately ac-
quainted with our condition.
1t is not very difficult to decide the char
acter of our representation if this rule shall
be forced upon us. Let us enquire for
moment who will be excluded. Take your
State for an example. From early life to
the present time l have had opportunities
to know something Of your leading men,
[ knew Mr.. Pettigrew personally ly-met him
in Charleston in February, 1961-corres-
ponded with him during the entire
period Of the war, and to within
two or three weeks of his death-regarded |
him when living and venerate him now that
he is no more, as one of the ablest and
purest men | have ever known. / cannot
say that if he was alive he could not take
the test oath, but [ can affirm with great
confidence, that under no circumstances
would he do it,
My personal knowledge of you extends
through nearly half a century. We were
school-mates and intimate friends in early
life, and at all subsequent periods l have
been familiar with your history Without
entering into any details that might be Of
fensive to your deli ,acy, can say with con-
fdence that investigation would establish
the fact beyond controversy, that from the
first avowal of notification by Mr.. Calhoun,
in his letter to General Hamilton, until
the secession of your State no member Of
the committee, not even excepting Senator
Johnson of Maryland, had ever been placed
in circumstances that required or admitted
the constant, unfinching, hazardous devc-
ton to the Union, and opposition to nulli-
fcation and secession which has character
lied the whole course of your political life
President johnson, in 1928 Il believe
resided in Laurens, the adjoining district
to Greenville in your State, and few per-
r ~ |