Baton Rouge tri-weekly gazette & comet. [volume] (Baton Rouge, La.) 1865-18??, 1866-09-18
Another EpistoIary Document from
Henry Ward BeeCher.

SeCDHu lslteI WiItteu lToIh Il ocho
kill, the more important portions O
which will be found below. This
letter, it appears, was prompted by
the dissatisfaction which his letter
of August 30th, created among bis
tolerant and "unco-righteous" CON
stituency Of Plymouth Church, and
is launched into publicity by way Of
explaining still further his present
political views and sentiments, tenn.
pered, however, to suit the idiosyn.
cracies of his dissenting brethren, by
the introduction of hit or two al
President Johnson but even these
hits he is forced, in turn, to temper,
by according to the President hon
esty and sincerity of purpose in the
discharge of what he regards as the
public good. If Beecher could only
hold fast to the little faith that is
within him and not veer around like
some politicians, to undo by ingeni-
GUS sophistry and sensational agita-
ton the good which he has seemed
inclined to do of late, he has it in
J his power to pluck from his own
eyes and those of his devoted fol-
lowers, the film which has for 80 long
time blinded them, and finally to
redeem himself from that load of
odium which is attached to his name
on account of his former course Of
bitter hate and injustice toward the
South:
PEEKsKiLL, Sept 5.
M Dear Friend-I am obliged
to you for your letter. ! am sorry
that my friends and my congregation
are grieved by my Cleveland letter
This feeling, however, has no just
grounds, whatever may be the seem
ing. Ihave not left, and do not propose
to leave, or to be put out of the Repub.
lican party. | am in sympathy with
its aims, its great principles and its
army of noble men. But | took the
liberty of criticising its policy in
simple respect, and to do what ! could
to secure what | believed, and still
believe, to be better one. / attn,
and, from the first, have been fully
of the opinion that the amendment
Of the constitution proposed by Con
gress, equalizing representation in
the Northern and Southern States,
was intrinsically just and reasonable,
and that it should be sought by a
wholesome and persistent moral agi-
tation. But from the present condi-
ton OF the public mind, and from the
Presidents attitude, deemed such
change to be practically impossible
in any near period by political action,
and plan of reconstruction based
upon that seems to me far more like
plan of adjourning reconstruction
for years at least, with all the liabili-
ties of mischief which are always to
be expected in the fluctuations of
politics in free nation It is not
the North that chiefly needs the re-
storation of the Government to its
normal sphere and regular action.
Either the advantages of the Union
are fallacious, or the continuous ex-
clusion of the South from it will breed
disorder, make the future re union
more difficult, and especially subject
the freedmen to the very worst con
ditions of society which can we'll ex-
ist. No army, no Government, and
no earthly power can compel the
South to treat four million men Justly
if the inhabitants, whether rightly or
wrongly, regard these men as the
cause or even the occasion of their
unhappiness and Acknowledgement,
but no army Or government or power
will be required when Southern So
ciety is restored, occupied and pros
pering in the renewed Unions Then
the negro will be felt to be necessary
to Southern industry, and interest
will join with conscience and kind.
ness in securing for him favorable
treatment from his citizens.
We that live at distance may think
the social reconstruction involved in
the emancipation Of four million slaves
is as simple and easy as it is to dis
course about it, but such a change is
itself one of the most tremendous
tests to which industry and society
can be subjected, and to its favora
BILE issue is required every advantage