The Weekly Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, O. [Ohio]) 1861-1???, 1866-03-23

. The authority, BY approprae legislation, "topr,
d fnoie the general wclfaroY
The PreAdspt further makes the exaseerato
statement thst il isa question whether this Bdrea
! would not bring under It's control the four million
; lWf einancipatcd slaves, aud further says.
Tho 81 section of The bin authorizes a goncra
uniiinnot amount Of support to The destitute an
suffering freedmen and refugees, aud their wive
J and children. n. Z
Here is what The third section says
! Src. 3. And he il 6,rtir ena,tca, That III
+ Secretary Of War may direct such issues of pro
visions, clothing, fuel, aud ot,er supplies includ
ing medical stores and Interpretations, and afTor
/ such aid, medical or otherwise, as lao may deen
ncedful for the 'mmcdiatc and temporary shelte
mud supply " destitute and suffering freedmen
refugees, their wives and children. under sucl
rules aud regul tious Hs no may direct Provhiso
That no person shall be deeUuid destitute" :" "suf
. icrmg' or dependent upon the Government fo
support, who being able tn ind employment, coul,
by proper industry and cxcttion avoid such desttu
: ton, suffering or dependence.
Does this looSlk taking care Of four million
Of people The proviso, which is not containe,
in The bill now 10 operation, expressly limits th,
operation Of this act to those only who cannot fut
employment, aud are in udgcnt circumstances.
One objection Of the President to the bill, is tia
it will toni to steep the mind Of the freedmen IL
a state Of uncertain rescssncss." Subsequen
events prove that his veto has the very tendenc,
which be dcprecates, for General HowARD fcw
days after issued au order to his Assistant Com.
missioncrs Of the Frecdmcn's Bureau, commencing
in these significant words
An icpating the excitement that will ncces-
s1nly follow the acton Of the Government with
re crenoo 20 the new Freednan's bill, you may feel
somewhat embarrassed in the duties devolvng
/ n vou La, I,,af 81 A..
existing. That you may act steadily aud firmly in
any emergency, you must be procured far am in-
crcqsed hpsthiy on the part Of those who have so
! prcsistenty lnndered aud troubled you and your
agents, and there moy Be Increased rcsHessae,s
amoagstGs ffocclatno
In relation to the rreclmrn, President JonysoN
recklessy asserts thathe possesses perfect right
to change his place Of abode aud if, therefore he
does not find In one community or State a mode of
lie suited to his desires, or proper remuneration,
for his labor, ho can move to another, where that
labor is more esteemed and better rewarded" In
the light of facts to the contrary, we know this to
be false. Eyory one who keeps himself familiar
with the current history Of tho times, knows this
to bo false. Did the President, when ho penncd
that assertion, for moment imagine that he could
thus impose upon the crcdulity of an INTELLIGENT
people? II would seem so. why some Of tho
most barbarous features Of tho slavo code are still
n operation in many OF the Southern States, and
rsdly enforced. To n, QUO is this so well known as
totbe President himself The freedmen is subjected
10 every indgnity aud cruelty that was visited up-
ON him while slnvo. His color is his crime, and
for that he is subject to arrest, persecution and
deaths he is drnicd procoss Of law to obtain wages;
he is denc the privilege of learning to read and
write hu is denied every feature Of u legal exist
ence he is denied every substantial recognition
Of his changed condition from that Of siavc to a
freeman. slavery Is abrngated BY the Constm.
tionM amendment, yet its essence Is the ruling
element of the Reconstructed States, and in the
face of all this the Executive Head Of the Nation
unllnshiugly asserts that the freedman F." can
change his place Of abode" and command his own
wages for his labor according to the laws of sup
ply and demand. ItH
One more pjeclion which the President interboses
against the BILL aud the last that shall notice. is
that 1t was passed. in the absence of representation
from tho eleven robcous States. If this ohicc
ton be good thcu upon this theory, all the lcgsla
ton Of Congress- since SOL is nulrand void. Every
law tliat has been made has been wrong, illegal.
and Of no effect. lfthis logic OF the President i.
valid, the United states Congress- since the with
drawal of the Southern Senator's and Representa-
tyes has been an Irresponsible, unauthorized
boly, and the Government has been virtually brclt
Of olegally constituted lawsmaking power. On
this point permit me to quote from the speech Of
lion. LYMAN THUMuui,L, in defense of the bill |
Tie says t, . .lstf Hi Nar .9.t
If the argument that Congress cannot lrgslate
for states unrcprescnted is good now, il was gooi |
during the conflict of arms, for none of the States
whose governments were usurped are vet relieve |
from military control, II we have no right to leg-
isate for those States now, we had no right to i'm
pose the direct tax them We had no right to pass
any of our laws that nttcted them We had no right
to raise an army to march into the rebelous States
while they were not represented in the Congress of
the Cnued States We had no bright Ia pass a law
declaring these States in rebellion. Why 2 The
rebels Wtrc not here to be represented in the Amer
lean Senate. We had no right to pass law au-
thor1lng the President To ISSUE proclamation
disseminating all intercourse with the people in
those rcbellious States and why Because they
were not represented here, We had M right to
blockade their coasts. WhyY They were hotrcp-
u nted here. They are States, says the Presi-
dent, AMI each State is entitled to two Senators,
aud to at least one REPRESENTATIVE, Suppose the
State OF South Carolina had sent to Congress- du.
ring the war a Representative; had Congress nothing
to do but - admit him il found qualified? Must
he be received because he comes from State, and
is anything moro necessary than o state this prop
osition to show its absolute ahSuldiiy2 ur
Will amy Union man subscribe 10 theory So
glarhgly ahsmd--a theory that would indeed
strip the Federal Govcrnment Of all power, and
make our Union what our enemies have desired il,
OF NO more avail than "a rope of sands ."
lfwe'lock upon the negro in the light 4kAatAt r
President does, according to the slave code ofthc
South, and regard bin as property, then The array
Of arguments murshalcd by The Executive against
The bill become at once unanswerpble and incon-
iroyeriible. But, on the other hand, if the negro
is to be rega. dcd as a man and not as property,
these arguments fall 10 the ground, aud will no,
stand the test Of analytical eNamin tion.
When President ANDREW JOHNSON vetoed the
Freedmens Bureau Bill, he trampled upon every
dictate ofjosdcc and humrnty, he proved himself
Ncteaat 70 the great ana Fundamental essence of
civil aud political liberty; he Spurned every prin-
'iple that clcvAct him to power, and exhibited an
mhleiity 70 liberty ha, viii straaa him With su. h
'postates as TYtEs, FILLMORE, PIERcr. BrcuA-
SAN and olbers, whose examples will serve as a
Warming 10 the future slatssmen or America.
The course Of tho President may well cause
Union men 10 pause, Nna tremble when they see
'nl know the character Of the men who applaud
and shout theic hosannas, an sing their pgoans Of
praise ia honor Of ANDREW JOHNsoN because dg
his veto, The entire Copperhead brood FROM tho
shores of New England to tho Pacific have been
~ rtnnd intn nav NG, hc r,is, 49,, q. a. a. a..