The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1866-03-01
go to carry out, the sentiments I then
uttered, ifCheers. Ia - = -

remarked that there were two parties
one for destroying the Government TO pre-
serve slavery, and the other for breaking
up the Government to destroy slavery
The objects to be accomplished were differ
ent, it is true, 80 far as slavery is concern
ed; but they agreed in one thing, and that
was the breaking up of the Government
They agreed in the destruction Of the Go
yoznHsent, the precise thing which have
always stood up to oppose. Whether the
the North, stand now where I did then,
to vindicate the Union Of these States and
the Constitution of the country. ZAP
plause.l The rebellion, or treason, mani
tested itself in the South; stood by the
Government. I said was for the Union
out slavery. In either alternative, was
for my Government and the Constitution.
The Government has stretched forth it's
strong arm, and, with its physical power,
has put down treason in the field; yes, the
section of country which has arrayed itself
by the Government itself. Now what had
we said to those people? We said, ssNo
compromise; We can settle this question
with the South in eight and forty hours" !"
s'How?" ''Disband your armies, acknow-
ledge the Constitution of the United States,
obey the law, and the whole question is
settled" Well, their armies have been
dlsbandsd; they come forward now, in
spirit OF magnanlmity, and say, 'sWe we're
mistaken; we made an effort to carry out
the doctrine OF secession and dissolve this
Union; in that we have failed, and, having
traced this thing to its logical and physical
consequences and results, we now again
come forward and acknowledge the flag of
our country, obedience to the Constitution
and the supremacy of the law [Cheers.l I
say, then, when you have complied with
the Constitution-when you have yielded
to the law-when you acknowledge your
allegiance to the Government am ready
to open the doors of the Union and restore
you to your old relations to the Govern
ment of our fathers. prolonged ap-
plause.]
Who: ask, has suffered moro for the
Union than have? shall not now repeat
the wrong or sufferings inflicted upon me;
but 1t Is not the way to deal with a whole
people in the spirit of revenge. I know
there has been goeat deal said about the
exercise Of the pardoning power, so far as
the Executive is concerned. There is no
one who has labored harder to have the
principal, Intelligent, conscious traitors
brought to justice, to have the law vindi-
Gated, and the great fact vindicated that
treason is crime, than who stand before
you to-day. Yet, while conscious, intelli-
gent traitors are to be punished, should
whole States, communities and people be
made to submit to and bear the penalty Of
death! have, perhaps, as much hostility
ana as much resentment as o man ought
to have, but we should conform our action
and our conduct to the example of Him
who founded our holy religion-not that I
would iken this to it, or bring any COM
parlson, for I am not going to detain you
long. But, gentlemen, came into power
under the Constitution of the country and
by the appreciation of the people. And
what did I find? found 100000 of
people who were in fact condemned under
the law, and the penalty was death. Under
the idea of revenge and resentment, they
were to be annihilated and destroyed. o,
how different this from the example set by
tho holy founder of our religion, whose
divine arm touches the horison and en-
braces the whole earth. Yes, He who
founded this great scheme came into the
world and found our race condemned under
the law and the sentence was death. What
was His example? Instead of putting the
world ~ a nation to death, He went forth
with 81 ace and attested by His blood and
His wounds that He would die and let the
nation live. Let them repent, and let
them acknowledge their allegiance; let
them become loyal and willing supporters
and and defenders RS Of f., our glorions stripes
country; let their leaders, the conscious,
Intelligent traitors, suffer the penalty Of
the law, but for the great mass, who have
been forced into this rebellion and misled
by their leaders, I say, leniency, kindness,
trust and confidence. Enthusiastic
cheers.l
But, my countryn1en, after having pass
ed through the rebellion, and given such
evidence as l have-though men croak a
great deal about it now, [laughter]-when
look back through the battle-felds and
see many Of these brave men, in whose
company l was. in localities where the
contest was most difficult and doubtful,
before the smoke of battle has scarcely
passed away, before the bloodshed has
scarcely CONCEALED, what do we find? The
rebellion is put down by the strong arm of
the Government in the field; but is that
the only way in which we can have rebel
hon! They struggled for the breaking up
OF your Government, but before they are
scarcely out OF the battlefield, and before
our brave men have scarcely returned to
their homes, to renew the ties of affection
and love, we find ourselves almost in the
midst of another rebellion. Applause ]
The war to suppress one rebellion was to
prevent the separation of the States, to
prevent them from flying off, and thereby
changing the character Of the Govern
ment, and weakening its power. Now.
what is the struggle? There is an attempt
to concentrate the power Of the Govern
ment in the hands Of the few, and thereby
equally dangerous and Objectionable with
separation. Enthusiastic applause We
lind that powers are assumed and attempt
ed to be exercised Of most extraordinary
character. What are they?
We find that governments can be revo-
!utionized, can be changed, without going
into the battle field. Sometimes reyolu-
tions, the most disastrous to the people,
are affected without the shedding of blood
The substance Of government may be taken
away, while the form and shadow is still
adhered to. Now, what are the attempts?
What is being proposed? We find that, in
fact, by an irresponsible, central directory,
nearly all the powers Of Government are
assumed, without even consulting the Le-