The Evansville journal. [volume] (Evansville, Ind.) 1866-1870, 1866-06-21

who is not a believer in monarchy or Sla-
very, can take issue with a portion of IL.
It establishes the fundamental principles
upon which the Union is based, and IS an
expression of pure and unalloyed DeEnoc-
The second section equalizes representa-
tion in Congress and in the Electoral Col
Iege, by taking from the white people OF
the States lately in rebellion the rlght 70
represent in Congress more than four mil
lions of negroes living in their midst W nom
they deprive of all political rights what what
ever. AS the matter now stands the whlte
people of the Southern States nave sixty
per cent more of political power N Inc
House of Representatives ana IN eIecting
the President and Vice President. than an
equal number of white people IN the
Northern States. This is gross ana un-
righteous inequality and an apsolule m
Justice to the Northern people. Even If
the Southern people were all loyal they
could not have the slightest claims to any
-sneh advantage. But when we CONSIDER
rebels, and but a few months ago Waged a,
bloody war against the government the
idea of their retaining such an enormous
and unholy advantage is too n1Onstrous to
be calmly considered. IoD !.gl
If all were equally loyal North and South,
the proposed amendment would be aemeas
ure of simple but imperative justice; bat
when we consider the character OF the
Southern people and Of their Northen al
lies, and the terrible calamities they nave
brought upon the country, the claims of
Justice are intensified. and longer submits
sion to the inequality on our part becomes
H.
bers of Congress opposed il by their votes.
The personal degradation w1lichthey snf-
fer, which each one Of them suffers, in be-
ing practically treated as sixty per cent
less of a man than his fellow Demo
crat of Georgia they care nothing about.
They willswallOw with avidity this or any
other indignity that may be thrust upon
them, pro zided it comes from GInen
who: have been Shareholders and re-
bels in arms, and who gave reasonable as
Bnrance that they Will vote the Copper
head ticket. A greater political degrade
ton towards the people of any one sec
ton OF the country than that which now
exists in the inequality of Representations,
can not be imagined, and the cheerful SUBJ
mission to it by the Northern Democrats
for the low and selfish purpose of reaping
little political gain, presents spectacle
which it is not pleasant to contemplate.
The ratification of this amendment is one
OF the most important issues submitted to
the people of Indiana at the next election.
The Justice of it, and the necessity for il,
lie upon the surface, and are too plain for
argument. We might as well argue that
two and two make four, or that whole Is
equal to all its parts -5syt..1 ,s.-e.
The third section provides in substance
that every person who, as a member of
Congress, officer of the United States
members of the State Legislature, or q ju-
dicial officer of any State, had taken an
United States, and afterwards committed
perjury by engaging in the rebellion, shah
be ineligible to any office under the United
States. The object of it is to exclude per-
jured rebels from power. If a man has
once taken an oath to support the Consti-
tuition and broken il, he should not be per-
mitted TO take it again in the same way.
You will doubtless agree with Congress
that men enough can be found who have
never committed this wicked and bloody
perjury to I'LL all the offices, both State
and National, and that it Is but
reasonable precaution for public safe
ty to prevent these men from again COM
ing into power. There is no political or
moral obligation to trust them again, and
every dictate of prudence, justice, love for
lion, demands that they should not be
again trusted ~ 81 $50 ftt y.
The fourth section proclaiIf1s the validity
Of the public debt Of the United states, in
nensinns and pountiss for service Nh tu6s
pressing the rebelliop snd me
rebellion, or any claim for the loss or erlan-
cipafion ofslaves. -
The strong sympathies manifested by
Northern Democratic leaders for the hold
ers of the rebel war debt, and their malig-
nant hostility to the holders of the bonds Of
the United states make this amendment
necessary. Should the great calamity hap
pen that the National Government should
pass into the possession of the Demo cratfc
party we are not at liberty to doubt but
whatthey would cause it to assume the pay /
ment of the rebel war debt. Not only are
the inclinations of the Northern members
already in that direction, but their we'll
known pusillanimfty in the presence of
Southern men would overcome any fears
of unpOpnlarity at home, and they would
measure as soon as it was demanded by
the Southern wing of the party. Should
the Southern wing demand as condition
for their support that they should be paid
for their slaves, who can doubt for a. mo-
ment when they consider the love and de-
votion of Northern Democratic leaders to
slavery, the history of the passage of the
Nebraska bill, and hundred other politi- !
cal events which have occurred in the last |
thirty years that the demand will be
The amendment is, therefore irnpera-
lively required, by the Sympathies, cow |
ardice, and the habits Of Submission TO |
Southern men by which Northern Demo-
cratic leaders are distinguished. 1i ,'
To say that men who but yesterday We're
in rebellion to destroy the Government |
having been vanQuished last night, may |
to-day, without conditions or hindrance |
resume their seats in Congress and take |
part in the administration OF affairs. I
would be a proposition OF which we might |
say in shomely phrase, /" there is no sense in 7
it!n Itwould betodestroy all distinctions /
between loyalty and treason; to con- |
port of the Government and the /
destruction Of IL It IS an old |
cess. byt this would insfifV Il eau tsn IN
defeat. This proposition belongs to the /
class of vile sophistries wherewith the I
and Throughout the war, and Which We're
the himsy and transparent garments by |
which Northern men sought to cover the /
rebellion. They said . the government /
could mot coerce state; that it was |
incompatible with the nature of a Govern |
ment to preserve its existence by force |
and that our Government had no right by !
force of arms to preserve its life against re-
beiIious violence.
Mr.. Buchanan, in his message to Con-
eress in December, 1860, committed himself
To the inconceivably foolish paradox. that
States under the Constitution had no right
to secede, but that If they attempted seces-
sion the Government had no power to
prevent them from so doing. And again,
during the war, when 1t became manifest
to the world that the rebellion could not
be suppressed and slavery preserved, Mr..
Lincoln was f1rious1y denounced as usurp-
er, tyrant, and fend for his great pro clarna-
conclusion we are told by the authors Of
these infamous sayings that vanquished
rebels may, and ought to, without cOndi-
ton hindrance or delay, return to their