Staunton vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1860-1896, 1866-03-02

1
still further objection to the bill on grounds
seriously affecting the class Of persons to
whom it is designed to bring relief; it will
tend to keep the mind of the freedmen in a
state of uncertain expectation and restless
| ness, while to those among whom he lives it
will be a source of constant and vague APP
prehension. Undoubtedly the freedmen
should be protected, but he should be protect
ed by the civil authorities, especially by the
exercise Of all the Constitutional powers of
the courts Of the United States and Of the
States. His condition is not so exposed as
may at first be imagined. He is in por-
ton Of the country where his labor cannot
well be spared. Competition for his services
from planters, those who are constructing or
repairing railroads, and from capitalists in
his yicinage or from other States, will ena-
/ bic him to command almost his own terms.
He also possesses a perfect right to change
his place of abode, and if, therefore, he does
not find in one community or State mode
Of life suited to his desires, Or proper remu-
neration for his labor he can move to one
where that labor is more esteemed and better
rewarded In truth, however, each State
induced by its own wants and interests, will
| do what is necessary and proper to retain
within It's borders all the labor that is need
ed for the development of its resources. The
laws that regulate, supply and demand will
maintain their force, and the wages Of the
Iaborer will be regulated thereby There is
no danger that the exceedingly great demand
for labor will not operate in favor Of the la
borer, neither is sufficient consideration Civ
en- to the ability Of the freedmen to believe
that as they have received their freedom with
moderation and forbearance, SO they will dis
tinguish themselves by their industry and
thrift, and soon show the world that in a con-
dition Of freedom they are self-sustaining.
capable Of selecting their own employments
and their own places Of abode, Of insisting
for themselves On a proper remuneration,
and of establishing and maintaining their
own a&yos i,., and schools. It is earnestly
hoped that Instead of wasting away they will
by their own efforts, establish for themselves
condition Of responsibility and prosperity.
It is certain that they can attain to that con-
aition only through their own merits and ex-
ertions
In this connection, the query presents it.
self, whether the system proposed by the bill
will not, when put into complete operation,
practically transfer the entire care, support
and control Of four millions Of emancipated
slaves to agents, oyersccrs, or task-masters,
who, appointed at Washington, are to be To-
Gated il every county and parish throughout
the United States containing freedmen and
refugees? Such system would inevitably
tend to q concentration Of power in the Tx
ecutive which would enable him, if 50 dis
posed, to control the action Of this numerous
class, and, use them for the attainment Of
his own political ends. [ cannot but add
another very grave objection to this bill
The Constitution imperitiyely declares, in
connection with taxation, that each State
shall have at least one Representative, and
fixes the rule for the number to which III fu-
ture times each State shall be entitled. It
also provides that the Senate Of the United
States shall be composed Of two Senator's
FROM each State, and adds, with peculiar
force, that no State without its consent shall
be deprived Of its equal suffrage In the Sen
ate. The original act was necessarily passed
in the absence Of the States chiefly to be af
fected, because their people were then con-
tunaciously engaged il the rebellion. Now
the case is changed, and some at least Of the
States are attending Congress by loyal Rep
resentatives, soliciting the allowance Of the
constitutional right Of representation. At
the time, however, Of the consideration and
the passing Of this bill there was no Senator
or Representative in Congress from the elev-
en- States which are to be mainly effected by
its provisions. The very fact that reports
were and are made against the good DISPOSE
ton Of the country is an additional reason
why they need and should have representa-
tives Of their own in Congress to explain
their condition, reply to accusations, and as
sist by their local knowledge in the perfect
ing of measures Immediately affecting them
selves. While the liberty of deliberation
wonld then be free, and Congress would have
full power to decide according to its judg
ment, there could be no objection urged that
The States most interested had not been per-
mitted to be heard. The principle is firmly
fixed in the minds OF the American people
that there should be 10 taxation without rep
rcsantati0n. Great burdens have now to be
borne by all the country, and we may best
demand that they shall he borne without
murnur when they are voted by a majority
Of the representatives Of the people. I would
not interfere with the unquestionabla right Of
Congress 70. judge each House for itself Of the
election returns and qualifications Of its own
members, but that authority cannot be CON
strued as including the right to shut out in
time Of peace any State from representation
to which it IS entitled by the Constitution .--
At present all the people Of eleven States
are .oxcluded-those who were most faithful
during the war. not less than others. The
State Of Tennessee, for instance, whose au-
tholities engaged in rebellion, WAS restored
to all her constitutional relations to the Union
by the patriotism and energy Of her injured
and betrayed people before the war was
brought to termination. They had placed
themselves in relations with the General Gov
ernment, had established a State Govern
ment Of their own, and as they were not IN
GUIDED in the Emancipation Proclamation,
they, by their own act, had amended their
Constitution so as to abolish slavery within
the limits of their State, I know no reason
why the State Of Tennessee, for example,