Baltimore daily commercial. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1865-1867, 1866-06-02
:. northumberland


No sounder principle was ever enunciated by an
American statesman than that of the President that
too frequent amendments of the Constitution were
unnecessary and dangerous. The modern presuIpp-
ton which inspires so many members of Congress to
improve upon the work Of Madison and Jay and
Hamilton. is not by any means commendable or con-
sistent The foundations of Government. as laid
down by the fathers, set in eternal principles
and reared upon the enduring rock of justice and
right. We have seen nothing in either the states
manship or the ability of our present Fabans to in
dictate their superior knowledge over the men who
framed our organic law. 1t may be regarded as IL
heresy III radical conventices but we put Us high an
estimate upon the talent, the integrity and the wis
dom of the Convention of l7S7 as the Thirty-pinth
American Congress. We admit that extraordinary
occasions may arise. and unusual circumstances may
occur, requiring alteration of the fundamental
law. But they are extremely rare; and such change
should only be resorted to where the vast legislative
powers possessed under the Constitution fail to es-
tablish any right remedy any wrong. The abo-
hton OF slavery was an occasion of this kind and
to the glory of the American name and the honor of
humanity. the prohibition of human bondage is law
of the land. So, too, we are willing to concede that
the rectifcaton of the basis of representation de-
mands constitutional correction. We will not deny
that the freedom Of the slaves leaves the basis in such
manner that 1t operates unjuStly and in different
way than that intended by those who adjusted the
system at the commencement of the Union. We do
not hold this change to be of such vital Importance as
TO keep the country in state Of fermentation to
create any decided alarm agitation; especially we
do not think that the inequalities Of the present
basis should be made pretext for keeping eleven
States unioniesS, and millions of American citizens
out of their hereditary representative rights We
perfectly willing to all our efforts to install
a basis, provided it is right and just of itself;
and that basis We maintain should be the eector In
no other way can have absolute justice; that only
will insure the actual equality of every ballot.
While doing this cannot assent that the readjus-
ment of the relations of the lately insurgent States
should be postponed until the present representative
System is altered We will not consent to do one in
justice to correct another. All the other propositions
in the programme Of Congress. it at last appears
after the senatorial manipulation. regard as ut
tery useless, and of no value should they be ratified
The disqualification clause of the senatorial recon-
structors is already provided for sufficiently by the
test oaths which are likely to remain fully as long as
the country shall require them. We have exploded
too often the fallacy of protecting the national obi
cations by constitutional amendments to need repo-
ttion The debt stands in danger whatever of re-
pudiation but of increase, When you can alter the
Constitution to prohibit adding anything to the debt
you establish its involability; until that time we
shall have to depend upon the honesty and virtue of
the people to it. In that lies its safety 1t is
an innocent amusement, to which wemake no objec-
ons, for Congress to submit many amendments as
it peases to the people. 1t may deal them out like
autumn leaves for ought care but if they are to
be made the condition of political action and the |
criterion Of political faith or if they are to be the
reasons for delaying the solemn duty of restoring |
the unity, harmony, and prosperity of this nation,
then we give them our unrGienting opposition.