The Charleston daily news. [volume] (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, 1866-07-28

ing that tho Dill will become law, despite
the Pre- sidcIt'a veto. That ne will We; it we
canaot for moment doubt It's un" onstitu-
tionality is too palpahle to escape tho pene-
tratIon Of ANDREW JOHNSON. 1t Is in fact
IN amendment to the Constitution, under the
guise of an Act of Congress.
By the Bill of Rights, which was made q
part of the Constitution of the United States,
every man is entitled to the benefit of the
writ of habeas corpus, and no man, be he ever
80 vile a rebel, can be lawfully deprived of
this great bulwark Of liberty until the Consti-
tuition hes been altered in this respect.
Moreover, the Constitution expressly pro-
vides that Congress shall not pass any er
post facto law. This bill would deprive
citizen of right on account of crime COM
mitted, or alleged to be committed, prior to
its passage; apd if this bill on its very face
does not come clearly within the definition of
an er post facto law, we are at o loss to know
the meaning of the term.
The President has repeatedly expressed his
determined opposition to all class legislation,
and this bill comes 30 manifestly under that
head, that on that ground alone it would be
sure to meet with his disapprobation. There
fore, when we take into consideration both its
unconstitutionality and its partiality, we ore
doubly sure that it will be vetoed.
On the other hand, whea we consider the
transactions of the present Congress, from the
time when they first assembled in the Capitol
until now, and more especially when we con-
slider their late conduct in regard to the pas
sage of the Freedmen's Bureau Bill, and their
still moro indecent behavior on the reading
of the Presidents message on the Tennessee
resolution, we feel equally certain that they
will overrule the veto in this case as they did
in that. -r''r..
The determination of the Radicals in Con-
gress to disregard the Constitution, and to
use their present position to secure their party
in perpetual power, has become 80 evident,
and is 30 openly acknowledged by themselves,
that it were q waste Of time to discuss evi-
denocs of that fact A graver accusation has,
however, been lately brought against that
party one that is of such serious import to
the welfare of the nation that it is command
ing universal attention. They are charged
with O design to resort to arms to keep their
hold on power, if they cannot accomplish that
object in any other way.
| If this is 80, the people should know it, in
order that, being forewarned, they may be
forearmed. Their secret conolaves in Wash
| ington, and the bill to arm the militia of the
Northern States, point strongly in that direc.
ton; and now in this bill concerning the writ
of habeas corpus another indication may bo de.
teoted, though sk,lfully hidden. 49,. 81.
Who ever heard of law to punish exclu.
sively crimes committed in tho past and hav-
;n- - [>.."io unVnUes Let here
is law which, while directly against the
letter and spirit of the Constitution, imposes
disability to rebellion already committed
does not hold that disability in terrorem over
future rebels.
Why is this? The majority in Congress
are essentially partisan in oil their acts. They
make laws not for the good of the country,
but for the benefit of themselves and their
friends, and for the punishment of their enc.
mics, the people of tho South. They feel
| confident that the Southerners will never
again be rebels, and, as for Us they are con-
cerned, the punishment Of future rebellion
would be useless; but they are not so sure
about themselves; they are determined to
have their way, rebellion or no rebellion
and therefore they are careful not to prepare
way for their own destruction. Hence this
unprecedented retrospective legislation.