Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1866-06-20

separate de foct0 Government.
The real question is, not whether there is any
express warrant in the Constitution for it, but
whether there is an, thing in the letter or spirit
5 of the Constitution that forbids it. In my judg-
ment there is not. 1t is sanctioned by princi-
pies of substantial justice and right, and by the
2 great law of self-protection and defense, which
} is as applicable to communities and nations as
to individuals.
conclude, then that there is no objection to
the exercise by Congress of the power to i'm
pose any condition Limitation to the return
of these States TO partic prte 10 the govern
ment of the nation, which snail be Just IN ITSELF
r and necessary fur the safety and welfare of the
Il alton.
If, as insist, we have the right to require oil
these States suitable and sufficient conditions or
, guarantees, and that, too, by amendments of the
fundamental law, then several questions present
themselves upon the amendment proposed. DO
We need this amendment for our fu ure protec-
ton and the peace and safety of the nation
Doe. this amendment furnish it srthciently
Is it doing any wrong injustice to the white
people OF the South Is Ii just TO the negro
population of the South This amendment
leaves the general basis of representation, as
fixed by the Consti,u ion originally, upon num-
bers population.
In soms of the discussions OF this subjec; in
this Chamber it has been strenuously insisted
that lnls Is not the true ana Just OASIS upon
which represen alton should be based, bu, that
it should rest upon the basis of voters. | en-
tireIy disagree with those who have argued for
this new doctrine, and in my mind il is clear
| that he existing basis Is the only true enc, the
only one consistent with the true idea of a rep
resenIalive republican government. The ques-
! tlon IS not, perhaps, directly involved ia lh's
amendment b1t still il is not wholly ASIDE from
my line of argument. All the people, all
i1h. h., e.
equally entitled to protection they are all sub
ject TO lis laws; they must all share its burdens
and they are all Interested in its legis station and
government.
| Notwithstanding TINS State or community
protesting 10 be republican allows all its People
10 vote. Every fixes for itself some rule
which, IN it, Judgmel, Will furnish body of
voters electors who will most wisely end
safely represent the wishes and intere.ts OF the
whole people. The right or franchise Of voting
has, pr badly, been more widely extended in
hese American States than 10 any other pro-
iessed republican Government, but in the most
| liberal OF these II has always been conhped to
Z small minority Of be whole people 10 none
| of our States have females or males under 2 /
| Years OF age ever been allowed to vote. In
many of the ) ates the right of voting has been
| restrained within much narrower limits. Per
sons coming TO this country and establishing
their permanent residence here are required TO
remain hve years and then TO 20 through an
established process OF naturaiisal ion before they
/ are allowed the privilege OF voting. Yet W. all
know that many emales are far better qualified
! 20 vote IntelngentIy anc wisely than many men
wno allowed to vote and the same i. true
ot many macs under twen'y-one, and of for
,igners who have not resided here for the peri
1 I'd of five years
/ ne truth is that The whole system of suf
! W fl
ca founded upon its own ideas OF the number
and class OF persons who viii best repre- sent
/ the wishes and interests OF the whole people.
| ne ilghi OF suffrage Is not given TO particu-
! ar cia-s because tn-y have anJ greater interest
/ n the Cover ment or because they have any
more natural light to it than others. nor 10 e1-
rrolse II for themselves and IN their own behalf,
| bat Is gwen 10 them as fair aud proper expo
uents OF the will and interests of the whole
community. and to De exercised for the benefit
nd IA the interest OF the whole.
The theory Is that the fathers, husbands
and sons 10 whom the right of suffrage /. given
"lll n It's exercise be a, watchfu of the right. /
And interests ot their wives, sisters and children /
NhO do not vote as of their own " hie the
rules OF suffrage different in the different
States, the pan OF basin. representation in the /
national Legislature upon the number Of voters I
IN each would b7 naulfestly unjust II might /
Nth the same pIoprety he based unpon the
number OF members ln the Legislature Of each
> ate.
But if the rules of suffrage were the same in
ali the States, the adoption of such a rule for
ut ttonal representation would be unjust. The
Union contains many very recently settled
States, and by of the great extent OF un-
settled country all still have, such must be the
case Tor years 10 come. These new States TO
great extent are settled by emigra'ion from the I
oder States, and 1t has been aud will ever con-
tinue the case that muth larger proportion of
thls emigration males. The consequence
Is that the newly settled States contain very
much larger proportion of males than the old
er States, aud therefore a much larger ratio of
voters.
Can it be justly claimed that five thousand
people In Nevada or Colorado should have the
same Voice in the Government as twent, thou
sand people 10 Massachusetts or New York even
though the number Of males above II were IN
same 10 each
have said more than was necessary upon
this porticular point. BY the e1isting Const-
tuition the States holding slaves, in addition 10
their other population, were entitled to have
three-h tbs OF their slaves counted in ascertain
Iug their share of representation. By the
anne dment OF the Constitution sboshing slav-
very, which was really of the results OF the
war, this entire mass OF slave population, count
ing by millions. made free, and as the
Constitution stands the States where slavery ex-
lsted would now be entitled to have the remain
Ing two titths added TO their numbers for repre-
sentatlon,although no one OF them all is lowed
To vote.
This very fact, seems to me, furnishes q
very sufficient reason for readlustment of
representation among the States, and sn au-
sWer to the often repeated question, why
amend the Constitution at all With no
amendment on this subject the late slave States
come into the lower House of Congress with a
much larger representa- ion than ever before.
is II safe to do rhs,i it just to the loyal portion
OF the nation who have borne such immense
burdens to maintain Its existence ? Ii not, l
hold We are not bound to encounter any such
peril.
For long period of years sectional hatred
toward the North had been cultivated in The
South, 10 consequence OF dislike and con-
demnation OF their wicked and anti-repubIican
system of human slavery. This feeling was
excite ed and fomented by the of ambitious
and designing men till it broke out in a gigantic
rebellion for the purpose of separating from Us
and forming separate government for them
seIves-tne most terrible and bloody civil war
the world has ever seen, lasting for four years
characterized by almost innumerable instances
Of cruel ana barbarous hate on the part OF the
insurgent States.
We finally succeeded in putting down the .
rebellion, overthrowing the government they
had set up, and adding the modification of to.
tai defeat of their to their other reasons
for hating and disliking our Government.
These sople have submitted to the national
Government because they have been compelled
by force 10 do SO.