The Ashland union. [volume] (Ashland, Ashland County, Ohio) 1854-1868, 1866-02-28

in point Of time, but will form a part Of
the permanent legislation Of the country
] can not reconcile q system of mill
tary jurisdiction Of this kind with the
words Of the Constitution, which declares
that "no person shall bo held to answer
for capital, or otherwise Infamous
crime, unless on q presentment or in
.dietment ofa grand jury, except in cases
arising in the land or naval forces, or in
the militia when in actual service, in
time Of war or public danger" and that
"in all criminal prosecutions the accused
shall enjoy right to a speedy and public
trial by an impartial jury of the State OIL
district wherein the crime shall have been
committed" The safeguards which the
wisdom and experience of ages taught
our fathers, to establish as securities fol
the protection Of the innocent, the pun,
ishment of the guilty, and the equal adj
ministration of justice, are to be sci
aside, and for the sake Of more vigor.
GUS interposition in behalf Of justice, W.
are to take the risk Of the many acts ol
injustice that would of necessity follow
from I'm almost countless number OIL
agents, established in every parish oil
county in nearly third Of the States Of
the Union, over whose decision there is
to be no supervision or control by the
Federal courts. The power that would
be thus placed in the hands Of the Presi'
dent, is such as, in time Of peace, Ger.
tainly ought never to be entrusted to any
one man. lttft
If it be asked whether the creation Oi
such tribunal within State is warrant
ed as a measure Of war, the question i'm.
mediately presents itself, whether we arc
still engaged in war? Let us not un
necessarily disturb the commerce and
credit and industry o! the country by de-
clariug to the American people and the
world that the United States are still in
condition Of civil war. AT present
there is no part Of our country in which
the authority Of the United States is dis.
puted. Offenses that may be committed
by individuals should not work forfeit
ure Of the rights OF the same communi
ties. The country has entered. or is re,
tuning to, state of peace and industry
aud the rebellion is, in fact, at an end
The measure, therefore, seems 10 be as
inconsistent with the actual condition oil
the country as it is at variance with the
Constitution Of the United States.
If, passing from general considerations
VIC expmihe the bill in detail it is open
to weigbty objections. In time Of war i,
was emincntly proper that VIC should pro
vide for those WHO we're passing suddenly
from condition Of bondage to a state Of
freedom. But this bill proposes to make
the Frcedmen's Bureau, established by
the act Of 1865 as one of the many great
and extraordinary military measures to
suppress formidable rebellion, a perma
nent branch of the public administration
with its power greatly enlarged. l have
no reason to suppose, and l do not un
derstand it to be alleged, that the act ol
March, 1855, has proved deficient fer the
purpose for which it was passed, although
at that time, and for considerable pc
riod thereafter the Government of The
United States remained unacknowledgcd
in most of the States whose inhabitants
had been involved inthe rebellion, The
institution Of slavery, for the military de-
struction Of which the Freedmen's Bu
reau was called into existence as an aux
iliary for it, has been already effectually
and finally abrosated throughout the
whole country by an amendment" otctht
Constitution Of the United States, and
practically, its eradication has received
the assent and concurrence OF most O
those States in which, at any time, it hat
existed. / am not, therefore, able 10 dis
cern in the country any thing to Justify
an apprehension that the powers anC
agencies of the Freedmen's Bureau
which were effective for the protection o.
freedmen and refugees during the actua
continuation Of hostilities and Of African
sorvitude, will now, in time of peace
and after the abolition of slavery, prove
inadequate to the same proper ends, Il
l am correct in these views, there can bt
no necessity for the enlargement Of thu
powers Of the Bureau, for which proyis
ion is made in the bill. @.a ia.
The third section Of the bill authorize
general, unlimited amount Of supper
to the destitute aud suffering refugcel
and freedmen, and their wives and chill
dren. Succeeding sections make provis
ion for the rent or purchase of landed 90
tate for freedmen, and for the erection
for their bene6tof suitable buildings fol
asylums and schools, the expenses 10 b.
betrayed from the treasury Of the whole
people The Congress Of the Unitet
States has never heretofore thought itsol
competent to establish any laws beyond
the limits Of the District of Columbia
except. for the benefit of our disabled sol
diers and sailors 1t has never founded
schools for any class Of our own people
not even for the orphans Of those wht
have fallen in defense Of the Union, bu
has left the care Of their education 10th,
much more competent control Of th,
States, Of communities, Of Irivate asso
Citations, and Of individuals. It has ney
er dsemod itself authorized to expent
public money forthe rent or purchase 0
houses for the thousands, not 70 say mil
lions, oftbe white race, who are honestl.
tailiDg from day to day for their spbsist
ence. A system for the support Of indi
gent personssof the United States wa
never eontemplatedby by the authors Of tn