The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-01-15

of the ard condition ofthe serfs on their donna n,
anne uncing at the came time that he had emal-
cipated all that were on bis own domain. 1t is
proper TO cay that the serfs OF France we're whi e
men. and that the claims of the negro to be con-
sdered equal In his rights to those OF the white
race we're not probably in the royal mind, he not
having heard OF the horrors OF the middle ages
or the seventies of negro slavery in the West
Indies, there being no African slavery then
on the continent OF America. Tn
sentiment, therefore could not have be- n
intended to embrace the negro, and 1t is highly
probable that, II IL had occupied place IN his
thoughts, his unsophIsticated mind would have
led him to the conclusion thai the natural
equality of rights even of white men, IN the
lowest condition of life, and their claims 20 the
justice protection, and sym pathies OF their fell
lowmen, in the highest classes of society, or IN
the higher stages Of civilization, neither quail
fed them to become legislators, rulers, or officers
as their delegates without other qualifications
than those with which nature had endowed
them. The conception, however, or the equal
rights OF all men, by the law of Nature was
beautiful one, and it struck the fancy OF Mr..
jefferson, whose mental organization, rich and
eXUborant as 1t was in all the higher faculties of
the mlnd, often exposed him to the deuslons
of visionary schemes and speculative theories,
and he made the most OF this idea in the embel-
llshmont of the Declaration Of Independence.
But the thought which now rules our modern
enthusiasts, the radical Republicans, is, that
with out any previous training or experience in
nuDllC audlIS, OF any CuluVuIlOu uDOVe WOaJ
the corn or rice-fed supplies, the negroes in
South Carolina and Mississippi, or wherever
they may be found in the majority, are tit and
qualified by nature TO have the dominant power
over any other people, though possessing greater
cultivation and experience in affairs, and that
they should rule according TO numbers, without
other qualifications.
But cannot leave the Chicago Platform with
out calling attention to the fourth declaration of
principles. Will you tell me, my dear sir, why
this number in the series has not been Oltener
quoted and relied upon as an obstruction in the
Iath Of the radical Republicans, who seek to de-
prive the States of the right to regulate their
own domestic affars-such as the qualifications
of the electors OF the members of their Legisla-
lures, admitting that they may be restored to
their constitutional rights at any future time,
early or late? Or am / mistaken as to the use
which has been made of that part of the Chicago
declaration of principles as | admit that may
be, not having seen the consecutive numbers of
any leading journals of the North on either side
OF the question of restoration. | will say no
more on this subject than TO quote the declara-
ton in my letter, ana make This further remark,
that the authors OF the Chicago declarations must
have made a mistake. They contemplated a
change of the constitution by reducing the
States to the condition OF municipal corpora.
tions, as the radical Republicans seem now re-
solved to do in order to effect the further humi-
liation and punishment OF the Southern people,
The tollowingis the fourth resolution of the plat
folm:-
T. That the maintenance inviolate OF the
rights OF the States, aud especially the right OF
each State to order and control its own domestic
institutions according to its own Judgment eX-
clusivey is essential to that balance of power
on which perfection and endurance of our politi-
cal fabric depends; ana we denounce the law
less invasion by an armed force Of the soil of
any State or Territory, 10 matter under what
pretext as among the greatest of crimes
| will reserve any further remarks for subse-
quent article Respectfully, JOHN BELL.