The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-10-08
The Prudent and Reasonable Policy of
the Union Party.


TALL is that the policy of Congress affords a
reasonable prospect of peace and repose to
the country. We have just passed through
long and exhausting struggle. We have
accumulated great public debt. The pub
lie mind Graves relief from the intense ex-
citement Of the immediate past. The people
are anxious to settle down, and have fair
presumption Of continued quiet. What they
desire is not merely truce, but peace based
upon enduring principles.
Now, the policy of the Union paEty offers
this. While it extends the most neenerous
and magnanimous to the late Rebel popula-
ton, 1t exacts from them such reasonable
guarantees for the future peace and repose of
the country as our late terrible experience
has shown to be essential. 1t merely asks
them to conform to the changes consequent
upon the war, and to abandon certain posi-
tions which they cannot hold without main
tanning hostile position towards the nation
thus, five take the equalization of the basis
OF representation, we find that it is what we
may call necessary consequence of the war.
The war destroyed slavery, and it is but rea-
sonable that the scheme of representation
which grew out of slavery should cease also.
II the South still clings to it, they cling to an
unjust Advantageous which they were never
equitably entitled to, and which will now be
increased and rendered more odious as being
direct gain to them on account of the Re-
bellion. Nor is the equalization Of represen-
tation in any manner unjust towards the
South.
1t is movement of equal and universal ap-
plcation all over the country. 1t simply says
that man shall not be counted for nothing
at the polls, and for something in the basis of
representation. 1t gives to each voter what
is right and just, that each should have
equal political power in the Government.
Moreover, it is matter ofprudent precaution
for the future. The immediate conierring of
political power at all upon people who have so
lately displayed such deadly hostility to the
country, is of itself very grave experiment.
one which would hardly be tried in any other
nation on earth. But the idea of allowing
them to WELD power in the Government
uGStly erCeeding that to which their numbers
entitle them is foolishly to court danger.
1tmust be remembered that in the matter
Of the Senate the late Rebel States will con-
tinue to hold an immense advantage. Thus,
the entire vote cast in these States in the
Presidential election of 1850 was less than
the combined vote of New York and Penn
sylvania; but while New YORK and Penn
sylvania will have, as heretofore, only four
votes IN the Senate, the late Rebel States,
when admitted, will have taventy-tDo. Surely
this enormous disproportion of power in the
senate is all that the Rebel States ought to
House of Representatives, and give to these
States twenty-four members of that body
more than their voting population entities
them to, is grossly, presumptuously unjust
and perilous. This enormous and menacing
power, too, is to be put into the hands, not of
our friends, not Of those interested in main
tanning the Government, but OF those who
have just made the most wicked and des-
perate efforts to overthrow it, and who do
not now acknowledge the nefarious character
of their attempt, but merely deplore its
failure and mourn over what they call their
"lost cause"
We might follow out the same line of argu-
ment with reference to the clause OF the Con-
sttutional amendment forbidding leading and
peIjured traitors from holding office, except
by removal of disability by Congress. This
class of men had all taken solemn oaths to
support and defend the Government. They
deliberately broke those oaths in going into
the Rebellion. Their present disqualification
for holding Office is, therefore, mere matter
of prudence on the part of the country. They
are dangerous men. In other countries they
would probably lose their lives. Here we
simply say to them, Your past treachery for
bids your being trusted with future position
and power" Gould anything be more mild
and reasonable?
Equally proper is the solemn reputation
of the Rebel debt, and the as solemn assump-
ton in the Constitution of the national debt.
If all parties now concede the reputation of
the one and the payment of the other there
can be no harm in putting the questions at
rest in the Constitution.
1t is upon these Just, reasonable, and pru-
dent terms that the Union party proposes to
settle the great question of reconstruction.
We believe they commend themselves to the
good judgment of all candid, thoughtful men.
COLONEL B. II. JENKs, of Bridesbu-o.