The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-09-10

connection with all the good Samaritans of mis-
church, instead of giving him the cold shoul-
der, will make hasty. pilgrimage to the banks
of the Hudson, and offclously assist in binding
up anv imaginary wound which an enlightened
and statesmaulike view of the great questions
o. the dav NAV in their estimation, have caused
TO be inflicted upon him.
The following Is
Mr.. Beccher's Letter,
PEEEsKILL, Sept. S-My Dear Frieud:-I am
obliged to you for your letter. ] am s)rry that
my friends and my congregation are grieyed by
my Cleveland letter.
This feeling, however, has no lust grounds,
whatever may be the seeming. l have not left,
and do not propose to leave or to be put out of
the Republican party. am in sympathy with
its aims, its great principles, and its army of
noble men. But took the liberty of criticizing
its policy in single respect, and to do what
could to secure what believed and still believe
TO Oe a better one.
am, and from the first have been, fully of
opinion thar the amendment of the Consiitu.
ton proposed by Congress, equalizing repre-
sentation in Northern and Southern States was
intrnsically just and reasonable, and that it
should be sought by wholesome and persistent
moral agitation.
But. from the present condition of the public
mud, ana from lDC IIPSluenJS
deemed such change to be practically mpos-
siDle, in any near period, by political action.
And plan of reconstruction based upon that
seems TO me far more like plan of adjourning
reconstruction Tor years at least, with all the
liabilities OF mischief which are always to he
expected in the fluctuations OF politics IN q free
nation.
1t is not the North that chiefly needs the
restoration Of the Government TO its normal
sphere and regular action. Either the advan-
tages OF Union are talaCIOus or the continuous
exclusion of the South nom IL Will breed dis
order make the lnture reunion more difficult,
and especially subject the freedmen to the very
worst conditions of society which can well
exist No army. no Government, and no earthly
power can compel the South to treat tour mil
lion men Justly, if the inhabitants (whetner
rightly or wrongly regard those men as the
cause, or even the occasion, OF their unhapDi-
ness and dlstranchlsement. But no army or
Government, or power, Will be required when
Southern society is restored, occupied, and
prosperng in the renewed Union. Then the
negro will be felt to be necessary TO Southern
INDUSTRY, and interest will Join with conscience
and kindness in securing for MIN favorable
treatment from mis- tellow-Cit1enS.
We that live at a distance may think that tie
social reconstruction involved IL the emancpa-
ton of four million slaves is as SIMPLE and easy
as 1t is to discourse about H. But such change
is itself one Of the most tremendous tests TO
which industry and society can be subjected
and to its favorable issue Is required every ad-
vantage possible. The LONGER, therefore, the
loOubU rs cll III lle WOlSG u Will Oc
the negro. Ii there were no other reason: if
the white population were not our tello R-citi-
Zens if we had lost all kindness and regard Tor
them and all pride fOr the Union, as in part
represented by the Southern States and con-
hned our attention exclusively 10 the negro,
the would be strong beyond my power of
expression Tor an early resumption OF Federal
relations with all the States, Ii this Is to dis
regard the negro, then all social and natural
laws have been studied IN VAIN
Neither am l johnson man" IN any re-
ceived meaning OF that term. VGreat applause
| accept that part Of the policy which he favors,
but with modification. ! have never Thought
that ii would be wise to bring bGCk ali the
States in a BODY, and at once, any more than IL
would be to keep them all out together. One
by one, in due succession, under n practical
judgment, rather than by wholesale theOreu-
cal rule would have them readmltted. J still
think middle course between the Presidents
policy and that of Congress would be wiser than
either. But with this my agreement with the
President ends. ! have long regretted his lgno-
rance OF Northern ideas aud sentiments, and
have been astonished and PANIED mt his in
Crasiug indiscretlons.
UncOnscously, the President Is the chief OBJ
Itacl,. 10 the readmissiOn Of Southern States.
lt is enough that he is known to favor a measure
20 set the puolc mind against it, This is to DC
deplored But it is largely owing 10 his in-
creasin@ mprudent cOnuuct. ] believe him to
be honest, sincere III desiring what he regards
as the public good, but slow and unapi in re
ceiYing help from other minds. Proud and
sensitive, firm 10 obstlnacy, resolutc 10 fierce
ness, intelligent i'll his own sphere-WhlCh ls
narrOw-he holds his opinions inheYibly. He
often mistakes the intensity of his own conVic-
tions tor strength of evidence.
Such man has a true sphere in periods OF
peril, when audaciOus frmness and rude yigor
are needed. But in the delicate tasks OF adjust
ment which follow civil war such a nature lacks
that tact and dehcacy and moral intuition which
constitute the true statesman.
Mr.. Johnson's haste to take the wrong side at
the atrocious massacre OF New Orleans was
shocking. The peryersOn and mutilation OF
Sherdan's dispatches need no Characterization.
/ do not attribute this act 10 him. Yet II was
of such criminal and disgracetul nature that
not to clear himself OF il by the exposure and
rebuke of the offending party amounted to col
lusiOn with crime after the fact. what shall
saw OF the speeches made in the recent VIDE
circuit of the Executive? Are these the ways
of reconciliation!
| Yet Mr. johnson is to be our President for
| nearly three years to come, clothed with a
| power which belongs to few thrones. Besides
| the honor which people owe to him as tue
| Chief Magistrate, We must, as CHRISTIAN clllZehs,
credit him with his real eXcellencies-hls otlgl-
nal horror OF secession, his bold resistance 10
| treachery, his persistent and seli-denying
| heIosm in the long dark days OF Tennessee.
| We must not forget that he has jealousy re,
sisted Capitalization of power IN the Federdi
| Government; that he has sought to dignity ana
| secure a true State rights; thar ne has main
| tanned a simplicity OF manners and u true love
| OF the common people.
| II is our duty, likewise TO iorcstall und pre-
| vent as much as possible, by KIND but faithful
criticism of his errors ON the one hand ana by
| sympathy and kindness on the other, those dan
| gers to which he is liable under attacks which
| ne Is peculiarly unable 10 bear with calmness
| and those dangers of evil counsellors, which
more and more gravitate towards hlm. 80 lone
as 1t was possible, have been silent upon Mr
JOhnson's faults, and now speak so plainly only
1 IN cloak them.