Gold Hill daily news. [volume] (Gold Hill, N.T. [Nev.]) 1863-1882, 1866-06-07

menus Stotoknontss
In the course Of the debate on the pro.
posed amendment to the Postofice Bill.
restricting the appointing power Of the
President May sth) Senator Stewart made
the subjoined interesting remarks:
/ have heard a great deaf about the
Presidents policy and the policy Of Con.
gress. I have heard a great deal about
sustaining the policy Of the President and
sustaining the policy Of Congress. The
object of this amendment, so far as I have
been able to learn from the course OF this
discussion. is to prevent the President
from using this patronage in support OF
his policy. The world will so understand
il. I believe that has been avowed here
upon this floor. I do not think any n
doubts that the object of this legislation is
to prevent the President from using the
power.o of his patronage to sustain his pol.
icy, as it is called, as against the policy OF
Congress.
/ suggest whether it would not be well
to walt until the policy Of Congress hall
be developed, so that we can compare 1t
with the policy of the President. after we
know exactly what the policy Of Congress
is. I admit that I do not understand the
policy Of Congress, and I do not wish to
commence q war on the President as such
per SO until We get in a position to know
whether we agree or not. II seems to me
we should devote ourselves to the all-im-
portant question Of knowing exactly
how we stand, and what we intend to do,
and then there will be time enough to
take all the necessary means to defend
that policy when it is known. I have
differed sometimes with the President, and
sometimes with the majority Of Congress,
and I expect I shall continue to do SO, and
TO exercise my judgment upon all ques.
tons but when I SEQ that Congress has a
better plan than the President, I shall
take every means I can to vindicate thai
plan.
Now, what are the plans Of the two, so
far as they have been as~certained and de-
veloped? I appeal to Senators and ask
them what are the plans Of the two, and
what do they propose to accomplish l
have never Endorsed the Presidents plan
in full ; I have always had objections to
il, and stated them on all occasions; 1t
does not meet the whole question /; but IL
Is a plain and simple plan. He says to us,
admit loyal members at once; restore
the Union on that basis (; retain your test
oath; admit those who can take that test
oath /; and recognize the States as they
existed" Some Of US are not satisfied
with that. Il is possible that zoe shall nerer
60. anything better, hocerer, IN this Con-
gress. .
Now. what is the policy Of Congress ?
That is tho most difficult thing to ascertain
that I kaop of. Il is stated that we want
security for the future. I admit that, I
feel the necessity Of security for the flu
ture. I am q warm advocate for all the
securities that can be taken for our repub-
lican institutions in the future. I will 60
as far as any man in this Congress to OBJ
tain those securities which shall do US
some good.
The question of negro suffrage has been
the only grand difficulty. ! stated TO my
constituents before I left home that when
ever I came to the conclusion that negro
suffrage was a necessity as a security for
the future in the reconstruction Of these
States I should 60 for it. I came here.
found both Houses of Congress advocating
this theory. ! found them laying down
the doctrine that. it was the only security
that could be taken. l found them ear
nest in its advocacy. In the other House
q bill was introduced granting universal
negro suffrage in the District Of Columbia.
That bill drew forth a discussion which
will mark the annals Of the history Of de-
bate in America to all time. I read that
discussion attentively. That bill passed
the House Of Representatives BY more
than a two-thirds vote. 1t came to the
Senate. The Committee or the Oistric.
Of Columbia, however, saw TT to amend
it by restricting the suffrage and render
ing il partial ; but on motion Of the Sem
ator from Illinois (Mr. Ya,es) the bill was
recommitted by almost q unanimous vote
| of this body, for the avowed purpose Of
making suffrage in the District Of Column
bia impartial; and from that day on until
the 10th day Of March I heard eloquent
and able speeches on this floor upon that
question. declaring that it was the only
security that could be given for the future,
and l became. satisfied that Congress
would do nothing else. I, however, con-
tinued to mention the difficulties in the
way, the prejudice which existed in nine.
teen northern States that had the word
.'white" in their constitutions. The radi-
cal press assaled me; I was assailed in
this Chamber and elsewhere as unsound,
because ! did not see my way clear. l
could not be convinced that Congress
would stand up to its principles. but I
was laughed at for 30 thinking.
. Now, what is
the policy of Congress on the question .
It is not what it appeared to be when Con.
gress met and I mean to be understood
on this point. I will change every time I
500 a principle that I have never discover
ed before, but I will not change and 60
backward unless I sec q cause and a prin-
ciple. I say that the position Congress
occupies to. day is not u strong one. We
have before us the report of the Commit
tee on this subject, but, before we under
take wal with others, let US organize and
agree among ourselves and examine this
report, and lay down the rules that shall
govern US.
The Arst section Of the Constitutional
Amendment reported by the Committee,
if it stood alone, would grant universal
civil and political rights, if it means any
thing. II that was not the intention, it
adds nothing to the Constitution. 1t is
evident that such was not the intention,
because the second section provides for a
case wherein the States deny the suffrage.
The second section, which is regarded as
80 all important, is a provision
that has been discussed in its sub
s,antial features in this body for weeks,
and has finally been voted down. I say
this provision is moi impartial. If a move
in that direction 10 to be made, changing
the basis Of representation. we should
change it from numbers to voters and not
invent an unfair proposition as thisis. Be-
ing a judge Of my W case, I want to
judge fairly. This section provides, by
its practical operation, for excluding from
the basis Of representation, the %non.voting
of the South, and including
the n~on-voting population Of the North.
The n%on-voting population Of the South.
according to the contemplation Of this
- - IN. Ill l.