The national Republican., 1866-08-02

= I'M IU1J1 ODl
rily the confusion incident to the rccent war
for their own aggrandlsement
The war he's ended. Negro slavery is abol-
ished. The white PEOPLE of the South accept
the result Of their unwise effort to divide the
Union but they need little time to adapt
themselves to the new order of things. Agi-
tators in the North, taking advantage Of their
condition, not only upbraid them with oil the
faults of the rebellion but accuse them of
the intention Of rebelling again. Many Of
them, with the name OF God on their lips,
would have the late rebels gibbeted, quar-
tered, and buried at the crossroads. Such
men as Governor MoRros, Of Indiana, pan
der to this morbid feeling by declaring that
no public man can be sustained by the peo-
pie Of tho North who does not insist that the
southern people shall ratify the recently pro
posed amendment to the Constitution as
condition precedent to their admission into
the Union. They estimate that 80 long as
they can keep up the confusion Of the coun-
try they will ride upon its topmost waves.
But there is no perceptible difference between
this and the confusion Of secession ITSELF ex-
cept in degree. Every business, educational,
political, and religious interest in the coun-
try is greatly damaged by it. even where the
public peace Is not absolutely broken. -.
1t seems to us that personal preferment
obtained at the expense Of the peace Of the
country now costs altogether too much.
A VOICE FROM MAsSACHUSETTs.
The letter, an extract Of which we publish
below, was addressed to the editor Of the
RKruBLLcAS, and is from the pen Of one Of
the ablest lawyers Of western Massachusetts.
q gentleman who has held responsible posi-
tions under the State and National Govern
ment, and has been for the last fifteen years
one Of the ablest, truest and most active
antislavery men Of New England. His let
ter brims with the loftiest patriotism. It
was not intended for publication, but we
cannot refrain from printing an extract Of
ii. We have several other similar letters
from representative anti-slavery men in
Massachusetts,, showing that the loftiest type
OF patriotism in that State has not died out,
is not measured by the SUMNER and STEVENS
standard, nor are its utterances to be checked
or strangled by demagogues within or with
out that old Commonwealth: .H.
Without being conscious Of any material
change in my convictions, l find myself get
ting outside Of all regular party organiza-
tions. The Republican party is going fast TO
the bad Under Pennsylvania lead it seems to
be getting committed to three points ofpolicy,
each Of which is contrary to my long-settled
convictions, and no one Of which was any
part Of the original policy Of the party. These
are .....-
LIST. Absorption by Congress Of powers
heretofore exercised BY the States. -,
I'd. An irrcdeemable and almost illimita-
BILE paper currency. .. ..
Sd. A high protective tariff.
These are all wrong. Every party which
has adopted them, or either Of them, has been
wrecked. The Republican party, If it adopts
them, land it is certainly tending that way, J
| will be wrecked, and will deserve its fate.
| But, on the other hand, am a thorough
going antislavery man. Every instinct Of
my nature, every conviction Of my judgment,
| is against slavery and oppression OF any race,
class, or individual in form or fact. ltwOuld
be impossible, therefore, for me to act with a
| party of which yallandigham, the Seymours,
the Woods should be the leaders or expo
nents.
"Where am to GOT" is as puzzling a
question to me as it was to u certain great
man in ls4s. / am waiting for something
to turn up" Just atpresent seem to be, and
to belong, nowhere. A radical Democrat"
(the term had u definite meaning formerly,
but is out Of use Of late,) believing in the
largest personal liberty, and in local self
government rs its surest protection; that the
central government should leave internal gov
ernment to the States as far as is possible,
consistently with nationality; that the States
should leave it to the counties and towns as
far as possible, consistent with public order;
that every liberty should be left to the indi-
vidual man which will not imperil the rights
Of others; that the central government should
limits and the States vigorously held back
from heavy pressure on the individual; hating
all slavery and all oppression everywhere
hating Capitalization as leading to oppres-
sion, and loving local selEgoyernment as the
safeguard of individual liberty; holding to
State rights free trade, and, SO far as possible,
metallic currency, find my views out Of
fashion, at least among politicians, and my
self without regular standing in any party.
The public acts of the President have been
generally in accordance with these views
and with my convictions. No State-rights
man could approve the bureau bill, or can
approve the continued dislranchisement Of
States. We do owe protection to the freed
men, so far Us IL can be given within the
limits of the Constitution, and without in
fringng State rights-such protection as the
emancipation amendment authorizes. The
slavery questions are, in the main, disposed
Of They are rapidly getting out Of politics;
yet q good deal of the spirit and the views
they engendered still remain. ! cannot 60
vailandigham or the Seymours. ! cannot
think their thoughts or act heir acts. There
is no real democracy about them beyond be-
lief in State rights.
THE PEOPLE AND CONGRESS-.