The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1866-03-07

constitution, ana are III earHtSI Co-oPOIatioh
with the Federal Government. 1t would re-
quire an imperial will, an imperial person,
and imperial powers greater than the Empe;
ror of France possesses, to reduce any one OF
these States, with the consent OF all the other
States, into what you term Territorial con-
dition. Maximilian's task, though he en-
cages two Emperors and two imperial organ
izations with their forces, is thought not the
most wise and hopeful political enterprise of
the day. On the other hand, we have no En-
peror but only a stern, uncompromising, rad
zeal Republican, Democrat, call him what
YOU will. for President, who refuses in every
way to be a party to any imperial transact
tons: and he would hand them back to Con-
gress, if they were to offer him the men and
money to prosecute such imperial enterprises.
Suppose that he could give place to another
President, whether by election or even assas-
sination, where will you find in the United
States man who would want to be elected
to that high place to plunge this country into
civil war for political chimera? If there
be such one, what chance is there that he
would be elected for such a purpose That
scheme, then, is at an end, and is not now
even seriously mentioned. Is there any other
plano Congress has had Reconstruction
Committee, as it is called, composed OF ff-
teen members, who have stopped the wheels
of legislation three months to enable them
to submit process or plan different from
that which is now on the eve of happy con-
summation. And what have they given us
One proposed amendment to the Constitu
ton, to compel the excluded States to equal
ize suffrage upon the penalty of an abridg-
ment of representation I do not discuss its
merits. Either the amendment will or will
not Be adopted. the expectation is, that it
will fall even in Congress. In any case it
implies full restoration of the Southern
States. It is therefore no plan or process OF
reconstruction at all. The committee prove
this to be the true character of the proceed
ing, because. they fall back upon process
not of restoration, but of obstruction. The
resolution which they submitted Tuesday
last, and which has passed the House Of Rep
resentatives, directly declares that loyal rep
resentatives shall not be admitted from loyal
States until Congress shall passa law for that
purpose-which law it would seem that ev-
cry member who votes for it must know can
not be enacted without the Presidents APP
prevail, which cannot be consistently given
in view of the opinions that he is known to
entertain. This last concurrent resolution,
then, is not plan for reconstruction, but
for indefinite postponement and delay, by
the concurrent action Of the two Houses of
Congress
| know that the scriptural instruction is
not always accepted as an infallible guide of
faith and practice in these latter days. do
not, therefore, ask you whether the United
States Government ought not now to slay the
fatted calf and invite our prodigal brethren
to so luxurious feast; but | do venture to
say that when this nation became disorgan-
lied five years ago by fragrant secession and
rebellion, we did determine to humble the
rebels and bring them back again TO their
constitutional seat at the family table. 1
know that we have humbled them. and have
brought them back with humiliation and re-
pentance sueing for restoration. know that
when Congress was convened, and when the
last elections were held, which gave utterance
to the popular voice, it was their expectation
that without unnecessary delay that table
would be set, and that all the members of
the family, however prodigal they have Leen,
would be received at the board.
There being, then, no further plan of re-
storation, what are the chances Of carrying
out the system of obstruction to which |
have referred 1t is as impracticable in its
character as | think it is vicious. If | have
read the history of this country correctly, it
las settled these three things: First. No
State can keep itself out of the Union or
keep Itself in d Territorial condition under
the Union. In the very beginning four States
refused to enter; with wry faces they all came
in afterwards, making the whole number of
States thirteen, instead of the nine first con-
senting Ali the region east of the Mlssis-
sippi rushed rapidly through brief Terri
torial pupilage into the Union. We bought
Mexico. From the Mississippi to the Pacific
they have rushed, or are rushing, with rail
road speed, after brief Territorial existence,
as States into the Union. If it were possible,
we might acquire still more provinces, North
or South. You cannot easily go further Vest.
Every province that might be gained,
whether white or black, old or young, alien
or native-born, would be immediately rush
ing, as with railroad speed, as States into the
Union Another thing which our national
history teaches is, that the States which are
in the Union cannot be taken Or kept out Of
its limits and that is the great lesson OF the
rebellion The third thing which this event
ful war teaches us is, that the States which
are in the Union cannot keep any States that
are outside from coming in Congress is
habituaiiy inclined to this experiment. 1t
hesitated about Michigan and Missouri it
reeled and staggered before Texas and Cali
fornia. and it convulsed the nation in resist
ing Kansas yet they are all in the Union, all
now loyal and most Of them cheerful and
happy. How many committees of conference
did we have, how many joint committees did
we not have on this momentous question p
How many joint resolutions denying that
Congress ever would consent to the admis-
sion Of such unweicome intruders? How
many compromises, securing guarantees for
freedom, securing guarantiesior slavery, were
broken and scattered when one after the
other these States came in, as if by head
long thrust and hurled by an Almighty
Providence, who was determined that the
people of this continent shall he not many
discordant nations but one united and har-
monious nation?
entered Congress in 1874, when the Joint
Committee Of Fifteen was Bllillfully, and, it
it but just to say, honestly famed to obstruct
the admission of California until the MAORI
ty of the nation should compromise and sill
ence forever the debate upon slavery. The
committee succeeded in excluding California
for period of eight months and no longer,
and eventually obtained, in broken frag-
ments, the compromise which it sought j.
That compromise was by its terms to be per-
petual. The compromise of 1850 fingered,
however, just four years, and then persisted,
J giving place to the incipient and now hap
PLY consummated adjustment of the slavery
question, by the complete and universal alb
rogation of that institution. / left CONGRESS