Dallas herald. [volume] (Dallas, Tex.) 1849-1873, 1866-01-06

! pllclANN' thNAS ~ nv ClitllNO IVA VIZ
advantageous use Of their labor, and
the blame OF ill-succcss will not rest
on them,
Iknow that sincere philanthropy
is earnest for the immediate reali-
2ation of its remotest aims; but timo
/ is always an element in reform. 1t
/ is one Of the greatest acts on record
to have brought four millions peo-
pie into freedom. The career Of
/ free industry must be fairly opened
to them, and then their future pros
perity and condition must after ALL.
rest mainly on themselves. If they
fail, and so perish away, lot us bo
careful that the failure shall not bo
attributable to any denial Of justice.
/ In all that relates to the destiny Of
the freedmen, we need not be too,
anxious to read the future; many in
cidents which from speculative
point of view might raise alarm,
will quietly settle themselves.
Now that slavery is at an end, or
near its end, the greatness Of its
evil, in the point Of view of public
economy, becomes more and moro
apparent. Slavery was essentially
a monopoly Of labor, and as such
locked the States where it prevailed
against the incoming Of free indus.
! try. Where labor was the property
of the capitalist, the white man was
excluded from employment, or had
but the second best chance of find.
ing it; and the foreign cmigrant
! turned away from the region whore
his condition would be so precarious.
With the destruction Of the monop-
! oily free labor will hasten from all
parts Of the civilized world to assist
in developing various and immeas-
urablc resources which have hithcr.
to lain dormant. The eight or nine
States nearest the Gulf Of Mexico
have soil Of exubcrant fertility, O
climate friendly to long life, and can
sustain denser population than is
found rs yeti any part ofou coun-
try. And the future influx Of pop
ulation to them will be mainly from
the North, or from the most culti-
waited nations in Europe. From the
sufferings that have attended them
during our late struggle, let us look
away to the future, which is sure to
be laden for them with greater pros
perity than has ever before been
known. The removal of the mo-
nopoly of slave labor is pledge
that these regions will be peoplod
by numerous and enterprising
population, which will vie with any
in tho Unionin compactncss, inven.
tive genius, wealth, and industry.
Our Governmentsprings from and
was made for the people-not the
people for the Government. To
them it owes allegiance; from them
it must derive its courage, strength
and wisdom. But, while the Gov.
ernment is thus bound to defer to
the people, from whom it derives its
existence, it should from the very
consideration Of its origin, be strong
in its power of resistance to the es-
tablishment of inequalities. Monop-
olies, perpetuities and class legisla-
tion arc contrary TO the gcnious Of
free government, and ought not to
be allowed. Here there is no room
for favored classes or monopolies:
the principle of our Government is
that Of equal laws and freedom Of
industry. Wherever monopoly at
tains foothold it is sure to be a
source OF danger, discord and trou..
bic. We shall but fulfill our duties
as legislators by according "equal
and exact justice to all men," spec
ial privileges to none. The Govern
ment is subordinate to the people;
but, as the agent and representative
of the people, it must be held supe-
rior to monopolies, which, in them
selves, ought never to be granted,
and which, where they exist, must
be subordinate and yield to the Gov
crnment.
The Constitution confers on Con-
gress the right to regulate commerce
among the several States. 1t is of
the first necessity, for the mainten-
ance of the Union, that that COM
merce should behee and unobstruc-
ted. No State can be justified in
anv device to tax the transit of
travel and commerce between States.
The position Of many States is such
that, if they were allowed to take
advantage of it for purposes of local
revenue, tho commerce between
States might be injuriously burden
cd, or even virtually prohibited. 1t
is best while the country is still
young, and while the tendency to
dangerous monopolies of this kind
is still feeble, to use the power Of
Congress SO as to prevent any selfish
impediment to the free circulation
of men and merchandise. A tax on
traevl and merchandise, in their
transit, constitutes one of tho worst
forms of monopoly, and the evil is
increased if coupled with a denial
of the choice OF route. When the
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