New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1866-09-28
DIR. RAYMOND AGAIN WITH US.

Mr.. III. j. RaymOnd's elaborate letter declining
nomination to the XLth Congress is before u.s. and,
if it were simply apology for his course, the Union
party would cheerfuny accept it. But, in attempt
ing to excuse his errors Mr.. Raymond aggrayates
them. He has chosen to rehearse his recent career
when he might far better have left so delicate mat
ter alone partial confession is worse than none.
That Mr. Raymond frequently voted in Congress
with the Union party we know; and that is the very
fact which made his subsequent opposition to its
principles political crime. Had he been elected as
Copperhead, no one could have complained that he
acted as Copperhead, and had Judas been one OF
the Pharisees instead Of ono Of the disciples, he
would not be the worst example that Presidents
and Congressman can follow. 1t will hardly
do to plead past fidelity to q party as
an excuse for present treachery Yet this Nh Ray
mond does without blushing. He voted for the
Freedmen'5 Bureau bill because he believed its object
of the utmost importance he sustained the Pres-
dents veto because the existing law will not expire
till 1867 How easily an is found when 1t IS
needed Mr. Raymond on the same principle, voted
for the Constitutional Amendment, affecting now to
believe its provisions necessary to the safety Of the
Union and yet sought to obtain the admission Of
Tue htDtl bltttS h4lAuul iNi~AAAHb N''NN ''~s
should ratify it. Did no not know that
they would ratify it, could they
get back into the Union without We thought it
was only Mr.. johnson who used the stultfying
argument that the Rebel States should have voice
in determining the penalties Of Rebellion, as If
criminal at the bar should also be a member OF the
Jury. The Constitutional Amendment owes Mr.
Raymond nothing; but its enemies are indebted TO
him for the direct encouragement he gave them at the
Philadelphia Convention. When bis Address declared
that Congress had no right to require its adoption OF
the Rebel States, he yielded the vital point in the
whole struggle.
But Alr. Raymonds letter "a more Of desutory
narration than an argument, and need not be more
closely followed. The gentlemen who offered him
the chance Of q nomination complimented his states
manshp before they had read his reply or they might
have been more chary of their praise. Statesmen
rarely vote for a BILL and then to sustain a veto
thereof aud the country has not set forgotten that IN
1864 Mr.. Raymond opposed the Constitutional
Amendment abolishing Slavery, on the ground that
it would divide the Union party. That was the grand
measure tina. recrcated H. and placed it high above
all danger Of dissolution. His present regrets that
the party is divided unnecessary for the deseron
of Mr. johnson and his carload can scarcely consti-
tuie division, even in the opinion Of their warneN
admirers. That be believes the success OF the Demo-
cratic party would be a national calamity we are glad
10 know and only wish that De had thought 80 When
be tried TO secure Gen Dix's nomination at Albany
Finally in the enumeration ofhis reasons for declining
A nomination for Congress in the With Distinct, we
are compelled to think be has omitted the most potent
that he had not the slightest chance of getting il.
Yet we rejoice for his sake well as the countrys,
that Mr.. Raymond's unquestioned talents and indus
try are henceiorth to be employed to sustain and
the great and patriotic party he recently
sought to destroy. Of'that party, tho Republic has
still urgent needs nor will is mission be complete till
the full rights Of citizenship are secured TO every
native and every naturalized citizen of the United
States and from the S. John to the Rio Grande from
the Bay of Fundy to Pugets Sound, there shall be no
degraded caste no uufanchised people but the rights
of the whole American People shall have been forever
placed under the protection and safeguard Of the votes
of each and ALL