Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1866-06-15
THE DITTy OF Union,

LnE
During the last few months there have been
enthusiastic meetings and passionate speeches
in support oreondennation or of Congress or the
President IT has been confidently asserted
that the difference would be referred 10 the peo-
/ pie at the autumn elections and they would au-
Observation-Disclosures between hecontestsnts. All
this has seemed to us premature, for the reason
that the points of dissent were not finally es-
tablished All that is clear is, that the Presi-
dent holds certain theories of the situation aud
Congress apparently others. But what Con-
gress intended 10 propose under its theories was
undecided, while nothing was more evident than
that the Presidents logic was amazingly defec-
tive-and, to use plain phrase, that his bark
was worse than his bite. (l.itt
A political canvass before an election must
be conducted upon certain proposed measures,
and not upon theories. A bank or no bank a
tariff or no tariff: the federation of or proh-
bition of slavery in territory; it is upon such
Ineligible measures that every body can COM
prehend that the great popular debates upon the
stump are held and the popular decisions are
made at the polls. Now the ortantquestion
is, what are the differences in proposed meas
sures between the President and Congress upon
which the country is to be asked to decidel
That both honestly wish the restoration of
the Union cannot be doubted. That both have
theory as to the principle which should regu-
late that restoration is obvious. But until we
know precisely what Congress proposes, how
can an issue be made for an election? The de-
cision of the Senate caucus and the debate in
the Senate foreshadow, indeed the ground
which Congress probably means 10 occupy
But is it so clear that the President will refuse
to stand with them2 Suppose that Congress
proposes TO disqualify certain rebel leaders for
certain offices until two-thirds of each House
H. oil onI ,hrto oil
to equalize representation by basing it upon
voters is it probable that the President, who
has so constantly insisted upon making treason
Odious, and has suggested the very same amend
ment, will take the unnecessary responsibility
of opposing SO mild and generous settlement?
In making these propositions Congress will have
Welded much to the desire of harmony with
the Executive. Is the Executive to yield no.
thing? oH f<''ff ". -i 'h "
It is true that the President may refuse all
accommodation. He may insist that he has re-
quired all that is needful, all that is constitu-
tional. He may declare that be will stand or
fall without moving an inch from his present
position. He has indeed virtually said as much.
But he said it under other circumstances. He
said it when it seemed as if Congress intended to
occupy position of uncompromising hostility.
He said it before the mature decision of Con-
-gress had been declared. If after that declara-
tion-after the wise, Just and moderate propo-
sition which it would seem that Congress is pre-
pared to makeAthe President should insist
that the representatives f the loyal people are
to have no voice in the settlement of the victory
which those people have won, then the issue
will indeed be made, and the final appeal taken
to The country. ls s"-H SIZE
But surely all, those who believe as we do,
that the division of the Union party, and the
consequent surrender of the Government Of this
country to party controlled by the counsels
of such leaders of Alexander II. Stephens, Geo.
Il. Pendleton, Vallandigham, and Horatio Sey
mour, would be incidentally disastrous TO the
cause Of true liberty and civilization, will not
passionately insist that such division, with all
its consequences, is inevitable. Mr.. Wendell
Phillips we, observe, feryeutly desires that re-
suit. He prays that the Union party may be
defeated But its defeat is the resumption of
power by Alexander II. Stevens and his friends
Why does not Mr.. Phillips put it in the other
way, and say that he fervently hopes for the
success of those gentlemen? Mr.. Phillips did
what he could to defeat Mr.. Lincoln in 1864 by
chilling the public confidence in him. He de-
clared Lincoln recreant to liberty. He hopes
now to chill confidence in the party that cleo
ted Mr.. Lincoln by similar declaration. 1t
must be remembered, however, that Mr.. Phil
lips position is not partisan. He is a critic of
all parties, and asks nothing of any. But all
men who, like John Bright in England, believe
that the great political and social results are to
be attained through party organizations, will,
like him, while they declare equal rights to be
the ultimate aim of their efforts, yet cordially
work with. any great party which shows the
practical powerto advance nearer to that bourne.
1t is to secure the gains already made; TO IN
trust the completion Of the work of restoration
10 the hands which defeated rebellion, that it is
the imperative duly of the President, of Con-
gress, and of loyal men, to maintain the ascen.
ency Of the Union party until its work is sc-
camplished. Congress has evidently yield
cd much to this great result; and it re-
mains for the President to decide whether the
restoration of the Union which should be az
complished by an alliance of the late rebellead-
ers, of tho Gopperhead leaders. and of such in
dividual recruits as Senator CnwA9, would not
be reactiOnary reconstruction, sure to plunge
us into further trouble. 1t would not be Pres
ident JOHNSON and Senator CowAN who would
control that alliance, but Mr.. Stephens, Mr..
Yallandigham, apd Mr.. Pendleton, Whoever
takes the responsibility Of putting this Govern
ment into such hands will have serious ac-
count to settle with the loyal American people.
--Hafper's Weekly. a,i fan 'sa1l