Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-02-27

and have been standing sasere for. three
months past asking to be admitted to seat
which dlsloyai Representative, in violenet
Of the rights and duties of the States, as well
as OF the sovereignty of the Union. had
recklessly abandoned. These Representa-
tiges after lapse Of three months, vet re
main waiting out the chamber, while Con-
gress passes law after law, imposes burden
after burden and duty after duty upon The
States which, thus against their earnestly
| expressed desires. are left without represent.
alton.
So far as can Judge OF human probable
tiles, feel sure that loyal men from the new
loyal States will sooner or later, at this ses-
sion or at some other, by this Congress or
some other, be received into the Legislature
OF the nation. When this shall have been
done, the process Of restoration will be COM
plete; for that is all that now remains to be
done. II, in this view of the subject, my
judgment is at fault then some Of those who
uphold the opposite one can shoa some
other process of restoration which IS practi-
cable, and which can be and will be adopted,
and when il is likely to be adopted. Does
any person pretend to know such plan :?
Other plans, have, indeed, been mentioned.
They were projected during Mr.. Lincoln's
administration; they have been projected
/ since. Briefly described, these plans have
been such as this: that Congress, with the
President concurring, should create what are
| called Territorial Governments in the eleven
States which once were in rebellion, and the
President should administer the Government
there for an indefinite period by military
| force, and that after long purgation they
should be admitted into the Union by Con-
| gressional enactment. This proceeding was
rejected by Mr. Lincoln, as it was rejected
| by the President. If il ever may have been
| practicable it is not altogether too late If
| the President could lie induced to concur in
SO mad measure at this date, it would be
| impossible to execute it. Say what you will
or what you may, the States are already or
| ganized, in perfect harmony with our amend
| ed National Constitution, and are in earnest
I cooperation with the Federal Government
1t would require an imperial will, an impe-
| rial person, and imperial powers greater
than the Emperor of France possesses to re-
duce any one of these States with the consent
of all the other States, into what you term a
territorial condition. Maximilian's task,
though he engages two Emperors and two
imperial organizations, with their forces, is
thought not the most wise and hopeful po-
litical enterprise of the day.
On the other hand, we have no Emperor,
but only stern, uncompronising, Radical
Republican, Democrat, call him what you
viii, for President who refuses in every
way to be a party to any imperial transac-
tons, and he would hand them back to Con-
gress, if they were to offer him the men and
money to prosecute such imperial enter
prises. Suppose that he could give place to
another President, whether by election, or
even assassination, where will you find in
the United States a man who would want
to be elected to that high place to plunge
this country into civil war for political
chimera? If there be such a one what
chance IL there that he would be elected for
such purpose? That scheme, then is at
an end, and is not now even seriously men,
toned. Is there any other plan? Congress
has had a Reconstruction Committee, as it
is called, composed of fifteen members, who
have stopped the wheels of legislation three
months to enable them to submit process
or plan different from that which is now on
the eve of happy consummation. And
what have they given us? One proposed
amendment to the Constitution, to compel
the excluded States to equalize suffrage up
on the penalty of an abridgment of rerpreseH-
tation. / do not discuss its merits. Either
the amendment will or will not be adopted.
The expectation is, that it will fail even in
Congress. In any case it implies full
restoration of the Southern States. 1t is
therefore no plan or process of reconstruc-
ton at all. The Committee prove this to
be the true character of the proceeding be-
cause they fall back not on process of res
toration, but of obstruction. The resolution
IL, .,,tu,.ffaI T,,aaJor
which has passed the House of Representa-
tives, directly declares that loyal representa-
tives shall not be admitted from loyal
States until Congress shall pass law for
that purpose-which law it would seem that
every member who votes for it must know
cannot be enacted without the Presidents
approval, which cannot be consistently given
in view Of the opinions that he is known to
entertain. This last concurrent resolution,
then, is not plan for reconstruction, but
for indefinite postponement and delay by
the concurrent action of the two Houses of
Congress.
/ know that the scriptural instruction is
not always accepted as an infallible guide of
faith and practice in these latt days.
do not therefore ask you whether the United
States Government ought not now to slay
the fatted calf and invite our prodigal
brethren to so luxuriate feast; but do
venture to say that when this nation be-
came disorganized five years ago by fragrant
secession and rebellion, we did determine to
humble the rebels and bring them back
again to their constitutional seat at the fam
ily table. know that we have humbled |
them, and have brought them back with
humiliation and repentance sueing for restor-
alton. / know that when Congress was con- |
yened, and when the last elections were |
held, which gave utterance to the popular |
voice, it was their expectation that without |
unnecessary delay that table would be set,
and that ali the members of the family, |
however prodigal they had been, would be
received at the board. s
There being, then no further plan of |
restoration, what are the chances of carry
ing out the system of obstruction TO which
/ have referred? 1t is as irnpracticable in
its character as j think it is vicious. If / |
have read the history Of this country cor
rectly, it has settled these three things
First-No State can keep itself out Of the (
Union or keep itself in Territorial condi-
ton under the Union. In the very begin
ing four States refused to enter; with wry
faces they all came in afterward-making
the whole number of States thirteen instead
of the nine first consenting. All the region
east of the Mississippi rushed rapidly
through brief territorial privilege into
the Union. We bought provinces from
Spain, from France, and from Mexico.
From the Mississippi to the Pacific they
have rushed or are rushing with railroad
speed, after brief territorial existence, as
States into the Union.
If it were possible, we might acquire still
more provinces North or South. You cam
not easily go further West. Every province
that there might be gained, whether white
or black, old or young, alien or native-born,
would be Immediately rushing, as with rail-
road speed, as States into the Union. Another
thing which our national history teaches is,
that the States which are in the Union can
not be taken or kept out of its limits and
that is the great lesson Of the rebellion. The
third thing which this eventual war teaches
us is, that the States which are in the Union
cannot keep any States that are outside from
coming in. Congress is habitually inclined
to this experiment. 1t hesitated about
and Missouri; il reeled and stag
gered before Texas and California, and it
the nation in resisting Kansas; vet
they are all in the Union, all now loyal, and
most of them cheerful and happy. How
many committee of conference did we have,
how many joint committees did we not have,
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