Spirit of Jefferson. [volume] (Charles Town, Va. [W. Va.]) 1844-1948, 1866-07-10
MIR. Bolts, FoUnrH oFJu1Y SPEECH

should place him. IN. the front rank of New
England fanatics, and who is the only, native
born .Virginian we have ever known who
gloried in publishing his own shame, made
speechat Baltimore on the 4thinst., which
occupied two hours in delivery, and which
throughout, breatlied the spirit of the most
hellish malevolence. The Baltimore Sun
furnishes the following Synopsis of this vim,
dictiye outburst - = !.
rHe opened by cxpressing. his gratitude
that he, was at home among loyal men-a-
mong the great unconditional Union party
Under the.fag now there such speech us he
was going to make could not have been
made six years ago-it would have been in
admissible. The flag was the property of
loyal men, and in this celebration none others
have the right or the disposition to- Join us
He doubted whether the flag was. floating
anywhere south of the Potomac, except where
there was military force. The matter. of
secession is at an end, SO far'as mere physical
force is concerned, but the spirit is not at an
end. He did not believe that there was any.
wish for restoration at the South, He would
be glad indeed if he could summon from the
South such wish. Those who said they
were for restoration did not tell the truth
-
leading men, is more: intensely bitter against
the government than at any time during the
war. They have not the power to take up
arms, but the will was there. If they had
the controlling power they would not allow
Union man to live in a southern State. He
spoke in reference to the feeling in his own
State, and gave the editors of newspapers in
Virginia passing notice. The Virginians
who followed the fortunes of the State were
denounced as traitors, and compared to horse
thieves and pirates, who where not worthy
OF protection. He was not bound to defend
a traitor. After referring to s'taxation with
out representation" he said that the represen-
tatives of the South abandoned their posi-
tions, when they should have held fast.
To the question, propounded by himself
what ought to be now done ? he answered,
the first duty was to have every prominent re-
bel in the South arrested. He would have
done it and would have had them tried BY a
military court and condemned to death. If
Mr.. Johnson (meaning the President) had
done this, and afterwards interposed his par
don, he would not complain. But he himself
would not have given any mercy, but would
have made an example for all future time.
The speaker thought Mr.. johnson believes
honestly and acts from feeling of bonevolence
in the exercise of,the pardoninS power. He
| (Mr: Botts) had sacrificed more than any man
in the United States, because of the position
he took, believing, as he did, that treason
should be regarded as crime and made odious,
but after time no steps were taken to arrest
disloyalty, and he then ceased in his action.
Congress has made great mistake. The
| Southern States not out of the Union, and
never could be- There was no power to give
the right of expatriation-men could 60 away,
but there was no power anywhere to make or
Iolla SkOko 10 Do lnl
ever, that the people of the South had made
themselves aliens by swearing allegiance toan>
other de facto governm ent, and were now en-
| titled to no privileges. A law of naturaliza-
ton was the only way in which they could
again become citizens, with necessary condi-
! tiOns attached.
He contended tlat the pardons granted by
| the President were not worth one copper
There is no power to pardon before conviction,
and he read various authorities to justify his
| position.
A brief review of the possession of the
| Government by the democratic party from
the time of Jefferson to 1861 was made, in
which the speaker was not by any means
complimentary to that party, showing more
of mere partisan animus than anything else
in the spirit of his remarks. When the war
was inauguratcd Mr.. Lincoln was justified in
calling for the first seventy five thousand men
to protect the capital, and what arrant
knave, despicable traitor would he have
been, had he not done so.
As to the doctrine OF secession. he unquali-
iedly denied that it was ever taught in the
schools of Virginia, anywhere else. In
the matter Of States rights, he referred to the
various matters Indicating sovereignty which
were prohibited to the States, and quoted
| the action of Luther Martin, of Maryland,
who refused to give his name to the constitu-
ton, for reasons involving State sovereignty.
State sovereignty, he said, was gross humbug
there was no such thing-no State had
any sovereignty, except Texas for about
thirty days when she was applying for adj
mission here. Itrequired the whole combined
''Indcpendent States to declate war-no
single State could do it; could not declare
war or make peace. This was intended to be
and was a consolidated government for the
exercise of every sovereign power for all
national and all foreign purposes; there was
not and could not be divided sovereignty.
And it will so remain until the people of the
United States, not Virginia or Maryland or
any other State, shall decree otherwise
He. denied that any State right had been
swept away by the war. The Southern
States were wrong, and whenever they show
that they have any feeling in common with
the United States, then let them come in.
In reference to the freedmen, he asked,
"What is to be done with emancipated
freedmen" He answered, ''I am not one
of those who would admit them to the right
of suffrage. But if forced upon me, shall
not resist it. I will go away when l cannot
do better" He argued that if the voting
privilege was given to the negroes in the
South, they will vote for the democratic
party. The whites in the South cannot resist
the influences brought to bear upon them,
and why should the negro? The privilege