Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1866-03-01

representative in Congress from the eleven States
which are to be mainly affected by its provisions
| The very fact that reports were and are made
against the good disposition of the people of that
| portion of the country is additional reason
why they need and should have representatives of
| their own in Congress to explain their condition.
reply to accusations, and assist, by their local
knowledge, in the perfecting of measures immedi-
ately affecting themselves. While the liberty of
deliberation would then be free, and Congress
would have full power to decide according to its
Judgment, there could be no objection urged that
tn States most interested had not been permitted
to be heard
The principle is firmly fixed in the minds of the
American people that there should be no taxation
without representation. Great burdens have now
to be borne by all the country, and we rnay best
demand that they shall be bourne without murmur
when they are voted by majority of the repre-
sentatives of the people. I would not interfere
with the unquestionable right of Congress to Judge
each House for itself, 'of the elections, returns,
and qualifications of its own members" But that
authority cannot be construed as including the
right to shut out, in time of peace, any State from
the representation to which it is entitled by the
Constitution At present, all the people of eleven
States eXcluded-those who were most faithful
during the war not less than the others The.
State OF Tennessee, for instance, whose authori-
ties engaged In rebellion, restored to her Con
stltatlOnal relations to the Union by the patriotism
and energy of her injured and betrayed people
Before he war was brought to 81 termination they
Government, had established State government
of their own, and, they not included in
the emancipation proclamation, they, by their own
act, had amended their Constitution so as to abol-
lsh slavery within the limits of their .Stntel 7
know reason why the State of Tennessee for
example, should not fully enjoy 'all her Consttu-
tional relations to the United States p"
The President of the United States stands to-
wards the country in a somewhat different attitude
from that of any member of Congress- Each
member CONGRESS is 1ora lis
trict or State the President is chosen from all
the States. AS eleven States are not at this time
represented in either branch of Congress- it would
seem to be his duty, all proper occasions to
present their just claims to Congress- There al
ways will be difference of opinion in the commu-
nifty, and individuals may be guilty Of transgres-
gresions of the law but these do not constitute
valid objections against the right of State to
representation [ would in no wise interfere with
the discretion of Congress with regard to the
qualifications of members, but hold it my duty
to recommend to you, in the interests of peace and
in the interests of Union, the admission of every
State to its sha1o in public legislation, when, how
ever, insubordinate, insurgent, OF rebellious its
people may have been, it presents itself not only
in an attitute of loyalty and harmony, but in the
persons of representatives whose loyalty cannot be
questioned under any existing Constitution or
legal test.
It is plain that an indefinite or permanent ex-
clusion of any part of the country from represen-
tation must be attended by a spirit of dsquiet and
course of measures which will unite very large
section of the country against another large section
of the country, however much the latter may pre-
ponderate. The course of emigration, the develop
ments of industry and business, and natural causes
will raise up at the south as devoted to the
union as those CT any other part of the land. But
if they all excluded from Congress-if, in
permanent statute, they declared to be not in
full constitution relations to the country they may
think they have cause to become writ In feeling
and sentiment against the government. Under
the political education of the American people,
the idea is inherent and ineradicable that the
sent of the majority of the whole people is
necessary to a willing acquiescenoe in legis
lation af
The bill under consideration refers to certain of
the states as though they had not "been fully res
tored in all their constitutional relations to the
United States" If they have not, let us at once
act together to secure that desirable end at the
earliest possible moment. It is hardly necessary for
me to inform Congress that in my own judgment,
most of those states, far at lest depends upon
their action, have already been fully restored
and are to be deemed as entitled to enjoy their
constitutional rights members of the union.
Reasoning from the constitution itself, and from
the actual situation of the country, feel not only
entitled, but bound to assume that with the fede
raj courts restored and those of the several states
iu the full exercise their functions the rights and
interests of all classes of the people WILL with the
aid of the military in of resistance to the law,
be essentially protected against unconstitutional
infringement and violation.
Should this expectation unhappily fail, which
do not anticipate, then the executive is already
fully armed with the powers conferred by the act
of March, 1865, establishing the freedmens bu-
reau, and hereafter, as heretofore, he can employ
the land and naval forces of the country to sup
press iusnrrection to overcome distractions to
the laws.
In accordance with the constitution, return
the bill to the senate, in the earnest hope that q
measure involving questions and interests so i'm
portant to the country will not become law
less, upon deliberate consideration by the people,
it shall receive the sanction of an enlightened pub
lie judgment.
ANDREW JOHNSON.
Washington, February 10, 1866