The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-11-27

49, more important than himself-such as Golden,
Bright, and others These men, m the darkest
night of EDeland's heresy on this great ques-
tic n, were heard to utter language of pro
phecy which had been praOhcally realized By
the glorious success OF this noble country. lie
did mol wonder at the question, How 1s " thet
the English nation appears to look coldly upon
the great conflict in America between slavery
and freedom, between freedom and anarchy,
between those great principles which nave ,n 9sen
conflicting with more or less distinctness since
man became partially educated, and the Chrls-
tian Teliolon exercised wider influence over
the nations Of the wOrldP c,
The speaker was not here TO satisfactorily
ansWer this question, but he would show that II
was but another Illustration Of the fact tnat there
exist on the earth two dlstlnct camps, the
members OF which may not all aoopt the salne
creed or the same opinion. In one camp are
the enemies oil progress, the defenders OF
superstition, the apologists OF tyranny, those
VITO, with certain atheistical regard OF the
Proyidential government of the world by God,
have no faith in Providence, and an intense fear
of the people. In the other camp are the men
of faith, OF genius, OF progressive thought, who
believe in civilization and are the champions OF
liberty. 1t had been the destiny of America
not only to strargle anarchy and overthrow
slavery in her own land, but to light the beacon
fires of freedom, and give new hope to the
friends of liberty throughout the world.
At the inception of the Rebellion England
was placed in peculiar circumstances. In the
first place the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1886
had been effected, and an intense faith in mate
fits, large exports, great imports-was spread
abroad. These are sometimes placed too much
in the way OF those spiritual, moral, and intel
lectual considerations which constitute the
true forces by which patriotic nations are upheld
and strengthened. A political faith was thus
engendered, the more difficult to master
because of the military passions evoked dur
ing the Russian war. Not O few good men,
however, believed as Lord Chatham did in the
great Revolutionary struggle, and advocated
the policy "of non-lntervention." which would
give other nations the same rights which Eng
land claimed for herself.
There were difficulties in questions of home
policy; yet the upper classes believed the time
was approaching when woTkingmen would de-
mand more extended franchise, that would
overthrow the remnant of that feudal monopoly
by which the aristocracy OF England has hitherto
been upheld. In this state of things there were
three parties:-First there was the old Tory
party OF the blessed days of George the Third,
which believed in the Divine right OF kings
from which concession after concession has been
wrung by public opinion. They said slavery
would destroy America, and so it would
had not Americans destroyed slavery. The
second was the old Whig party, which still pos
sessed much power in England, which was re-
nowned as resisting the Stuart family. This
party was neutral during the war, that is, were
enemies of America. Yet some eminent men
among them, like Lord Argyll, looked hopefully
ON the tuture OF this country. Then, third,
there was the Radical party, of which the
speaker was member. Yet this party con-
tanned some crotchety, cantankcrous men, like
Mr. Roebuck who were kind of vinegar cruet
on two legs. With the exception of such
men, almost all OF that party stood on
the Northern side. They believed great pohti-
cal reaction was designed to be effected through
the Rebellion. Men like Lord Derby and Dis
raeli were too wise to prOphesy against America
while all others OF their party were speaking
against the want of monarchcal cohesion in a
republic. The understrata of those parties,
especially the d2eaant'. drawing-room, dandy
fed noEles, went do wn to mechanics' institutes
in the country to speak ON the anatomy ofthe fiy,
or the spots on the wings of a butterfly, which
they always declared to be legitimate Que 5tions
which would not injure the working classes
At the close of their philosophic lucnbrations,
however, they generally wound up in this style:
Gentlemen, there's another question to which
L must allude before L take my leave of this
audience, and that question is the horrible state
on the other side Of the Atlantic and | trust
gentlemen, that that state of things will be a
warning to you all, not to put your confidence in
democratic institutions, and not to believe in
people who have risen from the ranks aud who
have not had these advantages, these dis lin
guished advantages, such as we have pos
sessed."
There, continued Mr.Vincent were soon found
to be subtle kind Of men, who were endanger-
ing war between America and England. Eng
land is slow country, and she is not waRlng in
power. There is life in the old dog yet English
men dislike agitation, and they generally dislike
the last new thine-except it be thing created
by themselves. The Queen was not to blame;
she was inclined in the direction of American
prosperity, as also had been Prince Albert. But
monarchical power is stronger than the throne
in England. The news of Northern successes
brought around the feelings of many. In o meet
ing recently held at Hyde Park, which was ad-
dressed by John Brigh he had seen thousands
marching and singing the American hymn, John
Browns body lies mouldering in the ground" 1t
was said that Americans did not mean to DESTROY
slavery, and Russell had said that the North was
fighting for dominion, Snd the South for indie
pendence. He had always been an abolitionist;
and when the glorious flag was fired upon at
Fort Sumter he had sald ''Slavery is dead an d
gone forever" There had always been gre 1t
| ignorance OF the true issues Of the struggle In
| England.
| Another question was propounded, whether
republic had right TO conserve Itself, an argu.
| ment which was used differently by England
| when treating the cases of Ireland, Canada, or
| Cape of Good Hope. Many believed the contest
here was a struggle between North America
and South America. Ignorance was an impor :
ant ally OF the Tory classes in their efforts AGAINST
this country. The speaker gave some amusing
| illustrations of the preudloes against Americans
| in gland, and OF our ideas of England, and
then alluded to the London standard which
| had assailed America especially through the
| highialutin letters of Manhattan y whom the
| lecturer afterwards found to be q Yankee,
though by the stupidity he eyinced he had sup
posed him TO be an Englishman. But the
! journal that was at the head and front OF
the great effort against America was tue
powerful Times newspaper. he was glad that
the proprietor Of that paper, Mr. Water, wa:
now in America, and hoped he would judge for
himself how his correspondents had misrtpre.
sented this country. IL had circulation o
sixty thousand daily, circulated in the upper
classes, and exercised great influence. 1t organ
lied in Liverpool and elsewhere the means o
lnlul1ng America, and vessels were equipped on
the high seas to be sent against her. The cotton
loan was written up as one of rare advantages
but this must have been Gn Imaginary thing
based on Imaginary bales Of cotton, supported
hV 40 rO n,ft Mont