The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1866-08-04

Oriental imagination in i<sildest fight
never dreamed as masnifoenta fiction e thil
visible, tangible practical realit, ahicl
stares Us In the facs ~ almoak stasgerl
comprehension whsn We say thiH W
speak the truth, but The Idea exsieysd I
not adequate; we cannst the I'm THE who'll
content OF the conception as single eifor
of the mind.
There is mot as much epthusissm in tbs
coaStry Aow as these was widen AZ sucossi
Of the Rrst enterprise was announced. We
are not so exultant, because our experieaae
in 1858 taught us how soon our expectations.
might be turned inso bitter disappointment
We are calmsr now and are better able ID
look At the probable results. aaer -- Il
The enterprise was strictly upon privat,
account. The capital stock Was paid IN b.
in viddals, and hence 10 would seem, h
judge from analogy, that the management
of this vast interest should remain in theil
hands. But to look little deeper into the
matter, we will find that there is one essen
tial point wanting in the analogy between
this and other joint-stock companies. A
railroad may purchase the right Of way, o.
State may interfere ana condemn private
property for public use npcn paying an eqai,
valent but who has jurisdiction over the
broad eaters Of the Atlantic? These vel
remain the common property of man
Feudalism, neither in lie ancient military
form. or in its modern form Of capital, ha,
ever yet been able to parcel out the caves Of
Ocean with metes and bounds, and call II
"mine." II 10 the people of Europe and
Of America who are interested in the right
Of way, and they yield it joyfully upon the
single condition that it shall not be mad 0 On
engine Of despotism and turned agains
them. A little more explicit:
The men who originated. the scheme and
iabored against obstacles until their efforts
were finally successful, are benefactors to
the race, and deserve to be held in the high
est honor, and are justly entitled to the
pecuniary rewards. But there is an interest
which is vastly superior to theirs, and thai
is the interests Of the great American peo-
pie. Should we become involved ia any
Of the present complications in Europe, or
become so involved hereafter our national
honor and welfare would be at stake
dependent upon the integrity of the man.
agement. These interests are too immense
to be jeopardized in the hands Of a joint
stock company. II 10 absurd to doubt the
right Of the United tates 10 act in the
premises. Private property may be taken
for public use, and il the state Of Illinoi,
can condemn land for a railroad on this
ground, surely Congress has a right to re-
lieve the Atlantic snb- marine cable com.
pany Of at least q share Of the RESPONSE
bility.
But this interference on the part Of the
government is demanded as well by CON-
mercial considerations as by those Of q
national character. The enormous amount
Of American products which are exported
will be at the mercy of the Gable Company,
Human nature is weak and such gorgeous
bats might be held out that it would be i'm
possible to resist the attraction. Ia this
case the false report Of market would
senda wave Of bankruptcy and ruin from
the Atlantic to the Rio Grande.
II another cable company should lay an
other cable, it might be supposed that the
would prelude the necessity Of
any steps being taken BY Congress. This
il mistake. The sole proprietorship oil
the Atlantic telegraph would have charm
too fascinating for capitalists to withstand.
The king of Prussia, crowned with all the
glory Of his recent conquests does not feel
the pride and self-complacency that Roths-
child would experience when holding be-
tween his fingers the wires which control
the commerce OF two hemispheres.
1t is from such vast and grinding mo-
nopoly as this that we would be delivered,
and it is the General Government alone
that can do it.