The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1866-02-21

never contemplated by the authors Of the CON
stitution nor can any good reason De az.
yanced why, rs permanent establishment, II
should be founded for one class or color Of our
people more than for another. Pending the
war, many refugees and freedmen received
support from the Government, but II was
never intended that they should thenceforth
/ be fed, clothed, educated, and sheltered by the
| United States. The idea on which the slaves
were assisted to freedom was that, on becom-
| ing free, they would be a seif-sustaining popu-
lation. Amy legislation that shall imply that
4 they are not expected to attain self-sustain-
| ing condition must have a tendency injurious
alike 10 their character and their prospects.
The appointment of an agent for every county
/ and parish will create an immense patronage |,
and the expense OF the numerous oncers anu
their clerks, to be appointed by the Fresiaeht,
will be great In the beginning, with tendency
steadily TO increase. The appropriations asked
| by the Freedmen's Bureau, rs now estapIlsneo,
for the year 1866, amount to eleven mili Il
seven hundred and forty-five thouf and DOL
lars 1t may be safely estimated that the cost
10 be incurred under the pending bin VIII
require double that amount-more L4an tue
entire sum expended in any one year uhuer ule
administration of the second Adams. Ii the
presence of agents in every parish ana county
1 is to be considered as war measure, OPPOSE
\ tion or even resistance, might be PROVOKED J;
so that, 10 give effect TO their Jurisohctlou,
II
of every one them, and thus large standing
force be rendered necessary. Large appro-
priations would therefore be required 10 sus-
| tain and enforce military jurisdiction In every
county or parish from the Potomac to the
| Rio Grande The condition of our fiscal affairs
| is encouraging; but in order TO sustain the
present measure of public commence, IL 10
necessary that we practice not merely custo-
mary economy, but, as lar as pOsSlDie, severe
retrenchment.
In addition to the objections already stated,
the fifth section of the bill proposes 10 take
| away land from it's former owners without any
legal proceedings being first had, contrary to
that provision of the Constitution which de.
clares that no person shall "be deprived OF
life, liberty, or property, without due process .s
| of law" 1t does not appear that part OF the
| lands to which this section refers may not be
owned by minors, or persons of unsound mind,
or by those who have been faithful to all their
obligations as citizens or the united states
IL any portion of the land is held by such per-
sons, it is not competent for any authority 10
deprive them of it. If, on the other hand 1t
be found that the property is liable 10 conns-
cation, even then it cannot be approprlated 70
public purposes until, by due process OF law,
it shall have been declared forfeited TO the
| Government.
There is still further objection to the bill, on
grounds seriously affecting the class of persons
to whom it is designed TO bring relief. LII VIII
tend to keep the mind of the freedman IN q
state of uncertain expectation and restless
ness, while 10 those among whom he lives IL
will be a source Of constant and vague appre-
henson.
Undoubtedly the freedman should be pro-
tected, but he should be protected by the civil
authorities, especially by the exercise OF all
| the constitutional powers of the courts OF the
United States and of the States. His con-
dition is not so exposed as may at nrst be
imagined He is in portion OF the country
| where his labor cannot well be spared. Com
petition for his services from planters, from
those who are constructing or repairing rail-
roads, and from capitalists in his vicinage or
from other States, will enable him 10 COM
mand almost his own terms. He also possesses
| perfect right to change his place OF abode,
and if, therefore, he does not find in one com
munity or State n mode of life suited TO his
desires, or proper remuneration for his labor,
he can move to another, where that labor Is
more esteemed and better rewarded. In truth,
however, each State, induced by its own
| wants and interests, will do what is necessary
and proper to retain within its borders all the
labor that is needed for the development OF its
resources The laws that regulate supply and
demand will maintain their force, ana the
wages of the laborer will be regulated thereby.
There is no danger that the exceedingly great
demand for labor will not operate In favor OF
the laborer.
Neither is sufficient consideration given to
the ability of the freedmen to protect and take
care of themselves. 1t is no more than justice
to them to believe that, as they have received
their freedom with moderation and torbear-
ance, so they will distinguish themselves by
their industry and thrift, and soon show the
world that, in a condition offreedom they are
self-sustaining, capable OF selecting their own
employment and their own places of abode, of
insisting for themselves on proper remunera
ton, and of establishing and maintaining their
own asylums and schools. 1t is earnestly
hoped that instead Of wasting away, they Will,
by their own efforts, establish for themselves
| q condition of responsibility and prosperity.
1t is certain that they can attain TO that con-
dition only through their own merits and eX-
ertions.
In this connection, the query presents itself,
| whether the system proposed by the bill will
not when ppt into complete operation, practi-
cally transfer the entire care, support, and con-
troll of four millions of emancipated slaves to
agents, oyerseers, or taskmasters, who, ap-
| pointed at Washington, are to be located in
every county and parish throughout the
United States containing freedmen and refu-
gees? Such system would inevitably tend
| TO concentration of power in the EXecu-
tive which would enable him, If so disposed,
to control the action of this numerous class,
and to use them for the attainment of his own
political ends.
cannot but add another very grave objec-
ton to this bill. The Constitution impera-
lively declares, in connection with taxation,
that each State SHALL have at least one Repre-
sentative, and fixes the rule for the number to
which, in future times, each State shall be
entitled, It also provides that the Senate of
the United States SHALL be composed of two
Senators from each State, and adds, with
peculiar force, I" that no State, without its
consent, shall be deprived of Its equal suffrage
in the Senate" The original act was neces-
sariy passed in the absence of the States chiefly
to be affected, because their people were con-
tumaciously engaged in the rebellion. Now
the case is changed, and some, at least, of those
States are attending Congress by loyal Repre-
sentatives, soliciting the allowance of the con-
stitutional right of representation. At the
time, however, ofSthe consideration and the
passing of this bill there was no Senator or
Representative In Congress from the eleven
States which are TO be mainly affected by its
provisions. The very fact that reports were
and are made against the good disposition of
the people of that portion of the country is an
additional reason why they need, and should
have, representatives of their own in Congress,
TO explain their condition, reply to accusa-
tions, and assist, by their local knowledge, in
the perfecting of measures Immediately Affect
ing themselves. While the liberty of delbera-
ton would then be free, and Congress would
have full power TO decide according to its
judgment, there could be no objection urged
that the States most interested had not been
permitted to be heard.
The principle is firmly fixed in the minds of
the American people that there should be no
taxation without representation. Great bur-
/ dens have now to be borne by all the country,
| and we may best demand that they shall be
borne without murmur when they are voted