Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-07-22
VOLUME XXXIII.
THE oRreIN OF orR LATE wAR.


~ given 10 the public an elaborate treatise
upon this subject, which probably contains
more truth than any other recent publica-
ton relating to the subject. In a notice Of
IL the Boston Post says
Mr. LUNr takes for his standpoint the
! Constitution Of the United States, which es-
! tablishes a central government supreme in
the powers delegated to it, binding the seve-
| raj States and the people in one nationality,
! and possessing all the necessary functions
| for general defense and protection, and the
| preservation Of internal tranquility; but
/ leaving to the States the management Of
| their own domestic institutions, and the ad-
| ministratiCn Of their own local polity. Il
was established for the protection Of the peo-
pie andthe States, and Of their domestic insti-
tuti0ns, and not for aggression upon them, nor
/ for their destruction. Among the internal in
stitutions Of the States the Constitution
recognized slavery, granted to it certain
privileges, and guaranteed 10 it protection
TO a certain extent. This concession was
necessary, indeed, a condition precedent to
the adoption of the Constitution, and the
establishment and cOnsummation Of the
Union. With the fate Of the institution, the
General Government had nothing to do and
possessed no power to act it, regulation and
its dealing being within the reserved rights
Of the States in which 1t existed, which, at
the time Of the adoption Of the Constitution,
comprised every State save one in the
Union.
But slavery, thus protected, thus the sub
iect Of the local polity Of the States, was
seized hold Of rs the point Of attack by the
malign spirit to which Mr. LUNT justly at
tributes the origin of the war. The spirit
was Abolitionism. 1t began its assault up
on the Constitution, and upon the local in
stitutions Of slavery, Immediately after the
organization of the National Government
Its first demonstration was in the form of a
petition 10 Congress for the abolition of
slavery. This petition was presented in
1890. Congress answered it with an abso-
Lutte and unqualified denial Of the power Of
the National Government TO act in the
premises. For years, we may say for nearly
two generations, the AbolitiOnists were a
weak and contemplate faction, few in num-
bers, and possessed of neither power nor in
huence. But in the lapse of time circum-
stances occurred in the party politics Of the
country, which gave TO AbolitioLism a for
midable growth and established it as a tri-
umphant power in the Northern States,
The long ostracism from place and power Of
the party opposed 10 the then dominant De
mocracy furnished ready and willing re-
uruits to the black banner of Abolitionism.
Despairing Of winning their way to power,
and to Office and honors, by an open fight
with the DemOcratsc party, the demagOgues
of the opposite party allied themselves with
Abolltionists, and engaged in the wicked
and pernicious work of fermenting sectional
animosity and hostility, to the imminent
danger Of the Union. At last they succeed
ed, and the elimination Of their success was
civil war
Mr.. LUNT traces, with the hand Of mas
ter, the progress Of the abolition excitement
from its origin to its final deRouemeRt in the
accession Of the Republican party (Which
was the representative name Of ABOLITION
ISM and its allies,) to power and the inaugu-
ration of the war, which its leaders seemed
intent on bringing about And, while he
performs the task of the historian with a
rare and consummate ability, lie does it with
an impartial hand The truth of history
compels him 10 record, that the Democratic
party have not been guiltless of the sin of
tampering and coquetting with Abolition
ism. But while in this regard it has occa-
sionally erred, he acknowledges and shows
10y indubitable proofs, that it has been main
ly true TO its allegiance to the Constitution,
and that with selfsacrifcing heroism worthy
Of the best days Of the Republic it has
manfully fallen in its defense. Upon the
Abolitionized-Republican party he fixes, by
the most unquestiOnable and conclusive eyi-
dence-by legislative records, and by party
proceedings-th guilt and the responsibility
Of the late civil war and, consequently, all
the sacrifice Of life and treasure, all the suf-
fering and sorrow, and all the bitterness,
present and future Of which it is, and is to
be, the cause. Terrible indeed is that guilt
and that responsibility, the weight Of which
in time will crush the authors of the war in
defeat and cover their names with iniamy.
No denials Of guilt, no asseverations Of innO-
cence no appeals for mercy, can save them
from the inevitable doom which impartial
history has in store for them.
While Mr.. LUNT fixes the origin and
authorship Of the late war upon the Aboli-
tionized-Republican party, and, Of course,
its consequences, and among those conse-
quences, the suspension Of the relations of
the late revoltcd States with the National
Government, he also shows that the same
party actuated by the same wicked and ma
Hgn spirit of hatred Of the South and love
Of party power, is endeavoring to prevent
the restoration Of those States, thus contend
ing for practical disunion, and prolonging
the dangers which menace the peace Of the
country