Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-09-27
LETTER FROM MINISTER HARVEY.

A@A~A A@rAN
Congress refused to pay the salary Of our
Minister TO Portugal, for the sole reason
that be had written an unofficial personal
/ letter to Mr. SEWARD, spplauding the course
Of the President in bis policy Of restoration.
He has addressed letter to Hon. II. }.
RAYMosD, explanatory Of the facts, and
closing as follows:
The history Of all the great civil wars Of
the world proves that moderation after vic
tory has ever been one Of the most potent
elements Of reconciliation, and as history
repeats itself it may be confidently assumed
that no other policy will be accepted by a
people as generous, enlightened and just as
I ours are. And this moderation is by no
means inconsistent with the vindication of
the offended majesty of the law against
those who wilfully and wickedly defed them
in arms, and who long and reasonably
plotted to overthrow the Union and destroy
with it the hopes Of mankind in free gov
eminent
For the expression Of these and similar
opinions in the unreserve of private cores
pondence, il has been considered right to in
fict a severe penalty, and to establish pre-
cedent unknown in American legislation.
The fact is much more to be regretted as
pernicious example which may find worse
imitation hereafter, than as a wrong to any
individual who will soon be forgotten, while
this harsh record will long survive. Inj1s-
tice and intolerance are not qualities likely
TO commend themselves to people accus-
toned to independence, and not inclined to
follow bigOted crusaders into the darkness
Of the middle ages. The salary provided
by law for the Office with which l am hon
ored may be withheld, but it is not in the
power Of any body Of men, however influ-
entail they may be, to diyest me OF the
rights which belong to the humblest Ameri-
can citizen, to alter my convictions, to deter
becoming expression of them, or to pre-
vent the discharge of the trust conhded to
my keeping.
And when the time shall come for me to
take again the unpretending place which l
left, il viii be accompanied by satisfaction
Of which neither malice, nor faction, nor
calumny can exclude the enjoyment In
the dark days at the outset Of the rebellion,
when nearly all the maratime powers COM
bined to dignity and strengthen itwith their
moral support, by such recognition as
never was accorded before, it became my
first duty and official act to make repre-
sentation against any concessions Of belllger-
ent rights or declaration Of neutrality on the
part Of this Government. England, France
and most Of the other European States had
just published their proclamations, and
there was a general desire to make that
policy as unanimous as possible, looking to
its injurious effects upon the United States.
No influence or effort was spared in any d.
rection to effect this object and especially
in Portugal, which had become unusually
important on account of her various mid
ocean islands and distant colonial posses
sions.
These efforts were combatted, and they
failed then and aferward, when renewed to
our prejudice, and to Portugal belongs the
honor and credit OF having first refused to
recognize the insurgent communities of the
South as a belligerent power, and of having
faithfully adhered to that pOolicy and to
loyal and serviceable friendship during the
whole period Of the war. And when our
commerce was threatened with renewed
depreciation and war, without the least
means Of protection at menaced points, YES
sells of war were promptly procured from
this Government which saved millions of
property from destruction. That commerce /
belonged mainly to the constituencies of |
honorable gentlemen in Congress, who have |
recently distinguished themselves by a fer |
vid zeal against the salary of the Minister |
who was enabled to render that service at a |
time when they were assailing the measures |
of President LINCOLN, in the same spirit
which is now exhibited toward all who de- |
cline TO accept their instruction as "the law /
and the prophets" These facts and others |
form part of the published history Of the |
country and may be recalled without i'm
propriety or egotism, as a sufficient answer |
to ungenerous misrepresentation.
1t is one Of the sad signs Of the times, that |
no merit however exalted, no patriotism |
however pure, and no sacrifices however i'm
posing, are sufficient to protect those who |
have rendered the greatest services TO the |
Union, in the field and in the council cham
Der where the life Of the nation often hung !
against the aspersions nf a Vicious
partisanship, which exacts abrogation OF all
and humiliating submission to its
insolent will, as the price of favor, and /
which denounces all dissent with fierce in
vective, as Of 'treasonable' origin. Liberty j
Of speech and thought, and familiar utter
ance, are forbidden as criminal oiienses, I'M
less they tune 10 the keynote Of prescribed /
in which case they are APP i
piauueu 70 tile eChu, anu INC iuuest Paius'
is held up as the most distinguished patriot.
Such a condition of things cannot possibly |
endure, under a free form Of government
The people rose up in their indignant might |
six years ago and pulveriEed the political |
which had long ruled the coun-
try by intolerance, and crushed out forever |
the peculiar institution by which its domi- |
nation had been continued. If the instruc- |
ton of that stern lesson be forgotten, the |
people TO whom Presidents, and Congresses, |
and Ministers must answer, still exist and |
have not diminished in strength or intolli- |
gence. JAMES L. HARVEY.
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