Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1866-08-09
OgIo. J. Statesman. u /.
a ". ni SP H L HI t
sata 70 jUu.- --oF--nu.. Dow
HON. JAMES DIXON,
'r OF CONNECTICUT, ~. n.
delivered at New Haven, on the Oc-
= casiOn of Electing Delegates ~,
l. TO the Philadelphia
. .....t. Convention. ......

. . O.
On taking the chair as President of the
Convention which tin New Haven. Conns
on Wednesday of last week, Senator Dixon
made the following address,: ,.., ,... ...
FELLow-C CITIZENS Before proceeding to
the business of the day, permit me to thank
you for the honor of presiding over this
Uonvention-an assemblage not surpassed,
whether we consider its objects or the
character of its members, by any ,Conven-
tion of the people which has ever met in
the State OF Connecticut. 1t is impossible,
to look around us to-day without asking
ourselves what peculiar and unusual posi-
tion of public affairs has brought together
| in council 80 many of our citizens who
| have formerly differed in their political
sentiments. In answering this question it
| is necessary to recur to the history of the
| last five or six years. .. .........
| Within that period our system of Gov
| ermment has been subjected to the severest
trial to which it could be exposed. A war
unexampled in its magnitude, in defense of
the Union and the Constitution, has been
| brought to successful termination-ou
| territorial integrity has been preserved and
the supremacy of the Constitution has been
maintained over every portion of our
| been accomplished in relation to that dan
gerous and dstracting question which from
the earliest times perpleXed and alarmed
the ablest aud wisest OF our statesmen.
African slavery as a result of the war, has
been constitutionally abolished-with the
| free consent of those States most directly
| interested in its existence. Under this state
of things, why is it that period of almost
a year and half after the close of the war,
and after the final and acknowledged ter
mination of the system OF slavery which
was one of its principal causes-finds us
| still divided people, with ten States un-
! represented in Congress, and held as sub
| ject provinces, in state of vassalage? Is
| it because the people of those States are un-
willing to return to their duty as citizens
of our common country, and decline to
perform their part in the great work of
| self-gOvernment which is the basis of our
| Federal system? 1t was apprehended by
| some, during the war, that though we
| might subjugate the South we could not
compel them to return to their duty in the
Union-that while we might by war main
| tain our empire over them, we could not by
compulsory means, restore the Government
to its former condition of voluntary Union.
Iss our present condition con-
frmation of this theory? Not at all.
The Union is not restored, and yet the fail
ure of its restoration is not to be attributed
to the States lately in rebellion. They are
not only willing, but they are absolutely
asking permission-I might almost say
supplicating to be allowed to return to
their constitutional duty as members of the
Union. The President of the United States,
chosen on the same ticket with Abraham
Lincoln, and advised until lately by the
same Cabinet with which he cOunseled
during nearly the whole period of the war,
proposed for their acceptance certain con-
ditions. What were those conditions?
They were these: First, the ratification of
the Constitutional Amendment abolishing
slavery. Second, declaration by the
States that the rebel war debt so called,
was never to be paid, or acknowledged as
ofbinding force. Third, declaration that
the ordinances OfsecessiOn were null and
void. All these conditions were yoluntari-
ly and freely accepted. What now re-
manned What further could be asked?
Why are not States accepting these terms
and choosing loyal men to represent them
In Congress, not allowed to share in our
Geyernment2 After all this, what means
this dissension between Congress and the
EXecutive? Let us place ourselves in
point of time at the period of the first an
nual message of Andrew johnson to Con-
gress, in December last-eight months ago.
What had he then done to deserve the mall
edictions of those who elected him? He
stated in that message his position, and re-
ceived the whole unanimous sentiment of
appreciation. eayy... -. = 5i..r.. a,..
We seemedon the eve ofa harmonious and
paternal restoration of the discovered States
to their constitutional relations with each
other and with the General Government.
Loyal members of the two Houses of Con-
gress presented themselves at Washington.
How were they receivedp Not even allowed
the privilege of having their right to seat
In either House decided by the constitutional
tribunal, viz the legislative body to which
they were elected And when the PRESS,
dentwas requested by our branch of Con-
gress to give his views respecting the con-
dition of the Southern States, how was his
reply received? l need not remind you of
the terms of reproach which were heaped
upon him by leading members of both
Houses-the charges of falsehood-the inn
Piled threats OF mpeachment-the detlar-
alton by the acknowledged leader of the
House of Representatives that offenses
similar to his would have broughta a British
monarch to the block. When these repeat
ed and insufferable provocations excited
the ardent impetnous nature of President
johnson to warm reply, you all remem-
Der how, shocked were those considerate
men who found no fault with those who, in |
the Halls of Congress, charged him with |
issuingi"white-w Washing messages, and de-
clared him guilty of capital crimes. g |
But let us not dwell on these scenes. If
passion and not reason seems for a time to |
have usurped dominion in Congress, let us |
not attempt still further to eXasperate the |
public mind. | have barely alluded to |
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