The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1866-08-18

else in the hostile conduct of the insurgcnt
section, the actual government of the
United States may impose its own condi-
tions and make the Constitution conform,
in all its provisions, to its own ideas Of
equality and the rights of man.
Congress at its last session proposed
amendments to the Constitution enlarging,
in some very important particulars, the au-
thority of the General Government over
that Of the several States, and reducing by
indirect disfranchisement the representa-
tive power Of the States IN which slavery
formerly existed. And it is claimed that
| these amendments may be made valid az
parts ofthc original Constitution without the
concurrence Of the States to be most serl-
ously affected by them; or may be imposed
upon those States by three-iourths of the
remaining States as conditions Of their re-
admission TO representation in Congress
and in the electoral college.
It is the unuuestionable right Of the
people of the United States to make such
changes in the Constitution as they, upon
due deliberation, may deem expedient.
But we insist that they shall be made in
the mode which the Constitution itself
points ont, in conformity with the letter
and the spirit of that instrument, and with
the principles of sclf-government and equal
rights which lie at the basis of our repub-
! lican institutions. We deny the right Of
! Congress to make these changes in the
Fundamental law without the concurrence
| of three. .fourths of all the States, inclu-
ding especially those to be most seriously
affected by them, or to impose them upon
States or people as conditions of represen-
tation, or of admission to any of the rights,
duties, or obligations which belong, under
| the Constitution, to all the States alike.
And with still greater emphasis do we
! DENY the right of any portion OF the States,
! excluding the rest of the States from any
share in their councils, 10 propose or sane
| ton changesint the Constitution which are to
affect permanently their political relations
aud control or coercc the legitimate action
! OF the several members of the common
! Union. Such an exercise Of power is sim
| ply usurpation-just as unwarrantable
when exercised by northern States as it
would be if exercised by southern, and not
| TO be fortified or palliated by anything in
the past history either Of those by whom
! it is attempted or of those upon whose
|
! finds no warrant in the Constitution it Is
at war with the fundamental principles OF
our form OF government. If tolerated
in one instance it becomes the pre-
cedent for future invasions of liberty and
constitutional rights, dependent solely
upon the will OF the party in posses
sion of power, and thus. leads, by di-
rect sequence, 10 the most fatal and in
tocrablc Of all tyrannics-thc tyranny Of
shifting and irresponsible factions. 1t is
against this, the most formidable of all the
dangers which menace the stability OF a
free government, that the Constitution Of
tie United States was intended most care
fully 10 provide. We demand a strict and
steadtast adherence to its provisions. In
this, and in this alone, can we find basis
Of permanent union and peace.
Fourth. But it is alleged, in justification
Of the u>urpation which We condemn, that
the condition of the southern States and
ueop!c is not such as renders safe their re-
admission to a share in the government Of
the country: that they are still diS!oyal in
sentiment and parposc, and that neither
the honor, the credit, nor the interest Of
the nation would be safe if they were re-
admitted 10 share in its councils. We
might reply TO this: First, that We have no
right for such reasons to deny to any portion
oi the States or people rights expressly
conferred upon them by the Constitution
Oi the United States. Second, that so long
a. their acts are those Of loyalty, 50 long
as they conform in all their public conduct
10 the requirements of the Constitution and
laws, we have no right 10 exact from them
conformity in their sentiments and opinions
to our own. Third. That we have no right
10 di>truSt the purpose or the ability OF
the people OF the Union 10 protect and de-
fcnd, under all contingencies and by what
ever means may be required, its honor and
il welfare.
These would, ip our judgment, be full
and conclusive answers 10 the plea thus
advanced for the exclusion OF these States
from the Union. But We say further,
that this plea rests upon complete mlSap-
prchcnsion or an unjust pcrvcrson OF eX-
i>ting facts. We do not hesitate 10 affirm
that there is no section Of the country
where the Constitution and laws Of the
United States find a more prompt and en-
tire obedience than in those States and
among those people who were lately in
arms against them, or where there is less
purpose or danger Of any future attempt
10 overflow their authority.
II would seem to he both natural and
inevitable that in States or sections so
recently swept 10y the whirlwind Of war,
where all the ordinary modes and methods
Of organized industry have been broken
up, and the bonds and influences that
guarantee social order have been de-
strovcd, where thousands and tens Of thou
sands of turbulent spirits have been sud-
denly looscd from the discipline Of war,
and thrown, without resources Of restraint,
upon disorganiZed and chaotic society,
and where the keen sense Of defeat IS
added 10 the overthrow Of ambition and
hope, scenes Of violence should dete, for
time, the imperfect discipline Of law, and
excite anew the fears and torcbodings Of
the patriotic and well-diSposed. 1t is
unqucstionably true that local disturb
ances Of this kind, accompanied by
more or less Of violence, do still oc-
cur, but they are confined entirely TO
the cities and larger towns Of the south
crn States, where different races ard intc-
rests are brought most closely in contact,
and where passions and rcsentmentS arc
always most easily fed and famed into
outbreak. And even there they are quite
as much the fruit Of untimely and hurtful
political agitation as Of any hostility on
the part OF the people to the authority OF
the National Government.
But the concurrent testimony of those
best acquainted with the condition Of So
ciety and the state of public sentiment in
the South, including that of its represen-