The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-10-25
The Southern Leaders and the COnsti-
tutiOnnI Amendment.
FrOn the Times.


to which the South most emphatIcally objects,
| is that which excludes from Office the promi-
nent actors in the Rebellion. 1t is evident that
neither the adjustment of representation on the
basis of voters instead of population, nor the
general affirmation of the principle embodied
in the Civil Rights act, would con stitute an in
superable barrier to ratification. Butt lmpo-
sition OF disabilities on the Southern leaders,
civ | and military, eXcltes strong ana apparently
unyleldine opposition.
The movne.uprlng to the opposition to this
section of the amendment is creditable to the
good faith and personal honor of the Southern
people. They object to penalties to be paid
by those wnom their confidence lifted into
positions OF eminence and trust, ana VINO by
reason of their prominence are to be singled
out for punishment. 1t is argued that what
ever disabilities are TO be i'm posed should in
equity apply equally to the whole South, AMI
that there would be dishonor and cowardice
with smack OF ingratiuude, in any acqui-
escence in the punishment OF a limited class.
Hence, the people consider it their duty to
stand by the political fortunes of their leaders,
and In no degree to be responsible for their future
exclusion from power. The idea OF rdtitylng
the amendment is, therefore, peculiarly repug
nant because implying their direct participa-
ton in the infection OF what TO them appears
harshness, ii not injustice. Opposition OF this
Tature Is not easily overcome by rhetoric, or
by appeals TO selfish considerations. 1t originates
In feeling; and where feeling sways the judg-
ment, mere argument has but sorry chance.
The attitude OF the class directly affected by
the provision has not, thus far been such as to
warrant an expectation OF speedy change in the
Southern mind. So far as we have observed,
not solitary man who figured COnspcuouSly
in the Rebellion has publicly advocated the
ratihcation OF the amendment. We know that
in their ordinary intercourse not few of them.
after studying the manifestations of public
opinion at the North, admit that unless the
South concur in the amendment restoration
will be indefinitely postponed, and may, per-
haps, be made contingent upon more unpalatable
conditions. But not one has declared his readi-
ness to submit to disabilities for the sake of
restOTation-not one has appealed to others
similarly situated to endure the punishment
that peace may be secured-not one has endea-
vored to mitigate the prejudice with which the
prov lsion is regarded, or to urge the necessity
of aVertne great evils by patiently submitting
to lesser once.
Even those from whose general course a
| willingness 10 make sacrifices might have been
| inferred, are silent on the SUBJECT General
| Forrest, who since the termination OF the war,
| has strlven to redeem himself from its inqui6les
by counselling loyalty and moderation, and by
| setting an example OF honest, earnest industry
even he is mute in reference to the amend
ment. The eX-Vice-President OF the Coniede-
| racy, whose habitual moderation and dislnte-
| RESIDENCES have secured for him extended re-
spect, has sent forth no sound or sign Ali who
have taken the trouble to make themselves
| hea1d belong to the Wade and Hampton type
proud, ha0gbty men, who seem to think that
the vanquIshed are privileged to dictate terms
to the vlctors, and that the Rebel leaders should
|
their rebellion
Now, may not the leaders be fairly asked to
change their course, and to exercise their infu-
enCe in behalf of the final settlement of
the veXed question OF restoration? To the
Wade HamptOns any appeal OF this kind would
be OF no avail. Their arrogance is not acces-
sible to reason, and their theory of government
is predicaed upon their own superiority as a
| privileged class. The great body OF the promi-
neDt men in the Southern States, we would
gladly believe, cherish more correct appreci-
alton OF their responsibility. To them may not
an appeal be addressed somewhat in this strain
-"You have enjoyed the confidence of the
Southern people, and have shared the honoIs
and rewards which were at their disposal. The
influence you possessed you used to promote the
| Rebellion. Your motives may have been good
| your sense OF duty imperious-your princi-
pies simply erroneous; but at any rate
you brought upon the people the suffer
Ings they have endured, and the embar'
rassments which now surround them.
Grant, if you please, that, according to your
views, this cor duct was not criminal; at least,
as results have proved, it was mistaken.
Whether your hearts erred or not certainly
you led those who trusted you into disastrous
error, one OF the penalties of which they suffer
in exclusion from the Union. By sacrificing
your own pride and ambition, you may eXtIi-
cate them from their position, and contribute
TO the return OF harmony and prosperity. Is II
not your duty, then, to submit to the sacrifice
Does not the spirit of magnanimity dictate
oluntary surrender on your part OF all claim
to Office, Federal or State that the return of
| ndtlOndl HnlCy may DC UutTeOy ldSleuSu! Are
you not bound by an ordinary sense OF gene
! rosity to repay the confidence of your friends
by an unselhsh consideration of their interests
in preference to the qualification of your own
| prideN
l Such an appeal does not proceed on any
cbivalrous hypothesis. IC does not imply the
possession of superhuman virtues by the Rebel
leaders. IT simply presupposes their possession
OF common generosity, common justice, and
we may add, common sense. For, while we
hold that, as matter Of duty, the promoters of
and CHIEF actors in the Rebellion owe to the
Southern people the sacrifice we have suggested,
we believe that, as matter of prudence, they
would find it to their advantage Nothing
would so quickly or so surely mitigate the feel
ing of the North towards th EN-, and help to i'm
prove their own position, as this display of dis
, lnterestedness, coupled, as IL no doubt would
pe, with the ratification of the amendment by
: ene south and the restoration OF cordial and
SSonstltutlonal relations between the sections.
AZ us Is IN tnelf power by one graceful act to atone
2 lol Vne injuries inflicted upon their neighOors
4 ana 10 prove that In seeking restoration thev
= diZement. e'iS "n" "ssf"n
5 II the Southern leaders viii voluntarily assume
The disabilities imposed by Congress Ia 90 @
move the great obstacle TO the acceptsncuo 80 80 ~
y amendment by the South the gloom which % oar U,,
= hangs Its future may be removed before the clos,
. of the coming session. is there not enough
4 Roman virtue left among them TO promp tn
j. adoption OF this course of political and ohcit
n abnegationg Have they not sufficient sagacit
. TO discern the impression which the pToceedin
N would produce upon the country, and It's tel
,s dency TO shorten the period during which IN
~ | dreaded disabilities will be enforced?