The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-04-04

with the document before them on It's merits; to
remember that the President has transmitted It
in the performance of constitutional duty, and
10 iudge Of Its objections and arguments soberly
and Civilly. Abuse OF Andrew johnson viii not
prove that the Civil Rights bill is either polite
OF constitutional Threatening or braggadocio
will not overthrow his logic or convict him of
trespassing hey ond his province. His argument
must be met with argument. His allegations of
unconstitutionalltY must be reDutted by proofs
that his rendering of constitutional provisions
is at variance with that OF acknowledged
authorities.
discussion Of this kindwill be seemly and in
order, and will reconcile the country TO the de-
clsion be 1t what IL may. Any other style of de-
bate will convert the semblance OF a breach into
a formidable reality; and while convincing the
country that the President is right and the oppo-
sitlon to him wrong will necessitate and Justify
the use of all the means placed at his command,
under the letter OF the Constitution, for the pro-
lection of his position.
There might be some excuse for a trial of
strength, irrespective of consequences, If the
purposes of the President we're shown to be az
variance with the Cstensible object of the
measure he has vetoed. But this plea is not
available. Ifthe Civil Rights bill be bill to
protect the civil rights of the freedmen, and
nothing more, its aim IS IN accord with the
views and aims of the President. His rejection
OF the measure applies, not to the object as thus
understood but TO the agencies to be created
and the means to be employed for its accom-.
plishment. To assume, then, that so far as this
end is concerned, concert of action between
congress ana the President is Impossible, lS TO
insult the capacity of the former, TO attribute
to the latter a want of sincerity. The country
will not sustain charge OF this kind against
the President, until he refuse to sign q bill
divested OF the eXtraneous and unconstitutional
characteristics to which he has objected. Aud
an unwillingness on the part of Congress to en-
deavor to care for the freedmen by resort TO
less obnoxious machinery, or the assertion of a
less obnoxious authority, than Is covered by the
vetoed bill, will generate the idea that the
welfare OF the emancipated slave is a mere
| pretext for the furtherance of some unavowed
| purpose.
| Instead of using the debate on the veto az an
| opportunity for intensifying the difference be-
| tween the President and the majority in Con-
/ gress, we would fain hope that IL will be made
the groundwork of compromise which shall
restore cordial harmony to the two branches of
| the Government. A compromise there must be,
! sooner or later or a deadlock will be inevitable.
The financial and business interests of the coun-
try are suffering from legislative neglect. To pre-
! cipitate crisis now, as between Congress and
! the President, win be to prolong the uncertainty
which has already operated. disastrously upon
! every material interest, and at no distant day
! to produce crisis to which even politicians
! cannot pretend to be Indifferent.
The country calls for practical legislation.
! Before this can be had, however, there must be
! concessions touching questions of which the
! freedmen are made the sCapegoat. Why not
make the Civil Rights bill the beginning of the
! work OF compromise?