The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1866-05-25
Congress - What 1t VIII Do-- The
Cabinet


virit to his home at Springfield. Whilst
there be made speech on the political
topics Of the day He expressed fear
that the difference Of views between
the President and Congress, upon the
policy 10 be pursued in the present
crisis of our affairs, was, on same I'M
pOTtant points, Of q permanent character"
He believed that Congress had gone as
far as practicable to establish between
It and the President "a common basis
OF action without yielding the para
mount conditions Of the integrity and
welfare of the nation :" and having
failed, it would pursue its own course,
ond appeal 10 the country in the fall
elections. He expressed his belief of
what measures Congress would adopt,
upon which to 20 before the country,
az follows:
The Constitution would be amended in
several particular: first IN such wise IS
that a voter IN South Carolina should not
possess double the influence IN the Govern
neut that is enjoyed by voter iu Ohio;
second, that no dollar should ever be paid
from the treasury of the Government 10
liquidate the debt incurred IA al effort 10
overthrow the Government; third, that the
protection Of tho Government would be eX-
tended 10 all It's citizens alike, IN the rights
Of life, liberty and property, so that no lnau
who % liable 10 be required TO take up arms
at the peril Of his lie in defense Of that
Government, should be denied the shelter
Of It's guardian hand. lie thought there
could be no simpler, Juster, or grander
principle than this, which had been en-
bodied IN the Civil Rights Bill. He also al
luded 10 the Bill introduced by himse
some time SINCE IN the House, for the pro
lection Of citizens OF one State removing 30
another State, the object OF which was 20
enable Union man or Union soldier 10
take up has abode IN safety IN South Caro-
lima or Louisiana, under the protection Of
the General Government, instead of being
turned over TO the tender mercies Of the
courts OF those States.
II will be noted that this enumera-
ton of measures does not include the
proposition of the Central Directory
to disfranchise the rebels until 1870. A
measure of this character he thinks
ought to be adopted, but frankly owns
that it is not probable
If the above measures are to consti-
tuie the platform Of the radicals in
Congress Tor the fall elections, the rad
icals outside will be grievously disap-
pointed. II is o decided back down
from the lofty demands which have
heretofore characterized their discus
sions. What does this platform amount
TOT There is only one item in it of
any importance, and that Is the amend
ment on the subject of representation.
No one proposes to pay the rebel debt.
The loyal men of the North, who car
ried the nation successfully through
the war, would not think Of such
thing. Their descendants would not
The rebels of the present day would be
lust as far from undertaking the her
culean job whilst their posterity would
laugh to scorn the fool who could be
induced to make the proposition Con
gresB has already enacted Civil Rights
Law; and there is no necessity for any
further legislation on the subject. If
the law is constitutional, the radicals
ought to be satisfied as the thing stands;
and they claim that 1t Is.
So after six months travail the Radi-
cal Mountain is to produce only Re
preventative Mouse And even when
speaking Of it, Mr.. Shellabargcr has
not the candor and manliness, to deal
fairly. amend the Constitution in
such wise as that voter in South Car
DINA shall not possess double the IN
Auence in the Government that ia en-
loved 10y voter in Ohio No such IN
equality exists A voter IN Ohio hes
inst the same influence in the Govern
ment as the voter in South Carolina.
The basis Of representation is the same;
and includes the same description Of
people. Ia South Carolina there Is an
excess of negroes in the enumeration.
In Ohio an excess Of other nOn-vOters,
women, children, and uunaturalized
foreigners. The thing is as broad as it
Is long. The voters are all on an equal
ity. What Mr. Shellabarger and his
radical friends want, really, is to pro
duce an inequality. To strengthen the
North in Congress and the Electoral
College by weakening the South Let
them be honest and say so; and not
go before the people riding a hobby
disguised
Before closing his speech Mr. Shella-
barger adverted to reports relative to
the Cabinet He said
As his hearers were awpre, the President
had. Immediately after the presentation Of
their report by the Committee of Fifteen,
convened his Cabinet upon that question
Mr.. Speed being the only mcmber not pre-
sent aud ihc President, u accordance with
has custom, had given 90 the Associated
Press through his private secretary report
of the expressions there made by the yarI-
Gus members Of the Cabinet, from which Do
Of Mr. Harlan, they uniformly sgreed with
Mr.. johnson ia has policy, aud m opposition
60 that of the committee. lie was conf
dent, speaking from his own kuowIc re.
that this inference was substantially mac
curate "a regards Mr. Stanton and Mr.. Don
uisou. Tie felt assured hv facts within his
own observation, thst both these gentlemen
would be- found acting in harmony with the
Union party, uud with Congress, iu the
ultimate stages 81 this settlements and De
was also of the belief that Mr. Wcllcs, with
Messrs. Harlan and Speed, would adhere %
like honorable position.
In reply to this i. is only necessary
TO say that Mr. Shellabarcer' speech
had not got 70 Washington before Mr.
Stanton and Mr.. Welles had spoken
for themselves. They did this the
night OF the 23d, in public speeches
approving the policy of the President
Mr. Denuison has never given cause 10
suspect his iealty to the administration
Of which he is a part
We lay before our readers this morn