The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1866-07-07

two hours In length. He opened by ex-
pressing his gratitude that he was at home
among loyal mcn-among the great uncon-
tdftional Union party. Under the flag now
there such speech as he was going to
make could not have been made six years
ago-it would have been inadmissable.
The flag was the property Of loyal men,
and in this celebration none others have
the right or the disposition to join us. He
doubted whether the flag was floating any
where south OF the Potomac except where
there was military force. The matter of
secession il at an end so far a. mere ply
steal force is concerned, but the spirit is
not al an end. He did not believe that
there was any wish for restoration at the
South. lie would be glad indeed if he
could summon from the South such wish.
Those who said they were for restoration
did not tell the truth. The feeling in the
southern country among leading men is
more intensely bitter against the Govern
ment than at any time during the war.
They have not the power to take up arms,
but the ,oW was there. If they had the
controlling power they would not allow
Union man to live in a southern State.
lie spoke in reference to the feeling in his
own State, and gave the editors Of news
papers in Virginia q passing notice. The
Virginians who followed the fortunes of
the State were denounced as traitors, and
compared to horse thieves and pirates, who
were not worthy Of protection. He was
not bound to defend traitor. After re-
ferring to "taxation without representa-
tion," he said that the representatives of
the South abandoned their positions when
they should have held fast.
To the question, propounded by himself,
what ought to be now done he answered,
the first duty was to have every prominent
rebel in the South arrested. He would
have done it, and would have had them
tried by military court and condemned
to death. If Mr.. johnson (meaning the
Prcsidcnt) had done this, and afterwards
interposcd his pardon, he would not COM
plain. But he himself would not have
given any mercy, but would have made an
example for all future time. The speaker
thought Mr.. johnson believes honestly
and acts from feeling of bencvolence in
The exercise of the pardoEing power. He
(Mr. Botts) had sacrificed more than any
man in the United States because Of the
position he took, believing, as he did, that
treason should he regarded as crime and
made Odious; but after time no steps
were taken to arrest disloyalty, and he
then ceased in his action.
Congress has made a great mistake. The
southern States are not out of the Union,
and never could be. There was no power
to give the right of expatriation-men
could go away, but there was no power
anywhere to make or allow States to 60
out. He contended, however, that the
people of the South had made themselves
aliens by swearing allegiance to another
de facto government, and were now en-
titled to no privileges. A law of naturaliza-
ton was the only way in which they could
again become citizens, with necessary con-
! ditiOnS attached.
lie contcndcd that the pardons granted
by the President were not worth one cop
per. There is no power to pardon before
conviction, and he read various authorities
to justify his position.
A brief review of the possession of the
Government by the Democratic party from
the time of Jefferson to 1861 was made
in which the speaker was not by any
means complimentary to that party, show
| ing more of mere partisan animus than any
thing else in the spirit of his remarks
When the war was inaugurated, Mr.. Lin.
coin was justified in calling for the first
scventy-fve thousand men to protect the
capital; and what an arrant knavc, a dcspi.
cable traitor, would he have been had he
not done so.
As to the doctrine of secession, he I'm.
qualifedly denied that it was ever taught
in the schools of Virginia or anywhere
else.
State sovereignty, he said, was a gross
! humbug-there was no such thing-nO
State had any sovereignty except Texas
for about thirty days, when she was apply.
| ing for admission here. This was intended
to be, and was, a consolidated government
for the exercise of every sovereign power
for all national and all foreign purposes
there was not and could not be divided
sovereignty. And it will so remain unit
the people of the United States, not Vir
ginia or Maryland or any other State, shall
decree otherwise.
! lie denied that any State right had beer
swept away by the war. The southern
States were wrong, and whenever they
show that they have any feeding in COM
mon with the United States, then let them
come in.
In reference to the freedmen, he asked
"What is to be done with the emancipatcd
of those who would admit them to the
right of suffrage. But if forced upon me,
| shall not resist it. | will 60 away when
| cannot do better" He argued that il
the voting privilege was given to the ne
groes in the South, they will vote for the
Democratic party. The whites in the South
cannot resist the influences brought to bear
upon them, and why should the negro
The privilege of voting would be the enter
ing wedge to the determination of the race.
He would not recommend negro suffrage.
lie spoke of the proposed constitutional
amendment, and said it could not be car
ricd. He could name twelve States who
would not sanction it. He gave a parting kick
to the Democrats in connection with his
irreprcsSible objection to them. He ap-
pcalcd to Senator Nye to advocate law to
be passed by Congressth no man shall hold
office who ever took part voluntarily in the
rebellion. He did not believe man went
into the rebellion who did not know he was
doing wrong.
Why, it was but the other day that
met in the city Of Washington an old
friend who had been up to the time of the
rebellion lifelong Wing and Union man
but who took part in the war. After the
usual salutations among friends, said to
him: "Well, how is everything going on
in Richmondi" "Well," he said, "very
fiat and very dull" Now, this entleman was
a lawyer. He was member Ofthe Legis.
lature, and pious man, who took the am.