The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1866-07-18
SPEECH OF MIR. BYNUM,
OF LINCOLN,


Delivered IN C0nvention, Saturday, June 9,
1866, on the proposition to amend the COnsti-
tuition Of the State, so as to base representa-
ton on aohite population, in both branches of
the Legislature.
Mr.. PRESIDENT Having as the organ of
the Committee, to whom the matter was re-
ferred, reported the ordinance before the Con-
vention, it may not be improper for me to
make brief explanation of the ordinance,
and the views of a part of the Committee
who did not concur in the list section of Or
dinance as reported.
The Constitution declares that the House
of Commons shall be composed of one hun
dred and twenty members, to be elected by
counties, according to their respective num-
bers, which shall be determined by adding
to the whole number of free persons three
fifths of all other persons. The recent Ordi-
nance of our Convention, abolishing slavery
in the State has made all the inhabitants of
the State free persons" so that, unless the
Constitution shall be amended, it, by its own
force, changes the basis of representation,
contrary to the intention of the trainers of
it, and against the organic will of the people.
The basis of representation having been
thus destroyed, as result of the late war,
the question was presented to the Committee,
what shall be the future basis of apportion
ment? Shall it be the number of taxable
polls2 Shall it be the number of legal vo-
tiers? Shall it be the whole population,
only2 The two first propositions, of taxable
polls or legal voters, seemed inadmissible to
the Committee, because the first would be in
part, black basis and the second would be
too difficult Of ascertainment with exactness,
to afford stable and reliable basis To
adopt the whole population white and black,
as the true basis of representation, seemed to
the Committee unjust and inexpedient, as it
conferred political power without mourning
the corresponding political responsibility,
and its manifest tendency and legal effect.
would be, to divert the controlling power of
the State from the hands of the many to the
hands OF the few. Unless the negro is al
lowed the right of suffrage, he cannot be
basis of representation, for true basis i'm
plies the relationship of constituents and
representative, of voter and the person voted
for l do not say that would oppose a
limited negro suffrage, but until he is allow
eel to vote, see no more justice in counting
him In the apportionment, than in counting
the trees OF forest as basis of apportion-
ment. He neither asks or desires it, and the
only effect OF such procedure would be. to
increase the present inequality of political
power OF the white population, without any
benefit to the negro, or equivalent to the
State at large.
1t has been urged by some, that if we
adopt tile black population as basis of ap-
portlonment, like basis will be adopted in
the Federal Constitution, and thus give us
more members of the House of Representa-
uyes. This objection is founded in mis-
apprehension. There is no proposition be-
lore Congress, and it is plain that there will
be none, to make the negro basis of amor
uonment, unless he is allowed the right of
suffrage
Sir, SIX years ago, few of us believed the
negro would ever be liberated In the Soutb
by any human power. Two years ago. few
OF US believed that he would be set free bv
an Ordinance of our own people. One wear
ago, lew OF us believed he would be allowed
10 TESTIFY against white man; and six
months ago, few of us believed that he would
De made the equal of the white man before
Ine law. believe that the end is not vet
Even II the pressure of Federal power should
be removed, there is turned loose upon ne IN
element of physical power and social dis
turoance, that demands the highest order of
wisdom and craftsmanship to control and
engraft into our political system as an ele.
ment OF strength, security or peace. We nav
postpone; we cannot escape the encounter
Whne free negroes were few and snarseIy
scattered over the State, they were lost in tbe
general mass, without the power of oroan;.
zatlon, or the numbers to excite annreban.
slon- Now we have one-third of the entire
population of the State, released from tbe
bonds Of slavery, clothed with all the mini.
ments of law, planted in representative
government whose political dogmas. bills of
ngnt, and Constitutions, proclaim eoualitv.
with strong dispositions to Organization
passionate, senuous, impossible to influences
from without and within the State in a na.
ton now dizzy with the dreams, the insnira.
uons, or, more probably, the ,fanaticism of
'oclal and political progress, and this too
az the end of civil war which has upbcaveJ
tne foundations, of the social fabric. sbatter-
edlthe Constitution, reyolutionized the Gov
eminent, and embodied its final results in
organized radicalism and Constitutional in
tolerance. .Fhls powerful element NAV byooL
delay, but not defeat. When eous, t o;,,;i
nights are conceded, political .r;obts oonnnt
D .T long withheld. When you declare that
all poiitical power is vested in and derived