The Wheeling daily register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1864-1878, 1866-10-31

the men ct all qualified for such control,
and they, rs general thing, not Of the
most intelligent and capable classes.
No such sweeping and indiseriminate
prescription is remembered since the
days of Phillip H., of Spain. 1t is not
to be expected that in this age and coun-
try, and with our race, a majority Of the
educated men of ten States will long
submit to be excluded from all share in
making and administering the laws by
which their lives, liberties and property
are to be Judged, without the constant
presence and pressure OF q force ade-
auate to coerce obedience. The adOp-
ton of this amendment will involve the
necessity of maintaining an army to en-
force it, which of itself would be dan
gerous to liberty and add greatly to bur
dens Of taxation already grievous.
NO CHANGE REQUIRED.
can see no good to result from the
proposed amendments. seemuch evil.
We had better adhere to the form OF
government which our fathers gave us.
It is in my Judgment the most perfect
political production of human wisdom
and patriotism. For three-quarters of
century it secured US unexampled
prosperity, and at the end of that time
enabled us to meet and overcome the
most stupendous rebellion in the histo-
| ry of nations. Why change it = For
seventy-fve years we had hardly known
that we had a government. When we
did know it we knew it only by its
beneficence, and it has shown itself as
strong as bsneficent, capable Of success
full resistance of the fiercest and most
desperate assaults that it is possible to
make upon government. Why change
| 1t lust as it has vindicated its power,
and lifted us to an eminence among the
nations of the earth we never till now
attainedf
We have tried the old Constitution
and know it's capabilities. We have
not tried the new, as proposed, but can
readily see the confusion and disaster
which it would bring. We had better
let we'll enough alone; but, if we should
change it at all, we should not change
it now. The public temper was never
less auspicious to calm, conscientious,
wise consideration of great questions OF
state. Passion and prejudice should
never lay rude hands upon fundamental
and organic laws. In day they may
do mischief which years of repentant,
patriotic labor may not repair. In
day they may open pandoras box
which the patriotism and statesman
ship of century may not be able to
shut.
THE ELECTIONS.
I do not regard the recent and pend
ing elections as indicative Of the judg-
ment of the people of the Northern
States upon the Constitutional amend
mcnts. They were not the issues pre-
sented to and considered by the people.
They have not been calmly and dispas-
sionately discussed and reflected upon;
The people have had their fears alarmed
and their passions and prejudices arous-
ed, and perhaps never formed under
more delusive ideas as to the character
of the issue before the country. The
people have been assured that President
Johnson is traitor and usurper. He
has usurped no power; when the insur-
rectionary governments were over
thrown and expelled the States were
left with Constitutions which, accord
ing to the most solemn sanctions of the
Federal Constitution, had been declared
republican in form, and under which
those States had, for many years, main
tanned their place as constituent men,
bers of the Union, but they had no
organizations under their Constitutions.
THE PRESIDENT AND THE PROVISIONAL
GOVERNORS. Il
The President, therefore, deeming it
what was his imperative duty, as Com
mander- in Chief, to do, and what he
would have been most culpable for not
doing, prevented anarchy by appoint
ing temporary Provisional Governors,
under whose advice the people brought
their regular governments again into
operation under their constitutions.
This was q thing with which Congress
had nothing to do. 1t was matter
purely of military cognizance. The
public enemy had just been expelled by
military force, and it was the duty of
the Commander in Chief to see to it
that anarchy and confusion did not en-
sue, and that the machinery Of the
legitimate government was again put
in operation for the preservation of or
der and the protection of life, liberty
and property from lawless violence. 1t
was the duty of the President, too, as
the executive head of the nation, to see
to it that the national laws were exc
cuted, and that the relations between
the States and the Federal Government
were restored.
President Lincoln had taken precise
ly this action in respect to Virginia,
Tennessee, Louisiana and Arkansas, for
which he was applauded and indorsed
by Congress during the first three years
of the war, and thereafter vehemently
denounced by the same men who now
most vehemently denounce President
johnson for precisely the same reasons.
A protest was issued by the Radicals
against Mr.. Lincoln's denomination to
the Presidency, and Convention called
at Cleveland to supercede him as the
candidate for resolutely adhering to his
restoration policy, which both Houses
of Congress had repeatedly indorsed
during the first half Of the war. In the
appeal then made by the Radicals from
President Lincoln to the war party,
they were overwhelmingly defeated,
and his policy indorscd by the party
and the country.
President johnson strictly adhered to
the policy Of Mr.. Lincoln, and it was
not until long after the governments Of
all the Southern States had been or