Rutland weekly herald. [volume] (Rutland, Vt.) 1859-1877, 1866-03-01
RUTLAND HERALD.
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY %, 1866.


rights, that animated the majority OF
Congress in voting for the Freedmen's
Bureau bill. But he would pursue an
essentially different course. Represents
what he deems legal or constitutional
objections TO the bill in question, but he
also indicates that he is opposed to any
such bill on general grounds. He goes
further and advocates the Immediate
admission of the Southern States torep-
resentation in Congress. The majority
In Congress believe in frst securing
guarantees of permanent loyalty ON the
part of the lately rebellious people, Of
permanent peace to the country and Of
actual as well as nominal freedom to
the late slaves. The President would
Immediately admit the Southern States
"to all their relations TO the United
States," and trust to the good feeling
thus engendered for the attainment OF
all the desired ends. The majority in
Congress would make those ends as sure
IS possible before placing the late rebels
In condition to endanger their attain
ment.
The Presidents objections to the de-
tails of the bill in question, we do not
undertake to discuss at length now. 1t
seems that Senator Trumbull, who in
PRODUCED the bill in the Senate, does not
understand its meaning and effect as the
President does in many particulars.
But back OF all this, as it seems to us,
the President discloses the most essen
tial difference between him and Con-
press to be that above indicated,-a diff
ference as to the means for securing per
manent loyalty, peace and protection to
all classes.
The Boston Advertiser well says
"On the general question, as to the
maintenance of an efficient government
agency for protecting and relieving the
freedmen, there is no doubt as to the
direction of public opinion. Although
the government has not hitherto con-
cerned itself with the relief of any class
of INDECENT persons, it is impossible to
ignore the fact that it now has new
unprecedented obligation to perform this
office. Three or four millions of people
have been suddenly thrown upon their
own resources, If we may use this eX-
preston in speaking of those who have
none, by the act of the government
itself. The respective states in which
these people are found are unable, even
Z 4lo., yuil1inC n TArNUiin fnf their
wants and their organization as part
of society these states are even unable
to provide for the wants of their own
white inhabitants. Can the United
States under such circumstances decline
to rescue from temporary misery those
whom they have freed, or to protect
them from the wrongs threatened by an
unsettled state of society, and to which
their condition makes them peculiarly
subject?
We apprehend that Congress passed
the existing act organizing the bureau,
suite as much from sense OF this obl1-
aation, as from any view of the act as
Iope of many great and extraordinary
measures to suppress formidahle re-
bellion." The act was passed in MaTch
last. to continue in force during the war
and for one year thereafter. That limit,
as well as the provisions OF the act,
shows that it was as much a re- organ
izing as a military measure; and there
fore so far from approaching the objec-
ton that peace and the anti-slayery
amendment can have limited the demand
for power to make the bureau efficient,
we must confess that to US those events
ka ~ haUn innrpQ cod
the necessity for a strong and extensive
organization, until the temporary ne
oessity now existing shall have passed
away.
1t is undoubtedly true that, as the
President observes, no good reason can
be advanced "why as permanent es-
aablishment," the bureau should be
founded for one class or color of our
people more than another, and in fact
Ii is made to include all colors, both
freedmen and refugees coming within
its provisions. But nobody, we appre-
bend, expects or desires the establish
ment in any case to be permanent. Its
purpose is essentially temporary; its
powers and jurisdiction are naturally
incident to the continuance OF military
authority, now maintained and exer-
cised by the Executive,-with vigor
which we are often glad to commend
through eleven States; to its necessity
General Grant testified in the brief re-
port which the President transmitted to
the Senate early in the session. And as
for the evils resulting from the patron
age and expense involved even In tenn
porary continuance of the bureau, 1t is
perhaps enough to say that both Con-
gress and the people were willing to
trust all that to Mr.. Johnson himself as
the chief executive magistrate.
But even q veto OF the bill on general
grounds, such as those which we have
briefly noticed, does not necessarily i'm
port any breach between MIR. Johnson
and his political friends. Although the
bill is lost, all else is not lost. 1t is
quite possible, as Mr.. Lincoln showed,
for President to use this power against
the majority of his supporters aud still
Slight his battles within the lines of his
party" Governor Andrew, on smaller
scale, gave many remarkable proofs OF
this nnssihllity of diffarpnc. amnnU