Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1866-02-07

black man IN slavery as long as he has. That
Is all true. Again, we talk about the Declare
ton of Independence and co uality before the
law. You understand all that, and know how
to appreciate it. But, now, let Us look each
other in the face; let us 90 TO the great mass OF
colored men throughout the slave States; let
us take the condition in which they are at the
present tme-and IL Is bad enough we all
know-and suppose by some magic touch you
morrow how much would that ameliorate
their condition at this timel
talk about 1t. What relation has the colored
man and the white man heretofore occupied in
the Southl 1 opposed slavery upon two
grounds. First, 1t was great monopoiyten-
ablng those who controlled and owned il to
constitute an aristocracy, enabling the few TO
derive great profits and rule the many with
iron rod, as 1t Were. And that is one great OBJ
lection TO II in Government, its being q mo-
nopoly. was opposed to it secondly upon
the abstract principle Of slavery. Hence, in
getting clear Of monopoly, we We're getting
clear OF slavery at the same time. So You see
there were two right ends accomplished in the
accomplishment Of the one.
Mr.. Douglas.-Mr. President, do you wish
The PRESIDENT am not quite through yet.
Slavery has been abolished, a great national
guaranty has been given, one that cannot be
revoked. was getting at the relation that sub
sisted between the white man and the colored
men. very small proportion of white per-
sons compared with the whole number Of such,
owned the colored people of the South. L
might instance the State of Tennessee In Illus
tration. There were there % non-slaveholders
TO one Shareholder, and yet the slave power
controlled that State. Let MS talk about this
matter as ii is. Although the celored man was
IN slavery there, and owned as property in the
sense and in the language of that locality and
OF that community, yet, in comprising his con-
dition, and his position there with the non-
Shareholder, he usually estimated his import
ance inst in proper ton to the number of slaves
that his master owned, with the on-slaye.
holder.
Have you never lived upon a plantation!
Mr.. Douglas. 1 have, your EXceIlency.
The President-W hen you would look over
and see a man who had a large family, strug-
CLING hard upon poor piece of land, you
thought a great deal less of him than you did
of your own master!
Mr.. Douglas.-Not l.
The President-WeIl, know such was the
case with a large majority of you in those Sec
tons. Where such is the case we know there
is an enmity, We know there is a hate. The
poor white man, on the other hand, was op-
posed to the slave and his master; for the COL
ored man and his master combined kept him
in slavery, by depriying him Of a fair partici-
patton in the labor and productions Of the rich
land OF the country.
Don't you know that a colored man in going
TO hunt n master las they call it, for the next
year, preferred hiring TO a man who owned
slaves rather than to one who did mott l know
tie fact, at all events. They did not con slider
ii quite respectable TO hire to a man who did
not not own negroes As to one who did.
MI. Douglas.-Because he wouldn't be treated
well.
The Presi6ent-Then that is another argu-
ment in favor of what L am going to say. 1t
shows that the colored man appreciated the
slave owner more highly than he did the man
who dldn [ own slaves. Hence the enmity be-
tween the colored man and the non-siave-
holders. The white man was permitted
to vote before Government WIS derived from
him. He is part and parcel Of the political
Now by the rebellion or revolution and
when you come back to the objects of this war
you mad that the abolition OF slavery was not
one of the objects, Congress and the President
himself declared that il was waged on our part
in order to suppress the rebellion. The aboli-
tion ct slavery has come as an incident to the
suppression of great rebellion-as an incl
DENT and as an incident we should give it the
proper direction.
The colored man went into this rebellion a
slave; by the operation OF the rebellion he came
out fTeedman--equal to freedman in any
other portion of the country. Then there is a
great deal done for him on this point. The
non Shareholder who was forced into the re-
bellion, and was as loyal as those that lived
beyond the limits of the State, was carried into
it, and his property, and in a number of in
stances, the lives Of such were sacrificed, and
he who has survived has come out OF il with
nothing gained but great deal lost.
Now, upon a principle Of justice, should
they be placed in q condition different from
what they We're before On the one hand, one
has gained a great deal; on the other hand one
has lost great deal; and, in a political point
Of view, scarcely stands where he did before
Now, we are talking about where we are
going 10 begin. We have got at the hate that
existed between the two races. The query
COHleS up WuttneT tuese TWO races, situated
they were before, without preparation, without
time tor passion and excitement to be appeased
and without time for the slightest i'm.
provement, whether the one should be turned
loose upon the other and be thrown together
at The ballot-box, with this enmity and hate
existing between them. The query comes
up if right there we don't commence war of
races. 1 think understand this thing-and
especially 10 this the case when you force il
upon people without their consent
You have spoken about Government. Where
ia nnxxrar Iarax fra NJ
from the people. Let us take it SO and refer to
the District OF Columbia, by way ofillustration
Suppose, for instance, here, in this political
community, which to a certain extent must
have Government must have law, and put-
ting il now upon the broadest basis you can
put lt-take into consideration the rela-
ton which the white has heretofore borne
to the colored race, is IL proper TO force upon
this community, without their consent, the
elective franchise, without regard to color, ma
king il universal.
Now, where do you begin7 Government
must have controlling power; must have a
lodgment. For instance, suppose Congress
should pass law authorizing an election to
be held al which all over 81 years of age, with
out regard to color, should be allowed TO vote,
and ajority should decide at such election
that the elective franchise should not be uni
yersal, what would you do about it! Who
would settle 1t. Do yen deny that first great
principle of the right OF the people to govern
themselves! Will you resort to an arbitrary
power, and say majority of this people shall
receive a state of things they are opposed tol
MIR. Douglass.-That was said before the
war.
The Presdent.-I am now talking about a
principle, not what somebody else said.
Mr. Downing.-Apply what you have said,
MIR. President, to South Carolina, for instance
The President-Suppose you 60 to South
Carolina suppose you 60 TO Ohio. That
doesn't change the principle at all The
query to which L have referred still comes
up when Government is undergoing a
fundamental change. Government COM
menced upon this principle; il has existed
upon it; and you propose now to incorporate
into ID an element that didn't exist before. /
say the query comes up in undertaking this
thing, whether we have right to make
change in regard to the elective franchise in
Ohio, for instance. Whether we shall not let
the people in that State decide the matter for
themselves.
Each community is better prepared to deter
mine the depository of its political power than
anybody else, and it is for the legislature. for
the people of OHIO to say who shall vote, and
not fer the Congress of the United States i
might 60 down here to the ballot box to-mor-
row and vote directly for universal suffrage,
but If great majority of the people said no,
l should consider it would be tyranical
in me to attempt TO force such upon them
without their Will. 1t is a fundamental
in ha