The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-08-04

crude propositions and frultless debate. Tue |
committee on the part of the Senate was |
strong onei but the members on the part OF the |
House OF representatives can scarcely be said, |
upon the whole, to have added to its weight. |
Mr.. Stevens is man in whose patriotism and |
earnestness the Northern people have faith, but |
In whose Judgment and tact they have very little
confidence. Some other members were rather |
noted Tor brillancy than for dscretion and it |
must be sad II the plain truth is told. that the
country would have been more satisfied with
the opinions of Mr.. Fessenden and Judge Trum-
bull, without the aid of the nine members from
the lower House, than it was with that aid.
In January, the feeling OF the House of Re-
presentatives upon the suffrage question was
plainly manifested by the passage OF bill esta-
blishing manhood suffrage in the District OF
Columbia by a vote of 1l6 to 81, some twenty
"Union" members voting in the negative-all
from the border States. The bill has been seve-
raj times brought up In the Senate, but never
finally voted upon, owing to the fear of a veto.
Here, IL seems to us, is clear case OF derelic-
ton of duty. The bill should have been modi.
fed so as to secure two-hirds vote and then
passed into a law. If Congress is not prepared
to allow colored men to vote upon any terms IN
Washington, where they form so large q part of
the population, 1T can hardly be iusufed in de-
mBnding that the Southern States should do so.
1t is conceivable that in States having only
minute proportion of the colored race in their
population, distinction may be made between
their case and that of States where two-6fths or
more OF the whole people are disfranchised; and
there may be some excuse Tor claiming that the
ment, while the latter are not. There is, more
over, an undoubted distinction between the
States which Rave preserved loyal governments
and those which have not. Over the former,
Congress has no power to regulate the suffrage,
according to the general belief OF the Commu-
nlty, while over the latter the weight of opinion
asserts its authority. But both arguments apply
to the District of Columbia with at least as much
force as to Arkansas. In hesitatlng to deal with
this subject, therefore, the Senate has weakened
its moral power over the whole ques ton.
So far as the non-potica rights of the colored
people are concerned, Congress has displayed
most com mendable frmness and courage. The
failure of the first Freedmen's Bureau bill can
not be charged upon the majority, and even
the minority upon that issue proved that they
we've not all uniaithul. The amended bill,
purged from some features of at least doubtful
merit, was finally enacted by q two-tnirds vote
over veto. The passage OF the Civil Rights bill
and OF the Constitutional amendment were,
however, the great events OF the session, and
largely redeemed the reputation OF Congress
from the charge OF timidIty. The promptness
and emphasis with which the former measure
was passed over the veto had most inspiring
effect upon loyal men throughout the whole land.
Much complaint was made of the delay of
Conoress IN determining upon policy of recon-
struction. But, as we have shown the subject,
in itself difficult enough, was involved in still
more difficulty by tho obstinate attitude of the
President, and the anxiety of good people, who
could not believe him TO be treacherous, to have
their representatives avoid all conflict with him.
Two-thirds OF the session was spent in vain but
welmeant efforts to harmoHizej the executive
and legislative branches OF the Government.
Mr. johnson repudiated his own propositions,
when indorsed by Congress, and proved that he
was determined TO break up the party to which
he owed all his hOnors. Some OF us had long
toreseen this result; but the PEOPLE, generally,
would have refused to sustain Congress in
accepting the breach before 1t was clearly in
evitable.
There is every reason to hope for even better
things from this Congress at its next session
fhov1 % lnGf IfG hu
the people, SO tar as 1t has gone, 1t has, in the
main, deserved such support 1t has doue
nothing harsh or unjust to the South. Its offers
of reconstruction are, it anything, too libPral
but it has not tied its bands from modifying its
terms next winter, il they are not accepted now.
Under all the circumstances, II may well be
doubted whether 1T would have been possible to
elect Congress that would have done better
If we are dissatisfied that it has not gone far
enough il is nevertheless true that others blame
it as having gone too far.
We have freely Censured the practice of
repressing real debate, and encouraging Satur.
day afternoon speeches. In this respect the
Thirty-ninth Congress has erred even beyond
the measure of its predecessors. But it has
followed the disposition Of the American people,
who love speeches when they have no practical
bearing or result and detest them when import
ant questions are awaiting decision. The fault
is not Congressional merely, but national.
The final action of the two houses upon the
Tax and Tariff bills was wise In the matter of
the currency, we think they made mistake
tonary power for which he has not proved his
fitness-but in resisting all attempts at contrac-
ton. The country will soon learn wisdom upon
! these questions, and mould Congress to its will.
We cannot say chat the prevailing sentiment of
the people was not in accordance with the action
of Congress- for we think it dictated that action.
The manufacturing classes, especially, seemed
| to dread return to specie payments, strongly
and opposed all efforts in that direction.
The question of adjournment was difficult
| one. The recent intelligence from New Orleans
| may raise doubt whether a liGtle delay might
\ not have been iudicious; but long sessions are
! mschievous in their effect upon Congress, and
disagreeable to the people, whose financial IN
terests are prejudiced by the doubt which hangs
over the system OF taxation until Congress has
| actually gone home. We certainly do not think
! that Congress should keep i'll perpetual session
| tor the protection of ofice-holders however
meritorious they may be; and the general inte-
rests OF the country win probably not suffer by
! allowing the President TO develop his real dis
position for the next tour months If he does
any great mischief, it will have salutary effect
upon the public mind, which may more than
| counterbalance the evil. ....
Though not without many and grave defects
we gladly accord to the present Congress the
credit of high patriotism, ferVent love of
| justice, zeal for liberty, and UNION of courage
with moderation which will make it memorable
in history. Its faults have been mainly negative
it's virtues positive. Nearly all that 1t has done
| has been good; and If it has tailed 70 do as
| much good as seemed TO some possible, yet that
| is q fault common to all mankind. In time of
supposed reaction, II has advanced the standard
| of progress; in the midst OF treachery, 1t has
stood nobly faithful; surrounded by cowardly
advisers, it has maintained mdaunted courage
II its rhetoric has sometimes excited smile, it
Is only iair 10 remember that such rhetoric is
traditionary, and that the giants" OF the last
4 L. l.aI l.