Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1866-03-08

are moulding its legislation. They have
lost sight of the people and the substance
oil the Government. They have control
ed the elections for five years, and
those five years have been years OF
ruin. They falter at the future
They believe they can, with the help of the
votes OF 100000 negroes and the exclusion
of the votes of over 100000 Southern peo-
pie and the plunder of the South for their
supporters, maintain an ascendancy over over
the conservative masses OF the North. Inc
present Congress met in December, 1850,
with the Union restored. During the ses-
sion the Southern States presented legally
chosen Representatives, who asked, but
were refused, admission. Congress, at the
outset, gagged itself, by comforting its pow
ers upon committee instructed to attemp.
the disorganization of the Southern States.
The whole session has been consumed, so
far In taking testimony at great expense to
show that the Union cannot be restored.
To inaugurate universal negro suffrage
theyi commenced with the District of CO.
luuibia. A bill passed the House comforting
the right of suffrage on the negro in that
District against the will of the people,
but vet awaits, i'm the Senate, further
developments. They have also proposed
an amendment TO the Constitution to
extend the elective franchise to all
persons, without distinction of COLOR
Also. another amendment 10 regulate the
right of suffrage in all the States OF the
Union. Also, another amendment to en-
force protection to lie, liberty and proper
ty In all the States. Also, another amend
ment to make voters the basis of represen-
tation, thereby entirely ignoring four
fifths OF all the people in the Union. Large
bundles of half-digested writing are daily
proposed in Congress, by the little states
men of to-day, as y substitute for the sa-
cred work of the great statesmen OF the
past, and to be reported upon soon by the
committee. All these measures are for the
negro. From all these propositions can be
gathered, only, negro suffrage; negro SUI
periority over the white people of the
South negro officeholding; negro equali-
ty exclusion of white people from gov
ernment--all of which assume, If made
part OF the Constitution, condition of
perpetulty, accompanied with unlimited
power, concentrated and consolidated, so
that the States will have left but the for
bearance of Congress as the only safe
guard of liberty. Our Constitution will
become, simply, grant of legislative
power to Congress. The power usurped
and exercised to exclude representatives,
to disfranchise States and people, to pre-
scribe test oaths and other tests, is subvers-
i've of equal government, and is fitting
prelude TO that despOtism which frowns
from the brow of revolutionary Congress.
1t is strange that Constitution suited TO
twenty-five millions of white people, pro-
ducing prosperity when obeyed, and mis-
fortune only when violated, should now
be deemed insufficient for three millions of
negroes!
While all these proposed Constitutional
amendments have been kept in allegiance,
and Congress has been speculating with
the temporary suspension OF the relations
OF the South to the Union, until the public
mind should become familiar with and toll
crate the permanency of the suspension, an
important measure was being matured as
an entering wedge for all these revolution
ary schemes. The Freedmen's Bureau bill,
recommended by its charitable appearance
and ostensible humanity, and, besides, hav-
ing precedent in operation in the South,
was brought forth "a bill to establish
military Jurisdiction over all parts of
the United States containing refugees
and freedmen-to create a large and perma-
nent standing army-to require salaried
agents, without number, in every State
county, and parish in the South-to invest
these agents with supreme power over the
negro, and over all questions between the
negro and citizen, and to try all white per-
sons who might be charged with offenscs
against the negro, upon negro testimony,
without Indictment or jury and without
anv fixed rules of law or evidence, and to
infict such punishment as the bureau agent
might see proper, and in which proceeding
there was no appeal to any court. The
power of the bureau was to be supreme
over State Constitutions, State officers and
courts and laws, and was to be administer
ed by that class who would seek alivelihood
in such occupation! All the negroes were
to be fed, clothed and supported by the
General Government; out of the treasury
of the United States, was to be paid the eX
penses of erecting school houses, and asy-
lums, and negro churches and hospitals,
and the lands of the residents were to be
taken away and given to the negroes
Every section of the bill was violation of
the whole scope and purport of the Consti-
tuition, and was, in effect, a bill to enslave
and impoverish the white people OF the
South, and to establish, in the general ruin,
the negro race, at the expense of Northern
labor. This bill totally ignored the South
ern States as being in the Union and the
Southern people as having any rights un-
der the Constitution. With this bill law
and in operation, and followed up by the
Constitutional amendments proposed, the
work of disunion would be complete and
permanent. 1t would have prostrated the
whole agricultural eystem of the South,
destroyed its commerce and the revenue of
the Government, and increased the public
debt, perhaps, one hundred millions of dol
lars, yearly. BY the veto OF this bill, the
plans of the disunionists are, for the time
being, broken up. The work OF the whole
session has come to naught, and their mo-
tives are exposed to public view. Presi-
dent johnson has denounced these workers
of disunionin in the following language:
81 have fought traitors and treason in
the South. | opposed the Davises and
TOombses, the Slidells, and long list of
others, whose names need not repeat; and
now, when turn round, at the other end
of the line find men. l care not by what
name you call them Ia voice, Call them
traitors'l, who still stand opposed to the res
tOration of the Union of the States. And
am free to say to you, that | am still for
the preservation of this compact; | am
still in favor of this great Government of
ours going on and following out its own
destiny. IA voice, Give US the names
A gentleman calls for their names; well l
suppose should give them. A voice,
we know them. Hook upon them, re-
peat 1t, as President or citizen, as much OPP
posed to the fundamental principles of this
Government, and believe they are as much
laboring to prevent or destroy them, as
were the men who fought against us. A
voice, What are their names?l / say
Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, tire
mendous applausel; say Charles Sumner,
T,yraat annlauae1. 4 eaV Wpndell Phillins