The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1866-04-01

/ -
The New York Commercial Adver.
tiser is one of the oldest, sblest and
most influential newspapers in the
United States. 1t is, besides, one OF
The most honest ard Independent. 1t
believes, with some Of the radicals that
the insurrectionary States ought to be
regarded and treated rs territories, and
is, therefore, opposed to the Presi-
dents policy. Nevertheless, it does
not believe in the loose construction Of
the Constitution which prevails, nor in
the desire to centralize which has
taken deep root in the breasts Of lead
ing men North As might have been
expected, it discusses the veto fairly
and candidly We quote an extract or
two:
President johnson has followed up his
veto of the Freedmen's Bureau Bill, by re-
turning the Civil Rights Bill TO the house
in which Is or ginated. He takes up each
section Of the bill and condemns each IN
turn. His reasoning Is cogent and must lie
satisfactory % all who respect the limita-
tons Of he Constitution and Federal power,
who desire economy of administration and
who correctly estimate the true "a ue OF
State rights. IL can only be distateiul 10
those who have gone wild upon the negro
question, and who are anxious Tor legisla-
non which shall especially benefit the
black man. The guarantee Of freedom to
the late slave; the recognition OF the per
feet equality before the law Of black and
white, without especial favor 10 either, arc
measures demanded alike by justice and
humanity, but they may be 30 stated in
| legislation that they tend TO break down
the common barriers of law and infringe
upon the rights reserved 70 the States. The
President objects TO the declaration Of
negro citizenship in this Law because he
deems it unnecessary.
We have often heretofore had occasion
20 commend the President for his steady
and firm assertion of the true doctrine OF
the Consultation, which is opposed to the
pernieious theories Of Capitalization and
consolidation 50 prevalent in Congress. In
his veto message, he has again asserted
the supremacy OF the constitutional princi-
nile which leaves the States TO protect and
punish the citizen, except when he violates
laws made in c-Onsonance with the powers
expressly delegated 10 Congrefs. Ever
s,nee the war broke out, the tendency to-
ward central zaeion has been marked. The
enormous patronage Of this war coneentrat-
ed IN a few hands, and the conduct Of the
war directed from a single point, held the
attention Of The people TO that centre, and
prepared them gradually 10 overlook the
eperuachmenis on their rights, and b be
satisfied with the absorption Of power
which was working cat such great results.
The ides Of a splendid and potential Gem
tral Government took an easy hold upon
the imaglnaucns Of polite ans aud law
makers, who wers pulled up with sudden
notorietv. and who believed that the people
who, in their IN euse passioa for the Union,
had sacrificed everything else, would for
get the old and traditional forms, by which
thoir liberties had been secured. That this
plot against the constitutional rights 81 the
people is exposed aud frustrated, Is due 20
the earnestnsss and honesty OF Andrew
| johnson, and 20 the persistent Appeals o.
the few journals and public men who have
not yielded 90 The nlamor Of the hour, and
lost their faith IN the well-balaUcei ana
harmonious institutions bequcathed 10 as
by our fathers.
The President declares that he wiz CO.
operate with Congress in any measures
necessary for the preservation Of the civil
rights OF freedmen, but such measures must
be constitutional ard impartial. Is there
not wisdom enough In Congress 10 discover
fand adopt such measures, or Will that body
prefer 20 wrauFle with the President in the
hope Of making political capitalg There Is
no real occasion Of difference, certainly not
a shadow Of reason Tor hostility. F~sJstics
have but 20 ignore pet measures Of doubtful
eNpediency and 20 ace IN strict accordance
with the Constitution, and they can get
along with Andrew Johnson.