The Wheeling daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1865-1903, 1866-04-10

will be gratifying not only to the menu
bers of Presbytery, butalso to the MEM
bers of the congregation, who are gem
orally patrons OF your valuable and
widely disseminated journal.
a. McFARnASD.
s---------.- s-----.-O .=-- .-=----s----
The President, Congress and the
COuntry.-.The True Ground Well
stated gfg inct 1.t2s5i iiTE -'T
' 10 From Hnper's Weekly.
During the great debate in which the
country il now engaged it is we'll to re-
member that temperance of tone and a
careful regard for truth are always
powerful allies. We have lately had
signal illustrations of the folly ofeX-
travagant statements and personal as
pensions; and there can be no more
palpable abSurditY than that those who
stood steadily together against rebellion
when rebellion was formidable are now
anxious and plotting to surrender the
Governmental rebels defeated and dis
gracet. Yetthese are charges Sravely
made against such men as Charles
Sumner on the one hand, and Andrew
Johnson on the other. Now either or
both of these gentlemen may be mista-
ken in the policy of reorganization
which they favor, but there is surely no
reasonable ground for believing that
ernment. Their views of the true
course to pursue may hopelessly differ,
but certainly while their intentions. are
beyond suspicion the difference of their
views may be discussed without acri-
mony. The situation is entirely with
out precedent, and denunciation, insin-
untion, and fierce partisanship merely
honest differences.
1t is as unjust to assert that Congress
is hostile to the loyal men at the South
as it is to insist that the President is
anxious to have disloyal men sit in
Congress. 1t is as inaccurate to declare
that Congress means to sustain pau
per class of freedmen at the expense of
the Government as to argue TINT the
President intends to betray the freed
men defenSeleSs into the hands ofthose
who hate them. Itis as untrue to say
that the course of Congress violates the
Constitution as that the policy of the
President overthrows it. The truth lies
between all these extremes, as may be
seen by looking ut the last point we
have mentioned. If, for instance, it be
alleged, in defense of what is called tie
Presidents policy, that the war was to
prevent secession; that it was success
ful; that secession was therefore pre-
vented; that the States are now, as be-
fore, in the Union; and that, conse-
quently, Congress has no constitutional
right to prohibit their representation
it is no less true that if those States are
in the Union they were equally SO in
Nav last, and that the President has
no constitutional right to appoint n
Provisional Governor of a State in the
Union. The truth is, that the President
acted from the necessity of the case; and
that must be the principle of action un-
til reorganization is complete. Then,
and not before, the authority which is
nal habit fthe Union is resumed. The
argument is by no means ended, as
Senators Doolittle and Johnson seem to
suppose, when it is proved that the late
rebel States are not out of the Union.
They were not out of the Union a year
ago. Was any representative which
South Carolina might lave chosen to
send to Congress at that time to be
therefore admitted without question /?
No sensible man will affirm such an
absurdity. r,-...s,
Neither the President nor Congress
hold that the mere fact of laying down
arms raised against the Government
proves either the loyalty of those who
surrender or the propriety of admitting
without question the representatives
whom they send. Senator Reyerdy
johnson himself concurred in the e,report
made to the Senate in February of last
year that it was ..imprOper for this body
ana tiLE, BY some JOINT action Of both
Houses, there shall be some recognition
of an existing State GoCetIllKlelit acting
IN harmony nth the G0UeInHleilt sOf. the
United States and recogniZingi its author
ity.''G All that Congress asks is that the
subject shall be Investigated and the
facts ascertained, and for that sole pur-
pose was the Reconstruction Committee
appointed. The President also re-
af1irms the samei principle when he
saws, in speaking of the late rebel
States: "When they comply with the
Constitution, when they khave given
sufficient evidence of their loyalty and
that they can be trusted, when they
yield obedience to the law, 1 say extend
themthe right hand of fellowship and
let peace and union be restored" So
says the President; so say we all. But
here are, points to be decided, and by
whom? 1s,ft not evident that Congress
must decide them for itself before 1t can
.aflmit atisingIe member The Presi-
dent may for himself be satisfied upon
some of these points, and he says 1n his
Veto Message that, in his jugdnIent,
stsome" of the late rebel States may
properly be admitted to representation.
But surely neither he nor any otner
man can expect that his conviction Will
bind Congress. There was never SUBJ
iect, indeed, which required more de-
sIiberate consideration. The honor of
the country pledged to the freedmen;
the security of the national debt; the in.
creased representation given by the
Emancipation Amendment to the late
rebel States; the danger of any risk of
assumption OF the rebel debt in any
,forn-alI REQ Iire the most thoughtful
care in legislation. -e.s54
But the most truly patriotic men may
honestly differ about methods. and If
upon, any point: Congress and the Pres
ident disagree, the Constitution indi-
Gates the course to pursue. He may
interpose, his veto. IfsOongress over
comes it by the Constitutional vote, its
will becomes a law of the United States
which the President is sworn to exc
cute. IF his veto prevails, the viii OF
Congress so; far fails to become law.
But the President, If he have any re-
gard for the dignity of his office or for
the just distribution of powers In this
governments, will be very wary OF de-
olarfuR that his view of the case shall
prevail against that of Congress. The
President is but a coordinate branch of
the Government. He is not the supe-
rior of Congress nor of the Supreme
Court. He is the executive officer OF
the laws Meanwhile his veto of any
measure is deliberate appeal to the
Ecountry upon the point of difference,
and the country will decide the ques-
tion at the ballot-box.
But we confidently trust that no such
appeal will be necessary. The Presl-
dent and Congress have the. same end
in n2yiew. They both desire the resump-
ton by every state Of its relations IN
the Union at the earliest moment con-
Esfstent with the general peace and Sc
curity. and If Congress, accepting the
! EactS nf tho Situafion trusts something