Columbia democrat and star of the north. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1867, 1866-03-21

the adoption of the tAree-fGihs clause but
this would be concession to particular ciI-
cumstances, consisting an exception 10 the
rule and not an abandonment of The rule it.
self. ~ !.
! For the present, in passing upon" the
! Blaine amendment, we can have no diff
Gully in determining that the exception
which it.proposes to the rule of population
is most offensive, unreasonable, and unjust
shall very willingly contribute one Of the
voles by which it shall be condemned.
But there are general objections which
stand opposed 10 any propositions of amend
ments at this timeby Congress- mean the
submission by Congress CT amendments 10
the States for their adoption.
1. FIRST in order is The objection and il is
great il not fatal one, that eleven States
are unrepresentod in the Senate and House
They are not heard in debates which may
affect their interests and welfare in all tu
! lu re time. Nor can those who represent
| them vote here upon any question. know
it may be said that these States Withdrew
| from our panionship in 1851, and that
by their own fault they stand unrepresened
here. This was the answer 10 tie argu-
ment that they were absent when The
| amendment abolishing slavery was under
! consideration in Congress. But 1 insist that
the case has wholly changed since lha,
time. They were then voluntarily absent.
they were destitute OF State organizations
which were in accord with US and submis-
siVe 10 our Constitution and law', and ma
orities Of their population were hostile to
ne and overbore the loyal parts. There was
then total State incapacity, self Produced
Tor any action whatever within this Gov
eminent. They discharged here no duties
and they could exercise no powers. Bot |
how stands the case now What a change !
from that day OF conflict TO this of peace /; /
from rebellion 10 submission ; from hostile |
State organizations to loyal ones Those !
States are not non absent Of choice, but by |
oOT own act, or orr failure 10 act. Their |
representatives stand al our doors, compe-
lent and willing 10 take part in our pro.
ceedings, and 10 assist in the common work
of government The reason which existed !
on former occasion, ar which was urged |
upon former occasion, for our separate I
action in proposing an amendment 10 The |
Constitution wholly fails in the present /
case. There is no necessity now that we
be an ael of choice and not CT compulsion.
lie; tho whole country be represented here
before we enter upon the vTey grave work
of changing the fundamental law which is
TO extend to all and 10 bind all.
?. Another objection to immediate amend
ment is the probability that any amend
ment made al this time will be partisan
amendment. The party in the majority for
lime being will, naturally enough, seek 10
perpetua,e ilS power,tc secure Itself against
fulure changes Of public sentiment, in any
amendmen; which it may propose. Ii 10
not obliged TO consult or concilia,e any op-
posing interesLin proposing or passing
resolution through the TWO Houses OF Con-
gress. PossessinSa a two-lhTds vote in each
House, it can DO and perform It's will in de-
fance o! any opposition or remonsirauce
The temptation TO frame amendments in the
interests OF party will be too strong iof
seli-resislance by The majority. Possess
ing uncontrolled, unchecked power for the
immediate purpose in hand, it is idle to
expect impartial action from it. But God I
forbid that lhe Constitution should be made
the subject Of mere party amendment -
The fact will be both bad in itself and oi
evil example in future times. The excesseS
and injustice of parry, as exhibited in ordi
nary legislation, car be speedily corrected.
Laws can be modified or repealed with
great iscility whenever their iTperfeclions
become manifest; bot The Constitution is
permanent instrument, and bad provisions
once placed in il cannot be easily removed.
3, The members of this Congress were
not chosen with any reference 10 the sut-
ject G! constitutional amendment. Their
aciicn will be voluntary upon this entject,
and quite unpromp,ed By any public senti-
men; manifested in their election. Ii is bni
reasonable that some popular confederation
should be given TO questions OF am mendment |
before they are sanctioned or proposed by
Congress. But no sucn consideration mas
been given by The people to any one OF The
various amendments which are now pro-
posed here. Besides. :his is a war Con-
gress, chosen when passions were warm
and violence abroad in The land. Ilmust
necessarily parsake of The passions OF the
time when its members were chosen, and
be less suited 10 the calm duties OF states.
manshlp involved in proposing amend
meuts.
4. Whatever amendments are now pro-
posed by Congress are to be submitted 10
Legislatures, and not TO popular conven-
,:o,,s r, ID !, S,atos. ,nd rnost of tbosp e0-