The Jackson standard. [volume] (Jackson C.H., Ohio) 1847-1888, 1866-10-04

of the Federal Constitution, the obli-
cations OF which it had r6pudiated.
When confident ofsuccess, the Souther-
Eer scdrnfnlly secuted the mere suspi-
cion OF entertaining such degrading
notion; when assured OF defeat, his only
thousht was TO "get his State back into
the Union Oh the best terms that could
be made" The idea of "conditions OF
readmission" was as firmly fixed in the
Southern as in the Nolthern mind. II
the politicians Of the South now adopt
the principle that the Rebel States have
u0t, as States, ever altered their relation
to the Union, they do it from policy,
finding that its adoption will give them
"better terms" than they ever dreamed
Of getting before the President of the
United States taught them that it would
be more polite to bully than to plead
In the last analysis, indeed, the theory
of the minority of the Reconstruction
Committee reduces the Rebel State to
mere distractions. 1t is plain that a
State, in the concrete, is constituted by
that portionof the inhabitants who form
its legal people; and that, in passing
back ofits government and constitution,
we reach a convention Of the legal peo-
pie as its ultimate expression. by such
conventions the acts Of secession were
passed; and, as faf as the people of the
Rebel States could do it, they destroyed
their States considered as organized
communities forming u part Of the
United States. The claim ofthe United
States to authority over the territory and
inhabitants was of course not affected by
these acts; but in what condition did
they place hopeople? Plainly in the
condition ofrebels, engaged in an at
tempt to oyerturn the Constitution and
government of the United States. AS
the whole force Of the people in each Of
the Rebel communities was engaged in
| this work ,sthe whole of the people were
rebels and public enemies. Nothing
was left, in each case, but an abstract
State, without any external body, and
as destitute Of people having a right to
enjoy the privileges of the Constitution
as if the territory had been swept clean
of population by a pestilence. IL is,
then, only this abstract State which has
arightto representation in Congress.
But how can there be right to repre-
sentation when there is nobody TO be
represented All this may appear pu-
erile, but the puerility is in the premises
as we'll as in the logical deductions; and
the premises are laid down as indisput-
able constitutional principles by the en-
inent jurists who supply ideas for the
National Union Party
The doctrine of the unconditional
right Of the Rebel States to representa-
ton being thus demonstrated absurd
ity, the only question relates to the con
ditious which Congress proposes to im-
pose. Certainly these conditions, as
embodied in the constitutional amend
ment which has passed both houses by
such overwhelming majorities, are the
mildest ever exacted Of defeated enemies
by a victorious nation. There is not a
distinctly radical idea in the whole
alpendment, nt,--nOthing that President
johnson has not himself, within a COM
paratively recent period, stamped with
his high appreciation. Does it ordain
universal suffrage! No Does it ordain
impartial suffrage! No Does it pro-
scribe, distranchise, or expatriate the
recent armed enemies oft the country, or
contiscate their property No. ltsim-
ply ordains that the national debt shall
be paid aud the Rebel debt repudiated:
that the civil rights of all persons shall
be maintained; that the Rebels who
have added perjury to treason shall be
disqualified for Office; and that the Reb-
el States shall not have their political
power in the Union increased by the
presence Oh their soil Of persons to
whom thoy deny political rights, but that
representation shall be based throughout
the Republic on voters, and not on pop.
ulation. The pith of the whole amend
ment is in the last clause; and is tlere
anything in that to which reasonable Oh
lection can be made7 Would it not be
acnrious result Of the war against the
Rebellion, that it should end in confer
ring on a Rebel voter in South Carolina
q power equal in national affairs, to that
of two loyal voters in New York! Can
any Democrat have the face to assert
that the South shouLl have, through its
disfranchised negro freemen alone, a
power in the Electoral College and in
the national House of Representatives
equal to that OF the States of Ohio and
Indiana conbimed2
Yet these conditions, so conciliatory,
moderate, lenient, almost timid, and
which, by the omission ofimpdrlial spf-
tiage, fall very far below the require
ments OF theayerage sentiment OF the
loyal nation. are still denounced by the
new party Of Union az the work Of tu-
lin,ls radicals, bent on destroying the
rights of tho States. Thus Governor
James l.. Orr of South Carolina, a lead
ing Rebel, pardoncd intoa Johnsonian
Union man, implores the people of that
region to send delegates TO the Philadel-
phia Convention on the ground thatits
purpose is to organize conservative"
men ofall sectious aud parties, "to drive
from powcrthat radical party who are
daily trnmpling under foot the COnslitu-