The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1866-02-18

fs
possibly be repA Tics, and relies upon these
misty phrases a. auAs oriies better than the law
and as evidences BETTE than the notorious life
long practices Of the auA 'ors Of the phraseG He
distis from the writings Of the fathers that
which indeed Is the true spirit Of a republic,
but which never was more than q political
dream, except 90 far a. reali 'ed with usJ and
we, even in the favored North, only reach Il IN
theory, and not at all in the practice Of our
institutions. But the argument ON the consti-
tutional guarantee may be taken from the other
point on which Mr.. Summer rests 1.-THE consent
Of the governed. He impeaches the republI-
licauism Of Tennessee, because It governs one
quarter Of its people "without their consent"
and he straightway proposes to make law for
the other three quarters without their consent,
and not only without their consent, but against
their expressed will and In their absence. He
denounces Alabama for dlsffanohising half hsr
people, and he asks tho Senate to initiate what
he denounces. But he rests the proposal 70
govern the States against their viii on ne
absolute necessity, the instinct Of selfpreser-
vation and the rights Of war, (which do not
lose their grasp except with the establishment
Of all needful guarantees = and the Southsfn
States rest their right TO govern part Of Ne
population without their consent on exactly ~
same principles--the absolute necessity Of he
preservation Of society, the instinct Of seE
defence, and the rights Of war acquired over
the slave by those who sold him into slavery.
which rights were transferred to the purchaser.
Thus there Is no great difference between Mr..
Summers position toward the Southern white
man and that white mans position toward tho
negro.
Here and there In this grafton we como upon
striking, IL not quite new reflections whose truth
no reader Of history can doubt One Of the finest
Of these Is that emo individual and no people
can afford to be unjust" The injustice that
we are warned against by this is injustice to
the negro but are we not under equal oblL
CATION to be just to the white mani Mr.. Sum-
ner seems to suppose that the injustice Is
greater or less according to the number of per
sons on whom It falls. Are we then 10 COM
pletely throw down and trsmple upon the
Southern white man for the sake Of the South
ern negroi Shall we ignore and deny tho
rights Of FIVE millions In order that we
may be just to three millionsf Have tho
white people Of the Southern States for
fsited their humanity and all claim upon
our justice by their one grand error Of ~
belllonf The Senator proposes against them
what he fears for the negro, and thus his utter
ance as to injustice outs as kesnly one way ~
the other In his deliberate proposal 10 Do
exactly what he dsnounces, let him DO sure
that the world will remember against him ~
his party hi own dsclssatlon, that "such n
offence will carry with u . curse which sooner
or later must drag II perpetrsscr 10 ~
earth"
We quite agree with Mr. Summer in the grau1
fact that the constitutional amendment gives
Congress full power to settle the position q
the negro In the Southern States, and even 10
give him the suffrage. We are quite sure that
this Grafton has mot shown the necessity, n
justice or even the sxpediency Of this gik
Sull Il may be expedisnt, necessary and jusk
And since Congress has tho power, and ths
radicals rule In Congress, why do they uogdo
what they tell % must be donsi n thsy ~
cerely believe that negro suffrage b lie oss
thing nssdfhi 10 mako ~ . happy, tranquil
prosperous people, why do they not ftans
their bin for the purpose, pass II, and have
done with their olamori Or b there soms-
thing else behind this great stalking horse o.
negro suflragef
Mr.. Bansrefs sna ths Dlplsnasis Cesps
NJ Washingtsm.
1t appears that the late pointed aud pungsat
discourse Of George Bancroft before II !.
two houses Of Congress, in memory OF Abra-
among the diplomatic orioles at Washington"
and that Count wydsnbronck, the Austrian
Minister, has formally waited upon the escre-
tary Of State, and protested against Ne dis
courtesy Of the orator Of the day IN calling
Macmillan Of Mexico, the brother Of the En-
peror Of Austria, an "Austrisn adventurof;'ss
this, too, at celebration to which ths offended
minister had been invited by both houses ana
by Mr. Seward himself II appears, furthsss
that Mr. Seward, "irstead Of seeking 10 extsnu-
ate Mr.. Bancrofts expression, at once contested
tho Austrian Minister'S right to complain off,
and that because the Cabinet Of Vienna had
several times declared It's intention OF rsnaln-
ing aloof from Mexican afairs.r OF course
this answer was unsatisfactory to Count wy
denbronck; for Il did not lessen the insult q
calling the brother Of his Emperor ian Austrian
advcnsurer." But thus the matter stands. II
next appears that the British Minister, Sir
Frederick Bruce, has 10 far been insultsd BY
Bancroft's caustic review Of England's perady
a. TO decline TO be present at q certain dinner
at which the offending orator was In be one a