New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1866-06-15
RADICAL LIBERTY.


The radicals have fine notion of liberty. They
likewise have very tender regard for what they
call human rights. They go for extending the
largest sort of liberty to eyerybody-that will
vote on their side. They will not hear to excluding
anybody from the divine right of the elective fran
chise on account of color, or for any other reason
whatever, excepting the insuparable reason of not
believing the way they believe. The right to vote is
a natural right, Mr. Sumner says; it is divine
right, Mr.. Cheeyer says; therefore, say Sumner
and Cheever negroes ought to be allowed to vote.
But not rebels" By no means. " Rebels " have
no natural rights Rebelsn have no divine
rights. Nobody has any natural or divine right
except those who will agree to vote the radical
ticket,
Acknowledging the truth of this fundamental
doctrine, and painfully apprehensive of loss Of
power and plumber consequent on the opposite
and hereticaI doctrine that white man is as good
as negro man even if he is ''rebel, the minority
in Tennessee and Missouri have adopted the thor
oughly radical plan of not letting anybody vote
but themselves; which is charming illustration
Of the practical application of the radical doctrine
ofsdivine and natural rights The thing seems to
have worked so well where it has been tried, that
loyal people of the so-oalled State of West
Virginia determined to follow the good example.
Consequently they got up an amendment to their
State Constitution, DISTINGUISHING ell rebels and
rebel sympathizers.n This amendment was sub
mitted to so.called popular vote, at so-caled
| election in the so-caIled State.
| 1t has been announced that the proposed amend
ment was ratified by the people Y and that there
is, henceforth, no danger Of contamination from
rebel" votes in the loyal Ballotboxes Of West
| Virginia. How this result was accomplished is an
interesting point as it shows what radicalism
means by "public opinion and a popular
vote" Just by way of illustrating how the cleo
ton was conducted, we give one instanoe--that of
| the voting in the town of Charleston. The Free
Press Of that place gives the facts and figures
a The voting population Of the township was
FIVE hundred in 1861, and is believed to be nearly
that now but the registrars decided that only
twenty-five were entitled to vote. Two Of these
failed to attend at the polls and but twenty votes
were cast in all, The Press gives the names Of
these twenty voters and states that nine of them
were successful candidates at that very election
| two others were already oficeholders The official
return Of the vote on the amendment to the Con
stitution shows eleven votes for it, six against it
three of the enfranchsed failing to vote on that
question. The coincidence between the number
of those who held or sought Office, and those who
voted to disfranchise their naighbOrs, is not the
least significant feature of the reeord.n
\ In other parts of the so-eaIIed State, similar
scenes were enacted; and thus it is supposed that
the governments secured for an indefinite period
in the hands Of close corporation Of ''loyal''
citizens. This is fine illustration Of radical deyo
ton to the doctrine of natural rights. Vote
of course everybody should be allowed to vote
| providing he votes our way y