Gallipolis journal. [volume] (Gallipolis, Ohio) 1837-1919, 1866-10-04

pretended secession and subsequent
career as to modify their relations,
and make it possible for the Execu-
tive to insist upon the compliance
with certain conditions deereed at
Washington. without consultation
with the people of the States them
selves, and without regard to their
wishes and feelings in the premises.
Now, il the President has the con-
stitutonal ight to impose terms upon
unrepresented States, can any one
point to any provision in the Consti-
tuition denying 10 the law making and
coordinate branch of the Govern
ment the right to add other condi.
lions, il Thought Equally as essential
| to secure the results Of the war. and
insure a lasting peace, as those insis-
ted upon by. the President? There
Is 4 Keod dead OF senseless babble.
about the unconstitrticnality OF the
action ofCongress in refusing to ad-
init Representatives from these dis
abled States till after they have COM
piled with its requirements. Let Us
assume as a proposition thst the
States had refused to yield to the
demands OF the President, and not
Incorporated in their constitutions
the abolition of slavery and the re-
pudiation OF the Confederate debt.
The theory of the condition of the
States, as now expounded by Mr..
johnson and the commentators on
his policy, is that the moment the re.
bellion was crushed, and armed CD
position to the Government was sue
ceedeS by passive obedience. the
States at once resumed their places,
and were entitled to representation
IN congress. But Mr.. johnson
would say, No, you can not have
representation; you can not have
even civil government, till you.ccH-
form to. the conditions 1 have nam
ed. Now, would not that have been
unconstitutional, an act of usurpatioa
on the part of the President elected
by only a portion of the States, and
himself hanging on the verge OF the
Government? Tried by the theory
he now lays down to cut off Congress
from any hand in the work of restor-
ing the States to their old position,
it certainly would.
1t will be seen, therefore, that the
theory either condemns his own pro-
eeedirgs, and that he had ne right to
exact of these States any terms what
ever, or else the States have some
how placed themselves in a position
that makes it right and proper for
the Federal Government-Bot the
Executive merely, but its legislative
department, to declare upon what
terms they may resume their old re-
lations. Stripped of all the verbiage
and distractions In which politicians
have managed to involve and entan-
gle the whole question, it comes to
this, that if the President finds these =
States in such position to the Fed
eral Government that conditions pre-.
cedent TO restoration may be exact
ed OF them, Congress may, with equal
assurance of constitutional preroga-
i've, amend and modify those condi-
ions; and it is very doubtful whether
he President alone could complete
he work, and put the States back to
he places which they left in 1861.
Whether the conditions named in
he constitutional amendment are
wise, just and expedient, and calcu-
ated to secure the just ends for
which the war was fought, and pre-
rent too precipitate and prepon-
lerating infusion of the late disloyal
element in the dictation of the laws
md civil management of the Federal
Government, is a question that has
been so thoroughly discussed, that
hose who do not understand it now,
will never he enlightened. In our
opinion the amendReGt is necessary.
1t contains no provisions unjust or
oppressive. 1t is the mildest settle
nent between traitors and the su-
1reme authority ever offered to those
engaged in domestic insurrection
md war; and the sooner the South
.rn people come to see it in that
light, the better for them, and the
ipeedier their restoration to the Un-
on they seem as frantic to be in as
hey were frantic to get out of.-CH.
Jom.