Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1866-02-23

4aB nave UGH long, toA5
ago.
II VETO MESsAGE.
We lay before our readers this morn
ing a copy Of the Presidents Message 20
the Senate giving his objections TO the
Freedmen's Bureau bill. 1t viii, with
out doubt, be universally read with in
terest and attention.
The first thing which will strike the
intelligent reader, is its moderation Of
tone, and the entire absence of any trace
Of the excitement under which the bill
was pressed upon the President, as 3 test
Of his frmness. With imperturbable
calmness be proceeds to the examination
and dissection Of this cunningly devised
measure, and places his objections to it
in so clear a light that the wayfarer,
though a fool, cannot fail to perceive
them in all their distinctness and
force. They are stated with re-
markable clearness. Their essence is
drawn from a practical common
n view Of the subject, and
they are based, as upon an immovable
rock. in a conseientious'an faithful adj
herence 10 the spirit and the letter Of the
Constitution.
The monstrous engine Of possible des-
potism over the white men Of this Re
public that the Freedmen's Bureaumight
become under this bill, if it should be-
come a law, is delineated with a power
that may well make the people Of the
country stand sghast at the extent to
which factious fanaticism is willing to
sacrifice the liberties Of the people, in or
der to perpetuste its power, and crafty
its hatreds. Under this bill, had it be-
come a law, the safety of person and
property of any and every citizen where
it operated, would have been at the
mercy OF any n Of an innu-
merable band Of subOrdinates,
against whose arbitrary viii there would
have been no defense Of civil law-no
refuge in the independence of Courts or
the honesty Of Juries. For the unfortu-
nate people Of the South, the sacred
right Of trial by a jury Of their peers,
upon the accusation Of the most inferior
Of an inferior race, would have
been ~abrogated as efectually as If
no such constitutional guaranty
had ever existed, and they had
been accustomed from their cradles to
the most odious Of despotisms. Italy, in
her worst days Of subsection TO Austrian
espionage and tyranny-Poland, in her
abject helplessness under the absolute
despotism Of the Gar Of R~ussia-were in
a happier political condition than
would have been the white Amer
lean subjects Of this Ubiquitous
law. In the first case, they had and
have one, or at best but a few
enlightened masters. But under this bill,
had it become a law, they might and
would have had an autocrat ove them
IN every county and parish.
Nor is the Presidents dissection and
exposure Of the moBstroUs proposition to
spend millions annually Of the treasure
Of the people in elevating the ne
groes into a specially favored class, less
effective. "a system for the support Of
INDECENT persons in the United States
saws be. twas never contemplated by the
authors Of the Constitution. Nor can
anv good reason be advanced why, as a
permanent establishment, it should be
done for one class or color Of our people
more than for another. Pending the war,
many refugees and freedmen received
support from the Government, but
II was never intended they should
henceforth be fed, clothed, educa-
ted and sheltered by the United States.
The idea on Wbich The Slaves ugere as
sisted 10 freedom tCas, that on becoming
free. they 'Cou1d Be n SeLf-sustqipinq pop
Any legislation that shall i'm
ply that they sre not expected TO attain
a seIf-sustaining condition, must hqus a
tendency Injurious alike 10 their cbardc-
ter and their prosperity" This Is solid,
good Common sense, and viii command !
the assent and appreciation Of the best
and most enlightened Of the negroes
themselves. These know, and freely re-
cognize the practical truth, hat their
race. like every other race, must work
out its own destiny and, being now free
todo so. desire only that they may be let
IF let alone, with no impertinunt
Interference by p~rejudiced strangers to
heir nature between them and those
4 the white race with whom they were !
and reared, we, and thousands Of
good men like the President, are hopeful
IF the result. ANDREw JOHNSON knows 4
he negro and his surroundings, and +
wishes his welfare, as do the people Of
he South, save with here and there a
exception, that it would U
BE as unjust to Judge an entire community |
IN. as it would be to judge the north q
m people by the brutes who drag their
wives into the shame OF disgusting di-
-orce suits, in order that these Hbidinous !
ibels on true manhood may marry some I
,ther The projectors Of this
do not know the negro, and like
heir prototypes in the fable, would, if :
eft to their own way, kill the poor /.
lackamore in their fanatical zeal TO :
rash him white. l.
Bat we need not elaborate upon the
,erits II a document which will COM a
universal perusal, and which {
hen resd viii force conviction upon Z
very unprejudiced mind Of the sound o
.ess Of it's great doctrines. y