The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-12-15

| cussine and deciding the course to be pursued
towards the South. On the other hand, If 80
! opportunity for repentug of the refusal is to be
| afforded the South, the fact should be declared
| that those OF the Southern people who favor the
acceptance of the amendment as the lesser OF
! two evils may make last attempt to bring their
| legislators to reason. In either case the intro.
! duc'iou of MI. Stevens bill is nexpedient. 1t
| takes for granted a question that is yet uude-
c1ded: and It closes the only door through
which men like Governor Patton could hope to
pass.
Something is due, too, to the great body Of
the Union party, who have for the time taken
tner stand on the Constitutional amendment.
1t is more than probable that they will sustain
Congress in any course which, alter full delibe-
ration, may be adopted as consequence of the
failure of the amendment. But they desire TO
lake no random step. Before committing them
selves 10 more vigorous and more extreme
measures, they require to be convinced that
those measures are essential 10 the satisfactory
termination of the present anomalous condition
of affairs. To do this, 1t is necessary that Cen
eress shall move on general and understood
principles, and that the pending amendment
SHAH be dealt with decisiyely, as a prelude to
the adoption of other plans.
1t is not a case for exceptional legislation, or
for legislation in detail. Until otherwise ordered,
all the Southern States have an equal chance of
avail1ng themselves of the propose terms of
restoration. And any legislation predlcated upon
the adoption of another plan may be expected TO
apply alike to each OF the excluded States
General legislation is wanted, and tn clnnot
be looked tor until some faT-reaching and eX-
haustlve plan shall have been reported and dis.
cussed.
Mr.. Stevens doctrine of State suicide is hardly
likelyto be the approved basis of O system of re-
construction The Republican party has already
repudlated the theory that the Southern States
are or have been outside of the Union; and we
do not anticipate the passage of bill founded
on the opposite assumption. Nevertheless, the
subject is too momentous TO be approached in-
cidentaly. 1t embraces contingencies too i'm
portant to be settled by side issue.
Supposing the amendment to be eventually
abandoned, the point to be primarily acted upon
Is the relation which the Federal Government
shall hold towards the people of the Southern
States. What is known as the Territorial plan
avoids the weakness off Mr.. Stevens doctrine by
addressing itself to the rebellous inhabitants of
the States rather than to the States themselves.
Although the States were not out of the Union,
their inhabitants were; their civil Governments
ceased TO have legal existence; and being desti-
tute OF any duly organized Government, it is
competent to Congress to Ieorganize their local
authority in harmony with its conception of
republican government. The existing Govern
ments constitute no insurmountable obstacle,
since they are but the products of President
Johnson's provisional arrangements.
OF regular constitutional validity they have
not particle. And though Congress may not
reduce North Carolina or any other State to q
territorial condition, 1t may accept the facts as
tney exist growing out of the Rebellion, and
may regulate the conditions under which the
governmental machinery of the States shall be
reconstructed. Here is no usurpation-no out
rage upon constitutional prncipes-no setting
OF precedent which may operate to the detri-
ment of loyal States. There is a simple recogni-
ton of circumstances as the Rebels themselves
have made them, and a Lawful ard proper ad-
justment of the conditions under which the
citizens OF the South shall resume former rela-
tions with the national Government.
But while the principle on which this form of
reconstruction rests is in harmony with the
principles for which the loyal States waged the
war, its application will be attended with diff
culties which no prudent man will attempt to
undeTate. We think not only that they are not
insurmountable, but that they are less formida-
BILE than the dangers inseparabe from the ab.
sence of a settlement of the Reconstruction
question. They call, however, for careful ex-
animation at the hands of the reconstruction
Committee, and for patient discussion of all
their bearings by Congress. Thus, and thus
only, may we hope to reach the explicit, ra-
tional, and abiding policy which should precede
the enactment of any particular measure.