The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-02-20
THE VETO MESSAGE,
The President OF the United States
Refuses TO Approve the Freed
mems Bureau Bill-His Obiec-
tlons, as transmitted to
the Senate Yesterday.

The following is the Message of President
Johnson sent to the Senate yesterday, vetoing
the Freedmen's Bureau bill:--
TO ne Senate OF the Utttcd StdfeS:-I have examined
with care the bili which las been passed by the
houses OF Congress 70 amend entitled act TO
establish bureau for the relief of freedmen and refu
gees ana for other purposes. Having with much re-
pret to the conclusion that il would not be CON
sisent with the public welfare to give my approval
Ito the measure l return the bill to the Senate with
my objections to its becoming law might call 10
mind. IN advance of these objections that there no
immediate necessity for the proposed measure; c.,
men and refugees which was approved in the month
OF March last, has not yet expired IL was thought
strn gent ana ext me enough for the purpose ~ view
in time OF war Before ceases to have effect further
experience may assist to guile us to wise conclusion
as to the policy to be dopted in time Of peace.
share with Congress the strongest desire TO secure to
their prosperity, and their entire Independence and
equality IN making contra cts for their iao3r hut tne
opinion, are not warranted by the Constitution, and
are not well suited to accompll sh the end I'm view
The bill proposes establish, by authority Of Con-
Uncd Stts c61ptaiHinF refgees and freedmen, Il
would by us very nature Apply win the most loGce 70
men most abound and Il expressly extends the exist
ing Temporary jurisdiction of the Freedmens Bureau,
with greatly enlarged powers. over those states I'm
which the ordinary cour,e o., judicial proceeding has
The source from which tnls military Jurisdiction is
10 emanate is none other than the President of the
and the Commissioner OF the Freedmens Bureau.
10 he sepcad ~ OH har from, ' tbo % gr Gnt ci, o
the country is to be divided into districts and subdis
ployed may be equal to the number Of counties pa
Tshes in all the United States where freedmen or re-
The subjects which this military jurisdiction is
protection to all employees agents and officers of this
Bureau in the exercise OF the duties imposed upon
them by the bill in eleven States IL is furthero ex-
tend over all cases affecting freedmen ana refugees
dice 10 these eleven states the bi subjects any white
person who may be charged with depriving freed
white persons to imprisonment fine, or both, With
out however. defining the civil rights and mmnnities
Arr IO lie
This military Jurisdiction also extends to all ques-
tons that may ARISE respecting contracts The agent
who is thus to exercise the Office OF Judge may be
stranger, entirely ignorant OF the laws of the place,
and exposed TO the errors of Judgment to which all
men are liable: The exercise of power over which
there is no legal supervision by so vast number OF
agents as is contemplated by this bill, must by the
justice and passion. The trials having their origin
tion of jury and without any fixed rules OF law
evidence. The rules which oenses to be heard
and regulations as the President, through the War
No previous presentment is required norany indct.
ment charging the conn commission OF crime against the
icaons. The punishment will be- not what the law
declares but such asa courtmaral may think proper,
peal no wT5 Of error to any OF the courts sin in which
svely the Judicial power of the country While the
territory and the classes of actions and oenses that
the bill itself should i become law will have no
/ cannot conceive system of military Jurisdiction
Vi tuS hlIlu Wllulu Iue WOTuS VI tue
answer for a capital or Otherwise Infamous crime, un,
less on presentment Indictment of grand jury,
except in cases arising IN the land and naval forces
public danger" and that lin all criminal proceedings
the accused shall enjoy the right speedy and pub
Wherein he Snail haWs been me
ages taught our fathers to establish as securities for
the protection of the innocent the punishment of the
be set aside and for the sake OF vigorous inter.
position In behalf of Justice we to take the risk OF
low from almost countless number of estab
the States Of the Union over Whose decisions there
TO be no supervision or control by the Federal courts
ofthe President such in time of peace certainly
SsEed Weher sS pe % ceaon 10 ny c one Tbna IN
state was warranted as measure of war, the ques.
engaged in war Let us not unnecessarily disturb the
commerce. and credit and industry of the country by
declaring 10 the American people, and TO the world,
that the United States are still in condition Of civil
At present there is no part of country in which
the authority Of the United States is disputed. OF:
not work forfeiture of the rights of whole communal
state Of peace and Industry The Rebellion is at an
end. The measure, therefore, seems to be inconsis
variance with the Constitution of the United states.
H. passing from general considerations we examine
time Of war Il was eminenty proper that we should
Condition Of bondage TO state of freedom but this
bill proposes to make the Freedmen's Bureau estab-
lshed by The act of 1865 as one of many great and
extraordinary measures to suppress a formidable Re-
DelOu, permanent branch of the pubic adm. .niStra-
lion, with It's powers greatly enlarged.
have no reason to suppose and do not understand
deficient for the purposeGfor which it passed, al
though at that time, and for considerable period
thereafter, the Government of the United States
manned unacknowledged in most of the States whose
inhabitants had been Involved in the Rebellion The
institution of slavery for the military destruction of
which the Freedmens Bureau was called into existence
as an auxiliary, has been already elfectually and
finally abrogated throughout the whole country by
amendment Oh lhe CONSTITUTION OF the United states,
and practically It's eradication has reached the
and concurrence of most of those States in which 1t
therefore able to discern in the condition of
the country anything to justify apprehension that
which were effective for the protection of freedmen
and refugees during the actual continuance of HOSTILE
ties Will now in time of peace and after the abolition
of fslavery prove inadequate TO the proper ends
If am correct in these views there oe no
sy for the enlargement of the powers of the bureau
tor which provision is made in the bill.
The third section of the bill authorizes general
and unlimited grant of support the destitute and
suffering refugees and freedmen, their wives and
children. Succeeding sections make provision for
the purchase of landed estates for freedmen
and the erection, for their benefit, of suitable build
ings for asylums and schools. The expenses to be
betrayed from the treasury of the whole people
The Congress Of the United has never hereto
fore thought II selempowered to establish asylums
beyond the limits of the District of Columbia except
for the benefit Of our disabled soldiers sailors IL
has never founded schools for any of our own
people not even for the orphans of those who have
fallen in the defense of the Union but has left the
care of their education TO the much more competent
private associations and of individuals II has never
for the rent or purchase of houses for the thonsSns
tOiling from day to day for their subsistence.
system for the support OF INDECENT persons in the
United states never was contemplated by the au-
thors of the Constitution. Nor any good reason
be advanced why; as "A permanent establshm ent, il
should be founded Tor one class color of our peo
gie more than for another. Pending the many
refugees and freedmen reeeNe Ned support from the Go
henceiorth be fed clothed educated and sheltered by
the Uni ed States. The idea on which the slaves were