The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-10-26

seoretary Browning and the COnstitu-
ttOnal Amendment.
From IRE Tribune.
That Mr.. johnson cannot obtain a better de-
fense OF his policy than that which Secretary
Browning has made, is an illustration of its
weakness. Mr.. Browning has written three
close columns OF type, and to 80 little purpose
that an argument is scarcely TO be discovered
Yet, as the President has fullyr approved the
letter, and desired it to be published as repre-
sening, bis position, it is not without i'm.
portance. @ IHs no sif, ru s5.-
The President and Mr.. BrownnglbelieEe that
ait is not certain that we will save the Govern!
ment." To this the American people ent r an
indignant denial. The dread which Mr.. john
son ard his advisers affect tnat the Government
is in danger OF destruction IS not telt py the
people and still less do they fear that their
direct representatives in Congress are the enc
mics of its existence. 1t is the trick OF the
conservative party TO pretend that the Govern
ment may become "a despotism by the viii OF the
maioritY and 60 describe Congress as the natural
enemy OF our ION. Mr.. Browning asserts
that the Legislative is much the strongest v the
departments and the most aggressive, because
its members are responsible to no power butthe
will OF the dominant party Tor acts or usurpa-
tion. 1t is the only department from the en-
croachments OF which any serious danger TO our
institutions is to be apprehended.n But the
veto power of the President and the authority
of the Supreme Court are limitations OF Con-
gress, of which Mr.. Browning does not even
hint Nor is usurpation TO be dreaded from q
branch OF the Government which directly repre-
sents the people, not in the aggregate, but IN
the subdivision OF districts in every State. Des-
potism in all Governments begins with the IKE
cutlye, and not with the Legislative depart
ment, ana we need go no further back INTO
history than the past year TO prove IL.
The evils OF inc Constitutional amendment
are the burden OF Ar. Brownngs letter and
that inst DrOVIgOO. HNOr snail anV STATE
deprive any person OF lite, liberty or property,
without due process of law,"ls declared unne-
cessary, and Intended to make all State depart
mens subordinate to the Federal Government
The argument by which this conclusion is
reached ls TOO trivial to be retuted it is enough
TO say that lact as well as theory req uires that
this principle should be embodied IN the Ma
1ional Constitution. The Rebel States have re-
peatedly and grossly outraged it, aud it is be-
cause lite liberty, and properly have been
illegally taken away in spite O mere State laws,
that the Federal Government is bound to extend
equal protection TO ali cIGlzens. The change in
the basis of representation Mr.. Browning op-
poses on the ground that the true basis is aggre-
gate population. mo matter how the elective
franchise be disposed of. whether exercised by
few or many, all classes OF the community are
represented" Is this the republlcanIsm of the
President? We think II OF great matter how tue
elective franchise Is disposed or we hold that it
belongs to the many, and that in countries in
which 1t Is exercised by the few, the Govern
ment is but an oligarchy. 1t is pltiful that at
Al t1me Wuen Tue lIlGnUS OF freedom are seeking
to extend the franchise, even under the British
monarchy the President OF The United States
should be ready to decrease it, Mr.. Browning
succeeds no better in bis opposition to the thlrd
section OF the amendment, and incorrectly says
that 1t ''distranchises the great majority of the
educated men of the States which have been In
Rebellion, and excludes them from any partici-
patton in the State and Federal Governments,
and the entire control of the government of
those States will be placed in the hands of
meagre majority OF the men at all qualified for
such control, and they, as general thing, not
OF the most intelligent ana capable classes"
Now, we have published the amendment
about seventy times, and yet the Secre-
tary OF the Interior does not seem to
have read 1t 1t is scarcely necessary to tell
our readers that the third section excludes only
those who before the Rebellion had taken an
oath-'as member OF Congress, or as an
officer of the United States, or as member of
any state Legislature, or as an executive or
judicial officer of any State'-to support the
Constitution OF the United States. Nor is even
this ACKNOWLEDGEMENT permanent, bat a two
thirds vote OF Congress may remove It,.
But not merely TO this amendment, but to all
amendments to the Constitution do Mr.. John
son ana his secretary object. Mr.. Browning
1can see no good to result from the proposed
amendments. | see much evil. We had better
adhere to the form OF government which our
fathers gave us. at is in my judgment the most
perfect political production of human wisdom
and patriotism. For three-Quarters of q CEN
tury 1t secured us uneXampled prosperity, and
at the END of that time enabled us to meet and
overcome the most stnpendous rebellion in the
history Of nations. Why change it'p Why?
Because that very Rebellion taught us that
the Constitution was not sufficient protec-
ton for the nation. Did not Mr.. Buchanan
declare that it gave him no power 10 prevent
secession? Is Mr.. Bro Sning ignorant that the
constitutional right OF secession was claimed by
every Rebel state, and supported by the Demo
cratic party IN the North Must Mr.. johnson
be reminded that the very Rebels he has par:
doned scout the idea that they have ever com
mlJtcd treason, and assert that the South has
ever been loyal III the proper sense of the term,
This stupendous Rebellion, otswLch Mr.. Brow
ing speaks, has changed the nation, and the
the past, but would humbly submit that the
American people are not incapable OF progress