Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1866-04-27

AAiAAAAnANiIo3 uilys M LIZ oGh1 AL4 Az NV
adopt them? Mr.. T. then quoted orders
authority, by Generals Candy in Louisiana
Terry in Virginia and Sickles in North Caro-
lima, directing that All laws shall be APP
plicable alike to all the inhabitants" No
person shall be held incompetent to sue,
make complaint, or testify because Of color
or caste; To secure the same equal JUS
tice and personal liberty to the freedmen as
| to other inhabitants, no penalties or punish
ments different from those to which all 9th
er persons are amenable, shall be imposed
on freed people, &c Why, sir, here are
the very provisions of this bill embodied in
military orders issued under Presidential
authority. And yet the President tells as
there is no necessity for this bill.
OBJECTIONS no OTHER SECTIONS.
The President objects to the third section
of the bill, that it gives the district courts
exclusive jurisdiction of all crimes and often
ces committed against the act. Well, sir,
| that is no new thing. The United States
Courts have always had jurisdiction Of
crimes and offences committed against the
United States laws. Mr. T. then speaks
of the President objections to the fourth
| fifth, sixth, and seventh sections. But, sir
all these provisions of the bill are copied
from the statute of 1850, known as the
Fugitive Slave Act for which Andrew
} johnson voted. Mr.. T. stated that that
act had been repeatedly held BY the courts
to be constitutional; and that its machinery,
which had become infamous when used for
keeping human beings in bondage, might be
as properly and honorably used for securing
their liberty, as a loyal soldier might use q
7 ,l,1lI Il
stated that the eigth and ninth sections had
been copied reYbdtiDs ct 6ter0tim from a
statute enacted March 10, 1888, and approv-
ed By Martin Van Buren. The remainder
of the speech We giYein full
HISTORY OF THE BILL
Mr. President Il have now gone through
this veto message, replying with what pa
tience | could command to its various objec-
tions to the BILL Would that | could stop
here, that there was no occasion to 60 farth-
er; but justice to myself; justice to the
State whose Representative | am; justice
to the people of the whole country, IN legis-
lation for whose behalf | am called to par
ticipate justice to the Constitution | am
sworn to support justice to the rights OF
American citizenship it secures, and to hu-
man liberty, now imperiled, requires me
to go farther Gladly would refrain from
speaking of the spirit of this message; of
| the dangerous doctrines it promulgates OF
the Inconsistencies and Contradictions Of its
author; of his eecroschneats upon the Coa-
stitutioadI rights Of Congress of his as
sumption Of u'elcQraRtcd po'c1s, which, if
persevered in. and not checked by Tie peo-
pie, must eventually lead TO subyerslon Of
the Government and the destruction of lib
erty.
Congress, in the passage of the bill under
| reconsideration, sought no controversy with
| the President; so far from it. the bill acas
proposed ,cith Uiel1 to carry ont 10hat lcele
SHpp0St to be The CicJCs of the President,
and 1cQS submitted to hin5 6efore ltS intro
dUctt0n into the Senate | am not about to
relate private declarations Of the President
but it Is right that the American people
should know that the controversy which ex-
lists between him and Congress in reference
to this measure is Of his own seeking. Soon
after Congress met, it became apparent that
there was difference OF oplOnon between
| the President and some members Of Con
gress in regard to the condition of the rebel
| lious States and the rights to be secured to
| freedmen.
The President, in his annual message,
| had denied the Constitutional power Of the
General Government to extend the elective
franchise to negroes but he was equally
| decided In the assertion of the right of eve
ry man to life, liberty, and the pursuit OF
happiness This was his language: But
while | have no doubt that now, after the
| close of the war, it is not competent for the
| General Government to extend the elective
| franchise in the several States, it is equally
clear that good faith requires the security
of the freedmen in their liberty and their
property. There were some members Of
Congress who expressed the opinion, that
| in the reorganization Of the rebelhous
States, the right of suffrage should be eX-
| tended to the colored man, though this was
not the prevailing sentiment of Congress.
| All were anxious for a reorganization of the
| rebellious States and their admission to full
participation in the Federal Government, as
! soon as these relations could be restored with
safety to all concerned.
| Feeling the importance Of harmonious ac-
| ton between the different departments OF
| the Government, and an aXious desire to
sustain the President, for whom | had al
ways entertained the highest respect,
| bad frequent interviews with him during the
early part Of the session. Without mention
ing any thing said by him, may with pro-
priety state, that acting from the consider
ations have stated, and believing that the
passage of law by Congress, securing
equality in civil rights when denied BY State
| authorities to freedmen aud all other Ihab-
| itants of the United States would do much
| to relieve anxity in the North, to induce the
| Southern States TO secure these rights by
their own action, and thereby remove many
of the obstacles to an early reconstruction,
| I prepared the bill substantially as it IS now
returned With the Presidents objections.
! After the bill was introduced and printed a
copy was furnished him; and, at a subse-
| ouent period, when it was reported that he
was hesitating about signing the Freedmen S
! Bureau Bill, he was informed of the condl-
ton of the Civil Rights Bill, then pending
| in the House, and hope expressed that II
| he had objections TO any of It's provisions he
| would make them known to Its friends, that
they might be remedied, if not destructive
| Of the measure; that there was believed to
be no disposition on the part of Congress
and certainly none on my part, to have bills
presented to him which ae could not ap-
prove. lie never indicated to me, nor, so
| far as / know, to any of his friends, the
least objection to any of the provisions OF
the bill after its passage. The bill was franz
/ ed, as was supposed, in entire harmony with
! his views, ana certainly in harmony with
| what he was then, and has since been doing
in protecting freedmen in their civil rights
all through the rebelliuus States. Ii was
strictly limited to the protection of the civil
rights belonging to every freeman, the birth
right of every american citizen, and care,
! fully avoided comforting or interfering with