The tri-weekly standard., 1866-11-06
For the Standard.


For the Standard.
MEssRs EDITORS Since the recent elec.
tions in the State, it is believed that the Leg
islature will reject the proposed constitution
al amendment with some unanimity and
temper Assuming that this will be, what
shall be done by citizens who prefer and de
sire the earliest practicable restoration of the
government Shall they, like the objectors
to the amendment and to any policy of res
toration except the Johnsonian, or do moth
ing policy, remain passive or idle, waiting
for something to turn up2" Never Such
course might be fatal to the peace and the
security of the property and lives of our
servation of our State government. Such a
course would, in all reasonable probability
be so fated.
From the beginning of the national gov
ernment there has been conflict of senti-
ment and opinion in regard to slavery, and
questions growing out Of slavery, or in gen.
eral phrase, the right of slaves in the United
States to freedom and equality, as being in
cluded in the broad declaration, that all
men are created equal"
AS the result of this conflict, which has in
volved controversy and dispute among indi-
viduals and societies, and between political
parties and even the various religious sects
or denominations, war has settled the ques-
ton of the right to freedom, at least to civil
freedom from all authority, control or re-
straint of a human master. But, the con-
f1ict goes on. All men, though once slaves,
now free "persons of color" are created
equal, that is to say, created with an "egaEi-
ty Of right to use all the means of happiness
that God has given to man, to use the means
of education, religion, society, government,
or whatsoever means may secure life, liberty
and happiness. This conflict, to use the
words of Mr.. Seward, is an " irrepressible
conflict" In one of its phases it was bloody
and dark. 1t is about to pass through an
other, and shall this phase also be similar to
| the other in bloodiness and darkness2 God
| forbid May all right-minded and right
hearted men who love their country endeavor
and strive to prevent it.
| 1t is not my purpose to discuss the merits
of the conflict or to do more than to throw
out suggestions or hints as to its settlement
or|management Let no American citizen,
especially one now living in a late slavehol-
ding State, be deceived. This conflict in its
present stage will continue, that is to say
the question of the political rights of per-
sons of color" to vote, first, and to hold of
mined.
And first, the right to the ballot is engage
ing the attention of the American mind. By
some too indefinite extension of this right
is agitated as if it ought to be exercised and
enjoyed by men and women. According to
others, it ought to be extended to all males
over 81 years of age; and as many believe
and advocate, to all males of such age, upon
some basis of intelligence or property, eth
er one, or both. However, opinion may be
modified or varied in regard to the subject,
the great question, whether political rights
shall, sooner or later, be conferred upon, or
be exercised and enjoyed by, male persons of
color, lately slaves is the great and immedi- |
ate question presented by the "irrepressible |
of 10 lorrr
and larger proportions in the face of long |
established modes of thought and education |
and in opposition to deep seated prejudice,
and consequently strongly engendered pas
sions. 1t must be determined. 1t will be
settled. How2 When Political parties |
are silently, stealthily, consciously or uncon-
sciously, arranging and preparing for the
conflict
On the one side, it is insisted, to use the |
language of a distinguished North Carolina |
statesman, that political power belongs to,
and should be exercised by the Anglo-Saxon
race" Civil rights may be extended to per-
sons of color, but political right, never.
On the other side, it is urged that politi- |
cal rights belong to no particular race or
species of man, but, that all men are crea-
ted equal" or to the enjoyment of rights of |
whatever kind, and that whatever hmita- |
tions may be affixed by written constitutions |
of government for the ends of society, or, |
however, their rights may be Defined no |
definition limitation should exclude from |
their enjoyment any particular race, caste or
class of men. The former idea is consonant
with the prejudices or established secular |
and religious education OF late pro-slavery |
advocates the latter with the opinions and |
sentiments of men of anti-savery views |
feelings or prejudices. The former is deriv- |
ed from the narrow sources of Anglo-Saxon, |
or more probably early English opinion
and teaching, and flown along to US through |
the streams of law, politics, learning and re- |
sought, and it is to be found always in the |
great source of universal freedom of thought |
and speech and action, which is C American |
ALL"
The American idea will grow and expand |
with the progress of civilization in America, |
and it aoiU triumph over all prejudice, pas
sion, dispute or force
Does any man who can call his intellect his |
own, and who like an American citizen wills |
and thinks and reasons for himself, doubt the |
ultimate decision of public opinions There |
may be substantial reasons against the polit- |
ical policy of providing for the constitutional |
exercise of the right to the elective franchise |
by the lately freed persons of color,n noao,
and for such time as may be necessary to fit
them by the use of other means, as of secular
and religious instruction, of honest industry
and intelligent labor, to the proper discharge
of the duty which this right involves There
are, doubtless, weighty and serious objections
to an extension Except in some limited
form) of this right, Immediately to the lately
freed men in the South. How shall the dis
cussion and decision of the question be post
poned? The only answer is on the part of
North Carolina by ratifying the proposed
constitutional amendment.
The amendment is the compromise pro-
posed to the Southern peopole in relation to
41 <x4l,o L.
of the right to hold office, to sit as Jurors.
&C., &c. 1t would be the great break-water
between the watery elements of fanaticism +
North and South and, the party which I
would make haste slowly might hope for
some respite from the dread insecurity
and uncertainty of the troubled political sea,
which, even now, indicates an uncontrolabIy
increased fury of the raging storm.
I. But, the compromise will be rejected by
the General Assembly of North Carolina. it