Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-01-14

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Our weekly issue on tomorrow will con-
tain the letter of Mr.. BELL, published
few days since.
1t is proper to state that when printed for
our daily, 1t was sent to the composing room
at late hour, and consequently appears
withanumberof typographicerrors. Butitis
further due TO ourselves to state, that there
were many errors in the copy from which we
printed, extracted as it was from a cotem-
porary in a neighboring city. 1t is just
also to the distinguished author 10 state,
that he did not review the copy made by his
amanuensis, and that he had no opportunity
of revising proof sheets. The result is that
the paper contains several sentences which
appear awkward and involved, and render
the sense obscure. The intelligent reader
will Of course supply omissions Of particles,
and correct the punctuation for himself in
the reading. One of the most unfortunate
errors is the omission of an entire para
graph and another not less important, and
which We desire to point out, is the state
ment in regard TO the estimated value of the
slaves of the South. 1t is set down at t,celUe
thousand millions Of dollars. II was in
tended to be written four thousand millions.
There are Others, but we will not specify
them. In the coming numbers, care will be
taken TO avoid such mistakes.
The Louisville Journal, the paperin which
this letter first appeared, while seeming to
sanction its main features, was careful to
state that it dissented from some of its posi-
tons 1t did not indicate what they were
however
One of our city papers, in brief notice,
remarked that the tenor Of its advice to the
Southernpeople was probably sound enough,
but that it came too late. But as their con-
duct seems not yet to have fully propitiated
the powers that be, we donot see that whole
some counsel, intended to promote their in
terest with the general government can pro-
perly be considered out of date; and GER
tainly, the whole tenor of this letter tends TO
reconcile them with the conditions sought to
be established by the President, and animate
them to course which, while preserving
their self respect and honor, shall be in con-
formity to the results Of the war, and the
changes in State legislation which it has
made necessary.
Another city paper reviews it an article
of considerable length, but it is in style Of
crude and captious criticism, which requires
no extended reply, and which is not likely
to seriously disturb the tranquility of the
author. Its remarks evince an inability to
comprehend, and a manifest spirit of parti-
zan unfairness. II generally assumes loft
lily "loyap standpoint in judging of men
and things, and thinks its duty to its narrow
minded and bigoted sect, imperfectly done,
if it does not denounce everything, not fully
upto the standard of radical and progressive
fancies, which it mistakes for sound notions
of government and political economy; and
this Is its manner in treating Mr.. BELLS
letter.
1t attempts to offset Mr.. BELLS opinion Of
the test oath of 1862, with one attributed to
Chief Justice MARSHALL, by the New York
Tribune, which paper it family and very feeb-
ly echoes in all things. The attempt to rep
resent Judge MARSHALL as saying, that it
WAS competent for Congress to establish such
a test, or any test for admission to a seat in
Congress, other than those prescribed in the
Constitution, as qualifications for members
of Congress, is absurd, and in the Tribune was
inexcusable; the Nashville paper of which
we speak, might very naturally make the
mistake. The remark of MARSHALL quoted
to sustain this view, applies wholly to purely
ministerial officers-oficers appointed under
law of Congress. Forthose offices established
in and by the Constitution, that instrumental
self fixes the qualifications, and no branch
of the government can add to, or subtract
| from them in the least. We think Mr.. BELL
| Justly characteriEes the act of 1852, as one of
| the most insidious devices that could have
been framed to revolutionizethe government;
for, adopted as precedent, it would place it
in the power of any party which might &C
quire control Of the government, to apply
any test, whether referable to politics, reli-
gion, color or what not. The opinion of the
letter on this point is in sccordancs with the
spirit of constitutional liberty; and whoever
holds different one, is either unable to APP
preciate this blessing, or would ruthlessly
sacrifice it, for the promotion of party or per-
sonal objects.