Gallipolis journal. [volume] (Gallipolis, Ohio) 1837-1919, 1866-10-04

H Gov. Morton has made an
other great speech. 1t is full oi
truth, and we regret that we can no;
give it entire. He thus describes
the Philadelphia Convention and the
men who form the Demi- John- cratic
son party.
A Convention met in Philadelphia,
composed of whom? OF Southern
rebels and Northern Democratic
politicians, with small infusions of
men who had acted with the Union
party. This infusion of men from
the Union party was not even enough
to give coloring to the Convention,
although they were used for that
purpose. But there were the South
ern rebels. There was Dick Taylor,
who raised the black flag; there was
A. III. Stephens; there was one hun
dred and forty officers of the Con
federate army; there were some
seventeen members of the late rebel
Congress; there were some twenty
men who formerly belonged to the
Senate of the United States and to
the House of Representatives, and
had gone out in 1861, in violation of
their oaths. They were there; and
who met them from the North2-
Those men who had given aid and
comfort to the rebellion throughout
the war; the men who belonged to
the Sons of Liberty in Indiana; the
men who had organized the Knights
Of the Golden Circle: the men who
in Congress had refused to vote an
other dollar or another man; the men
who declared that greenbacks would
die upon our hands, and who ex-
horted the people not to invest their
money in United States stocks; the
men who had done everything in
their power to oppose the war and
make the rebellion a success.
Hear also what the Governor has
to say on the question Of the basis Of
representation, and the present great
inequality therein, an inequality
which the Constitutional Amendment
is designed to rectify.
Now slavery Is abolished, and eve
ry five negroes are to be counted as
five white men, while they were only
counted as three before. By count
ing every five slaves as three free
men, they had twenty-five members
of Congress, and twenty-five votes in
the Electoral College in 1S60-6l.-I
But now those three have become
five, they will be entitled to thirty
votes in the lower House and thirty
in the Electoral College, on account
of the negroes living in their midst
But these negroes are not represent /
ed for themselves. They have no
more voice in choosing members of
Congress than your horses have
But the white people by whom they !
are surrGnded have representation |
for them. They have thirty mem |
bers Of Congress on account of the
negro, but not for the negro. OF the
white people. twenty nine out of eve
ry thirty are rebels. Is there any
equality of representation in that?-j
We say it is great wrong-that we
cannot submit to 1t, and will not sub
init to it.
Under the apportionment of 1860 it
takes 124, 900 people to give one rep
resentative In Congress. In South
Carolina they have one district with
$4,000 people, and but $4,000 of
these are white. Now these $4,000
people, the rest being colored, have
lust as much power in that district
IS l24,OOO white people have in the
Eleventh Congressional District in
Indiana. Is tl!is right? Cries of
No. Is there any man here-I
ien't care what party he belongs to-
who will stand up and argue for a
moment that this thing is right?