The Portland daily press., 1866-10-04
N Wshe. she British Parliament and revived by Mr..
oosser, furnish the key tc our duty:
saI a. hear lion in the lobby roar;
S0ay, nr. Speaker, shall shut the doorp
Than sa ar We rather let the monster in,

An'n see eifwe can shut him out again?
!. ! am against letting the monster in, until Ia
10 "o hunger terrible in mouth or paw
NO UNNECESSARY DELAY
a;lo,n;, DS mn,ne % holding this ground, desire to
disciaim every sentiment Of vengeance or nun1
ishment, and also every thought of deiap o.
procrastination. Here do not viald to +Sa
President or to any other person NohoSy can
closed forever. oii"'"A
. There IL long way and short way Tbers
is long time and short time. If there be
any whose policy is for the longest way or for
the shortest time, am not of the number I
am for the longest way and also for the short
est time. And object to the interference of
the President because, whether Intentionally
or unintentionally, he interposes delay and
keeps the chasm open More than all others,
the President, by his officious assumption, has
heightened the way and heightened the time.
Of this there caA be no doubt.
After quoting testimony from various sources
showing that reconstruction with efficient
guarantees for the future would have been an
easy task if Mr.. johnson ON assuming the
reins of power had called Congress to his aid
and entered upon the duty Alright, Mr., Sumner
| added:
This testimony might be multiplied indefi-
nitely. From city and country, from highway
and byway, there is but one voice. When,
| therefore, the President, in opprobrious terms,
/ W,
reply to him, mo sir, it is you who, by unex-
| lected and most perverse assumptions have
put off the glad day of security and reconciiia-
ton, which is 30 much longed for 1t is Won
who have inaugurated anew that uolio;ont
| SectsonQasm, which, so long as it exists will
keep this Union divided, In fact, IL not in
name. Sir, you are the Disunionist
THE PRESIDENTIAL POLICY FOUNDED ON TWO
| BLUNDERs.
| Glance, if you please at that Presidential
Il ranlia anno tlxr a1
| which is now 80 Vehemently pressed upon the
country, and you will find that it piyots on at
least two alarming blunders, as can be easily
seen; first in setting up the One Man POaoer
| as the source Of jurisdiction over this great
| question; and secondly, in using the One Man
P0tcer for the restoration of rebels to place and
influence, so that good Unionists, whether
| white or black, are rejected, and the rebellion
| itself is revived in the new governments
| Each of these assumptions Is an enormous
blunder. You will soc that 1 use a mild term
/ to characterize such double-headed usurpa-
| ton. tii.
JoHNsoNs Policy NOT LNcoLN's.
Partisans of the Presidential "policy" are in
the habit of declaring that it is a continuation
| of the policy of the martyred Lincoln. This
| is a mistake. Would that he could rise from
his bloody shroud TO repel the calumnyi But
he has happily left his testimony behind in
| words which all who have ears to hear can
hear. On one occasion the martyr presented
| the truth boldly when he. said, in suggestive
metaphor, that we must build up from the
| sound materials but his successor insists mp
| on building from materials rotten with trea-
| son and gaping with rebellion. On another
| occasion the martyr said that IAN attempt to
| guarantee and protect reUiUed State govern
ment constructed in whole or in preponderating
part from the Uery element against whose hos
tility and violence it is to be protected, Is sim
, | ply absurd" But this is the very thing which
| the President is now attempting. He is con-
structing State governments, not merely in
haffi4 tha
r | tile element. Therefore, he departs openly
from the policy of the martyred Lincoln.
The martyr says to his successor that his
policy is ssmgly Absurd Uia ae !; right al al
49, Sity is too agpagsnt, ltis a " IN abolish.
| su.o inquistion, the inqnisitors had been
inc the '~der epother name, and Torque:
| co9t;r,,oa ID fresh license for cruelty
| Inada had recey, stSf w gtsr sa.4 a. " Y
| 1t is as if King Will. 'nssssts oorea
| Of james H., had made L.. $50, an
Lord Chancellor. Common Sc. an - =
| mon justice cry out against the ou.
yet this is the Presidential "policy" Ii.
passionately commended to the American peO-
| A very increasing portion of this address,
refers to the personal relations of the speaker
with MIR. johnson, but we are obliged to omit
it for want of space
WHAT REMAINS TO BE DONE
And now that may give practical direction
70 tnese remarks, let me tell you plainly what
must De done. In the first place. CONGRESS-
niuse nus De sustained in its conflict with the One
Mdn P0aoer, and in the second place. ex-reheis
must not be restored to power. Bearing these
two things in mind the way win be easv III
course tine constitutional amendment must be
S oop.ea, @ as 6 far as it goes, it is WE'LL but it
qoes not 60 far enough. More must be dome
impartial suffrage must be established
| homestead must be secured to every freedman
II IN no other way. through the pardoning
power. II 20 these be added Education, there
VIII De new order of things, with liberty of
the press, liberty of speech and liberty of tray-
Ell, 50 that Wendell Phillips may speak freely
in Charleston or Mobile. There is an old Eng
rs. nsn Play, which goes under the name of the
io9r Our present desires may be sym
Dolized by four "E's," standing for Euancipo-
tton, EnJrQnchasef1ent, Equality and Education
Let these be secured and all else will follow.
can never cease to regret that Congress has
nestated by proper legislation to assume a
temporary jurisdiction over the whole rebel re-
gion. To my mind the power was ample and
un9uestionable, whether in the exercise of
| Deihgerent rights or in the exercise of rights
derived directly from the Constitution itseIf~
In this way everything needful might have
been accomplished. In the exercise of this
Just Jurisdiction the rebel communities might
nave been fashioned anew, and shaped to 10y
atty and virtue. The President lost great
opportunity at the beginning. Congress has
lost another. But it is not too late If indis.
posed to assume this jurisdiction by an en-
aiming act constituting provisional govern
ments, there are many things which Congress
may do, acting directly or indirectly. Acting
| indirectly, it may insist that Emancipation
Enfranchsement, Equality and Education
| shall be established as q condition precedent to
the recognition of any State whose institu-
tions have been overthrown by rebellion. Act
| ing directly, it may by constitutional amend
ment or by simple legislation, fix all these for
| ever. - .laD- -
IMPARTIAL SUFFRAGE MUST BE SECURED BY
THE NATION AND NOT LEFT TO THE STATES
You are aware that from the beginning 1
nave insisted upon impartial suffrage as the on
ly certain guarantee of security and reconcile
alton. renew this persistence and mean to
hold on to the end. Every argument every
principle, every sentiment is in its favor. But
there - one reason, which at this moment
place above all others; it is the necessity of the
case lou will require the votes of colored
Il persons In the rebel States in order to sustain
the Union itself Without their votes you can
not build securely for the future. Their bal
lots viii be needed in time to come much more
than their muskets have been needed in time
i past. For the sake of the white Unionists in
the rebel States and for ;1, thelr protection for
imperiled, ] beg for justice to the colored race
Give the ballot to the colored citizen and he
win not only be assured in his own rights, but
he will be the timely defender of yours. 1t is
by a singular Providence that your security is
linked inseparably with the recognition of his
rights. Deny him if you viii. 1t is at your
4 peril. e. - : lr.s .l44as. .t.-4 a.. a..
But 1t is said, leave this question to the
| States; and State rights are pleaded against
| the power of Congress. This has been the CIV
at the beginning to prevent efforts against
| the Rebellion, and now, at the end, to prevent
| efforts against the revival of the Rebellion
| Whatsoever way we turn we encounter this
cry. But if you yield now, you will commit
the very error of Buchanan, when at the be-
ginning he declared that we could not eco
| cree" State. Nobody doubts now that a State
in rebellion may be "coerced;" and to my mind
it is equally clear that State just emerging
| from rebellion may be "coerced" to that condi,
ton which is required by the public peace.
But there are powers of Congress, not de-
rived from the rebellion, which are adequate
| to this exigency, and now is the time to eyer
| else them and thus complete the work that has
| been begun 1t was The Nntion that decraad