The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1866-02-07

the collapse or our rebellion. But 1t II not
every monarch that knows when to back out
Napoleon does. II is not every monarch who
would have the pluck to do It, Napoleon has
shown that he possesses this important element
in the ruler of great nation.
The Late DIanifesto or Thaddeus eevens-
The Rupturc Between the Radicals and
tho President.
The late remarkable speech Of Thaddeus
Stevens in the House Of Representatives we
publish this morning in full, because 1t may be
regarded as party manifesto, markings new
chapter in the political history of the United
States. His constitutional amendment from the
Joint Committee on Reconstruction, debarring
from the enumeration Of the people of the
States for Congressional representation all
persons Of any race or color with regard to
which there may be any denial or abridgment
by State laws OF the right Of suffrage, we oon-
tend, is, at BEST but superiority, inasmuch as
the constitution with the amendment abolishing
and prohibiting slavery, gives to Congress all
the powers required for the enforcement Of the
civil and political rights of the blacks.
But suffrage to the blacks is not the object
of Stevens. He says So He wants 1t withheld
from them four or five years longer; because
il granted to them now ON o footing of equality
the whole black population will DO counted
on the basis for Southern representation, and
what then? Why then, says Stevens, speaking
of the Southern States, "Their eighty-three
votes Tin Congress), with the representatives
of the Five Points, and other dark corners,
would be sufficient to override the friends Of
progress here, and this nation would be in the
hands Of secessionists at the very next Con-
gressional election, and at the very next
Presidential election" This is whore the
shoe pinches, and so, to prevent the Southern
negroes being counted for Congressional repre-
sentation, Stevens says, "Give the States con-
cerned the power to deny the blacks the suf-
frage, and they will do it; but let them, for our
paramount object is to keep possession Of the
government.
Senator Sumner, however. the radical leader
at the other end of the Capitol, does not like
this constitutional amendment. He considers
it another compromise of human rights" He
says it is like the crab, Ii goes backwards.
He thinks +" the time has come at last when all
compromises of human rights should cease"
He recoils from this project of Stevens, of
making still further Q constitutional conve-
nience Of the negro for party purposes. Sum-
ner is for enforcing tho equality which now
exists in the constitution. That leading rad-
cal journal the clergy of the
school of Cheever, Bcecher & Co.-the hide
pendent, sides with Sumner, and, protesting
against this amendment says, cit puts the
negro into the hands Of the rebels" and then
fellows the question, "What right, either by
law OF God or man, have our eight million
enemies Qhe whites) in the South to dictate
the rights Of our four million friends (the
blacklist" g. The slave emancipated shall be
the citizen enfranchised," is the ediot Of the
Independent and Of Sumner. With this issue
presented against Stevens we can hardly tell
just yet what the radicals of tho Senate will
do with his constitutional amendment Be
tween human rights" and party tactics there
Is gap wide and deep enough to swallow up
both factions.
This, however, IL comparatively q small
affair. The special importance which we
attach to this speech of Stevens belongs to'it
as party manifesto against President Johnson
and his restoration policy. Stevens, tired of
false pre.cnces, plainly speaks his mind. He
is Disguised with the policy sci up cat the other
end of the avenue" He sneers at the Presi-
dents constitutional suggestions, fair and rea-
sonable though they are. Stevens does not
want them-thcy are usurpations, involving .
violation of the privileges Of the House, and
"mads in such way that, centuries ago, had
ii been made to Parliament by . British
king, 1t would have cost him his head"
But still, ss the two houses Of this Con-
gross, in the opinion Of Stevens, oan get
on very well without the Executive, they
ton" The plan Of Stevens, accordingly, 10 10
ignore the Executive, and that Congress shall
do its work Demonstration regardless Of what
he may recommend or disapprove.
This Is the Issue between the radicals Of Con-
gress and the administration. The policy on
the one side is Southern exclusion for party
purposes; on the other. Southern restoration in
view Of the general welfare" Among the
radicals, negro suffrage, "humsn rights" and oil
such preaching is moro by-play, and constltu-
tional amendments are but cunning devices for
gaining time, so as to fix upon the Southern
States plausible excuses for their exclusion
from Congress and our national politics. and
in order to maintain over them tho rigors Of q
military discipline. The radical game Is the
exclusion Of the Southern States, not only from
this Congress but from the next, and the Presi-
dental election of 1868, and for the simple pur-
pose of retaining possession Of the government
and its power, spoils and plumber. In this view