The Weekly Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, O. [Ohio]) 1861-1???, 1866-10-26


may send them in then, or he may send them
in before. IL the Senate rejects them, he
waits till it adjourns, and then reappoints
them, and they hold Oye- another year and
so on from year TO year until he goes ont of
office, aud thus the great constitutional
power of the Seuate is put aside, as OF no
effect. Now then, we can easily conceive
that the President may see cause TO ronOm-
mate man whom the Senate has rejected
He can hardly, however, see cause to put
him into actual functions of the Office, aud
do not understand how the President can
exercise this power TO the extent of putting
his own creatures into Office without the
consent of the Senate, and keeping them
there without its consent, without commit.
ting an impeachable oifense. Mr.. Johnsoh's
Attorney General, MIR. Henry Stsnbery,
who is well known to YOU, | believe, has
given an opinion on this subject With
that opinion find no fault, because he dc.
cides every question but the one am eli.
dcavoring to solve. agree with him that
the President must have unlimited powers
of appointment and removal The Consti.
tuition must put that power somewhere.
When this provision was discussed by the
trainers of the Constitution it was objected
that il this power was given to the Presi-
dent of removal and appointment without
cause, he would exercise it for the purpose
of putting his own creatures into office, and
thereby seize the Government from the peo.
pie. To that it was answered that undoubt.
ly this might be done, bat the power must
reside somewhere, and it was safest to leave
it with the Executive, controlled by the
Senate, and if he used it for unlawful pur.
poses then he was guilty of an impeachable
offcnse, for which he might be tried and
convicted. What our forefathers feared
and foresaw has come to pass rs an actual
fact iu the Government Although it may
be little aOstruse, yet there is distinc-
tiou between The exercise of power and
the right to exercise power. The Presi-
dent has right to appoint whom he pleas
es, and to remove whom he pleases. lie
must have the power to appoint, because
vacancies must be filled in order that the
Government may go on, and to remove be
cause bad men must be put out of office,
and so long'as he exercises that power for
the best good of the country, with q single
eye to the constitutional rights of every
body and the best interests of the country,
there can be no complaint about its exer.
else. But if he exercises that rightful pow
er wrongiully or eorruptfully for any i'm.
proper purposes, then il becomes the exer-
else of power which is clearly as crimi.
nal as any other wicked aud corrupt act
Therefore, we impeach tho President of
the United States before the country for
such abuse of the appointing power-for
attempting to do this in spite of the Senate,
and we show rs evidences, that in thirty
instances and more, he has put men irto
Utfice who have been tried and rejected by
the Senate and we show that he used the
power of removal and appointment, put in
HE hand bS the Constitution for great al d
wise purposes for selfish and unworthy
cnds. And as evidence of such unworthy
purpose, lie openly proclaims that every
man who does not accept given dogma of
politics enunciated by himself--a scheme
viii Ii he has dignifed by the name of his
policy-(when he has no more right 20 a
policy, as against the Congress of the Uni
ted States, than has city constablo.) He
openly says that every ollice.holder who
does not accept that policy, whether ap,
pointed by the almost santed President
Lincoln, or by whomsoever appointed, how
ever honest, however efficient, howeva ar ca.
pable however loyal, however true, shall
be kicked out. The people know of but one
person at present in the Government of the
United States, that was holding his appoint
ment at the time that Lincoln got his, that
deserves to be kicked out of onice-aud
whenever the President of the United
States asks who that is, they will tell him
i'll thunder tones, SO that he will not mis-
take.
IMPEAoHMENT-THE THIRD SPECIFICATION DE-
oLARING PEACE WITHOUT THE CONSENT OF CON-
GRRsS.
Again we impeach the Presdent-no-
the Vice President of the United States fill
ng-no-occupying the Presidential chair,
with high crime and misdemeanor against
the people of the United States in this /:
that whereas, by the act of July 49, 1861,
Congress declared public territorial war
existing and in action between the Uuited
States and the armed forces of the insurgent
States, and made provision for carrying on
that war, differing from any other war only
in this, that the enemies of the United States
were not aliens, but citizens, not less ene-
mics because they are citizens, not less cit
izens because they are enemies, and such
being their state the President of the United
States could only end the war by treaty,
which would require the advice and con.
sent of the Senate-and two-thirds of tue
Senate at that or being civil war, differ
ing from other wars only in this, that, as
the terms upon which that war shall end
affect citizens as we'll as enemies, and as the
United States have sovereign rights as well
as belligerent rights, it became constitu.
tionally necessary that the Congress of the
United States-and Congress alone-who
declared the war, can bring it to an end,
Yet the President of tho United States has
attempted, by his proclamation of peace, to
bring the war to an end when he could,
as Commander-in Chief, have only the right
to make an armistice or truce until Congress
should act on the question, and has brought
about that state of peace by his proclama.
ton in order to end the state of belligeren-
cy of the reYolted States so as to embarrass
the Congress of the United States, in re-
constructing the States. Let lis analyze this
matter, because the statement is somewhat
lengthy and abstruse. A public territorial
war existed by act of Congress, which
could only be dealt with by the law making
power of the United States, to.wit, Con-
gross, meaning the House of Representives,
the Senate and the President but the Pres.
ident, in order to cripple the efforts of Con-
gress to establish such state of peace as
in their judgment could best conduce to the
public welfare, has undertaken to proclaim
peace, in order that he might, 30 far as in
him lieF, and SO far as his assumption of
power would effect it so to alter the con-
dition OF these men, from public enemies
into citizens of the United States, TO embar-
rass the law-making power of the Congress
OF the United States and we say that this
was an exercise OF power for wicked and
corrupt purpose, which is a crime and mis-.
demeanOr within the purview of the Con-
stitution of the United States.
DlPEAoHMENT-THE FOURTH SPECIFICATION : COR