The national Republican. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1866-1870, 1866-04-24

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whose swords are yet dripping with the blood
has ever thought or dreamed Of any such
thingP The oath required Of them makes
that impossible. And does any one suppose
that this Senate, which expelled Bright for
writing letter TO Jefferson Davis has not
the power or the courage to defend itself
against the guilty instigators Of this great
crime9 Have we no confidence in ourselyesH
Another asked, what security have we that
the South will not rebel again, If we admit
their representatives, l answer this question
by another: would there not be ten-fold more
danger OF their rebelling II we do not give
them representation than II we dot Who
does not know that the most justi6able Of all
causes for rebellion or revolution is TO tar and
govern people gtthom representation The
old Thirteen rebelled against England for
that, and four of those thirteen are among
the States my colleague would now reduce to
the territorial condition. Up to this time the
South never had any justifable cause for re-
bellion.
Follow out the policy Of the Senator from Masss-
chusetts and my colleague, and you will give them
what nil the world will say Is just cause for war.
By so doing. we shall change positions with them.
We shall place ourselves in the wrong, and give
them Just cause Of complaint, now that they have
surrendered. We were right in the beginning
right In every step Of progress In the war right
in authorizing the President to end the war when
the supremacy Of the Constitution was vindicated,
and the union Of the States, with their rights and
equality unimpaired, rostoredj right in rendering
to tho rebels upon their surrender magnanimous
terms Of peace, more magnnnimous than We would
offer TO foreign foe, because they part Of our
people, with whom by interest, by necessity and by
the logic Of geographical and commercial position,
we are forever bound to 1.-Two and hold the closest
relations II we now direct the President to with
draw tho terms of paciacation he has offered and
they have accepted, ant above all, II We shouid IN
the spirit Of this resolution Of my colleague declare
them no longer States in tbs Union, but Terrific
res subject to the control Of Congress as the other
Territories Of the United Statos, we should place
ourselves in tho wrong, falsfy all professions OF
devotion 10 the integrity Of the Union, anu feuuoe
them TO be our dependents and yassals.
For one moment consider the condition u tne
Territories. They are not under the Constitu non
at all. Mr.. Webster In Of his mastery efforl y
Mr. Benton In his review Of the bred Scott case,
demonstrated that the Constitution Is for States and
not for Territories at all. Territories are outside
dependencies, and governed by Congress, not under
It's power limited by the Constitution, but by its
absolute power. The Supreme Court decided In
Canters case and have often affirmed the doctrine,
that Congress possessed all legislative power over
the Territories as absolute as in the District Of Co.
lumbia.
What, in effect, docs the Senator from Massa-
chusetts and my colleague propose2 To place out
side of the Constitution and to govern with hnlim.
tied power eleven States and ten million people,
nearly third Of all the States and people Of the
United Stntcs, without any representation. And
is this the way to pacifya great country and sat-
isfy the wish Of great people2
The people Of the South have been so completely
Frustrated by this war that they would bear almost
any humiliation before rising in arms again. But
" there Is any mode Of proceeding more likely
than any other to provoke them to do SO It Is this
proposition thus to reduce them to be vassals.
What effect would it have upon ourselves II
would turn tho North into nation Of shareholders,
the people of the South being cur slaves. All sa-
very in the end destroys both master and slave.
This would very soon make the South not at to be
free, and We ourselves become too much corrupted
and demoralized by the exercise Of such power to
permit them to be free.
To hold them thus would require the presence of
q large standing army, which, IL kept on foot for
n long timo, is sure in the end to undermine the
virtue Of republican institutions and prepare the
way for concentrated despoti m, perhaps an EN-.
pire.
1t would subject us to incalculabo expense, which
tho financial situation of the country Is in no con-
ditiOn to bonr.
1t would, in my opinion, and in this feel that I
am sustained by the opinion of the present able
head Of the Treasury, affect our national credit
most disastrousy at home and abroad 1t Is well
known that upon the reception of the Presidents
message at Frankfort.on the Main our bonds ad-
yanced two per cent. Reverse his policy and treat
those States subject conquered provinces, and
our national credit would sink at once. Such q
course would incite, If not produce, another civil
war.
1t would keep the question open, to be the source
of ever increasing irritation until all hope Of union
would DO gone.
1t would demoraliEe and dishearten the friends
Of the Union at the South, and turn their loyalty
into hatred. off" said Mr.. Lincoln, two reject
md ham xa do nnr nj n,o IN dianr0aniVa
and dispense them. II, on the contrary, we recog
nEe and sustain them, the converse of all this is
made true We encourage their hearts and nerve
their arms to adhere to their work, and argue for
it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed 1t,
and grow II, and ripen 1t into complete success"
II would make those who hated the Union during
the war, and who, upon the surrender Of Lee, gave
up all hope or thought of further resistance, and
wero ready to renew their allegiance to the Consti-
tuition, hate the Union more bitterly than eyer.
Again, sir, other grave considerations plead to
sustain the Presidents policy. How can We hope
that the great Of the people South will engage
earnestly and hopefully in the production of cotton,
tho great staple Of export unless the pacihcation
Of the States is made complete, and in time for
the coming CROP
Our financial situation, therefore, demands peace,
and peace as reality. Such peace would be i'm
possible, If we attempt to reduce those States to
the condition Of Territories.
Some speak of the wealth Of our mines. do not
doubt 1t. But for present resources to meet our
engagements they cannot compare with the cotton
fields OF the South. Every dollar OF gold produced
in Colorado has thus far cost two. When the rail-
road reaches the mountains to carry laborers and
supplies, that will be reversed but not till then.
But were peace now fully restored the cotton
fields Of the South, worked by free labor and free
capital this season would produce all that our ne
cessites require and all that industry should hope
fUr to those who engage in IT,
have just seen q letter from William A. Parker,
from Evergreen, Alabama, under the date Of Janu-
AIRY 3, 1865, to the Commissioner Of Agriculture in
which he says:
"As 1t may not be uninterestng to you to know what
the agricultural prospects Of the present year In this
section, will briefly state the results Of my obseTya
uons In this and the adJoiping county Of Monroe.
There Is vigorous and enteTprising spirit preya
lent The preparations for the coming crop In the two
respects Of land and labor extensive than eyer
before.
"rhe freedmen have shown themselves willing and
ready to enter into fair aud reasonable contracts to
perform labor. Nearly all Of them are already en-
ployed
"Pauters and farmers are sAnguine. A better state
Of things generally exists than has been known for
long time In this part Of the country There is less idle
also beiHg exhibited increased interest in education
have the honor to be, sc.
Sir, everything In our power should be done to
secure the crop Of the coming season.
Again, sir, how do stand in relation to foreign
Powers2 Who does not know that during the re-
hallion EmnAror of Franco desired and balieyad