Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1866-08-31
.rsnroptgolr1d.
THE PENDING CANVASS.
sENATOR HENRY s. LANE ON CONsTl
TIJTIONAL AMENDMENTS.

SENATOR HENRY :. LANE ON CONsTA-
TUTIOEAL AMENDMENTS.
tell you, my feIlow-citizens, when we
passed the constitutional Amendment, we
passed a measure transcending in impor-
tsnce all other political questions; and 1t
is the one upon which alone peace, lasting
and honorable peace, can be brought 10
our country. The first clause in that Con-
stitutional Amendment is simply re-
afirment of the first clause in the Civil
Rights bill, declaring the citizenship of all
men born or uaturalized in the Q. S. with
out regard to race or color. Then there
is another provision, and most important
one, namely, basing representation upon
population, excluding such as are exciu-
ded by the local law from the suffrage on
account of race or color. should nave
preferred a Constitutional amendment
based upon the voting population alone.
1t was a simple proposition, easily under
stood: it could not, however, be earned
through Congress; but the present propo-
sition is substantially just, and will accom-
plish the same purpose. Ii ever your
Copperhead orators attack us upon this
equal representation, we will ask them
to tell us if one Rebel vote in South
Carolina ought to be equal to three loyal
votes in Indiana. But they will not thus
suuarely state the question: no, they will
tell you that the present is time OF
great excitement; that the present is not
the best time to amend the Constitution,
when IL States are out of the Union. You
should not, they say, legislate and pass
the Civil Rights bill and the Freedmen's
Bureau bill and the Constitutional Amend
ment when IL States are out Of the Union.
But why, in Gods name, are they not
representedG Whose fault is it! L saw
them leave Congress with denunciations
and bitterness and cursing upon their
tongues. They went out voluntarily, and
they will come back when the loyal people,
represented by the loyal Congress, think
they can safely come, and they aC'H not
come back sooner. Cheers But why
should we not legislate upon these sub
iects? If we can legislate upon one sub
iect we can upon another, and if we can
not constitutionally legislate upon Con
stitutional amendment and upon Civil
Rights bill, then we cannot upon another:
then your whole war debt may be repudi-
ated. You have lost 100000 Of your gal
lant sons, brothers, or husbands, whose
graves now furrow the battle field; they
have died murderers, unless the Presi-
dents proclamation protects them. But
YOU cannot cast these eleven States out OF
the Union! Andrew johnson was elected
when these eleven States had no voice in
the councils of the nation; but we thought
his election valid election. If you can
not legislate when eleven States were out
of the Union, then his election was not
valid, and Andrew johnson is not to-day
the President of the United States. And
it is into this absurdity that these men are
driven, without thought of their accidental
Presidency. We have legislated for five
wears; we have suppressed the Rebellion;
we have passed revenue laws; we have
passed tariff laws, and laws to protect the
manned veteran of the war, his wife and
orphan children; and are these Legislative
acts to be invalid because eleven States
have chosen not to be represented in Con-
gress? -.
The Constitutional Amendment, then,
is now submitted to the people, in the
only constitutional mode in which that In
strument may be amended. Amendments
may be proposed by two thirds vote in
Congress, and ratified by three-fourths of
the States. That is wise provision, and
it is the only provision of the kind exist
ing in the Constitution of any human gov
ernment In Europe, when they desire
an amendment of the Constitution, they
appeal to revolution and the arbritrament
Of arms; but there is the peaceful mode
pointed out for amending our Constitution.
And have we not reached crisis when
the Constitution should be amended p
When we Ihave had so terrible war, and
such important issues are dependent upon
it, ought not the Constitution to be adopt
ed to the changed state of affairs!
Under the old Constitution these slaves
were counted three out of every five: by
emancipation they became citizens; by the
very force of emancipation, without any
law, without constitutional provisions,
they became citizens of the United States.
Your Rebel brethren in the South, five or
six millions of white people, would not
only vote to represent themselves, but they
claim the right to represent four millions
ofnegroes. The thing is SO absurd that, it
seems to me, it needs no argument