The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1866-10-04
The first section. defines citizenship, which

=@'s persons of color = are coihpfehendea With
this definition. This is true and is it not
llso4 just to this class of persons, as well as
proper, in regard to relative rights, privile
res and inmunities of, all persons and sec
tons of the country
All persons born. or naturalized in the Uni
ted States and subject to the jurisdiction
thereof should be citizens of the United States
and ofthe States wherein they reside.
No State can make person IL citizen. A
free negro was held not to be citizen of the
United States by decision of the Supreme
Court previous to the rebellion. Such per
son was held to be, if born in the State. a
citizen of North Carolina, previous to the
same. Then, all slaves were not citizens OF
any State or of the United States, but being
now free, thev all, "persons Of color" might
be held to be entitled to none of the priv
ileges and emoluments of citizens of the sew
eral States" Such political status fixed
for this class or species of men, by the Courts,
would subject them to a kind or serfdom
worse than slavery, in sections OF the coun-
try where they are now, for the most part,
living and would forbid their migration to
other sections, and their dispersion among
the masses of the people of other States, &C II I
tanning very few of this class of population.
Considerations of policy, as well as justice,
require the ratification of the amendment as
to this section, the remainder of which is al
ready. substantially Incorporated in the Con-
stitution.
If it be urged again that this section is, as
it has been asserted in regard to the whole
amendment, designed to lead to negro suf
frage in North Carolina, the reply of the
g National Union Executive Committee" is,
Not So" The question asto the qualifca
| ton of electors, who shall be voters, is now
by the Constitution, and will be by the
amendment, with the people Of the State to
| determine for themselves.
! A conflict OF law, as well as of public
opinion, will have been settled by the in
! corporation of this provision in the funda-
mental law
Section second contains the material and
practical portion of the amendment. 1t may
have been designed-its tendency certainly
IS, to secure equality of suffrage, but, 1t does
not compel or require it.
Representatives shall be apportioned &C
cording to the whole number of persons lex
! Guiding Indians not taXed'O in the State, if
the people so will but. if they choose to de-
ny = to any of their male inhabitants" white
or colored, " the right to vote at any cleo
ton for the choice of electors" &c, &c, 'or
in any way abridge that right as TO such in
habitants being twenty-one years of age, ex-
cept for participation in rebellion or other
crime, then the basis of representation shall
be reduced in the proportion which the num-
Der of such male citizens (white and cooreCD
shall bear to the whole number of male citi-
Zens (white and colered twenty-one years of
age in the State" The State may grant the
right to vote to all persons of color" and
/ thereby gain three representatives in Con-
gress after the session which shall succeed the
census in 1870, or it may deny it to all such
persons and be entitled to five representa-
! tive, losing three, or it may grant limited
suffrage to any number less than the whole
upon basis of intelligence or property quail
ltication, and thereby increase its representa-
/ ton to six or seven.
Is not the principle contained in this sec
ton just and if so can any power, party,
society or State hope to gain by opposing it,
and insisting upon what is wrong
Would the people of North Carolina, who
would do unto the people of another State
whatsoever they would have them to do unto
themselves, consent voluntarily that NIassa-
chusetts should deny the right to vote to all
persons who did not possess property quail
itication of one thousand dollars in value,
thereby excluding large proportion of her
white population from suffrage and count
that population or persons SO excluded to
increase her basis of representation in the
Congress of the United States 2 Yet, if
Massachusetts, so choose to deny the ight
to vote because of want of sufficient proper
ty or intelligence, or because of color, She as
North Carolina, may do so. This is a mat
ter for the people of each State, and let it be
recollected often, and not lost sight of by
them, ut this time especially, while efforts
are made to prejudice and mislead the pop
ular mind for the purpose of carrying the
elections
A purpose to carry elections through APP
peals to the passions and prejudices of the
people mainly in relation to negro suffrage,
sectional hatreds and animosities engenderetl
and increased by the late civil war. and
desire to obtain Office even at the risk of har-
mony and loyalty and Union, stand in the
way of assent to the third section. THIS
ccti0n does not dcny to any person the right to
n0te. 1t simply imposes disability upon
The classes of persons named therein to hold
officc,at the pleasure of two thirds OF the Con-
sress of the United States.
The number of persons in North Carolina
who would be disabled from holding Office
temporarily, would be comparatively small,
md doubtless, Congress would so soon and so
last as possible make haste to remove that
disability in all proper cases. This section
IS Objectionable to the people of the State
'ertainly to none more Objectionable than to
hose who are seeking and expecting to hold
,ffice, but without inviting or preterring the
,lisfranciscment any person-will they not
accept this as a part of the whole measure
proposed by Congress. and already ratified
by New Jersey, Connecticut, Vermont. New
Hampshire, Tennessee, Nevada, and Oregon,
for the sake of the restoration OF the Union,
American people
Shall there be less confidence had in the
nagnanimity and justice oftwo- thirds OF the
representative of all the States-th0se of the
State of North Carolina and of every South |
arn State, who will compose Congress upon |
the ratification OF this amendment, than has |
been voluntarily yielded to one man, the |
President of the United States who assumed |
that all government in the States lately in |
6iSSOlypl ne
Commandcr-in- Chief of the Army and Navy, |
and in virtue not of military law, but of I'M
defined and unCletnable war powers, denied |
both the right to vote and the right to hold !
office to any but " Enthusiastically 10y IL men,"
or whomsoeyer he mi ght designate, accord
ing to his own will and pleasure
But it may not be profitable to recur for
any purpose to the past. 1t is gone, and |
cannot return. Let there be buried with it |
all causes of internal dissension, all threats of
dissolution of the Union, all desires and ex-
pectations of separate government all heart