The Jackson standard. [volume] (Jackson C.H., Ohio) 1847-1888, 1866-08-30

ing JllaC pOPIlOn as OASIS OF representa-
ton in Congress, These, with every
attempt Of Congress to protect the
Southern blacks from rebel persecution
and oppression, have been met with the
deadiest, most envenomed hostility, by
the entire Johnson party and every d.
vision Of it--Rebol, Copperhead, and
apostate Republican alike. And every
utterance Of the Philadelphia Conven-
ton implies determination that this
vital part OF the Federal Constitution
shall henceforth be nullifed "There
is nodesire or purpose to re-establlsh sla
very" says Cowan's platform, Yes, sir!
but suppose such desire and purpose
should Aereqfer be formed by any State,
what is our security against the gratiti-
cation Of that desire, the fuliilment Of
that purpose! VIGOROUSLY, yassalage
could be restored by Legislative devices
and legal constructions which would de-
fly successful resistance if it were not for
the power confded to Congress to "en-
force" the above article by appropriate
legislation" And that power exists in
the teeth Of the Philadelphia Conyen-
ton, with all its works and ways. Is
it not plain that Congress chosen un-
der the auspices of the Convention will
utterly refuse to enforce the Constitu.
tional guarantee! What do we daily
hearfrom the entire johnson partyowith
regard to the late New Orleans massa-
Gre! !'' ll .'.' ... III. sr, Do, ,s.-.tra
Mr.. Raymond's address, while in
terms ignoring the Constitutional
Amendment, in effect denies its validity
He says I# '..
1t is the unquestionable right of the people Of
the United States to make such changes i'll the
Constitution as they, upon due deliberation, may
deem expedieht. But we insist that they shall be
made in the mode which the Constitution itself
points out-in conformity with the letter and the
spirit of that instrument, and with the principles
OF self-government and of equal rights which lie
at the basis of our Republican institutions. We
deny the right Of Congress to make these changes
in the fundamental law without the concurrence
of three-lourths of all the States including espe
cialy those to be most seriously affected by them
ditions of representation, or OF admission to any
of the rights, duties or obligations which belong
under the Constitution to all the States alike.
Now it is notorious as the sun in
heaven that the convention of every
rebel State has adopted the Constitu
tional Amendment under duress-
adopted it because made to understand
that they must. South Carolina and
Mississippi would have spurned it as
Delaware and Kentucky did; only they
were out and wanted to get in; while
Delaware and Kentucky were in and
entitled to stay in. fthc fundamental
doctrines of the Philadelphia convention
are sound, then slavery rightfully exists
at the South to-day, and must continue
to exist until "the States most seriously
to be affected" by its abolition shall free
ly and voluntarily do what they have
hitherto done only under Executive or
Military compulsion. But let us look
more directly at the case of our black
Union soldiers:
Unquestionably, there was a time
when we might have received the re-
yolted States back to loyalty and left the
blacks where the rebellion found them.
Up to January /, 1858, we were at per-
feet liberty and were generally willing
to do 50. Even after that, had we been
constrained to make terms with the re-
bellion, we held that our obligation ex-
tended only to those blacks who had
rendered service to the Union cause.
But the rebellion was persisted in until
utterly crushed out by force Of arms,
crushed out in part by the valor OF
blacks, whom stern necessity had forced
us to arm and call into the field. Of
these, the number actually in service
when the rebellion collapsed was GER
tainly over one hundred thousand, and
probably equal to all the rebel soldiers
lett in the army on the day Of Lees sur
render. Now, we hold that the faithful
service of these loyal blacks, with the
completeness of our triumph, involves
the nation in duties which it cannot re-
pudiate without perfdy and burning
shame. To allow these disbanded
Union soldiers to be stripped of their
hard earned arms by rebels, as they have
been in several of the restored" States
to be taxed at will by embittered rebels
for the education of those rebels chill
dren, while their own are allowed no
public instruction whatever-to have
their testimony rejected in courts of
justice, and they placed in every way
under the feet of those they helped us
to vanquish-this is dishonor, it is
treachery, tits blasting crime. Yet this
is what we are required to do by the
Blairs and Raymonds recently assem-
bled in the Philadelphia convention.