The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1866-02-09
The EQUAL Riohts of All

~ noI t,iIn away rom 1t. Vindicate the GREAT
oause, Dseeecn you, Dy the suppression Of an
ongarchial pretensions, and the establjsbment
OF those equal rights, without which rennhI;
can government is name only, and notbing
more. Strike at the black code, as Won bano,
already struck at the slave code There IS no,
thing to choose between them. Strike at once :
strike hard! You have already proclaimed
emancipation; proclaim enfranchisement also,
And do not stultify yourselves by setting at
naught the practical principles of the fathers
that all just government stands on the con-
sent Of the governed, and its inseparable cor
ollary, that taration acithout representation is
tyranny. What is once true is true forever.
although we may, for time lose sight of it.
and this is the case with those imperishable
truths to which you have been, alas! so indif-
ferent. Thus far the work is only half done.
see that 1t is finished. Save the freedman
rom the outrage which is his daily life. As
slave he was "a tool without soul" II you
nave ceased to treat him according to this an
cent definition, it is only because Won treat
him even as something less. In your philoso-
phy ne IS only "a cipher" without the protec-
ton which the slave sometimes found IN the
self-lntersst of the master, or, rather let me
say, he Is only "cypher" where rights are con-
cerned, but numeral counted by millions
where taxes are to be paid. The freedman is
compened not only to pay taxes he must fight
-
which he cannot escape. But, according to
the primal principle ofrepublican government.
ne mas an indeteasible right to- voice in deter
mining how to be taxed, when to fight, and
what laws to obey, all of which can be secur-
ed only through the ballot Thus again do
return to the same conclusion, which meets us
~ every point and every stage, as command
ment which cannot be disobeyed. . lal Ili.ll.-
Would you secure all the lust fruits of this
terrible war, and trample out the rebellion in
lts pernlclous assumptions as in its arms?
Tnen DO not hesitate; and this is the last STAGE
OF the argument. The rebellion began In
Two assumptions, both proceeding from South
Carohna; nrst, the sovereignty of the States,
with the extended right of secession: and.
secondly, the superiority of the white race
with the pretended right of caste, oligarchy
and monopoly, on account of color The
nrst was often announced In every way The
second showed itself at the beginning. when
South Carolina alone, among the thirteen
States, allowed her Constitution to be degrad-
ed by an exclusion on account of color, but il
did not receive an authoritative statement Un-
I'll later day, when that wicked evangelist,
Mr.. Calhoun, taking issue with the Declara-
ton OF Independence, audaciously announced
In the Senate, that to declare all men born free
and equal was "the most dangerous of all DO
htical errors; and that it had done more to re-
tard the cause of civilization, and is doing more
at present than all other causes combined;
that we now begin to experience the danger
of admitting so great an error to have place
in the Declaration OF Independence" (Cal-
houns Speeches, vol iv., p. 54.) These two
assumptions are kindred in effrontery. All
agree that the dogma of State sovereignty
must be repelled; but this Is less offensive than
that other dogma, having the same origin, that
the Declaration Of Independence is "the most
dangerous of all political errors" To repel
ror. for~xy IL ..lo "a
scorned. 7e f9iau 81 ~ l NHl--f1i
The gospel, according to Calhoun, is only
another statement OF the imposture, that this
august republic, founded to sustain the rights
of human nature, is nothing but "a white
mans government" The whole assumption
Is ignoble, utterly unsupported by history, and
insulting to the fathers, while 1t is Extensively
Illogical and lrreligious. 1t Is illogical, mas
much as our fathers, when they declared that
all men are created equal, gave expression to
o truth of political science, which, from the
nature Of the case, admits no exception. As
an axiom it is without exception; for it Is the
essence OF an axiom, whether in geometry or
morals, to be universal. As an abstract truth
1t is also without exception, according to the
requirements Of such truth. And finally, as a
self-evident truth, so announced In the great q
Declaration, it is without exception; for only
such truth can be selfevident Thus, wheth-
er axiom, abstract truth or selfevident truth.
it is always universal But the assumption is
not only illogical, it is irreligious inasmuch as
it flies in the face of that living truth which
appears twice at the Creation; first, when God
said, Let us make man in our own image;"
and secondly, In the Unity of the race, then
divinely appointed, and which appears again
in the gospel, when it was said, @God hath
made the world and all things therein, and
made of one blood all nations of men, Ac-
| cording to the best testimony now, the popu-
| lation Of the earth-embracing Capeasians,
Mongolians Malays, Africans and Americans
lis about thirteen hundred millions, of whom
only three hundred and seventy-fve millions
are "white men" or little less than ne-fourth,
so that, in claiming exclusive rights for swhite
men," oudegrade nearly three-quarters of the
human family, made in the "image of Godn
and declared to be of zone blood while you
| sanction q caste offensive to religion and an
| oligarchy inconsistent with republican form
| of government, and monopoly that has the
whole world at its foot-stool IL led U
Against this assumption protest with
| mind, soul and heart. 1t is false in religion,
| false in craftsmanship, and false in economy
| 1t is an extravaganza which, If enforced, is
| foolish tyranny. Show me creature with
| erect countenance looking to Heaven, made
| in the image of God, and show you MAN,
who, Of whatever country or race, whether
| darkened by equatorial sun, or blanched by
northern cold, is with you child of the Heav-
| emily Father, and equal with you in title to all
| the rights of human nature. You cannot de-
| ny these rights without impiety. And so has
| God linked the national welfare with national
duty, you cannot deny these rights without
| peril to the republic. 1t is not enough that
| you have given liberty. BY the same title that
we claim liberty do we claim equal equality
also. One cannot be denied without the 9TH
| er. What Is equality without liberty? One
| is the complement of the other. The two are
| necessary to round and complete the circle of
| American citizenship They are the two
/ lobcs of the mighty lungs through which peo-
| ple breathe the breath of life. They are the
two vital principles ofa republican govern
| ment, without which q government, although
republican in name, cannot be republican In
fact. These two vital principles belong to
those divine statutes which are craven on the
| heart of universal man, even upon the heart
of the slave who forgets them, and upon the
heart of the master who denies them, and
whether forgotten or denied, they are more
enduring than marble or brass, for they share
| the perpetuity of the human family. -.
The Roman Cato, after declaring his bt l,ef
/ in the immortality of the soul, aided, that il
this were an error, it was an error which he
loved. And now, declaring my belief in lib
erty and equality as the God-given birthright
of all men, let me say, In the same spirit, if
this be an error, it Is an error which / love; if
this be fault, it Is fault which / shall be
slow to renounce; If this be an illusion, It Is an
illusion which pray may wrap the world IN
its angelic forms. .aFo Y
Foundering of the "London."