Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1866-02-07
RESPONSE OF THE PRESIDENT.
HIS VIEWS UPON NEGRO SUFFRAGE
FRANKLY AND FULLY EXPRESSED.

Reported especially for The Star by James o.
Clephane, Esq, of the firm of Clephane &c
Smith,
This afternoon, the delegation of colored rep
resentatlves from different States of the coun-
try, now in Washington to urge the interests
of the colored people before the Government,
had an interview with the President The
delegation was made up as follows Fred.
douglas, New York; George T. Downing,
representing the New England States; Lewis
Il. Douglas (son of Fred. Douglas) and VIM
f. Matthews. Of Maryland; John Jones, Of
Illinois; John +. Cook, Of the District of Co
lu.nbIa; A. J. Raynier, OF South Carolina;
Jos. Z. Oates, of Florida; A. W. Ross, of Mis-
sissippi; VIM. Ripper, of Pennsylvania; John
M. Brown and Alexander Dunlop, Of Virginia;
and Calvin Pepper, white of Virginia.
The President shook hands kindly with each
member of the delegation
ADDRESS OF GEORGE T. DOWNING.
Mr. George L. Downing then addressed the
President as follows:
We present ourselves to your Excellency, to
make known with pleasure, the respect which
We are glad 10 cherish for youxa respect which
is Your due. our Chief Magistrate. 1t is our
desire for You to know that we come feeling
that we are friends, meeting friend. We
should however, have manifested our friend.
ship by not coming to further tax your already
much burdened and valuable time; but we
have another object in calling. We are in a
passage to equality before the law. God hath
made it by opening Red Sea. We would
have your assistance through the same. We
come to you in the name of the United States,
and are delegated to come by some who have
uniustly worn iron manacles on their bodies
by some whose minds have been manacled by
class legislation in States called free. The
colored people OF the Sta es OF Illinois, Wis
consin, Alabama, Mississippi Florida. South
Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland,
Pennsylvania, New York, New England
States. and District OF Columbia, have special
ly delegated us to come
Our coming is a marked circumstance, noting
determined hope that we are not satisfied with
an amendment prohibiting slavery, but that we
wish it enforced with appropriate legislation.
This is our desire. We ask for it intelligently,
with the knowledge and conviction that the
Fathers Of the Revolution intended freedom for
every American, that they should be protected
IN their rights as citizens and equal before the
law. We are Americans, native born Ameri-
cans. We are citizens, we are glad to have it
known to the world, as bearing no dou btful rec.
ord on this point. On this fact, and with con-
fidence in the triumph of justice we base our
hope. We see no recognition Of color or race
in the organic law of the land. 1t knows no
privileged class, and therefore we cherish the
hope that we may be fully enfranchised, not
only here in this District but throughout the
land: We respectfully submit that rendering
anything less than this will be rendering to us
less than our just due: that granting anything
less than our full rights will be disregard ofour
just rights, Of due respect for our feelings, If
the powers that be do so it will be used as
license, as II were, or an apology for any
community, or for individuals thus disposed,
to outrage our rights and feelings. 1t has been
SHOWN IN the present war tDat the Government
may justly reach the strong arm into States,
and demand from them, from those who owe
Ii allegiance, their assistance and support
May II not reach out a like arm to secure and
protect its subjects upon whom il has claim.
ADDRESS OF FRED DOUGLAS.
Following upon Mr.. Downing, Mr.. Fred
Douglas advanced and addressed the Pre.i.
dent, saying:
Mr.. President: We al not here to enlicht-
en- you, sir. as to your duties as the Chief Mag
istrate OF this Republic; but to show our re-
spect, and to present in brief the claims of our
race to your favorable consideration. In the
order Of Divine Providence you are placed in
aposition where you have the power 10 save
or destroy US; to bless or blast us. mean our
whole race. Your noble and humane prede.
cessor placed IN our hands the sword to assist
in saving the nation, and we do hope that you,
his able successor, will fayorably regard the
placing in our hands the ballot with which 10
save ourselves.
We shall submit no argument on that point.
The fact that we are the subjects OF Govern.
ment, and subject to taxation, subject to yolun-
being drafted, subject to bear the burdens Of
the State, makes ii not improper that we should
have no speech to make on this occasion.
simply submit these observations as a limited
expression of the views and feelings of the del
egation with which have come.
RESPONSE OF THE PRESIDENT.
In reply to some of your inquiries, not to
best to talk plainly and distinctly about such
matters, 1 will say that if nave not given
evidence in my course that am friend Of
humanity, and to that portion Of it which con.
stitutes the colored population, / can give no
evidence here. Everything that have had,
both as regards life and property, has been
perilled in that cause, and feel and think that
l understand (not to be egotstic) what should
be the true direction of this question, and what
course of policy would result in the imeloara.
ton ard ultimate elevation. In of ba
colored, but of the great mass of~the people of
the United States. say that if 1 have not
given evidence that am friend Of humanity,
and especially the friend Of the colored man in
my past conduct, there is nothing that can
now do that would. i repeat, all that pos.
been mt nn in and RS5GRPer have
when had every inducement held out to take
the other course, by adopting which 1 would
have accomplished perhaps all that the most
ambitious might have desired. If know nv.
self, and The feelings of my own heart, they
have been for the colored man. have owned
slaves and bought slaves, but never sold one.
1 might say, however, that practically, so far
as my connection with slaves has gone, have
been their slave instead OF their being mine
Some have even followed me here. while others
are occupying and enjoying my property with
my consent. For the colored race my means,
my time, my all has been perilled; and now at
this late day. after giving evidence that is tangi-
bic. that Is practical, l am free to say to YOU
that do not like TO be arraigned by some who
can get up handsomely rounded periods and
deal in rhetoric, and talk about abstract ideas
of liberty, who never perilled life, liberty, or
property. This kind of theoretical, hollow,
impractical friendship amounts to but very
little. While / say That am a friend Of the
colored man, do not want to adopt q policy
that believe will end in a contest between the
races, which If persisted in will result in the
determination Of one or the other. God forbid
that L should be engaged in such a work!
Now, 1t is always best to talk about things
pracucaily, and in csmmsn-sense way Yes,
have said, and repeat here, that il the col.
ored man In the United States could find no
other Moses, or any Moses that would be more
able and efficient than myself, would be mis-
Moses to lead him from bondage 10 freedom;
that would pass him from land where he
had lived in slavery to land (if it were in our
reach) OF freedom. Yes, would be willing TO
pass with him through the Red Sea to the Land
OF promise-to the land Of liberty; but 1 am not
willing, under either circumstances, to adopt q
policy which believe will only result in the
sacrince OF his life and the shedding of his
blood think know what say. feel what
say; and feel well assured that IL the policy
urged by some be persisted in, 1t will result in
great injury to the white as well as to the col
oreo man. There is great deal Of talk about
the sword In one hand accomplishing an end,
ana the ballot accomplishing another ut the
ballot.box.