Baton Rouge tri-weekly gazette & comet. [volume] (Baton Rouge, La.) 1865-18??, 1866-09-18

L
accept that part Of the policy which
he favors, but with modification. ]
have never thought that it would be
wise to bring back all the States in
body and at once, any more than
it would be to keep them all out to.
gether. One by one, in due success.
sion, under practical judgment,
rather than by wholesale theoretic
| rule, / would have them readmitted,
| still think middle course between
the Presidents and that Of Congress
would be wiser than either. But
with this my agreement with the
President ends.
I have long regretted his igno-
rance of Northern ideas and senti-
ments, and have been astonished and
panied at his increasing indiscretions.
Unconsciously the President is the
chief obstacle to the readmission OF
the Southern States. 1t is enough
that he is known to favor a measure
to set the public mind against it.
This is to be deplored. But it is
largely owing to his increasing i'm
prudent conduct believe him to
be honest and sincere in the dis
! charge of what he regards as the
public good, but slow and inapt in
receiving help from other minds.
Proud and sensitive, firm to obsti-
macy. resolute to ferceness, intelli.
gent in his own sphere, which is
narrow, he takes the intensity of his
own convictions for strength of evil
dence. Such man has a true
sphere in periods Of peril-when au-
dAcious firmnessuand rude vigor are
needed. But ia the delicate tasks of
adjustment, which follow civil war,
such nature lacks that tact, and
delicaey, and moral intuition which
constitute the true statesman.
Mr.. Johnson's haste to take the
wrong side at the atrocious massacre
of New Orleans was shocking. The
perversion and mutilation OF Sheri-
dams dispatches, need no characteri-
cation. | do not attribute this act
to him, yet it was of such criminal
and disgraceful nature that not to
clear himself of it by the exposure
and rebuke Of the offending party
amounted to collision with crime
after the fact.
What shall / say of the speeches
made by the wide recent circuit Of
the Executive? Are these the ways
of reconciliation. Yet, Mr.. Johnson
is to be our President for nearly
three years, to come clothed with
power which belongs to few thrones.
Besides the honor which a people
owe 10 him as the Chief Magistrate,
we must as Christian citizens credit
him with his real exeellencies his
original horror of secession; his bold
resistance to treachery; his persist
ent and self-denying heroism in the
long dark days of Tennessee. We
must not forget that he has zealously
resisted the Capitalization of power
in the Federal Government that he
has sought to dignity and secure a
true States rights that he has
maintained simplicity Of manner
and true love Of the common people.
1t is our duty, likewise, to forestall
and prevent as much as possible, by
a kind and faithful criticism of his
errors on the one hand, and by sym
pathy and kindness on the other,
those dangers to which he is liable,
under the attacks which heis peculi-
arly unable to bear with calmness,
and those dangers of evil counsellors,
which more and more gravitate tow
ard him. So long as it was possible,
| have been silent upon Mr.. John
sons faults, and now speak so plainly
only lest ! seem to approve Or cloak
them.
And now allow me to express
some surprise at the turn which the
public mind has taken on my letter.
If had never before spoken my
sentiments, | can see how friends
might now misapprehend my posi-
ton, but for a year past l have been
advocating the very principles of the
Cleveland letter, in all the chief
Eastern cities, in Boston, Portland,
Springfield, Albany, Utica, Roches-
ter, Buffalo, Philadelphia, Harris.
burg, PIttsburg and Brooklyn. At
the Academy of Music last winter,
these views were reported, discussed,
agreed to or differed from, praised
and blamed abundan,ly. But no
one thought, or at least said, that !
remember, that had forsaken the