The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1866-04-04
APRIL 4, 1866.

4
from the defendant. 1t seems to me
that under the influence of such temp
tations bad men might convert any law,
however beneficent, into an instrument
of persecution and fraud.
By the eighth section Of the bill the
United States courts, which sit only in
one place for white citizens, must mi
crate, with the marshal and district at
torney, (and necessarily with the clerk,
although he is not mentioned, } to any
part of the district, upon the order of
the President, and there hold court
g for the purpose of the more speedy |
arrest and trial of persons charged with
violation of this act J" and there the
Judge and the officers of the court must
remain, upon the order of the Presi-
dent, for the time therein designa-
ted.''
The ninth section authorizes the
President, or such person as he may
. empower for that purpose, to employ
such part of the land and naval forces
of the United States, or of the militia,
as shall be necessary to prevent the
violation and enforce the due execution
of this act" This language seems to
imply a permanent military force, that
is to be always at hand, and whose only
business is to be the enforcement of this
measure over the vast region where it is
intended to operate.
Idonot propose to consider the policy
of this. bill. To me the details Of the
bill seem fraught with evil. The white
race and the black race of the South
have hitherto lived together under the
relations OF master and slaye--capital
owning labor. Now, suddenly, that re-
lation is changed, and, as to ownership,
capital and labor are divorced. They
stand now each master of itself. In this
new relation, one being necessary to the
other, there will be new adjustment,
which both are deeply interested in
making harmonious. Each has equal
power in settling the terms, and if left
to the laws that regulate capital and
labor, it is confidently believed that
they will satisfactorily work out the
| problem. Capital, it is true, has more
intelligence; but labor is never so ignor-
ant as.not to understand its own inter-
ests, not to know its own value, and not
to see that capital must pay that value.
This bill illustrates this adjustment. It
intervenes between capital and labor,
and attempts to settle questions of po-
litical economy through the agency of
numerous officials, whose interests it
] will be to foment discord between the
two races for as the breach widens
their employment will continue, and
! when it is closed their occupation will
terminate.
In all our history, in all our experience
as people living under Federal and
| State law, no such system as that con-
| tcmplated by the details of this bill has
ever before been proposed or adopted.
| They establish, for the security Of the
| colored race, safeguards which go in
/ fniteiy beyond any that the General
| Government has ever provided for the
white race. In fact, the distinction OF
race and color is by the bill made to
operate in favor OF the colored and
against the white race. They interfere
with the municipal legislation of the
States, with the relations existing ex-
clusiycIy between State and its citi-
zens, or between inhabitants OF the
same Statez-an absorption and assump
ton of power by the General Govern
ment which, if acqpiesced in, must sal
and destroy our ie lerative system o.
limited powers, and break down ths
barriers which preserve the rights of the
! States. 1t is anotiaer step, or rather
stride, towards centralization and the
concentration of all legislative powers
in the National Government. The ten
.dency of the bill must be to resuscitatt
the spirit of the re bellion, and to arrest
the progress of those influences whici
are more closely drawing around The
States the bonds Of union and peace.
| Ny lamented predecessor, in his pro
! -elamation of the first Of January, 1863
| ordered and declared that all person
| held as slaves within certain States ant
parts of States therein designated wer
| and theneeforward should be free; and
| further, that the executive, government
! of the United States, including the mil
4 itary and naval authorities thereot
! would recognize and maintain the free
dom of such persons. This guarant,,
has been rendered especially obligator.
] and sacred by the amendment OF tn
/ Constitution abolishing slaverythrougl
out the United States. Therefore fnll
recognize the obligation to protect an
defend that class Of our people, wheI
ever and wherever it shall become nee
.essary, and to the full extent compatlbl
/ with the Constitution of the Unite
: States.
Il Entertaining these sentiments, it onl
| remains for me to say, that will chez
/ | fully cooperate with Congress in an
J measure that may be necessary for til
protection of the civil rights Of the freed
!, / men. as well as those OF all other classt
{ of persons throughout the Unite
: States, by Judicial process under eqa;
, an d impartial laws, in conformity Wit
i the provisions of the Federal Constitl
ton.
/ now return the bill to the Senat
I and regret that in considering the bill
!, and joint resolutions forty-two in nun
ber-whieh have been thus far submi
ted for my approval, am compelled
i withhold my assent from second inca
/ nre that has received the sanction
-I both Houses of Congress.
ANDREW JOHNSON.
WAsnINGToN, D. c., March 81, ls6
E