Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1866-02-28

! thority cannot be construed as including the
| right to shut out, In time of peace, any State
| from representation to which it is entitled
| by the Constitution. At present all the peo-
| pie of eleven States are excluded those
who were most faithful during the war not
| less than others. The State of Tennessee,
| for instance, whose authorities engaged in re-
bellion, was restored to all her constitution.
al relations to the Union by the patriotism
and energy of her injured and betrayed peo-
| pie. Before the war was brought to ter
mination they had placed themselves in re-
| lation with the General Government; had
established q State Government Of their
own, and as they we're not included in the
emancipation proclamation, they, by their
| act, had amended their Constitution SO as
to abolish slavery within the limits of their
State.
know no reason why the State of Ten
| nessee, for axample, should not fully enjoy
! all her constitutional relations, to the u
| nited States. The President Of the United
States stands towards tie country ina some
| what different attitude from that of any
| member of Congress chosen from a single
district or State. The President is chosen
by the people of all the States. Eleven
| States are not at this time represented in
either branch of Congress; it would seem to
be his duty, on all proper occasions, to pre-
1
There always will be difference of opinion
in the community, and individuals may be
| guilty of transgressions of the law; but
| these do not constitute valid objections
| against the right of State to representa-
=! tion. and would In nosswise interfere with the
| discretion of Congress with regard to the
qualifications of members but l hold it my
duty to recommend to you In the interests Of
peace, and in the interests of the Union,
al, l.. Il ~
public legislation when, however insubordi-
nate, insurgent or rebellious its people may
have been, it presents itself not only in an
attitude of loyalty and harmony, but in the
persons of representatives, whose loyalty can
not be questioned under any existing con-
| stitutional or legal test.
1t is plain that an indefinite or perma-
nent exclusion of any part of the country
| from representation must be attended by
spirit of disquiet and complaint. 1t is un-
| wise and dangerous to pursue course Of
measures which will unite very large Sec
tion of the country, however much the latter
may preponderate. The course of emigra-
ton, the development Of industry and busi-
ness and natural causes will raise up at the
South men as devoted to the Union as those
of any other part of the land. But if they
are excluded from Congress, if in a perma-
nent statute they are declared not to be in
full constitutional relations to the country,
they may think they have cause to become
q unit in feeling and sentiment against the
Government. Under the political educa-
ton of the American people the idea is in
herent and ineradicable that the consent OF
the majority of the whole people, is necessa-
ry to secure a willing acqulescence IN Legls-
lation.
The bill under consideration refers to GER
tain of the States as though they had ''been
fully restored in all their constitutional rela-
tions to the United States If they had
not let US at once act together to secure that
desirable end at the earliest possible moment.
1t is hardly necessary for me to inform Con-
gress that in my own judgment most OF those
States, so far at least dependent on their
own action, have already been fully restored,
and are to be deemed as entitled to enjoy
their constitutionalright as members of the
Union.
Reasoning from the Constitution itself,
and from the actual situation Of the country,
I feel not only entitled but bound to assume
that, with the Federal courts restored, and
those of the several States in the full exer-
else of their functions, the rights and inter-
aid of the military in cases of resistance to
the law, be essentially protected against un-
constitutional Infringement and violation.
Should this expectation unhapplIy fail,
which [ do not anticipate, then the Execu-
tive is already fully armed with the powers
conferred by the act of March, 1865, estab-
fishing the freedmen's bureau, and here
after, as heretofore, he can employ the land
and naval forces of the country to suppress
insurrection or to overcome distractions to
the laws, in accordance with the Constitu-
ton.
l return the bill to the Senatein the earn
est hope that measure involving questions
and interests so important to the country
will not become law, unless upon deliber-
ate consideration by the people 1t shall re-
ceiye the sanction of an enlightened public
Judgment. ANDREW JOHNSON.
Washington, D. c., Feb. l9, 1866.
An Irishman recently stopped at hotel
in Des Moines, Iowa. where pretty high
lillc rraro oh arnoa In tho rnnrninp fha