The spirit of democracy. [volume] (Woodsfield, Ohio) 1844-1994, 1866-02-28

OF 1t. II, on the other hand, 1t be found
that the property is liable to confscation,
even then it cannot be appropriated to
public purposes until by due process Of
law it shall have been declared forfeited
to the Government.
There are still further objections to the
bill, on grounds seriously affecting the
class of persons to whom it is designed
to bring relief. 1t vii! tend to keep the
mind of the freedman in a state of un-
certain expectation and restlessness; while
to those among whom he lives, it will be
a source of constant and vague appreheu-
sion. Undoubtedly the freedmen should
be protected; but they should be protect
ed by the civil authorities, especially by
the exercise of all the constitutional pow
ers of United States and of the States.
His condition is not so exposed as may
at first be imagined, He is in a portion
of the country where his labor can
not we'll be spared. Competition for his
services from planters, from those who
are constructing or repairing railroads, or
from capitalists in his vicinity, or from
other States, will enable him to command
almost his own terms. lie also possesses
a perfect right to change his place of
abode, and if, therefore, he does not find
in one community or State a mode Of life
suited to his desires, or proper remunera.
ton for his labor, he can move to another,
where labor is more esteemed and better
rewarded.
In truth, however, each State, induced
by its own wants and interests, will do
what is necessary and proper to retain
within its borders all the labor that is
needed for the Development of its re-
sources. The laws that regulate supply
and demand will maintain their force,
and the wages of the laborer will be reg
ulated thereby. There is no danger that
the demand for labor will not operate in
favor of the laborer; neither is sufficient
consideration given to the ability of the
freedmen to protect and take care Of
themselves.
1t is no more than justice to them to
believe hat as they have received their
freedom with moderation and forbearance,
so they will distinguish themselves by
their industry; and they feel and will
soon show the world that in a condition
of freedom they are self-sustaining and
capable of selecting their own employ.
ment and THEN own places of abode; Of
insisting for themselves on a proper re.
Enumeration and Of establishing and main.
tanning their own asylums and schools
1t is earnestly hoped that instead Of
wasting away they will by their own eff
forts establish for themselves a condition
of respectability and prosperity.
1t is certain they can attain to thai
condition only through their own merit:
and exertions. In this connection the
query presents itself, whether the system
proposed by the bill will not, when put
into com plete operation practically, trans.
fer the entire care, support and contro.
of four millions of emancipated slaves tc
agents, overseers or taskmasters, who
appointed at Washington, are to be loca:
ed in every county and parish Throughout
the United States, containing freedmen
and refugees, such a system inevitably
tends to such a concentration Of power il
the Executive which would enable him
if SO disposed, to control the action Of
numerous class, and use them for the at.
tainment Of his own political ENDS. car
not but add another grave objection tc
this bill, in connection with taxation, that
each State shall have at least one Repre-.
sentative, and fixes the rule for the mum.
Der to which, in future times, each State
shall be entitled.
1t also provides that the Senate of the
United States shall be composed of two
Senators from each State, and adds with
peculiar force that no State without it;
consent shall be deprived of its suffrage
in the Senate. The original act was ne
cessarily passed in the absence of the
States chiefly to be affected, because theil
people were then contumaciously engaged
in the rebellion. Now the case is chang
ed, and some, at least, of the States are
attending Congress by loyal representa-
%tives, soliciting the allowance of the con.
stitutional right Of representation. Al
the time, however, of the consideration
and passing of the bill, there was no Sen
ator or Representative in Congress from
the eleven States which are to be mainly
affected by its provisions.
The very fact that reports were and are
made against the disposition of the coun.
try, is an additional reason why they need
and should have representatives of their
own in Congress to explain their condi-
ton, especially as 10 accuse lions, and as.
sist by their local knowledge in the per-
fecting of measures Immediately affecting
themselves, while the liberty of delibera-
ton would then be free and Congress
would have power to decide according to
its Judgment. There could then be no
objection urged that the United States
most interested had not been permitted
to be heard.
The opinion is firmly fixed in the minds
of the American people that there could
be no taxation without representation
Great burdens are now to be borne by all
the country, and we may bes. demand
that they shall be borne without a muir
mur when they are voted by a majority
of the representatives of all the people:
| would not interfere with the unques-
tionable right of Congress to judge, each
House for itself, of the elections, returns
and qualifications of its own members;
but that authority can not be construed
as including the right to put out, in time
of peace, any.State from the representa-
ton TO which it is entitled to By the Con-