The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1866-05-11
Ex-senator Brownipg, OF Illinois,

] LuoA6 otatcsf A65a ludn the WuOi6t can,
rightfuily, dissolve the Union, and that
therefore, the ordinances of secession
which assumed to accomplish that re-
suit, by carrying a portion of the States
out of the Union, and absoiving their
people from their obligations to the
Constitution and laws Of the Union.
were absolutely null and void, and
that, Notwithstanding the ordinances,
the States which adopted them re-
mained in the Union, and the people
as subject to the authority of the Gen
eral Government, in all things, as they
were before This was the very issue
between loyalty and rebellion. This
was the issue upon which we fought
and triumphed-this, the vexed ques
ton of three-quarters of century,
which was definitely settled by that
triumph. Through all the war, every
department of the Government ac-
knowledged and acted upon this as
the true constitutional doctrine. Presi-
| dent Lincoln, in all his messages, proc
lamations and other state papers, when
ever he had occasion to allude to the
rebel States, spoke of them and treated
them as States in the Union.
Congress, in all its legislation, recog-
nized them as such-included them in
the apportionment of Representatives
under the census of 1660-distributed
them by law into Judicial circuits, put
! ting some of the States which had at
| tempted to secede with loyal States, in
the same circuit, and apportioning the
direct tax among them as States. Their
| votes were counted as States upon the
constitutional amendment, and were
| recognized and required as necessary
to its adoption The Supreme Court,
at all times, had cases on its docket
| from the States in rebellion, and, from
time to time, as we advanced into the
Territory, and overthrow the usurping
governments, the President apporS
toned Federal judges to administer the
laws of the Union in such States. None
of these things could have been done
if the States were out of the Union.
Indeed, the war itself can be justified
on no other theory than the integrity
of the Union, and the nullity of the or
dinances of secession. If the ordi-
nances were null and void, as all
loal people maintained, then the
States never went out of the Union,
but are in it still If the ordinances 4
are not null and void, then they are
valid, and the States went out lawfully;
and if they had lawful right to go out,
we could not, at the same time, have a
lawful right to make war upon them to
compel them to stay in. Such an as
sumption would be absurd.
again, if the ordinances were not
null and void, but actually dissolved
the connection between the States and
the General Government, they equally
absolVed the people from their alle-
glance, and withdrew them from the
jurisdiction Of the General Government,
and the people of the States so with
drawn could no longer be called traits
ors or rebels, and we could have no
right to make war upon them to coerce
obedience to a Government to which
they no longer owed allegiance.
Second. The President maintains
| that the war was prosecuted for the
purpose of putting down armed resist
ance to the authority of the Governs
ment, and preventing the disruption of
the Union, and that these objects hav-
ing been accomplished, the war is at,
an end
"Third. That the States being still in
the Union, and the people of those
States no longer being in rebellion, but
| having ceased resistance, and submit
ted to the authority of the Constitution
and laws, they are entitled to be again
placed upon footing of equality, in all
respects with the other States of the
| Union, as we cannot, in our form of gov
ernment, have States with graduations
of rights under the Constitution.
Fourth That to give them this
| eqality, they must be represented in
| the national legislature.
Fifth That that representation
must be by the men they choose to elect
for that purpose, as no other power can
appoint Senators and Representatives
for them; and that, unless they are re-
presented by the men of their own
choice, they cannot be represented at
all
"Sixth. That whenever the people of
any Of those States, in accordance with
the requirements of the Constitution
and laws, elect senators and represent
atives who are willing TO take the oatbs
prescribed by the Constitution and
| laws, they ought to be sdmitted-leav-
ing each House, at all times, at full
| liberty to judge of the elections, re-
turns, and qualifications of the mem
bers applying for admission. That is
matter with which the President has
never attempted to interfere. The diff
ference between him and Congress upon
this subject, understand to be this
/ he maintains that the States are in the
Union, and entitled to be represented
in Congress by loyal men, while Con-
| gress insists that they are no longer
/ States in the Union, but outlaying con-
auered provinces, not entitled 10 be
represented at all, even by loyal men
| The difference between these two poll
cies is easily recognized, and their diff
ferent bearings upon the future of the
country easily appreciated. The one
leads to peace, harmony, unity, frater-
nity-to the softening of sectional pre-
iudices and animosiies-to the healing
of the wounds inflicted upon the body
politic-to the revival of industry and
| commerce-to the repairing the DANA
ges of war, and building up the waste
| places-to binding more closely than
ever the chords that unite US; and to
opening before US a new career of
prosperity, greatness and glory.
"The other, in my judgment is the
reverse of all this and if persevered
| in, will lose all the advantages we hoped
for from the costly victories that have
been won. 1t will foment a spirit of
discontent-keepa alive the snimosities
engendered by the war-alienste the
people more and more from the Gov
ernment-retard the revival of indus
trial pursuits-perpetuate disunion-
pecessitate large standing army, with
its attendant evils, and finally change
the entire structure and character of
the Government In fine, one is
Union. the other a disunion policy, and
between the two, the people must
choose. Let US hope that the choice
will be wisely made. This is not time
for passion. The country IS IN peril
more l believe than st any time during
the war. The purest patriotism and
the best craftsmanship are required to
secure. the fruits Of the sacrifices we
have made, and the victories We have
won, and angry discussion and denun-
citation are not very favorable to the
development of either. The rebellion
/ is suppressed, but the country is not
saved and, in the present temper of
the public mind, it is not certain il will
be. All may yet be lost, and IL lost,
will never ee regained.