The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-01-29
Attest:
GEORGE w. HAMRRsLEY, ooo.o.,i..
A. W. BENEDICT, '0Oi0''iA'''

The Conversation between Mr.. Johnson
and '' Distinguished Senator"
THE Associated Press displayed its usual
energy this morning in telegraphing the sub
stance of conversation between distin-
guished Senator and the President, which,
however, appeared in the Cincinnati Gazette
nearly week since. The subiect-matter of
the despatch is, however, of deep political
interest, as any one familiar with the utter
ances of Mr.: JOHNSON cannot fail to perceive
in the article ample proofs of its authenticity.
The story which has been industriously circu-
lated that it is the intention of his Excellency
to veto the negro suffrage bill should it pass
both Houses, receives a confirmation in the
reported conversation.
"The President expressed the opinion that
the agitation OF the negro franchise question
in the District of Columbia at this time was
the mere entering wedge to the agitation of
the question throughout the States, and was
ill-timed, uncalled for, and calculated to do
great HARM"
Whether the President or Congress is right
is not matter tor us to debate. The legality
of any action Of the National Legislature rela-
tive to the status of the inhabitants of the
District, cannot be denied. The question is
merely whether such an action would be
expedient. and in all questions of expediency
each is entitled to his own opinion. The issue
opened, should such bill become law, is a
wide and dangerous one. Whether it is right
to enter upon that field will be settled by
those in whom we repose perfect confidence,
and who, from their official position, can get
a clearer view OF the bearings of the subject
than can be acquired by private citizen.
While, however, it seems almost certain
that the suffrage bill will not receive the
Executive sanction, the substance of the con-
versation would lead us to imagine that the
amendment reported by the Reconstruction
Committee will be assented to by Mr.. JOHN
SON. For although she did not deem any
amendment to the Constitution at all neces
sary at the present time," yet should
such an amendment be desired by the House,
he thought that "there was none better than
a simple proposition, embraced in few lines
making in each State the number Of qualified
voters the basis of representation, and the
value of property the basis Of direct taxa
ton" The argument he used was power
full one. He says:-
THE qualified voters we're, for the most part,
men who were subject to draft and enlistment
when it was necessary TO repel invasion, suppress
rebellion and quell domestic violence and insur-
rection. They risk their lives, shed their blood,
and peril their all to uphold the Government
and give protection, security, and value to pro-
perty. 1t seemed but Just that property should
compensate Tor the benefits thus conferred by
detraying the expenses incident 10 its protection
and enjoyment
We have thus before us the opinions Of his
Excellency on the two most vital questions of
the hour-one in opposition to a great step
in the political advancement, whether for
good or ill, we do not say, of race hereto
fore oppressed; the other in favor of the
equalization of suffrage influence between all
the sections of the country. Yet the opinions
gre so unofficially expressed as not to be
binding upon Mr.. JOHNSON should further
developments compel him to change his views
in relation to their propriety. Those who
have been prophesying division of the Union
party, and difference between the Legislative
and Executive branches of the Government
on the question OF representation, are doomed
to disappointment. There will be no division,
for all, conscientiously working to accomplish
the common good, will yield all personal DIFF
ierences to promote the advancement of our
national cause.
pk