The Bolivar bulletin. [volume] (Bolivar, Hardeman County, Tenn.) 1865-1888, 1866-07-07


France, and it is better for our credit
and influence that the Conference scheme
should be dropped stillborn than that it
should have enjoyed a brief period of vitality
as the prelude to an ignominious collapse
The negotiations, however, do not seem to
have been very judiciously managed by
Lord Clarendon, if we may judge from the
peculiar answer given by Mr.. Gladstone to
General Peel on Tuesday evening The
General asked whether it was true that the
Congress had been given up, and was told
! IN reply THAI the first communication
made to the British Government was q tele-
graphic message received on Monday night
from France, stating that In the opinion of
the French Government the Conference was
at an end, in consequence of the answer
from Austria imposing conditions that were
/ impractieable. From Mr.. GladstOne's des-
cription of it, the Austrian despatch. in
roundabout phraseology, refused to discuss
the Venetian question, or any other question
involving territorial changes The English
Cabinet ought not to have undertaken to
play the part Of mediator In any Confer
ence except upon condition that the disput-
ing parties were willing to receive suggest
| ions for the amicable settlement Of the ac-
tual matters on which their quarrels have
risen. If Lord Clarendon had grown more
worthy Of public confidence than he was at
the time Of the last Paris Conference, so
Justly referred to by Mr.. Disraei, our Cab
met would not have waited for the opinion
of the French Government to know that the
/ Conference scheme was at an end, as that
I fact would have become evident the moment
Austria refused to accede to the only con-
ditions on which Conference could ration
ally take place. A reference to the Protocols
/ of the Paris Conference viii show, notwith-
/ standing Lord ClarendOns attempt at iusti-
/ fieation, that he did truczle to France most
/ discreditably in the matter of the Belgian
/ press; and it is evident that he has again
placed us in a wrong position in the very
] simple business Of making preliminary in
/ qUiries whether the parties to the impend>
/ ing quarrel would give arbitration any chance
Of superceding the sword Public opinion
should impress upon the Government the
/ duty of having nothing to do with other
/ peoples quarrels, except for the support of
/ plain principles of right and on occasions
when our Intervention Is likely to do good
England is disgraced and lowered by perpet-
ual meddlings, based upon no great ideas of
policy conducted without skill, and ending
I without success.
1t is no doubta deplorable thing that an
industrious, kind-hearted, home-loving people
| like the Germans should, through the wick
/ edness Of their rulers, betake themselves
to the bad business Of mutual destruction.
! No one can contemplate without horror and
disgust the CHASTITY scenes of carnage and
! suffering, of robbery and RIGHTEOUSNESS
which the cities and plains of Saxony and
| Silesia may soon offer to our view; nor can
/ the Justice Of the Italian cause, nor the
/ heroic splendor that surrounds the patriotic
/ name of Garibaldi, take away the profound
regret that the life-blood of thousands will
/ be poured forth In a desperate and alarming
| struggle for the rescue Of Fenetia and the
| Quadrangle; but sentimentalizing over the
calamities Of war has little tendency to re
strain its advent and unless England can dc
something to put down the moral evils OF
which the battlefield is the physical symp-
| tom, let her remain spectator, watching
and waiting with dignity, for better oppor
tunities that time may put into her hands
Warrwe presume, will begin as soon as
I one of the opposing parties can get ready
for its grim method Of arbitration The blame
of the occasion is now pretty equally divided
| between Austria and Prussia, or rather be
tween the rival Houses OF Hapsburg and
HohenzolIern. The unscrupulous ambition
of the Prussian Sovereign and Minister Is
matched by an ambition as bad and as base
| which the House Of Austria cherishes
| Long experience has proved that Austria
can only reign over any portion of Italy as
an oppressor and n destroyer The san
culinary obstinacy with which she cliRgs tC
/ Venice and the Quadrangle exemplify a lus
for power in its most brutal form, and hel
internal condition as a mangled wreck O
Constitutions both old and new excites the
strongest disgust towards a Government
and dynasty which now seeks to make
fresh cement for its tOttering dOminions ou
of human blood War, Austria and Prussia
rest with either one To stir up the Ger
man question, the Italian question, and the
| Hungarian question all at one time may
prove more perilous game than either th(
despot of Berlin or the despot of Vienna
NAV expect The spectre of revolution may
accompany or follow the chariot of war
4 The States of the Germanic Confederation
will be convulsed throughout all their Dor
ders The Saxon Parliament. while sup
porting the Government in its armamen
against Prussia, desires to have recourse tx
German Parliament called in conformity
with the law Of the revolutionary time o
IS49, and as the Prussian Court has made
itself the conspicuous and treacherous op
ponent Of Constitutional liberty, the Ger
man people may find out how to raise a new
political edifice not at all in accordance will
the pattern devised by Won Bismarck anC
his King
Russia seems conscious of the revolu
/ tiOnary volcano on which despOtiC thrones
are uneasily resting, and in a letter ad
dressed to the President of the Committe
of Ministers, the Gar talks of It's being hi
I duty to preserve his people from those per
/ niciOus germs of false doctrine which nigh
in time disturb the public order if a checl
were not placed on their development" Tn
document goes on to hint, vaguely, at Social
ism and attacks the property as the specia
) dangers against which Czar-craft is to guart
the nation. There may be foolish idea
abroad in Russia-indeed, the fact tha
Russia is a despotism leads us to imagin
that such is the case; but if Alexander toll
the truth it would be seen that 1t is Consti
tutionalism, not Socialism, which he reall
breads. The conditions for the growth @
! any dangerous form Of Socialism do no
z exist in Russia, with its gigantic territor
and its comparatively thinly scattered ayr
cultural population but there is a wide
7 spread desire for Constitutional liberty, an
+ the European conHagration which Austri
and Prussia take upon themselves the rC
sponsibility of kindling may make Mus
+ coEite politics uncomfortably hot. Thre
parties may begin the war; but how man
4 - If, - Ill.