Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1866-02-23
06Io SStatts;;rlrltrl1a9Nli.,. i.
[From the N. Y. Evening Post, (RepJ Feb. 2o1
The RDreaitIeul,s Veto.

1 Il
new Freedmen's Bureau bill with so much
! dignity, and at the same time with so much
force of conviction, that they will command,
we trust, the careful consideration of Con-
gress. These objections are substantially
the same as were urged in this journal at
the time the bill was first presented to the
! Senate, but they are urged more at length,
with more elaboration, and with fuller
understanding of the subject. g s'ItiJs
Some provision for the protection of the
| freedmen during their transition from bond
| age to freedom Is imperatfvely necessary {;
some authority that will llshelter the poor
creatures suddenly cast upon a new and
untrled field of life, from the ancient pref
udices of caste, from the brutal and venom
nous hatreds generated by the barbarism
of slavery, and inflamed by the resentments
of war; some power that shall sayfto the
people who were lately in arms against q
benign and inoffensive government whose
sway their own statesmen confessed to be
the mildest on earth, that humanity, JUS
tice and right shall be done; some hand
that shall hold up in conspicuous light
the great truth that government is not the
privilege OF few, butthe right of the many;
and it has seemed to us that no device was
better adapted to this end than the institu-
tlon of the Freedmen's Bureau. During
the war it had done a great deal of good, in
spite OF some incidental evils, and it was
likely to continue doing good, until the per-
turbations and efferyescences of Southern
society had subsided, and the regular ma
chinery of the Federal aud State Govern
ments had resumed an effective operation.
We were pleased, therefore TO see Mr..
Trumbull's motion for continuance OF the
plan of the Bureau, amended as to its de-
fects, and enlarged in some respects as to
its powers. 1t proposed practical legisla
tion, not theory; but there were neverthe-
less some features of Mr.. Trumbulrs bill
that struck us as not only unwise but dam
gerous. We described them in these words:
| "To the first four sections there is per-
haps no objection, as they merely intend to
open the public lands to the occupation of
the new citizens created by the release of
the slaves. Yet we confess that the author
| ity given to the Secretary of War to issue
| fuel, clothing, &C., to destitute refugees
and freedmen, is one that may be easily
abused. 1t ought to be restricted both as to
The time and manner in which the relief is
to be furnished, and to those persons only
who are unable to labor, to save the in
| tended beneficiaries from depending upon
| the Government instead of depending upon
| themselves. The one great lesson to be
taught the emancipated laborers now, is to
| take care of themselves. Hitherto they
have been like children dependent upon
their masters, but hereafter they are to be
men trusted with their own support and
guidance. ."
I'm view of this principle the sixth sec
| tion seems to us of doubtful utility. 1t
| provides that the Commissioner of the Bu
| reau, under the direction of the President,
| procure by grant or purchase such lands
as may be needful for the support of de-
| pendent refugees and freedmen, and build
| thereon suitable asylums and schools. This
| not only involves a considerable outlay Of
money, which we can ill afford at this time,
| but it contemplates the conversion OF the
| bureau into an eleemosynary and educa-
| tional establishment. But If the refugees
| and freedmen are to be supported by the
Government the duty should be cast upon
| the State Governments, and If they are to
be educated, let voluntary societies be
| formed for the purpose. Not particle of
good is likelyItO be accomplished nby the
| bureau in this way, while a false system
will be introduced, which it may not be
easy to correct. If we issue to the depen-
| dent classes of the South fuel, clothing and
provisions, it would seem to be enough,
and indeed is great deal more than we do,
oroightto do, for the dependent classes Of
the North. Be- brow ay.- G.. $780,. ny or
"The clause, again, confirming the pos
sessory titles of the negroes to the lands
taken by them on the Sea Islands, under
General Sherman's special military order
No. 10, deserves more mature considera-
tion than it seems to have Obtained," &C.,
&c. ri -ia uieh ..Hggguun-ru.r B.. f-..-ra,
We understand the view we have taken
to be still the view of the President. He
does not object to the Freedmen's Bureau
itself, on the contrary be commends its SER
vices during the war; but he objects to
certain features OF it that are not only not
needful to its efficiency, but that introduce
dangerous powers and influences. He
thinks that it conters too much patronage
on the Executive, that it calls for need
less introduction of the military arm, that
1t creates irresponsible civil tribunals, and
that it is likely to undermine the feeling of
self-reliance which it is 80 important to
cultivate in the hearts of the new class OF
citizens. 'lr E " .t Eo.ii-7- .ii
Congress itself will see at glance that
these are no frivolous but very solid obiec-
tions, and, while insisting upon the meas
ure ITSELF will no doubt modify the sections
at which they are levelled. The clauses of
the bill granting legal powers to the Com
missioners were borrowed from very bad
precedentr-the Fugitive Slave law-and
can be easily changed so as to render the
agents of the bureau responsible to the
regular courts The military provisions of
it may also be restrained and softened;,
while those sections which turn the bureau,
into an eleemosyDary establishment and
provide for education, &C., ought to be
Forthwith stricken OUT The operation OF
the whole scheme ought also to be limited
as to time. 1t is not meant to be perma-
nent, but transitory institution, provis-
ion made, for an eXigepcy, and to, guard
against wrong and abuse, while the normal
forces of society are yet ia suspense. AS
soon as the communities in which it is In
tended to operate shall do Justice to all their
citizens, its irregular action and interfer-.
ence should be withdrawn. .t
We say that the eleemosynary and edu-
cational elauses ought u, be stricken out at
once, because or, no principle of law, JUS
tice, humanity, or common sense, are such
provisions to be approved The freedmen,
| like every other class Of citizens, must 5bdi
protected in their rights; that is the one
duty and one function of government; that
the sentiment of the whole North demands;
that the General Government must.donntil,
the sentiment of the insurrectlonary States
compels their local, GOVERNMENTS to, do it
but the freedmen are entitled to no privil-
epes, and, above all, to none which revolu4i
| tionize the entiretheory and practice Of our
linstitutions, and which would convert
them, not into an active, industrious, thriv-
ling, fntelligentaFd usefulclass, but intoa q
body of iazzar0ili and panpers. LiisJd * bae
| 1t should not be forgotten that the imoFei
Freedman,s Bureaus we have the less we
shall have Of that private effort which i<.