The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1866-05-29

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| up as Topsey-grew out Of the unavoidable
/ predestined change from war 10 peace.
/ What was required was form Of reconciiia-
/ ton that should be reasonably acceptable
! to both parties, while it should harmonize
with returning loyalty ard renewed ale
/ glance in the States which were involved in
the rebellion, and should, at the same time,
secure all parties their exact constitutional
rights. Their present plan, like our
republican system Of government, vas
devised By nobody in particular, but it pre-
scented itself at once to the anxious thoughts
Of al parties concerned. The Constitution
| prescribes its chief details. The other por-
tons revealed themselves as inferior
mechanism to the engineer, to bring the de-
vice into successful movement. Congress is
to be expected, therefore, to concur with
the President, not in adopting plan which
he has projected, but in accepting with him
actually existing overtures Of reconciliation
in the form in which they have occurred.
l think that the proceedings Of Congress
hitherto indicate, not an ultimate disagree
ment and failure, but only procrastina7
ton, which, to the impatient, is in conve.
nient, and TO the timid alarming. We are
to remember, however, the constitutional
checks OF legislation. Indeed, Congress Is
designedly constituted so that it shall not
too hastily decide upon any measure. Hence
time is always found to be a necessary con-
dition Of safe legislation. The Senate,
counting only its sexual members, consists
Of fifty persons. They came from twenty
five different States, and individually they
are opponents Of at least five very different
parties, and Of multiplied differences Of
public opinion prevailing in each of these
parties. The House Of Representatives,
while il is more numerous, is constituted
upon the same principle. No measure can
finally be adopted by Congress until it has
obtained majority Of voices in each house,
sitting and discussing it in different cham
bers. The sentiments, feelings, jealousies,
prejudices and ambitions of their eOnstitu-
ents, necessarily and Justly influence, retard
and modify their deliberations and their
votes. To one who should be a stranger to
our system, it must seem more wonderful
that Congress ever agree upon any deeply
exciting measure than it would seem if they
would fail to agree on a plan Of Teconeilia-
ton between constituencies lately so widely
divided in civil war.
Delay in any enterprise begets new diff
culties and embarrsssments. There are
some pa tissns among US misguided, I
think, although honest, who deprecate easy
and speedy reconciliation. One class of
these partisans think that some conditions
or forms Of reconciliation, other than those
upon which the public attention is fixed,
are possible, essential and desirable. They
advise Congress to demand a concession by
the lately disloyal States Of a protrscted
Acknowledgement of all persons who nave
been involved in the rebellion. On the con-
trary, there can be no reconciliation at all
without amnesty in large measure. Even
the Divine Government does not ask sinners
to repent without promising them forgive
ness and restoration. The Constitution,
which is the supreme law of the land, does
not authorize 50 sweeping q disfranchise-
ment. The class I speak Of reply to these
arguments, that the rebels cast of the Con-
sttution, and became iusolent belligerents;
that, therefore, they are not citizens, but
conquered enemies. The advocates Of re-
cancellation rejoin that, although the Con
ST ution was IN many If its provisions dis
placed or suspended in the dislOyal States
by the war, yet it necessarily regains its
absolute authority on the return Of peace
1t takes tine to settle this new dispute. An-
other class Of politicians object that the
President ought not TO have recognized the
plan ofreconstruction, but on the other hand
that he ought 10 have left it exclusively to
the Legislative Department. L belongs,
however, TO the Executive to conduct war
with the means furnished by Congress, and
with the exercise of al military powers not
denied by the Constitution and the laws Of
nations. The tender OF amnesty and par
don By the President, and his Invitation to
the rebels to return to their constitutional
relations, like the proclamation against sla
very were not forbidden by any law of
Congress. or by the laws of nations. Con-
g75ss, nevertheless, retains and reserves al
necessary powers over the question of re-
cOacilation, in their reserved and inde east
bic right TO determine the qualifications Of
memb ers elected to the respective Houses
Another class Of these partisans insist that
Congress- shall secure the right Of suffrsg
for the African race in the States lately in
vOlved IN rebellion. Six months has been,
perhaps, not Unproftably spent IN bring
ing Congress 10 accept the fact that the
subject Of African suffra has only
begun now to be debated, with no
prospect that the assent Of a Con-
stitutonal number Of States to an
amendment Of the Constitution to that eff
feet, could be in any way secured through
any form Of action which Congress could
adopt at the pre- ent time. 4 fourth class
Of these partisans are so apprehensive Of re-
newed disl0yaity il the Southern States,
that they would prefer to disfranehise all
the people of those States and hold them in
the condition Of subjugated provinces and
| territories for an indefinite future period,
rather than TO accept reconsUruetion on any
terms. Six months reflection has not been
unwisely bestowed by Congress in reaching
the conclusion that not only would terrific
rial or proVineiss government in one-fourth
or one third Of the States be more impracti-
cable in itself and more inconsistent with
the Constitution than any other form Of
Government, but that such Provincial or
| Territorial Government is, Of al others,
most thoroughly incompatible with the ex-
| istence even Of the Federal Union itself.
| 1t wss not until after all those topics were
expended that q Committee Of Congress
reached the point at which they made By
| implication the confession that, rather than
agree with the President, it would be expe-
dent and proper At present to shuttle of she
question Of reconstructioa altogether. Such
| | understand to be the effect Of what is
called the "third section" in the first article
Of the Reconstruction Committees report
and their supplemental bill. They do not,
however, in so many words, insist that re-
| construction shall be forever denied, or even
that it shall be indefinitely postponed.
They have reason for this forbearance. IL
do6nite postponement IN Congressional ac-
ton is equivalent to absolute rejection.
| Pressed by this difficulty they content
themselves with recommending that repre-
sentatives in Congress and IN the electoral
colleges shall only be admitted upon i'm
practicable conditions, and in every case
L that these representatives shall be excluded
until after 1870. But on the other hand,
this Congress must adjourn some time this
wear, end must cesse 10 exist in 1868, and
thea be succeeded by another Congress. It
/ is seen az once, therefore, that the postpone
meut Of reconciliation BY this Congress at
/ It's present session until I85e is equivalent
| to a rejection, SO far as their own action is
/ concerned, unless that, being enlightened
/ BY the Autumnal elections, they shall con-
| ciude 70 review and reverse their proceed
I ings next winter.
To this complexion the question OF recon
ciliation in Congress has come OF, if It has
not alresdy come 20 this complex on, 10
must come before the present Congress
/ shall expire. Either loysl representatives,,
! coming from States that STAND Ia al attitude
/ Of loyalty 20 the Union, must now be admit
/ ted or we have not only no reconciliation ex
/ cept through an appeal - the people il iu-
! ture popular elections Upon such g ques-
I son we NAV patiently and hopefully await
/ tho final deoisfcn o. Congress. No Con
! rress. ] think, could Be incousdsrate
/ enough to leave the question IN ghat fear al
/ shape. A failure Of reconciliation for an
| IN 8e6nite period would and could be nota-
/ ing less than q practical absndenm 1t OF
/ the uatioa b the rebe lion. lt would be
/ disunion and revolution i w6G.d be Mexi-
! can OF French anarchy. The people OF she
Uuit d States Justly fear, abh0r and deiest
aisuniou, revolution and anarehy. Neither
/ hope nor fear. nor singer, nor revenge, mr.
| ambition, nor any height nor depth, nor
| any ether creature can separate them from
| this Inherent life saving love Of Union.
| The experience Of the war has convinced
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