The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1866-04-01
SUNDAY, APRIL l, 1866.
The Civil Rights Bill and the Presi-

The Message Of the President auuounc-
/ ing his veto Of the Civil Rights Bill, which
We publish in full in other columns, hay
not command universal assent. But we
I venture to think that few state papers have
/ ever been given TO the world that will so
| thoroughly compel the attention Of think
/ ing men Of whatever creed, or kindred, or
| party.
The President deals almost exclusively
with the details of the bill as it passed
/ through Congress, reserying his comments
/ upon its policy to a few sentences at the
close Of the message. The analysis Of the
| details, however, is Of SO keen and search
/ ing a character, the logic is so irresistible,
| that we should hope even the strongest ad-
vocaies Of the measure will see how vastly
| important it that the constitutional power
| Of the veto should exist, and how impOr
! tant also, in higher sense, IT is that such
| a constitutional power should be intrusted
to a President endowed with Judgment,
| discretion and most uncommon courage.
The point in the Presideut's argument
which stands out in boldest relief, is that
which portrays with almost startling vivid
ness the danger-not only possible, bat Ger
tain-Of undermining the independence of
the judiciary. If Federal District Attor-
neys, Marshals, Deputy Marshals, Agents
Of the FTeedmen's Bureau, and other Off
cisls are TO be intrusted with the pow er of
arraigning any State Judge who may inter
pret State law in way which claimant
Of justice may disapprOye, Of what possible
use can be State laws, and of what conceiy-
able use can be State Judges Better abol-
ish both at once But not only are these !.
petty Federal officials empowered, under
this Civil Rights Bill, to appear as aecusers
Of the State Judiciary; they have premium
held out to them TO prefer charges. For
every case Of alleged injustice to freedmen,
they get fee. The accused may be inno-
cent; if so, the fee comes out Of the United
States Treasury. If the accused is guilty, ]
be has to pay his share of the perquisites 4
sccruing to the Federal official.
The strictly legal Interpretation which |
the President applies TO particular sections |
Of the act IS SO Overwhelmingly strong, that |
the members gearned in the law" who |
voted for it, can hardly help blushing to |
find themselves so entirely al fault, under |
the sharp logic Of layman. So far as We |
can learn the sentiment of the more dis |
Greet portion Of the majority that voted for |
the bill, they are ready to confess that the /
Presidents reasons are too strong for them,
and they are lain TO fall back on what they |
call his political aHimHS TO excuse their nom
acceptance of his arguments. Those who |
have throughout doubted the expediency Of |
multiplying discriminating laws in favor of /
a class which has achieved an eufranchise-
ment aud s.cial elevation unexampled in /
its suddenness and completeness IN the |
history OF the human race, must necessa-
rly be pleased that the President goes
even further in his veto than to interpret
the mere technie alities of the law. To
moderate and rational reiormers the few
simple but pregnant words which Mr..
johnson utters ol the policy of enforcing
the laws of political economy through the
agency Of q countless army OF stipendiaries,
have value far beyond The mere enforce
ment of the immediate argument. They
are words which have a scope and bear
ing aside from the provisions Of this or any
others negro protection bill. And they
show how far above the msJorty which de-
sres to control his action, are the views Of
the Executive in all that appertains to the
maintenance of constitutional freedom.
Wemay here note that the vote on the
bill, as it originally passed the Senate,
showed 80 in favor TO II against 1t; five
members being absent. OF the yeas all
We're "UniOnisIs;" and nine democrats"
Three "Unionists" and two democrats
were absent. In the House the yeas num-
bered ! IL and the nays 80. There were "a
members absent from the vote. Six
"Unionists" voted with the majority; aud
of the absentees twenty-six were Unionists
and eight Democrats.
These facts may rot furnish any clear
index Of the disposition with which mem
bers will approach the question Of passing
the bill over the Veto. But they indicate
what was the apparent sentiment of both
Houses before the Pres dent threw addi-
tional light upon the subject. 1t may be
hoped that arguments so ccgent as those
employed in the message will not be thrown
away. Il is not every day that members
have an opportunity Of listening to reason
and common sense. They may find this
appeal a seas0nable and acceptable change.
Be that as it may, the Presidents message
will be read and studied outside of Congress,
and everywhere throughout the civilized
world; and wherever it is read and studied
the American name and character will be
elevated, in so far as Andrew johnson is
held to represent the American people,
NslC York Times.