The Weekly Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, O. [Ohio]) 1861-1???, 1866-10-26

shall not attempt. Nay, more. To these
same men in Congress, passing legislative
bills which could become acts and laws only
by President Johnson's recognition of them
as q legislative bOdy-to bills passed by
these men, Mr.. johnson has over and again
affixed his signature. SO that, whatever
other opinion there may be, whatever
might be tho plea of any other man--of Mr..
Davis or Mr.. Alexander h. Stephens-wh
ever ally rebel might plead Andrew John
son, in the language of the law, is estopped
to deny that this is legal and Constitutions
al Congress. To it he owes his existence
as an officer of the United States. Under
its laws he has administered his Office.
Without it he could not have taken the oath
of office even with what little of understand.
ing he did take it. To it he addresses his mes
sages. From it he gets the authority to
draw the salary due to his high office, but
not to the individual.
Therefore, thus is our charge. Thus is
our first Observation-Disclosures in all time.
in the history of this Government under all
it's circumstances, no one branch of the
| Government has ever treated with disre.
spect or discourtesy, or attempted to bring
into ridicule or disgrace. any other branch
of the Government. Eveu in the time of
that severest contest about the United
States Bank, when General Jackson fought,
in the Presidential chair, fight against
what he deemed the great monopoly, such
as never was before fought, you will not
find in any act of his, or any public decla-
ration, any word which is lot respectful to
the Congress of the United States.
WHY JOHNSON DENoUHcEs CONGRESS.
Let us see with what intent these attacks
are made upon Congress. The intent is OBJ.
vious, because we find that they were not
made until Mr.. Johnson chose to separate
himself from the great party to which he
belonged, and throw himself into the arms
of those who were disloyal who had fought
the fight of the South, and those equally dis
loyal in the North, who were afraid to fight
any one. From that hour these attacks
were begun upon Congress.
Now, then, all history shows that no
monarch, however despotic, however limit
ed was his council, his legislative body, his
parliament, his diet, or 10y whatever name.
in the various countries of the world, leg.
ishtive bodies under monarchy or under an
empire may be designated, no monarch yet
has ever denounced that legislative body
to his people until he had made up his mind
to overthrow it aud seize the Government
to himself in spite of it. No parallel OF
history can be found where such denuncia.
tion has not been premonitory of the storm
of Executive outrage which was to burst
upon the country where such uttcrings
took place.
Again, you will observe that these same
denunciatioms of Congress were accompan-
| led with threats that, if this Congress
should be perpetuated as the Representa-
tives of the people, civil war should ensue.
Again, you find the President of the United
States seeking TO bring Congress into dis
grace by refusing to execute or carry ont
any law passed by it which does not suit
his views. lis refusal TO execute the Civil
Rights Bill and the Freedmen's Bureau B II
shows this intent. Therefore upon this
charge, we, the people of the United States
impeach the Presideut-no, the Vice Prcsi-
dent holding the Office of President of the
United States, fl or not fit-for high crime
and msdemeanor upon the specifications
which we have made.
IMPEACHMENT-THE SECOND SPECIFICATION COR
RUPTLY USING THE POWER OF APPOINTMENT.
Let us pass on. We, the people of the
United States, impeach the President-no,
the Vice President of the United States, now
occupying the Presidential chair, because
THAT | take to be the exact constitutional
definition of his position-of high crime
and misdemeanor in this, that corruptly and
wickedly, for the purpose of interfering
with the great birthright of the American
citizen, freedom of election, he has abused
the power of appointment and removal to
office; and our specification upon that
charge is this: that with the intent to de-
wise means by which he might set aside the
great constitutional power vested in the
Senate of the United States, of advising and
consenting to appointments to Office, he has
i'll thirty odd instances, appointed to Office
and put in actual exercise OF Office men who
having been nominated to the Senate of the
United States, the Senate hal solemnly tried
and rejected as unfit for Office. This ques-
tion OF the power of appointment aud re.
moval, at first sight, does not strike the
popular Judgment with the fulness and clear.
ness of wrong with which, in my Judgment
it is invested. We have been accustomed
since the time of Andrew Jackson, to ap.
pointments and removals in office. But
upon what theory did Andrew Jackson pro-
ceed ? He made the first innovation since
Washington-for, let me say here in pass
ing that Washington only in one instance
put again before the Senate the name of a
man whom they had failed to confirm. and
in his message doing it lie expresses great
| doubt and does it with the utmost hesi-
fancy saying that he thinks the Senate was
mistaken in the facts upon which it acted
and asks the Senate to revise its action, or
iii other words, that the man rejected be
granted new trial but Washington did
not attempt nor did he dare, with the views
which he took of the Constitution, to put a
man in Office if tho Senate had rejected him
He only sent his name to the Senate, but
did not invest him with any official power.
So Andrew Jackson, although he removed
many men from Office, proceeded upon this
theOry-and upon this theory only, in my
| Judgment, can the removals in his time be
justi6ed-thst the people, by their votes
having shown, in changing the head of the
Administration, that they desired change
of administration, and therefore they must
desire that all parts of tho Administration
should be in unison and harmony, therefore
Jackson removed the men who were OPP
posed to him, so that all the executive Of
icers should be in harmony with the Ad-
ministration which the people had chosen.
Now, upon that theory, it would seem o me
this action might be supported; but 50
chary was he of interfering with the pre-
rogative OF the Senate, that you will remem.
Der when he nominated Mr.. Van Buren, for
Minister to England Mr.. Van Buren,, being
then in England, his nomination was reject.
ed by the Senate, and when this was done
he at once returned. Although he was a
great favorite OF the old hero, yet there was
no attempt to force him into Office in spite
of the Senate, because, as you will see, un-
der the constitutional provision, If a Presi-
dent can do as Mr.. johnson has been doing
then he can set aside the Senate, so far as