Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-09-16
.taiOm and Amrritan.
----
SUNDAY. SEPTEMBER 10, 1856.
EXTRACTS FROM A SPEECH or JOHN
QUINCY ADAMS AT FANUEIL HALL.

] have said that Congress seems willing I
indefinitely postpone restoration Of a.
Union. II / were not anxious 10 be stud
ously moderate j should say that the mo.
active and influential Of It's speaker an
newspapers can fairly be interpreted as ut
terly opposed 10 any reunion at all VIVA
else, ! ask, can we conclude from the inees
SAINT stream Of denunciation and abuse. tn
constant search for new matter Of irritation
the perpetual recurrence 10 all the most bit
ter and humiliating memories Of the war
the daily tearing open Of old wounds, anc
twitting and sneering and taunting our con
quered opponents with all things that NAV
tend 10 exasperate their anger and perpetuatt
their ha'e2 What can any mortal expect
from such treatment but perpetual alieuationi
AND what Is the meaning Of the condition
which their Official act imposes If not indefi-
mite exclusion Of some at least Of the States.
IL Is preposterOus 70 presume that even
Congress could suppose that all the formerly
lnsurgent States would be weak or dishonest
enough to be bribed back into precarious
and inferior seats in the National councils.
For We must not forget that in asserting to
the terms Of Congress these States must ac-
knowledge the constitutional authority Of
the process by which they return, and be
content to sit at the good pleasure Of a mere
majority, and by The authority Of simple
Joint resolution Of a Congress Of part Of the
states, not expressly granted by the Consti-
tulpn. IL any one even rejects the bride,
no alternative but permanent subsection is
offered by Congress. ] will not spend time
III l. l..
any thing 10 be found in the text ofthe Con-
stitution is the arbitrary offer of conditional
restoration contained in the amendment and
its enabling statute Only 10 read them in
the light Of the 10th article Of amendment
70 the Constitution of the United States,
which SAYS expressly that "the powers not
delegated 70 the United States, nor prohibi-
ted by il 10 she States, are reserved 10 the
States respectively or to the people" would
seem 10 be sufficient negative Of constitu-
tional authority.
But the legal bearings Of this extraordi-
nary proposition have been fully discussed
by more than one Of the ablest iurists Of the
time. Indeed, the candid and logical Re
publicans and their honest presses admit its
divergence from the strict letter, but assert
a certain pre-eminent Concordance with the
spirit Of the Constitution, and they Justify
this lax construction by the old plea of ne
eessity and a kind Of indiscribable reserved
war right in the conqueror in civil war 20
disregard his own constitutional limitations
As TO this plea Of necessity, not 10 dwell on
the patent reflection that no usurpation or
constitutional overturn ever occurred from
the day julius CESAR crossed the Rubicon
90 the comp detdt of Louis NAPOLEON, or the
Committee Of Fifteen Of the last session Of
Congress, that did not strive 10 cover itself
under the broad mantle Of alleged necessity;
might well be content 10 simply deny the
fact OF the existence Of such "a necessity.
But l will not detain You now 10 examine
the evidence upon this head or to analyze
this strange claim Of reserved rights and
lurking war powers, potent TO retain their
force long after peace is declared and which
are nowhere even limited at in the written
word Of our organic law but will content
myself tonight with asking merely what
any reasonable man can fairly anticipate will
result from the proposed process, supposing
it is successfully perfected.
Passing over the strange anomaly of re-
cognizing these States which we have ascer-
tanned by our committee 10 be too wicked 10
be permitted 20 vote upon the simplest mat
tiers Of statute law, nay not even on ques-
tions Of finance where surely no human
being be he ever so rcbelious, could well
give more foolish or dishonest votes than
many Of our Radical friends, az are still In
the Union and safely reliable so far as TO
pass upon the gravest charges in our organic !
law, and that too under an open bribe:-
allowing all this for the sake of the argu-
ment what shall we gain by our move |
Congress SAYS we shall secure ourselves |
against another war, and take new guaran-
ties for peace But ! confess ] cannot see
how. This idea seems 10 me only part Of |
the general theory so prevalent with Us that |
a statute has some sovereign power 10 change |
the minds OF men; the same theory which |
teaches that intemperance can be abolished |
by law. Why, gentlemen, was there any |
lack Of constitutional law against secession
and rebellion, and did il prevent the great |
war? Nopilingof amendmentupon amend |
ment viii prevent revolution and anarchy |
so long as the policy OF the majority COM /
pels the minority TO hate the organic law, |
and teaches by is example the whole peo-
pie to disregard or evade It. fApplaOse. |
Will evil disposed men stand more in awe |
of your newly tnkered Constitution, after
you have yourselves impaired its sanctity by
trampling il under your feet, as they, at least,
VIII NiAANNA ~ A-NtiAita ~ w u ANAAlfbT
rary purpose, than they did when il was
enshrined as a thing apart in every thinking
mind? TCheers Why, gentlemen, this
seems 90 me ~ absurd as If the miller whose
fash boards had been carried away by
food aud his dam shaken TO its foundation,
should tear away the beams and planks from
the base of his dam 10 heap upon its top 10
secure il from the next freshet. The founda-
ton Of the Constitution and the Union is in
the low Of the people-nothing else.
[ Cheers. IL you loosen this foundation
You prepare its sure overthrow. What can |
we think OF men who say we are providing |
barriers b future disailections by. oonstitu- |
tional amendments which al the people |
know 10 be in violation Of the very instru. /
mcnt itself, aud a large section feel 90 be in |
yidious, insulting and humiliating 70 them |
ID seems 10 me you are starting the tOunda- |
tions Of your dam. For let us suppose that |
these nefarious outlaws Of the South and |
their hardly less atrocious accomplices of |
the Democracy las our kind friends |
call youl should some day return 10 |
power-and this superstition Is admissa- /
Die unless Congress should discover a neces- |
sity, as well as implicd-war-power-law for |
voting themselves n permanent body until /
everything in every way suits them-do |
Won suppose these convenient preccdents /
will be iorrotten3 Surprising these aban- |
doned men should desire a new amendment |
10 keep them in power or repeal of some |
old. obnoxious one, what is 20 prevent |
majority composed Of such licentious char |
arters As our Radical friends represent us /
10 Ice. from having our committee of fifteen |
aud voting Maine, New Hampshire, Yer |
mont and even this old Commonwealth 70 |
be in most outrageous practical relations |
With Tie Union, and blandly requiring her |
and them tc DO our viii or not be heard in |
Congress? Il may be said, bat that is |
absurd. Il would be revolution can |
only saw, that in my Judgment this action |
of Congress is revolution no less But Il Is /
said vou will sacrifice all the results OF the /
war nnt alanaon an we have gained and |
f,ught for. IN this be so, We are surely |
wrong but Is il 50? What did we fight |
Cor? President LINCOLN said it was 20 re- 1
dpce 10 Obedience 90 the Constitution the |
rebelious In certain States, and that the |
restoration Of the Union either with or
without slavery was what he fought Tor. A |
voicc-"that's so" Nor was Congress less |
explicit AZ the joint resolution passed July |
I, iS6l, viii show;
Resoiucd. That che present deplorablo civil !
war has been forced upon the country by the |
disunionists Of the southern States now in |
revolt against the constitutional Government |
and in arms around the capital that In this |