New Orleans daily crescent., 1866-10-01
TIE CoNsrI1UTIoNAl ABENDmENT.


ground that no better terms of reconstruction
can be obtained entirely mistake the issue
now before the country, and the position of
the South They are moreover deceived as
to the effect OF the affirmative action which
they recommend. The advice now volun-
teered to the South in regard to this matter
may be sincere; but it is entirely gratuitous,
and miserabE deficient even as TO the point
of expediency which it pretends to urge as
of insuperable importance In the first place
the South IS not seeking terms of reconstruc-
ton. Having been beaten in the effort for
independent government we are now entirely
: willing 10 re-enter the Union, and to ac~
cept sha Constitution in the form in which
that instrument was left by the results OF the
war. This is what we mean By loyalty
4 The cant definitions of the word now so
fashianablelat the North we are utterly inca
pable of comprehending. Legally IN the
lsense of cheerful abdication of the right of
opinion, and Joyous embrace of any sort of
conditions that what is Enthusiastically called
I,s4he nations will" may choose to impose on
us, we do not understand. What we desire is
simply to be permitted to resume our right of
/ local self government, and our place in the
| Union /; but we are not chaffering about terms
1 for either the one or the other The right of
representation We deem to be g very good
thing and very desirable thing but we do
not admit that we are 'frebels" and TRAITORS, !"
because in the first place we claim to excer-
else that right and in the nextplace because
when our claim is rejected we decline to accept
the terms which may be offered as its price.
Indeed nothing can be more ludicrously para
doxical than the accusations which the South
ern view of this question has ELECTED from the
radicals. When in accordance with what
seemed to be the general wish of the country
| We elected senators and representatives in
the United States Congress-as a proof, we
/ innoeently thought, of our sincere purpose to
refrain from further opposition I'VE were de-
i nounced as impudent sfrebels' for our pains.
i When we declare that representation in the
j United States Congress is not matter Of SO
great importance as to warrant us IN sacrif-
cling our views Of propriety as to the conduct
Of our local affairs, ana in aiding III the
humiliation and disfranchisement Of our
/ friends, for the purpose Of gaining it, we are
charged with contumacy and iterated t're-
bellion" against the nations will
/ The New York World, in an article on this
/ subject, thus states the point
Il Whether the amendment is fair or not is ques-
| ton which each State whose ratification is asked
has right to determine for itself The North has
no reason to object to it if the South chooses to
ratify, for it adds to the weight of the North in
i Congress. If the South chooses to make volun-
tary surrender Of part Of the representatives to
| which it is entitled by the Constitution, nobody
can dispute Its right to do So But, on the other
hand, if it chooses to hold on, with firm gripe /
to all the Constitution gives it, its freedom of ac
tien is as perfect and as unquestionable as if it
should choose to adopt the other course.
The chief argument addressed to the South by
its volunteer advisers is tact admission that the
South considers the amendment neither fair nor
just. The South is told that it can never gain re-
admission into Congress until it ratfes the amend
ment, and thatsiHee the surrender of part of its
representatives will be eXtorted if it be not vol
unfairly conceded, the South had better make a
virtue of necessity and submitwith good grace.
This is not kind of argument which would be sub
mitted to communities likely to be convinced Of
the fairness of the amendment
The voting population of the South almost unan-
imously consider the amendment unjust. If they
should ever consent to ratify it, it would be only
on calculation of interest, after abandoning {
all hope of Justice. 1t is only in this view that it
is worth while to discuss the likelihood of their rat
flying the amendment. ThepoweF of the South in
sentation, is nothing withouta large Northern sup.
port. II the temper of the North is such as 10 j
deny the South the hope of such support, alto
gether, what would the South gain by ratifieation?
If the North was SO divided that the admission of
the South With'a reduced representation would
give that section the balance of power, it would
be gaiuerhy submission But 50 long as the
North is unanimously hostile to Southern rights,
the South would bea poweriess in Congress as it ,
is utof it. The pretended advantages Of imme-
diate ratification are therefore futile and hollow.
Justat this time it is worth while to caution
the Southern people against the arguments I
which have been addressed to them on this g
point, in anticipation of a radical majority in L
The next Congress. The assertion is made Y
hat we shall have to yratify the amendments t
II last, and that, therefore, we might as well e
10 it at first. But why shall we have to ratify e
them at last? II they receive the required 6
vote BY States without our aid, they become 0
part of the Constitution in spite of anything "
we can do, and we shall not incur the odium a
Of recognizing the right of sectional major il
ty to impose terms Of Union on co-equal
States, while holding those States in compul- I
sorry subsection to the government Every $
ime that the people of a State make such b
sacrifice of their convictions, they incur an ii
ASNApdule loss o1 uloIal IOTce ana experience @
! diminution Of moral sentiment. series of Q
such acts would, ultimately, extinguish the re- $
gard and even the desire for self government,
md prepare the way for the despotism of sec J
ions, Of factions, or Of individuals. But if {
We refuse to ratify the amendment, it cannot :
oe carried until the number of States is in j
,reased to forty. Adding Kentucky and Mary h
and 70 the non-ratifying States, there would :
oe twelvesof these and the whole number Of :
States would have to be increased to forty
light before the amendment could be carried u, n
But ii is said that, in the meantime we shall IN
e out of the Union, an argument which Il
GEMS entirely irrelevant when addressed to q
eople who forght for four years to keep out f
that very Union. Yet, there is no guarantee :,
bat even if we accept this amendment, We 81
hsll be admitted On the contrary the indi- Of
ations are that the radicals intend to adopt #
mother programme, if they carry the autumn Il
leeionsa programme which has already "
cen suggested by the radical leaders and