The Portland daily press., 1866-03-12

| If airyoU o"AN. onquestionably. have held
al MI IT. DooLITTLE, to mr. FessendenA That.
al sne point of difference between Won anS ~,
| Ell III. rEssENDEN. / think the Senate -.;f S;
NJ .'' NJ we dlner on great many other po;nta
ton now. 'PeaAihs OF this ques-
M. MT fEssENDEN. Then the Sonata has
| Ssato W examine into the condition of tha
Senato, as not that preliminary inquiryP The
saw that II an answer OF not just as he chooses.
INJURED into by the Senate, it is a nreIin;naDe 70
4ury; Inc Senate has decided that that ~
Jury snail be made by joint committee a COM
resanta, ii .ne senate and of the House of Rem
tSo o."s. IL IS not question referring h
sne credentials of members, or whetber . 70
t;a, VI e mas not proper credentials The conJi-
~. " the states is a question which NAV ,rai,
both Houses. i"qulreo into by
Then we come to this point, that the only
GROUND OF complaint is, that instead of the Sly
mse lalsin9 lts own particular committee To
MAKE an examination it has raised Joint co.,, "
~ connection with the House of Repre-
sentatives, to examine into the Condition. ofth.
confederate States. How small ma \; ~ tkae
Upon Wnich 10 raise the great question Of taxas
tion without representation! Are we 70 n,n;t
w TAX gnese people while this inquiry Is going
these States and do m rghs to govern the people d
snare OF the public burdens while this inon;r,,
Is Delng pursued? Are we bound 10 Ia. 10y
20 scot,free, and say we have no AUTHORITY ovar
o mem, because we have not yet settled the
9uestioh whether the Senators and Renresan-
tlves they have chosen to send here shalt he on
United TO seats or not? In all such cases tbsre
must necessarily be time when neonla ere
taxed without being represented. II q their
Ssi,Iss w .ney nave brought it upon them
Selves; we cannot relax the reins of pevern-
ment because they have tried to shake off on
authority. And yet it is fayorite crv of the
honorable Senator from Pennsylvania and ~
mas been repeated here over and over AGAIN
toI;n na' t inJusuce you are committing BY
taxing these people while you are inoui1ing
INTO their condition and seeing whether thai
are entitied to representation on the floor ~
DONE" -A 'na' mas Deen
suppose 1t were year after war of four
years. suppose it were even q longer time.
would they have any reason to compiain If in,
Justice? Would they have a ricbt 70 y t,, IN
around upon us and say, "What right have Won
70 govern US day, an hour, while we are not not
swer Is, You have been in rebellion. Won bava
MADE war against the United States: Won are
now crushed and overcome; and we have now
TO ascertain whether you are fit to come back
anu anu aase paced yourself In position to re-
eurn; ana That, says the Senator from Penn
sylvania, is gross outrage on the rights of the
tation. AoPiesen-
Now, sir, I have been speaking simplv Of tho
ASASooJ Dub IL IL q very diffprant
question when you come to consider what - ~
pest 10 do assert the power in its fullest ax-
tent; assert that by the civil war thew lost Al,
one r,gn is which have enumerated, and we ac-
9u n. u. enose which have specified. 1 assert
that they placed themselves in a position In
wnlch they were not connected with this Union
as states 1 assert that they have many THINGS
TO 40 In order to regain that position. / assert
tnatln tne meantime we have right to govern
them, govern them as Christian men and "a
statesmen, but to govern them became thew
pIaceG themselves in position to render il ali
solutsiy necessary that we should do so; and
assere, moreover, that they cannot come back
mere TO occupy these seats or seats in the othar
House until we-no matter whether It ia Sona
Dy Joint or several authority, SO that it il con-
lerred Dy Congress-be satisfied ourselves AMI
decide that they are entitled to occupy these
seas sci Is gam; and that we have right to take
All ehe ume necessary in order to give ourselves
ennre satisfaction on that subject, and they have
no right TO complain that in the meanwhile
they are taxed without being represented. be-
cause tney brought it upon their own heads. 1
say, moreover, that the interests and safety of
TINS country require that we should be entirely
convinced of what is due to ourselves and our
constituents, and to the safety of all, before we
proceed TO the examination of the question of
credentials and qualifications.
But having said that it is another question
ABOUT what we should do; have been talking
ABOUT the right. Now, I hold that the good Of
this country requires that these States should
De admitted; that we should have from them
senators here IN these seats; that we should
nave Representatives in the seats in the other
House just as soon as it can be done consist
emily with the safety of the people of this ooup-
try, and of the States now in existence. and of
their own; not that hold that we should be-
doing them any great injustice if we kept them
out; but it is my doctrine that the exercise Of
power is always dangerous 1t is for our own
good as well as theirs, and our own good in
preference to theirs, that would hasten that
day and admit them in the SHORTEST possible
time; and why? Simply because if we con-
tinue to exercise this power; if we continue to
hold them in subsection, we perhaps create
and certainly intensity, the feeling of bitter
ness that already exists; and not only that, but
ing ourselves to exercise a power which the
Constitution did not contemplate; which the
good of this country ought not to permit and
cannot permit. l should be sorry, should
deem it blow, should consider the country
in danger, if for any considerable length Of
time the present state of things should exist.
No wise or good statesman would wish it to
exist for single moment longer than it was
absolutely necessary, because the inevitable
result is that we shall become demoralized our
selves.
hold, then, sir, that it is best for all that az
soon as possible, as soon as can be done with
any reasonable show of safety to ourselves and
to the Governments OF this country, these States
should be established in their original positions.
the Senators should sit here in this branch and
Representatives in the other, and that we should
proceed as best we may to govern the whole
country, Government with the assent of all,
all being represented. But what wish to enter
my dissent to is the doctrine that we cannot
and ought not to deliberate on the subject. in
our own way, in our own time, and that while
we are doing it we should be denounced and
| the committee of which am member be de-
nounced as an irresponsible tribunal, a central
power; some power created to take legislation
out of its proper channels, and that the ma
ority of the Congress should be held to the
country as 1t has been by gentlemen on the
side of the House, to say the least of it, and
think also implicitly by my honorable friend
from Wisconsin himself, as perpetrating injus-
tice day by day every day that passed without
seeing men back in these vacant seats, or the
simple question of their credentials under con-
sideration that this was an outrage upon
States States lately at war, States which up 70
this day have never sent us their constitutions
or made any request whatever in proper form
to be admitted or readmitted to their original
condition
When such complaints be made of the Con-
gress, they are utterly without foundation.
Time enough has not elapsed yet to say as
was said by gentleman on the other side Of
the House, the other day, that we were keeping
these States out of their places for party pur-
poses, with no evidence whatever to sGbstan-
tate the charge, except that we had not vet
closed our investigation of their condition. Do
| Senators know what we have been doing? Do
Senators know what evidence we have been
taking? Do Senators know what evidence we
have received Do Senators know anything
| except that the President has expressed the
opinion that these States are in fit condition TO
be received here, and their Senators and Rep
rentatives admitted to seats upon this floor and
| the floor of the other House
Before doing so, before placing ourselves in
| position where we can exercise all the powers
necessary under the existing state of things,
| in my Judgment we must provide for the safety
of this people. If we think that constitutional
amendments are necessary arising from the
condition in which we have BEEN it Is our duty
to propose them. If we think that additional
laws are necessary, it is our duty to pass those
laws If we think that it is proper to impose
conditions-not conditions that would degrade
OF disgrace any State, for when they come back
| they must come on terms of equality-but If
| we think it is necessary to impose some con-