American citizen. [volume] (Butler, Butler County, Pa.) 1863-1872, 1866-02-28
NUMBER l2

r, - shouiu, rom the very con-
slderation of its origin, be strong in its
power of resistance against the establish
ment OF inequalities; that 'monopolies.
perpetulties, and class legislation are con-
trarry to the genius Of free Government,
and ought not to be allowed : that here
there is no room for favored classes or
monopolles, and that we shall fulfill our
duty as legislators by according equal and
exact Justice to all men, special privileges
to none.' I'll have found occasion to
commend his practice at the expense of
his theory upon the question Of State sim
lessness and State Immortality, subscrib-
ing as do most heartily to these axioms
OF political science, | shall feel myself
compelled to adjust the account by follow.
ing his advice in opposition to his practice
here. Glass legislation and special
privileges OF sovereign character are
the distinguishing features Of his plan,
and 1T is, therefore, by the erection of an
aristocrasy that the guarantee of a repub-
ic to be made good % 4 Fa
Whether these States be in or out of
the Union, the President, by his effort to
provide them with Governments. admits
that they are without them. The same
result would have followed the condition
OF change in the slave A Government
IS not Republican that not ouly denies to
the majority of its citizens share in its
administration, but refuses their testimo-
ny and intordicts them in the pursuit of
knowledge. The speaker quoted from
Burke in regard to the exclusion of class,
es, and said that in America office would
stand on the same ground as franchise.
Mr.. Williams contended that the elec,
tive franchise is natural right, although
he had in Congress heard it called DO
litical right Our institutions arc free
because they allow us the privilege Of GOV,
erning ourselves, and we are freemen for
no other reason than that we are armed
with the ballot for our protection as citi-
zens. Strip me of that aud | am at your
mercy. You may deal gently with me,
but that makes no difference. You may
as we'll deny me all rights Of citizen
because they are all political-as that one,
which is necessary to protect the residne.
You must either settle the principle that
this is a white mans Government, or share
all political privileges with men of all
complexions 5f4
'The proclamation has made the negro
nominally free He counts in the repre-
'ntation. He pays taxes, and must bear
arms If necessary, and he has done it,
No sensible man now pretends to doubt
that he is a citizen, or can doubt it ia
vi uu pf IL.
ference Of the Executive is put express
ly on the ground of the obligation of the
national authority to secure a republican
form of government to each of the States
To effect this, it is essential that ma
jority be allowed to enjoy the political
rights of governing, and that all should
share alike in its direction To put any
class under the State would be to deprive
them of the rights of citizens, and to re-
duce them in the words of the authority
just cited, to state of civil servituie
1t is essential, moreover, that it should
rest in the language of the Declaration,
on the consent of the governed An
establishment that does not conform to
these principles is not republican, wheth-
er the power be lodged with the oligoi or
she ortStoi No matter as to its forms
We are not to be cheated by appearances
or names. 1t was more than the mere
form that the Constitution intended to
secure. And yet the process here ignores
all these things, and rests either upon the
dlmmest perceptions of free government,
or upon the Southern theory that the me-
gro is not a man, or that this Government
was only idtended for white men. If
the proposition were to exclude all men
OF Celtic blood, what sensation would it
not produce among the democracy If
the difference, however, is only against
the African, consistency would require
that he should also be excluded from the
enumeration hereafter. With the end of
the divine institution, the three -6ftbs
clause, which stipulated for representa-
ton, not of or for him, who was not then
a man, but for his master, has ceased to
operate. If the freed slave is now cit
izen, he has the right to all the privileges,
as he is confessedly subject to all the du-
ties which that relation involves IF in
stead OF rising from the fractional value
to that of an integer, he is no longer a
member of the State, he must cease 70
owe any other than domciliary allegi-
ance, and the idea of representation
founded on his existence here. must be
exploded forever. And from this dilem-
ma there is no7escape. II he is citizen,
the elective franchise is his right. IF he
is not, representation on that basis is log
ically inadmissible." alaia 5l1 ol
The effect of this oligarchicu process IL
to restore the governing class as before
without any check upon it, This we
cannot afford to do. Fortunately there is
a loyal element among them which help
ed us to bring them back, and may be
used IN keeping the peace by restoring to
them the rights of which they haveabeen
deprived. If aState governments is not
Republican in form. we have full power
to make it so This power cannot be ex-,
ercised by the President neither by a re-
fusai upon the part of Congress to admit,
for that would be non-Performance, but
by an act of legislation, to enforce WHICH
will be the Presidents duty These
States being without Governments, it is
our duty to supply them with new zones,