The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1866-02-07

the present time as The one to do JUS
tice to the principles of the Consti-
tuition, and he would say now, that
he would rather not live than to en-
tertain the sentiment of the gentle
man from New York, (N1r. Raylnond,l
and those above him, that the Con-,
stitution did not need any amend
ment.
MI. Raymond Gnterrupting) said
that Mr.. Stevens misunderstood him
in saying that he opposed all amend
ments. He expressly conceded that
some amendment similar to the pend
ing one should be adopted.
MIR. Stevens (continuing) said he
alluded as much to q gentleman at
the other end of the avenue as to the
gentleman from New York. He had
as much respect for the President rs
any one, but he did not endorse him,
for he had put forth document in
the shape ola command to this House,
which was usurpation and violation
OF the rules and privileges of this
House, and hundred years ago
would have cost British king his
head, had he sent such m edict in
such way to Parliament. Without
this amendment, he contended that
the States always had the right to re-
gulate the elective franchise, and he
held that the pending amendment
did not take away this right when it
became incorporated in the Constitu-
ton. Itsaid, however, to these States,
that If they abused the elective fran
chise, the Constitution would hold
penalty over them.
All knew of the aspiration and am
bition of the Southern States to rule
this nation-for having failed to ruin
the country they would now try to
rule it; but the constitutional amend
ment would say to those States, Just
so far as you abuse the elective fran
chise by refusing vote to the most
loyal part of your population, just so
IN proportion shall you lose your
power i'll the Government by losing
your representation in the halls Of
Congress. The South would lose, by
this amendment, thirty-tive repre-
sentatives. Their representation
would be reduced from eighty to
forty-five; and then we could add, he
said, the whole nest of Copperheads,
and freedom would still be trillm-
phant in this hall. Mr.. Stevens then
proceeded to favor the education-
civil and religious-of the freedmen
for four or five years to come, and
when they became qualified he would
give them suffrage. But he did not
want them to vote till they were
qualified, and then he would give
them representation. He would
frankly say that he did not want their
representation until that time.
ln a few years he would not be
here to see those on the other side of
the house draw daggers on him when
he made such q speech as he now was
making, as was the case many years
ago, but freemen would occupy their
places. He opposed Mr.. Schenck's
proposition to apportion representa-
ton among male voters. It was, lie
said, III one respect Objectionable
1t seemed to indicate fear of rivalry
with the women as much as the De-
mocrats had feared the rivalry of the
negro. While he could not get all
he wanted, he would take what could
be carried through the States and
through two-thirds of both houses.
While he had respect for the recent
opinion Of the President, it was well
known that this amendment did not
go to him for his signature, and it
was, therefore, all the more kind for
the President to send his opinion to
this house.
Mr.. Smith, of Kentucky, called for
the reading Of the Presidents views,
to which Mr.. Stevens had alluded.
The Clerk then read the Associated
Press telegram in Mondays papers,
giving a conversation of Senator
with the President.
Mr.. Ingersoll, of Illinois, asked
MIR. Stevens how he knew those to be
the Presidents views
Mr.. Stevens said he was satisfied
IN his own mind with his authority
that those were the views of the Pre-
sident.
Mr.. Ingersoll asked for the autho-
rjty.
Mr.. Stevens. OIL cannot reveal
to the gentleman all Of the secrets
between the President and myself.
[Great laughter. But the President
had nothing to do with the amend
ment. The House, it was trae, had
sent the other constitutional amend
ment to PreSiIant T inco1p who l,od