The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-10-04
CONTINUED from, the First .Paoe.1

Then see ii we can shut him out againS"
am AGAINST letting the monster in until be is
no longer terrible iu mouth or paw.
NO UNNECESSARY DELAY.
But while holding this ground, desire to
disClaim every sentiment OF vengeance or pam
ishment, and also every thought of delay or
procrastnation Here do not yield to the Pre-
sident or 10 any other person. Nobody Can be
more anxious than am to see this chasm closed
forever. There II a long way and short way.
There is q long time and a short tine. Ii there
be any whose policy IS for the longest way or
for the longest time, am not OF the number |
am IOr the shortest way and also Tor the snort
est time. And object to the interference OF the
President, because, whether intentionally or
unintentionally, he interposes delay and Keeps
the Chasm open. More than all others the Pre-
sident by his of1iclous assumptions, has length
ened the way and lengthenLd the time. OF this
there can be no doubt.
LOST OPPORTUNITY.
From all quarters we learn that after the sur
reader OF Lee the Rebels were ready for any
terms If they could escape with their lives.
They were vanquished and they knew 1t. The
Rebellion was crushed and they knew it. They
hardly expected 10 save a small traction OF their
property They did not expect to save their
political power. They were tJo sensible not to
see that participants in rebellion could not pass
at once into the partnership of Government.
They made up their minds to exclusion; they
were submissive. There was nothing they
would not do, even to the extent OF enran-
Chsing their freedmen and providing for them
bOmesteads. Had the national Government
merely taken advantage OF this plastic condi-
tiOn, it might have Stamped equal rights upon
the whole people as upon molten wax, while it
fixed the Immutable conditions of permanent
peace. The question of reco1 strucuOn would
nave been settled before 1t arose. 1t is sad to
think that this was not done. Perhaps in all
history there vs. no instance of such an oOpor-
tunity lost. Truly should our country say in
penltentlal supplic~tion, We have lett undone
those things which we ought to have done, and
we have done those things which we ought not
to have DONE" Do not take this on my autho-
rity. Listen to those on the spot, who have
seen with their own eyes. A brave officer of
our army wrote to me from Alabama, as fol-
lows:-
believe the mass of the people could have been
easily controlled If none OF the excepted had
received pardon. These classes did not expect any
thing more than lite, and feared Tor that. Let
me condense the whole subject. AT the surrender
the South coulo ave been moulded at wl; but it is
now as sufEnecked aud rebellious as ever
In the same vein another officer testifes from
Texas as iollows:-
There is one thing, however, that is making
AGAINST the speedy return of quetness not only in
tins state but throughout the entire south ana
thai is the reconstruction Ocy OF Pre.ldent John
SON. 1t is doing ore to unsettle this country than
people VINO are no practical observers OF the work
Ings have any idea OF. Before his policy was made
Hnown the peop we're prepared to accept anything.
beng punished and the properly of others confs-
Gated But The moment 1t was made known all their
assurance returned Rebels have again become ar.
70, ant ana eXacing; treason stalks through the
land unabashed.
This testimony might be multiplied indef-
nitely. From city and country, from high way
and byway there is but one voice. When, there
FORE the President, Ill opprobrlous terms, COM
plains OF Congress as nterpOSlng delay, ] reply
TO him, mo sir, II IS you who, by unexpected
and most perverse assumptions, have put OIL the
glad day OF security ana reconciliation which is
So much longed for, 1t is you who have inau
gurated anew that malignant sect,opallsm,
which, so long as 1t eXis $, VIII keep this Union
divided, in tact, II not III name. Sir, you are the
disunionists."
THE PRESIDENTIAL POLICY FOUNDED ON TWO
BLUNDERS.
Glance, if you please, al that Presidential
pOhcy-so constantly called "my poiCy"-which
IS now so vehemently pressed upon the country
and you will find that 1t pivots on at least two
alarming bIunderS, can be easily seen; first
in setting up the one-man power as the source
OF jurisdiction over this great question: and
secondly, in using the one-man power lor the
restoration of Rebels TO place and influence, so
that good Unlonists, whether white or black
are rejected, aIu the Rebellion itself is revived
III the new Government. Each OF these assump-
tions is an enormous bunder. You Will see that
| use mid term 70 charac erie such double
headed usurpatlon.
THE oNE-MAN POWER.
Pray sir, where IN the Constitution do YOU
find any sanction Of the onC-man power Tvs the
source OF this extraordinary jurisdiction? l
had always supposed tlat the President wa the
Executive, pound 10 see IllC laws IdlLllully exc
Cuted, but not empowered to make laws. The Con-
sttutlon expressly says:-"The executive poW Wer
shall be vested in a President OF the United
States of America" But the legislative power
is elsewhere. According to the Constitution,
"All legislative powers herein granted shall be
vested in a Congress OF the United States, which
shall consist OF Seuate and House of Represen-
tatiVes." And yet the President has assumed
legislative power, even to the extent Of making
laws and constitutions for States. You all
know that, at the close OF the war, when the
Rebel States were without lawful governments,
he assumed TO supply them. In this business
OF reconstruction he assumed 20 determine who
should vote, and also to aiiiX conditions for
adoption by the conventions. Look, il you
please, at the character OF this assumption.
The President, from the eXecuuve mansion at
Washington, reaches his long executive arm
into certain States and dictates their Consutu-
tions.
Surely there is nothing executive in this as
sumption. 1t is not even military. 1t IS legis-
latlve, pure and simple, ahd nothing else. 1t
is an attempt by the Cne-man power TO do what
can be done only by the legislative branch OF
the Government. And yet so peryeree is the
President in absorbing to himself all power over
the reconstruction OF the Rebel States that he
insists that Congress must accept his word with
out addition or subtraction. He can impose
conditions; Congress cannot. He can determine
who shall vote; CONGRESS cannot. His jursdlc-
ton is not only complete, but exclusive. If all
thls be so, then has our President most extra
ordinary power, never before dreamed Of He
may eXClaim with Louis XlV:-"The State, it Is
Il" while, like this magnificent king, he sacri-
fees the innocent and repeats that fatal CRIME,
The revocation of the Edct OF Nantes. His whole
'EDolicy" is 'revucation" of all that has been
promised, and all that we have aright to expect.
Here it is well to note a distinction, which Is
not without importance in the discussion in
issue between the President and Congress.
Nobody doubts that the President may during
war govern any conquered territory as Com