The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-03-27
NSigns OF the Times.,,

Those who hoped and expected that the read
iustment of our great sectional difficulties
would be easily effected, find themselves sorely
disappointed. The expectation was perhaps an
unreasonable one. And yet, after the people,
the army, and the navy so nobly performed
their several duties it seems hard that states
men should tail to solve the lar less di1oult
part of the problem. The people devoted
their blood and treasure freely to their
country. No such sacrifices are required from
statesmen. They are called upon 20 sacrifice
nothing but their prejudiccs and Their am
blions, How far they are prepared TO 60 in
this line OF duty we shall learn. So far the
indications are not encouraging. The House
Of Representatives inaugurated, at the begin
ming, a Committee of Fifteen, which, in refer
ence to all questions that relate 10 recOnstrdc-
ton, has been supreme. Practically, the leglSla-
tion of Congress mas boon controlled by fifteen
OF its members. Upon the eCict OF tnat Com
mittee, States which, during the Rebellion we
all maintained could not get out OF the Union,
are held To be out, and the Congressional doors
are closed against their Representatives, indis-
criminately, without regard to the only consti-
tutiona question, viz, their eligibility. So that
while Secessionlsts and Copperheads from
Northern States take their seats unchalIenged,
loyal members from Tennessee are excluded.
Salisbury, from Delaware, and Davis from
Kentucky utter their secession ribadries with
impunity, while Maynard, OF Tennessee, and
johnson, OF Arkansas, are not permitted to
serve their constituents or their country.
In the meantime, while this wrong is per-
sisted in, those who perpetrate it are seeking to
Justify themselves by abusing and slandering the
President. They charge him with 1yeT1Sm,
though he has neither done or said anything to
sustain the accusation. He says that he is car
rYing out the policy OF President Lincoln, chal-
| longing his enemies to show any departure from
that policy. So far then, there is no conflict of
| principle between the President and Congress
| but such as grows out of the extreme views of
| Congress upon the question OF negro suffrage.
Disguise it as you will, this is the real cause of
| the difference between the President and Con-
eress. 1t Takes other forms, but it means that,
! and only that
With John Tyler, after the death of President
| Harrison, the Wing party split upon the United
States Bank question. Our leaders, with Mr..
| Clay at their head, were committed and devoted
| to the bank and forced that issue as they had
| done in 1882. Tyler, weak man, was driven
into the Democratic party. The result was alike
disastrous and inglorious to both Tyler and the
Wing party.
Obliyious to the teachings of history, the Re-
publican leaders are forming, under kindred
| circumstances, another fatal issue. Slavery
attempted through Rebellion, to establish a
| slave confederacy That reckless and wicked
attempt resulted, most righteously, in the de-
struction OF slavery. And now for the millions
Of slaves suddenly enfranchlsed, though they
are contessedly unable to provide even food and
rament for themselves, the Republican leaders
demand universal suffrage And this issue is
forced upon the President and the people, Just
as the United States Bank issue was forced upon
Tyler ana the people In lS4U.
Happily, however, President Johnson IS a
wiser and stronger man than John Tyler and
instead of going over, as Tyler did, to those who
opposed his election, Andrew Johnson accepts
the ISSUE but intends "to fight IL out" as Gene
raj Grant did, ION this line,n with Union men
and upon Union principles
In our Judgment the Republicans in and out
OF Congress who present universal negro suffrage
as the paramount question in reconsructng the
Federal Government, make the same mistake
that our Whig leaders made in clinging to the
Bank OF the United States. The people are moi
preparee Tor it. Nor, what is more TO the pur
pose, the negroes are not prepared for it,
But for the negro suffrage question, and am
bitions connected with it, there would be NJ
controversy between Congress and the Presi
r dent Any and all other differences of opinion
could and would have been amicably ARRANGED
by mutual concessions But 'unchastened am
bitiOn" is blind. 1t comedies nothing. AnC
when allied TO fanaticism it becomes madl,
| blind.
While, therefore, the President remains faith
ful 20 the principles which he boldly avowed a
the commencement of the Rebellion, and 81
faithfully maintained during the war; he ma,
safely rely upon the intelligence and patriot
ism OF the people for the support Of his Admin
lstration.