Public ledger. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1865-1893, 1866-04-30


in reply to speech of General Palmer
INDUCES the following speculations
Let us suppose that things drift on
without any definite settlement unit
/ l868--that isn't far off, and will be upon
us, possibly, before we are ready for it
and the Republican party nominates
General Sherman for the Presidency, and
4 the Conservative or the Democratic party
nominales Gen. Grant for the same office.
Gen. Grant and his party letus suppose,
run electors in every State, according to
the Constitution, and obtain clear ma
jority of votes in the Electoral College.
! Wouldn't they take it as matter OF
course that he would in that case be enti.
tied to be sworn into the Office of President
and to enter upon the discharge Of his
duties as such2 Suppose, again, that
Gen. Sherman and his party should have
electoral tickets in only part Of the
States--say in twenty-five Of them only
land should receive only minority Of
all the votes in the Electoral College,
but a majority of the electoral votes OF
the twenty-five States in which their
ticket was voted for-what then AT
the first blush, we would naturally say
that Gen. Sherman failed of an election,
having received only minority ofa the
votes in the Electoral College. But
would the 9 Republicans submit to that?
Wouldn't they revolt and become rebels,
| and declare that their candidate, though
he didn treceivea majority of all the cleo
toral votes cast, was, nevertheless, elected,
and ought and must be sworn into office
and administer the Government? How
would Gen. Palmer stand in that case ?
Wouldn' each candidate contend that he
had been legitimately elected, and pro-
nounce opposition to his inauguration
treason to the Government 2"
In that case. both candidates would
doubtless go to Washington, backed by
tens of thousands of their armed follow
ers, the supporters of each avowing that
their candidate should be sworn in,
peaeeably if he could De, forcibly if he
must be.
Furthermore, let it be supposed that
both of these candidates should be sworn
in by Judges ofthe Supreme Court, each
surrounded by his prRtorean guard at diff
ferent places in the District of Columbia
or even outside of it. and that each should
proceed 10 appoint Cabinet and organ
ize the " Government, claiming legiti-
macy, and denouncing all opponents as
traitors. Suppose part of the repre-
sentatives of the people from the differ
ent States should meet and recognize
Ger. Grant and his Cabinet as the Gov
ernment," and part of the representa-
tives should meet in another place and
recognize Gen. Sherman and his Cabinet
as the Government" What then? we
again ask Which would be the " Gov
ernment?' What, then, should we have,
what could we have, but the beginning of
such Civil War as no man living ever
seen or heard OFF Who could arbitrate
whose authority would be recognized and
respected.
1t may be said that the present Admin
istration being in power up to the 4th of
March, 1869, would decide between the
candidates, and that the one thus recog-
nized would be received by the people as
legitimate But wouldn't the candidate
decided against, whichever he might be,
and his supporters denounce such a pro-
ceeding as unconstitutional, sheer usur-
patton, and not obligatory in law or
right2 They would be almost certain to
do so.
1t might be hoped that Gen. Sherman
and Gen Grant would themselves, in the
extraordinary emergency contemplated,
in order to save the land from the inde-
scribable horrors into which such a state
Of things would plunge it, arrange com
promi e, and that one of them wo lld tie
up his claims to the Presidency n the
interests of peace Such n spectacle
would indeed be sublime, and fill the
whole civilized world with rapture and
astonshment; but we have used these
distinguished names simply to represent
possibilities and to illustrate our mean
ing. Neither of them might be candi-
dates, but instead, two uncompromising
sectionalists, or two persons who would
not hesitate to overwhelm the country
with the nameless agonies of internecine
revolution to crafty the insatate lust for
power.
In the contingency we have supposed,
nothing could be predicted as to the
army, because part of the army and
navy might recognize one of the Presi-
dents, one of the Congresses, and one OF
the Cabinets as lawful, while the other
part of the army and navy might reeog
nize the opposite ones. And thus, turn
which way we might, we should still be
confronted by the frightful calamities of
civil strife
We appeal to the people Of all sections
and of all parties to take measures to
ward off this great possible affection
ward it on in time Remember the con
tests for legitimacy in the Old World
remember the Wars of the Roses, the
House Of York and the House of Lam
caster; remember poor. blood-red and
black flag Mexico; remember Central and
South America; remember how our late
came upon us while millions of
people were crying and expecting peace
and safety remember the counsel Of the
great bard to beware Of the entrance TO
q quarrel" and such a quarrel as the one
we allnde to would be; remember. fell
remember, and ward it
OFT Tell the politicians that, whatever
else they may or may not do, they must
settle this question before the next Pres |
idential election.
Underwood