Dallas herald. [volume] (Dallas, Tex.) 1849-1873, 1866-02-24

Of tho United States In accepting silence
on our part as an admission Of error. They
are not likely TO be 50 oTedulOuG and II
/ they we're disposed 10 he 20, the utleranees
of some Of the leading presses Of the state,
during the past three months, would en-
! tighten them,
The rebellion lately maintained against
| the government Of the United States, was
declared, by those who organized II, to be
| for the projection Of the institution Of slay-
cry, which was alleged 10 be In danger Of
extinction from the action OF that govern
ment. And from the inception OF the war
all thoughtful aud sagaoious men perceived
that the main issue involved In the contest
was the overthrow Of the government or
tho overthrow Of slavery. | should be
false TO what believe TO be the clearest
truth, IL did not say that tho issue was
rendered by the people OF the South. The
government Of the United States accepted
the issue. The battle has been fought;
amongst the most memorable certainly in
the annals humankind. Slavery has fallen
never TO rise again on this continent nm.
less, In tho providence Of God, another
night shall settle upon this western world,
like that which followed tho downfall Of
civilization shall be lost
Itis not now necessary to controvert tho
opinions Of those who maintained that the
proclamation of the President OF the Unit.
ed States, declaring the freedom of the
slaves of the South, was but military or
der, which was no longer operative after
tho cessation Of actual hostilities. The
wise and bcncfcient spirit of that proola-
La, h., la .sg.ta - h. A aHfa
people, assumed the form of Constitutional
law. 1t is now tho supreme law Of the
land that slavery, or involuntary seryitudc,
except for crime whereof the party shall
have been duly convicted, shall not exist in
any State or Territory of the Union.
doubt not that you willconc with me that
this radical change in the condition of
those persons in our State who were form
erly in slavery, ought to be fully recogniz-
ed in the Constitution, and their new con-
dition provided for. 1t is, of course, not
now necessary to Incorporate in the Con-
stitution of the State, provision against
the future existence of slavery in Texas
since by virtue Of the amended Constitution
Of the United States, it cannot exist here
But il may nevertheless be eminently
proper for you manifest in some unmistak,
able manner, if not your appreciation of
the great act of the nation, at least your
cheerful acquiescencc, in it,
The debt create. by those who were in
authority lii Texas, during the rebellion,
N support Of the war against the govern
ment Of the United States, is not, in my
judgment, such an obligation upon the
people of Texas as will find favor with any
loyal citizen, or with tho government and
people Of the United States. To provide
for the payment of this debt would be
equivalen: to justification of the purposes
for which it was created. There is one
thought in this connection, which l think
il proper to present. Even if the feelings
of the people of Texas inclined them to pro-
vide for the payment of this debt, which
would fain believe TO he far from the truth
it would not be just to impose such bur
then upon loyal citizens from other sections
of the Union, which have not been in re-
bellon, who may come to settle amongst us
or upon emigrants from foreign countries,
who may b. attracted by the advantages
which present themselves, to seek homes
within our borders.
| am of opinion that a failure to guard
the people by an appropriate provision,
against taxation for the payment Of this
debt, would be unsatisfactory to them, and
justly offensive to the government Of the
United States. 1t may be difficult to ascer-
tain accurately that portion of the public
debt of the State which was incurred in
support of the war. | have reason to be
lieve that more than three-fourths of the
Indebtedness which has accrued since the
commencement of the war, was created in
its support. As means of facilitating
your Investigations upon this subject, re-
specially refcryou to the report of Ex-Gov.
Il. NJ Pease, and Swante Palm, Esq, copies
of which will be furnished to your honora-
BILE body.
In this connection feel it to be my du-
ty to remind you that land scrip to con-
siderable amount was purchased during
the progress of the late rebellion, and paid
for in the paper money issued by the gov
eminent of the Confederate States. Per-
haps, in some instances, these payments
for land scrip were made in Treasury war;
rants of the State.
Payments were also made, during the
rebellion, in Confederate money, for por-
tons Of the University lands, sold under
law Of the State, enacted before the passage
of the ordinance of secession. The Com
missioner of the Land Office and the Comp
troller of Public Accounts can furnish such
information on these subjects as may be
desired by your honorable body.
The most important questions, gentlemen,
to which you will be required, by the pc
culiar circum stances in which we are placed
to direct your attention, grow out of the
emancipation of these who were formerly
in state Of bondage, and who still remain
in our midst, Our former slaves are de-
clared by the Constitution of the United
States to be free. Shall We treat that dec
laration as mere form of words, or shall
we receive it as living truth? Shall VIC
repese upon the postulate that the act Of
emancipation is only a wrong done to us,
or shall we question honestly with ourselves
concerning its significance? 1t seems to
me that the events Of the past five years
should abste, somewhat, our pride Of opin-
ion. Wehave seen q war inaugurated, for
the perpetuation Of slavery, result in the
declaration, by the most powerful Of the
nations of the EARTH that it shall no longer
exist. Let us not deceive ourselves by the
supposition that the nation will fail to
make that declaration good, or to redeem,
fully, the high obligations which it has as
sumed in this behalf, before the civilized
world.
In my judgment, there could not be de-
vised o more successful mode of procrasti-
mating our return to our original position
in the Union, than to deny to the freedmen
in our midst, those civil rights and priv
leges, without which, to call them free would
be only "to keep the word Of promise to the
ear, and break it to the hope
/ cannot assume to know the individual
views Of the gentlemen who compose this
body; but have reason to spprehend, from
what has met my eye, in the form of pub
lished circulars to the people, before whom
many Of you were candidates, and leading
articles in many Of the most influential
presses of the State, that my views on this
subject will not be acceptable to q majority
~ ,bo p,smhara of this Convention But |