Gallipolis journal. [volume] (Gallipolis, Ohio) 1837-1919, 1866-09-13
President Johnson-His Record

1t is an unfortunate thing for the
President that he pos sesses so great
propensity for public speaking.-
Had he been more reserved in the
expression Of his opinion at the
close of the war, there would not be
as there now are, so many and so
conclusive proofs of his great apos-
tacy from the principles which lie
then held in common with the Union
party. But as it is, his official acts
and public speeches are full Of evi
aence of the fact, that he himself at
that time held and fully endorsed
the same principles. for which he
row arraigns the Union party as
rebels and traitors. There is not a
single position now held by that
party upon the great question of re-
construction, which he has not again
and again, in his public utterances,
approved and advocated. We need
go no farther than his own words for
proof demonstrative, that ''my poll
cy" of to-day is not the policy of
reconstruction inaugurated by him
upon his first accession to the Presi-
dental Chair. Then the burden of
all his speeches was, that treason
was edious, and that traitors must
be punished. Now he stands before
the country and the world as the
friend and advocate of the very men
whom he then condemned. Con-
gress and the Union party stand TO-
day exactly where both he and they
then stood; while he, on the contrary
has abandoned the ground he then
occupied, aud now alfiliates with
none but rebels and traitors-Out of
his own mouth he is condemned.
Take for instance the position
now held by the President, that the
overthrow of the rebellion at once
and of itself restored the rebels to
all their former rights in the Union,
and that the federal government has
no power under the Constitution to
impose any conditions upon those
States precedent to their restoration,
or to demand pledges and guarantees
from them for their future peace and
security of the country. How does
this position agree with his own
action towards those States, at the
time conventions were called to re-
organize their State governments
Every one knows that President
johnson then imposed upon the reb-
el States certain conditions, which
they were compelled to comply with,
before he would permit the State
governments thus organized to take
the place of the provisional govern
ment which he had established in
those States. They were compelled
in solemn convention to acknowI-
edge the abolition of slavery, to re-
peal and annul their ordinances of
secession, and to repudiote their
rebel war debt. And this action
was taken by them not voluntarily,
but because it was forced upon them
by the President as the only ground
npon which he would permit the re-
organization of their State govern.
mente. If, as he now clans, those
States we're restored at once, by the
close Of the war, to their full rights
in the Union, on what possible hy-
pothesis can he justify this interfe-
renee in their internal affairs
Either his present position is radical
ly wrong, or if right, then his action
at that time was nething more nor
less than bold assumption. Let him
take either horn of the dilemma
which he prefers. And how can he
in the face of such a record, arraigH
Congress for following eut the very
same course of action which he him
self inaugurated? Can he impose
conditions, and Congress nct9 Is