Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1866-02-16

dom Of the negro of the Southern States!
The Senator says he has great confidence
in the President. so have ]. No single
I.aet can be lone under this Freedmen's
J Bureau Bill without the sanction Of the
President Every officer under il is APP
pointed by the President; every agent is
10 be appointed by the President. Tbs
whole bin is a mere machine in the
hands Of the President TO maintain the
freedmen an the rights of the freedmen.
As to the other bill about which so
much complaint was made by the Sena-
tor from Kentucky the other day, what
was it2 The first section OF the bill
simplv declared that a negro emanci-
pated by the Constitutional amendment
Is a citizen Of the United States. / be-
lieve he was a citizen OF the United
States before If he was free bat to re-
mnve ali ambiguity or doubt about II,
this nroviejon was inserted in that bill,
and I think wisely. A portion of the
same section, or perhaps the second sec
ton of the bill defines what are thei incl
dents of freedom, and says these men
must be protected in certain rights, ana
so careful is il in its language that IL goes
on and defines those rights, the right TO
sue and be sued, to plead and De mn
pleaded, to acquire n hold property
] ana 0lnNF ullNtI@AA llililflAo VI hNAAANAAf
The honorable Senator from Kentucky
in his remarks the other day, said that
there was not a single one of those rights
hut what he believed Kentucky would
enforce. If Kentucky enforces those
/ rights. that is the end Of the whole con-
troversy so far as she is concerned; but If
Kenutekv. or any other State, should fail
10 enforce those rights, then we are bound
! TO do so. But I ask the honorable Sena-
tor from Kentucky, with all his knowl-
edge ofthe feeling and excitement created
by this contest, whether he Is willing 70
trust the natural rights Of these freedmen
TO the rebels Of Mississippi, Alabama anu
other Southern States? | ask him
whether he is willing TO hand
over to the tender mercies Of
the white population of those states,
the whole Of whom were engaged in this
rebellion, the care and custody of these
freedmen. who were made free in spite of
their resistance, in spite of their war? /
think I know the heart of the Senator
from Kentucky too well 10 require an
answer. He fears that this bill will
affect the feelings Of the people Of Ken
lucky but in legislating here we are
bnund, not only to regard their feelings,
but the enmity that pervades whole
MASSES Of the community in the South
ern States. and we are bound to protect
these freedmen against the public senti-
ment and the oppression that viii I'M
doubtedlv be thrown upon them by the
people OF the Southern States.
Some one sent me a newspaper the
other day from Mobile, Ala, and
could not read that newspaper, said to
be a loyal and friendly paper, without
being convinced that the best OF the
Southern people ought not to be entrus-
ted with the care and custody of the
freed population of the Southern States.
The character of the legislation That is
proposed, in several Of those States,
show that the people there are not in a
tempero OF tOneofmind tolegislate for these
freedmen, and we are bound 10 protect
them. The other featuresOf that bill only
provide the legal machinery by which
these rights shall be secured to them
and the last section, which was most
complained of, simply provides that the
PresidenU0 of the United States may, if he
sees proper, call into play the military
and naval forces of the United States
TO enforce these rights; so that the
whole bill is q mere machine in the
hands of the Executive. The whole Op-
Grafton of the two bills about which so
much complaint has been made, is simply
to place the powers Of the Governmental
the hands of the President of the United
States. to enforce 10 the freedmen Of the
Southern States what the honorable Sen
ator says Kentucky ought to, and will
secure 10 the freedmen in that State. Il
saw, then, so far as these I'VE bills are con
cerned, il is my deliberate Judgment that
there has been no infringement of the
Constitution, no oppression upon any
portion of the people. They simply pro-
a way and IN in which the
President Of the United States may, in
the exercise of his constitutional power,
protect the freedmen Of the Southern
States from oppression and wrong by
loyal or disloyal people.
~ do not intend to 90 into the dis
cussiOn of The other question that is now
pending before Us involved in the con-
stituti0nal amendment. Upon that
that question, alsO, ! intend to reserve
my opinion, and hear ali that can be
said about it. Il IS the gravest and
most important question, as [ think,
thai has ever been debated in the Ameri-
can Senate. But, one thing know, and
which can affirm in the outset, that
never by my consent shall these rebels
gain by this war increased political
power, and come back here to WELD that
political power in some other form
against the safety and integrity Of the
country"
Fhs Governor Of Kentucky ON the
EreFdmeu's bureau.
STATE OF KENTUCKY. EXECUTIVE DEPT
~tRASKFsET, Feb. 2, $50.
Hon. Speeds. Goodloe, city Judge, Lexington,
Sir: Your communication, inclosing
the correspondence between L. J.. Pink
ertOn, Agent Of the "Freedmen's Blu
reau,' and yourself, came to hand this
evening.
You take Incorrect view Of yourduty
you have no power 10 make, unmake or
amend laws, but must administer them
as they exist.
This YOU, and all other officers, should
do, regardless Of the menaces of agents of
a bureau which has no legal existence in
Kentucky, unless it has been extended
by Congress since yesterday. The pow
ers assumed by superofficious agents Of
overriding the laws and civil authorities
of the State should be firmly met and re-
sisted in every legal form.
The attempts to coerce thecivil author
tiles of the State, TO disregard the laws
and obey their unauthorized mandates,
is the last, but most dangerous form of
negrOpholism yet presented. Such in
roads as this would make upon righttul
authority must be met with firm and I'M
swerving opposition, otherwise we shall
become the slaves, and the negroes the
masters. 1t is one of the misfortunes of
the times That some men-"clOthed
in a little brief authority" forget
that there are Others than the
negro who have rights, and are
entitled to protection in these rights.
Such persons are promoting a war of
races at the expense Of humanity in their
efforts to elevate the negro by putting
the white man down. Our race, who
have built up and maintained this Gov
eminent, must and viii hold it, as an in
heTitance for their children, though il
shall become necessary in so doing, to
sacrifice The negro racel and all those
who, as mistletoe, fasten themselves
upon the negro. Negrophilists and ne
-gr0phObiaists have kept up a warfare
upon the peace and security of Il peo-
pie, until patience has well nigh ceased
10 be a virtue. The whole negro popula-
ton being now free, are, by our laws, as
they HOUC erist, secured and protected in
their rights fife, liberty and property.
The Stare code has nothing TO do with the
free negro now, and never did have.
There are no slaves for the Stare code
20 operate upon. 1t is, therefore, fdHdt-
zeal J,Sti0G to carp about the injustice of
the slave code, when there is not n hu-
man being of any color in Kentucky
upon whom the slave code can operate.
1 have every reason to believe that the
present General Assembly will adopt
suitable and wise provisions for the
" freedmen Whether they do or not,
Mr.. Pmkerton ought TO know that it is
not in your or his province to make,
amend, or disregard existing laws. And
such Impertinent interfereuces with the
civil authorities rs are constantly recur-
ring upon the part of the agents Of the
" Fresdmen's Bureau, - tend TO no good
for the negro, bat irritate and exasperate
the popular mind, and withhold much