The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1866-10-11

BLAcKsroNEss declaration that g arlia-
'".ment can do everything that q not snstu-
rally impossible" and evidently intend
ing to convey the idea that oar Congress Is
equally potent, the Am1ican enters into .
long Argument to satisfy itself and Its
readers that In case Of . conflict between
the President and Congress the latter will
come off victorious : = +.
An argument which is built upon q
fallacy is not generally sound one. The
American assumes that BLACKSTONE spoke
Of Parliament IS distinguished from the
Crown, OF. executive head, whereas Ire
meant that the Parliament, the Hing ap-
proving, could do everything that Is not
naturally impossible. The power Of the
Crown to veto acts Of Parliament was taken
into the account, The Kings Of England
have never surrendered the veto power.
and although it has been seldom exercised,
yet to such man as BI.ACKsTosE II must
have appeared to be wise and necessary
check upon Parliament. The american,
however, following up this line of argument,
quotes from the Constitution Of the United
States the provisions empowering Con-
gress to levy taxes, make war, raise armies,
maintain uayies, and call forth the militia,
and asks was any tribune In the world ever
"clothed With fuller, more absolute powers
"than those which are here enumera-
f"tedf" The answer Is that to speak Of these
powers as belonging to Congress alone is to
attempt TO deceive the reader, although
thcy are said by the Constitution itself to
belong to Congress. These powers belong
to-. Congress and to the President con-
Jointly. If the President cannot origi-
nate 4 law, he can veto bin, and he also
holds both the purse and tho sword in his
grasp. But above all is the consideration
that constitutional provisions are not wont
to stand In tho way Of headstrong Kings or
Presidents any more than in the way of
Radical Congresses or Parliaments.
The Amerieo1, says that ga few instances
"fnay be cited where Kings assumed for
"time the absolute control Of public al.
"'fairs; but these instances make simply
"an exception to the general rule, and
".werc Of too little importance to curtail
{: in the least the interest and constitu-
/" tional privileges Of Parliament"
!. A glance at some Of these instances
might present the subject in new aspect
TO the american. Whenever there had
been wars or serious internal connections
/" for number of years, then Il ,cdS that the
Executive became al-poueTtm. HENRY VII.
came to the throne after the overthrow of
RICHARD Ill In battle, and ruled Parlia-
ment with rod Of iron. Under all the
TrDoRs the power of the Crown was over
shadowing. JAMES /. came to the throne
pcaceably and because Of the failure of
heirs in direct line. The Crown soon be-
gan to lose its control over Parliament.
The long peace proved favorable to the
growth of the power of Parliament.
- CHARLES l., JANEs's son, found it more
taa Ra D aad s fest Els Head. But When
this civil war had listed some years
or, rather, wheniit had ended in Eng
land a. ours has ended here-and Par
lament seemed to be the undisputed mas
ter of the situation as our Congress now
seems to be here, then it was that there
arose a CROMWELL who kicked the 'Parlia-
ment out of doors, and ruled the kingdom
according to his sovereign will and plea
sure. That war, like others preceding it,
reastablished the supremacy Of the Execu-
tive. CHARLES II. and JAMES IL. reigned
in peace, 1.-THE Monmouth rebellion was too
short-lved and Insignificant to affect the
status Of the nation and Parliament again
became 80 powerful that JAMES fled from
England, fearing, doubtless, that he might
meet his fathers fate II he remained.
WILLIAM OF ORANGE succeeded to the
throne by force Of arms, and actually COM
i PEELED Parliament to recognize him, who
had NO sort Of title to the throne, as the
successor of his wife should she die first.
As there have been no revolutions in Eng
land since his day, Parliament soon again
g became, and has ever since remained, the
ruling and controlling power.
The National Assembly in France was
for time as omnipotent as ever legisla-
tire was in the world. But the wars that
body originated produced a NAPOLEON,
and the executive power soon swallowed
mp all others. r- 4a.'e .4l.,
II appears, then, from these historical
facts that when a war has for some time
: ragged in any country, then is the time to
look for Gle supremacy Of tie KeFatius.
The American knows rs well as we do
whether or not there has been great re-
bellion in this country, and whether or not
We, too, have had an Executive martyr,
ss they had In France and England at the
periods we have spoken of, and it IL well
. come to all the comfort that It can lind in
the !" few instances where kings assumed
gt.for 4 time the absolute control Of public
< = Affairs. Those instances, We repeat, seem
to have becn consequent upon war
60 writtsn Consultations.
A negro fellow Who during the war be-
longed to some, officer in, the Confederate
army below Richmond Was III t,s habit