The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-05-15

to be stricken out: but the remaining seUentu
with the aid of fourteen Copperhead Democrats,
ordered the previous question, which rendered
It impossible to take separate vote upon this
section. They we're ALL therefore, passed toge-
ther. 1t may be well enough to examine the
effect of adopting this clause and sending IL TO
the States 10 be ratified as an amendment of the
Constitution.
The section, it will be seen, disfranchises the
great mass OF the people in the Southern States
only in voting for Federal officers. They will
still vote for the members Of their Legislatures,
and those Legislatures will represent the inte-
rests and wishes of the great body OF the people
of their respective States-those who did
adhere to the insurrection" es well as those
who did not. Now those very Legislatures are
to decide on accepting or rejecting these amend
ments-and IN regard to this section they are to
decide whether they will or will not disranchise
their own consttuents--the very men who
elected them! Certainly, in the absence of
some very strong inducement they cannot be
expected to do so. What inducement is offered
IL is proposed to mittheir representatives into
Congress, II they will Tatify these amendments.
But they are not allowed to vote for representa-
tives in Congress- If this section is ratified. They
are expressly disiranchised by its terms. If they
do not raty it, therefore, they are not to have
representation; If they do ratfy ii they may have
representation, but they cut themselves off from
being represented Is 1t not absolutely certain
that such proposition will be instantly and
contemptuously rejected?
But this is not all. The other proposed amend
ments turn on the same condition. All must be
adopted and become parts of the Constitution,
or none take effect These Rebel Legislatures
must not only dsfranchse themselves in Con-
gress but they must also conCede equal rights
TO their colored population surrender part of
their political power by consenting to change
the basis of representation, repudiate the debt
of their Government and abandon all claim to
compensation for their slaves: and in exchange
for all this they get representation in which they
are not to be represented
1t is difficult to believe that any single men,
ber of the Committee which reported these
amendments, ii he knew the meaning and effect
OF this one, could have believed for moment
that there was the faintest shadow of chance
OF their adoption. The passage of the ''plan,"
in this form, secures, beyond all peradventure
the continued exclusion of the Southern States.
That this was the object of the Copperheads in
forcing the previous question, so as to prevent
amendment, is more than probable-for they
hope to bring them in on better terms by and
by. That it was the object OF Mr.. Stevens
and most of those who acted with him,
is still more certain from their declarations
They do not want the Southern States
represented. They do not intend that any of
them shall be until after the next Presidential
election. And by securing the adoption of this
amendment with the others, they have taken
If the Joint resolution Just passed by the House
shall pass the Senate in the same form, then
will come up the bill granting representation to
the States on condition OF ratifylng these
amendments after they shall have become valid
as parts OF the Constitution. That may pass
inasmuch as only majority vote is required
But it will certainly be vetoed and then the
issue Will 60 to the country. Any one who
supposes that Congress Will be sustained in any
such self-stultifYne action as this, must rate at
a very low standard the common sense OF the
people at large.