The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1866-02-21
Terms So per AMMAN, in adramce.

IL
aerayeu from the treasury of the whole people
The Congress of the United States has never
heretofore thought itself competent to estab-
lish any laws beyond the limits of the District
OF Columbia, except for the benefit of our dis
allied soldiers and sailors. 1t has never founded
schools for any class or for our own people. NOT
even for the orphans Of those who have fallen
In the defence of the Union, but has LETT the
care OF their education to the much more
competent and efficient control of the States,
OF communities, of private associations, and of 4
individuals. 1t has never yet deemed itself
authorized to expend the public money for the
rent or purchase of houses for the thousands,
not to say millions, of the white race who are \
honestly toiing from day to day for their sub
sistence. .a- --- -..5 -r..-- 5..-
A system for the support OF INDECENT per-
sons in the United States was never contem-
Plated by the authors of the Constitution
NOT can any good reason be advanced why, as
permanent establishment it should be found
Gu e,i ior one class or color of our people more
tnah another. During the war many refugees
anu freedmen received support from the gov
ernment, but it was never intended that fbey
shouia henceforth be fed, clothed, educated
and sheltered by the United States The idea
on which the slaves were assisted to freedom
was, that on becoming free, they would be a
seli-sustalning population. Any legislation
that shall imply that they are not expected to
tendency injurious alike to their character and
their prosperity.
The appointment of an agent for every
county and parish will create an immense
patronage; and the expense of the numerous
officers and their clerks to be appointed by
the President will be great in the beginning,
with tendency steadily to increase. .--
The appropriations asked by the Freedmen's
Bureau as now established for the year 1856
amOunt ho
mated that the cost to be incurred under the
pencing bill will require double that amount,
more than the entire sum expended in any
one year under the administration of the sec
ond Adams. If the presence of agents in ey-
cry parish and county is to be considered as
war measure, opposition or even resistance
might be provoked, so that to give effect to
their jurisdiction troops would have to be sta
toned within reach Of every one of them, and
thus large standing force be rendered neces-
sary. Large appropriations would therefore
be required to sustain and enforce military ju-
risdiction in every county and parish from the
Potomac 10 the Rio Grande. The condition
OF our fiscal affairs is encouraging, but in or
der to sustain the present measure of public
confidence it is necessary that we practice not
merely customary economy but, as i;.r as pos
sible, severe retrenchment. N '-'7 ''i-
In addition to the objections already stated,
the nth section OF the bill proposes to take
away land from its former owners without any
legal proceedings being first had, contrary to
that provision of the Constitution which de-
elares that no person shah be deprived Of life,
liberty or property without due process OF law.
1t does not appear that part of the lands to
which this section refers may not be owned by
minors or persons of unsornd mind, or by
those who have been faithful to all their obli-l
| cations as citizens of the United States. If
any portion OF the land is held by such persons
1t is not competent for any authority to de-
prive them of it.
If on the other hand ii be found that the
property is liable to confiscation, even it can
not be appropriated to public purposes until
by due process of law, it shall have been de-
clared forfeited to the Government. There
are still further objections to the bill on grounds
seriously affecting the class OF persons to whom
it's designed to bring relief 1t will tend to
keep the mind Of the freedman in state of
uncertain expectation and restlessness, while
| to those among whom he lives it will be
source of constant and grave apprehension.
Undoubtedly the freedman should be protect
| ed but he should be protected by the civil au-
thorities, especially by the exercise of all the
Constitutional powers of the courts OF the
United States AMI of the States. Ills condi-
ton is not so exposed as may at first be imag-
ined. He is in portion of the country where
| his labor cannot be well spared. Competition
~O~~@
are constructing or repairing railroads, or
| from capitalists in his vicinity or from other
! States, will enable him to command almost his
own terms. He also possesses perfect right
to change his place OF abode, and if, therefore,
he does not find in one community or State a
mode Of life suited to his desires or proper re-
muneration for his labor he can move to an
other where labor is more esteemed and better
rewarded. In truth, however, each State in
duced by its own wants and interests will do
| what Is necessary and proper to retain within
its borders all the labor that is needed for the
| development OF its resources. The laws that
regulate supply and demand will maintain
their force and the wages OF the laborer win be
regulated thereby.
There is no danger that the great demand
for labor will not operate in favor OF the labor
er. Neither is sufficient consideration given
to the ability of the freedmen to protect and
take care OF themselves. 1t is no more than
! justice to them 10 believe that as they have
received their freedom with moderation and
| forbearance, so they will distinguish them
! selves by their industry and thrift and soon
| show the world that in the condition of tree
dom they are self-sustaining and capable
of selecting their own employment, their own
| place OF abode, OF insisting, for themselves,
upon proper remuneration and of establish
| ing and of maintaining their OVID asyiums and
schools. 1t is earnestly hoped that instead of
wasting away, they will by their own efforts,
1 establish fer themselves condition, respect,
ability and prosperity. 1t is certain that they
can attain to that condition only through
their own merits and exertions. In this con-
| nectiJn the query presents itself, whether
| the system proposed will not, when put
into complete operation, practically transfer
| the entire care, support and control of four
millions OF emancipated slaves to agents, over
seers or taskmasters, who, appointed at Wash
ington, are to be located in every country or
parish throughout the United States contain
ing freedmen and refugees. Such system
woald enable the Executive, if so disposed, to
control the action Of numerous classes and use
them for his own political ends. cannot but
add another very grave objection to this bill.
4 The Constitution imperatively declares in
connection with taxation that each State shall
have one representative, and fixes the rule for
the number to which in future times each
State shall be entitled. 1t also provides that
the Senate of the United States shall be COM
| posed of two Senators from each State, and
adds, with peculiar force, that no State with
out its consent shall be deprived Of its equal
suffrage in the Senate. The original act was
necessarily passed in the absence of the States
chiefly to be affected, because Their people were
then contumaciously engaged in the rebellion
Now the case is changed, and some at least of
the States are attending Congress by loyal rep
resentatives soliciting the allowance of the
constitutional rights of representation. At
the time however, of the consideration and
the passing OF the bill there was no Senator or
Representative in Congress from the eleven
States which are to be mainly affected by its
provisions. The very fact that reports were,
and are made against the good disposition OF
the country is an additional reason why they
need and should have representatives of their
own in Congress to explain their condition, to
reply to assertions, and assist by their local
knowledge the perfecting of measures immedi-
ately affecting themselves, while the liberty Of
deliberation would then be free, and Congress
would have full power to decide according to
its judgment. There could be no objection
urged that the States most interested had not
been permitted to be heard. ..ts. .7..ss.
The princlple is firmly fixed In the minds