The Norfolk post. [volume] (Norfolk, Va.) 1865-1866, 1866-02-03

SATURDAY. FEBRUARY 8, 1855.
FINAL BASIS OF SETTLEMENT.
ADOPTION OF TAR CONSTITUTIONAL AMEND
hENT,

FIN AL bAolS Or DE- 1hEM ElN
ADOPTION OF TAR CONSTITUTIONAL AMEND
AENT.
In the House, OIL Wednesday, Mr.
Stevens, from the Joint Committee on
Reconstruction, reported what is de-
signated ''the Conkling Amendment
which had been recommitted to it the
day before, merely striking out the
words land direct taxes" 80 that il
reads as follows:
"ARTICLE--. Representatives shall
be apportioned among the several states
which may be included within this
Union according to their respective
numbers, counting the whole number
of persons In each state, excluding In
dams not taxed; provided, that when
ever the elective franchise shall be de-
MED or abridged in any state, on ac-
count of race or color, all persons OF
such race or color shall be excluded from
the basis Of representation"
Before voting on the main Amend
ment, the House, by 1870 to SO, rejected
Gen. Schenck's substitute, which pro-
posed
| nhU tllc Stlull Dt az
cording to the number of male citizens
over twenty-one years of age, having
| the qualifications requisite for electors
of the most numerous branch of the
state Legislature"
And now the vote was taken on the
Conkling proposition as amended, with
the following result: Yeas, 100. Nays,
| as.
1.-THE Nays include all the Democrats
voting, with Messrs. Raymond, Bald
\ win, Elliott, Smith, Hale, ,Jenckes,
NOell, Phelps, Rousseau, Whaley, RAN
dali, and Latham chosen as Unionists. ]
The speaker announced that, two
thirds of the House having voted in the
Affirmative, the House assents to the
| amendment.
Asa matter of interest to the public,
we give the debate in the House, which
| preceded the final vote:
Mr.. Stevens said they Ihad been in
formed by high authority, through a
pundit at the other end of the Capitol,
| that it was better not to amend the con-
| stitution, but to let 1t stand as 1t was.
He held n very different view himself,
and believed that this Congress had en-
trusted to it high duty, no less impor-
| tant and no less efficient for the veal OF
woe of the country than the one en-
trusted to that august body who made
the Declaration q Independence and he
believed that now, il they omitted to
exercise that high duty, or abused it
they would be held to account by this
and future generations and by all the
names would 90 down to posterity with
| ho nf onr,lop,sa or
domination as they disposed of this sub
ject, 80 necessary to be treated honestly
and justly for the benefitof every human
| being. Our fathers made declaration
of Independence that was-and what
| they intended it should be-the fOunda.
| ton of our government. If the govern.
ment had been placed on the principles
of that declaration the constitution never
would have needed amendments at this
time; for every human being would have
been equal before the law and could not
have been interfered with except
through usurpation. But itso happened,
when our fathers came to reduce the
| principles to order in the shape of or
ganic law, the institution of slavery,
hot from hell, appeared among them,
| increasing in volume since that time,
and obstructing all their movements and
acts, and preventing them from carrying
out the principles of the Declaration OF
Independence i'm the organic law of the
nation. But rather than have no har-
mony among themselves they COM
| pounded their principles for what they
deemed greater good, believing that in
a short time the instrument would be
purified, which they admitted to be
| clOgged and dark with the institution of
| A hof inn nj In txyh o1< 90
of cotton left the country in single
year; but now three millions. Then but
a few slaves, comparatively, existed and
there was a population of only three
millions in the entire country of all
classes. Now, the blacks have exceed
ed that entire number, and we have
among US four millions of them, either
to be treated as our fathers declared they
should be treated, or oppressed by an in
famous tyranny that would deserve the
| execration of the human race. The time
had, however, come when they could
make the constitution such as our
fathers intended IL. The time had come
when through blood every stain had
been washed out, unless they chose to
re-establish slavery, which God forbid.
The gentleman from New York (Mr.
Raymond) and those above him had
| said the constitution needed no amend
ment. Mr.. Stevens hoped never to live
to see the day when he would be dis
graced by such sentiment. Now, the
question was, when everything was in
| their power-when the rebels had lifted
their parricidal hands against the coun-
try, had been vanquished, and had cut
themselves off from every right by the
law of nations, and repudiated the con-
stitution of the United States-should
they SO rebuild the sacred edifice as to
place it on broad foundation of human
rights, or cut off a portion of those rights
and crush beneath their feet four millions
of immortal beings? This was the ques-
ton presented to them, and yet they
were told that no amendment was ne
cessary.
Mr.. Raymond (rep.), of New York,
here remarked that if the gentleman
| from Pennsylvania understood him as
saying that he would not disturb the
constitution, and that it was better
without amendments than with them,
he misunderstood him. He had expli-
city conceded that ON the very point of
representation some amendment was
necessary.
Mr.. Stevens, resuming, said he had
referred not only to the gentleman from
New York, but to gentleman to whom,
perhaps, he had no right to refer, whose
authorized utterances they all respected,
l L.,< .x,I.<oa <,r,sxsar, Il, I;I