The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1866-07-14

/ well and An3On IS equal TO I"o - -
i Carteret or Tyrrell. The objection lies to the
inequality wherever 1t exists Last VI y %
or centre.
IF we look to the composition of the Senate
we find this unequal distribution of political
power still greater:
I The eight extreme Eastern senatorial
districts contain Il population OF 50,39o, ana
are entitled to eight members OF the senate
The eighr Western districts contain popu-
lation of 2O1, 758 white souls, and only an
equal number of Senators. In other words,
5000 men in the eight first districts are equal
to 25.219 in the eight last districts.
9 Aoain: Hartford, with population
of 3 e4T has one Senator. Buncombe dis
trict. with population of near 10000, has
| one Senator, or one voter in Hartford Is equal
to seven in Buncombe.
g. Martin has 5,435, and one Senator,
while the Haywood district, with 3O,372,
whites, has only one Senator, or one voter in
Martin is equal to six in Haywood. And SO
| of BERTHE. Northampton and Warren, con-
trasted with Rutherford, Iredell and Surry.
L. Take the aggregate population OF Hert-
| ford. BERTHE, Northampton and Martin, and
it is 81 ,O07, with four Senators, contrast 1T
with the districts of Buncombe, Haywood,
Iredell and Surry, with a population OF 49,
206, and four Senators, and 1t Is 2l,ooo TO
| 119, 900, or nearly to g.
| It will thus be SEEM Mr.. President, by q
careful examination, that much less than one
half the white population has the controlling
| power in the House of Commons, while one
| third of the white population has the con
trolling power in the Senate, and that the
entire gooernanent in North- Carolina IS rested
in a minority Of the people.
As to the House of Commons which is sup
posed to represent population, l have en-
tleavored to show that, unless we allow negro
| suffrage the white basis must be adopted
l shall pass that over, and, in the next place,
! affirm that white population should also be
the basis of representation in the Senate.
| agree, Mr. President, that government is
not theoretical only, but, also, practical
institution, and that natural justice must
often Weld to necessity and policy. l agree
that you cannot measure, divide, subdivide
and distribute the powers of government
with mathematical exactness, like you can
| an orange or q cube. But our constitution
declares that frequent recurrence to funda-
mental principles is absolutely necess airy to
preserve the blessings of liberty. and the first
section of the bill Of rights lays down the
foundation stone of all republican and rep
resentative governments to be "that all po-
| litical power" Is vested In and derived from
the people only.
1t is admitted that the people, in organic
ing government for themselves, may limit
their natural rights thus clearly asserted, and
that they may, perhaps, vest the powers OF
government in a minority of the people, ii
they so choose but, in now revising their
constitution, it is our duty to survey the
whole field, and especially that part which
contradicts the time-honored maXims of rep
resentative government, and denies the poll
teal equality of men.
Upon what principle is it that a man in
one country has the vote and political power
of seven men in another county, and that
from no merit, but the accident of place 3
Providence planted the hills and the vallies,
the barren mountains of Stokes and Surry,
and the fertile plains of the Roanoke. Why
should one vote at the mouth OF the Roanoke
be equal to six at the source OF its tributary,
the Dan9 The friends of the present basis
OF the Senate, place its claims upon the
ground that one branch of the Legislature
should be the representative and guardian o.
property, the other of the people, and that the
equilibrium ofgovernmept is best preserved
by these mutual checks.
1t is admitted that property must be pro-
tected but how does this prove that the poor
land of Henderson is not entitled to equal
protection with the rich land of Hyde? That
the poor mans little is not as dear to him as
the rich mans much, and that he is not as
anxious TO protect it by wholesome laws 3
Why is it that the owner Of 81 900 in Craven
has four times the political power of the
owner of $4,000 in Henderson That this
property basis applies not to individuals as
such, but to communities as such The
counties and corporations of the State have
the power of taxation through the people or
their representatives, and we hear no COM
plant of injustice or oppression in the eXer-
else of this power. Why should property be
less secure or justice worse administered,
| when contided to the majority of the people
of the whole State Place one hundred men
from Buncombe and one hundred from
Craven in this capitol to make laws, natural
right and natural justice would give them an
equal vote, but the Constitution gives the
Craven men five times the vote of Buncombe
and of course Buncombe is at the mercy of
Craven. But it is answered that if numbers
is the measure of power, Craven is at the
mercy Of Buncombe. That is true Our pro-
position is offset to the other and we are
driven back to the first principles of repre-
sentative republics, to decide any conflict
between these two counties. There must be
a supreme and controlling power in every
State, and in a republic, that controlling
power is, in cases of dispute, vested in the
majority. If you deny this, you destroy the
foundation on which the government rests.
Then why should the minority in Craven
govern the majority in Buncombe2 And in
disputed cases, why should not the majority
of Buncombe rule the minority of Craven q
Our government is based upon filth in ma
jorities that the many are more apt to do
right than the few-that two heads are better
than one.
But it is urged, that those who contribute
the taxes should have the power of disburs-
ing them. That is conceded; but the infer
ence they would draw from this proposition
by no means follows, that those who pay the
largest portion of taxes, should disburse the
whole, their own and their poor neighbors.
All history and experience prove that $1O,-
600 is as dear to its owner as 100000 to its
owner, and that both would be actuated by
an equal anxiety to protect their property
and to enact just and impartial laws. When
money is paid into the public treasury for
the public benefit, if the minority who con-
tributed most had the power of its disburse-
ment, wretched would be the condition OF
the toiling many who made an equal contri,
button according to their means. And has
not the majority in our State, in times past,
suffered from this unequal distribution OF
power?
Butt is objected, that the large tax-pay-
ing counties get no equivalent therefor, unless