New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1866-02-21

make provision for the rent or purchase OF
landed estates for freedmen and for the erection
for their benefit of suitable uildings for asylums
and schools, the expense to be betrayed from the
treasury Of the people. " s@ II II
The Congress of the United States has never
heretofore thought itself bound to establish any
laws beyond the limits Of the District of Columbia
except for the benefit of our disabled soldiers and
sailors. 1T has never founded schools for any
class of onr own people--not even for the orphans
of those who have fallen in defense of the Union,
but has left the care of their education to the much
more competent control of the States, of commune
ties, of private associations, and of individuals 1t
has never deemed it necessary to expend the pub
lie money for the rent or purchase of houses for
the thousands, not to say millions, of the white
race who are honestly toiling from day to day for
their subsistence: A system for the support Of |
INDECENT persons in the United States was never
contemplated by the Constitution, nor can any
good reason be advanced why, as permanent es-
Enlistment, it should be founded for one class or
Color Of our people more than for another. Pend
ing the war many refugees q freedmen received
support from the government but it was never
intended they should henceforth be fed, clothed,
educated and sheltered by the United States.
The idea on which the slaves were assisted to
freedom. was that on becoming free they. would
be self sustaining population and any legislation
that shall imply that they are not expected to
attain self.sustaining condition must have ten
dency injurious alike to their character and their
prosperity. The appointment Of an agent for every
county aud parish will create an immense patronage
and the expense Of the numerous officers and
clerks to be appointed by the President will be
great in the beginning with tendency steadily to
increase. The appropriations asked for by the 4
Freedmen's Bureau as now established for the |
year 1866, amount to sl1 745 900 It may be safely
estimated that the cost to be incurred under the
pending bill will be double that amount more than
the entire sum expended in any one year under
the administration Of the second Adams. If the
presence Of agents in every parish and county is
to be considered as war measure, opposition, or
even resistance, might be provoked, 50 that, to
give effect to their Jurisdiction, troops would have
to be stationed within the reach of every one of
them, and thus large standing force would be
necessary, and large appropriations would there
fore be required to sustain and enforce military jnr
the Potomac to the Rio Grande. The condition Of
our fiscal affairs encouraging, but in order to sus-
tain the present measure Of public confidence it is
necessary that we practice, not merely customary
economy, but as far as possible severe retrench- |
ment. In addition to the objections already stated,
the fifth section Of the bill proposes to take away
land from its owners without any legal proceeding
being, first had, contrary to the provision of
shall be deprived Of life, liberty properly with
out due process Of law, 1t does not ear that
lands to which this section refers may not be owned
by minors or persons of unsound mind er by those
who have been faithful to all their obligations as
citizens of the United States-if any portion of
| the land is held by such persons it is not com
petent for any authority to deprive them of
t. III On the other a hand II can be
even then it cannot be appropriated to public pur-
poses until by due, process Of law it shall have
been declared forfeited to the government. There
are still further objections to the bill on the
| grounds of seriously affecting the class Of per
sons to whom it is designed to bring relief twill
tend to keep the minds of the freedman in state
of uncertain expectation and restlessness, while
to those among whom he lives it win be a source
of constant and vague apprehension. Undoubt-
eddy the freedmen should be protected, but they
should be protected by the civil authorities, espe-
cially by the exercise Of all the constitutional!
the States. His condition is not SO exposed as
may at first be imagined. ''t 1 s5 -o
He is in portion of the country where his labor
cannot well be spared. Competition for his ser.
vices from planters, from those who are construct
ing or repairing railroads, or from capitalists in his
vicinity, or other States will enable him to COM
mand almost his own TERMS. He also possesses
perfect right to change his place of abode and if
therefore, he does not find in one community or
State mode Of life suited to his desires, proper
remuneration for his labor, he can move to another
where labor is more extended and better rewarded,
In truth, however, each State, induced by
its own wants and interests, will do what is
necessary and proper to retain within its
borders all the labor that Is needed for the
development of its resources. The laws that
regulate supply and demand will maintain their
force, and the wages of the laborer will be regu-
lated thereby. There is no danger that the great
demand for labor will not operate in favor of the
laborer neither is sufficient consideration given to
the ability Of the freedmen to protect and take
care of themselves. 1t is no more than justice to
| them to believe that as they have received their
| freedom with moderation and forbearance, they
will distinguish themselves by their industry, and
feel and show the world that in their .copdi.
ton of freedom they are selt.sustaining, and cupa
| BILE of selecting their own employment and their
! own places of abode, or insisting for themselves
on a proper remuneration, and OF establishing
and maintaining their own sasylums and
schools. 1t is earnestly hoped that, instead
of wasting away, they will, by their own
efforts, establish for themselves a condition
Fof responsibility and prosperity. 1t is certain
| they can attain to that condition only through
| their own merits and exertions. In this connec-
ton the query presents itself whether the system
proposed by the bill will not, when put into com.
| plete operation practically transfer the entire
care, support and control of four millions Of
emancipated slaves to hard overseers or task
masters. who, appointed at Washington, are to be
located in every county and parish in the United
! states containing freedmen and refugees. Such
tration of power N the Executive. which would
enable him, it disposed, to control the action OF
| Il numerous class and tit them for the attainment
! of his own political aim. TA'+ .5" go .E4Fr
I cannot but add another very great objection
to this bill. The Constitution imperatiyey de-
clares in connection with taxation that each State
shall have at least one Representative, aud likes
I the rules for the lumber to which in future times
each State shall be entitled 1t also provides that
the Senate of the United States shall be composed
i peculiar force thatno State without its consen,
| shall be deprived of its suffrage. In the South
the original act was necessarily passed in the alb
sence OF the States chiefly to he effected because
their people Were then cuntuuiacionsy engaged il
the rebellion. Some at least of the States are ut
tending Congress by loyal representatives. solicit
ing the allowance of their constitutional right
of representation. AT u present time, however
of the consideration and passing of the bill, Their.
was no Senator or Representative in Congress
4 from the eleven States which are to be mainl,
affected by its provisions. The fact that report
were made against the good disposition of til,
country is an additional reason why they need AMI
should have representatives Of their own in Con
gress, to explain their condition, and especial,
their disposition, and assist, by their local knew
| ledge, i'll the pertecting of measures Immediately
affecting themselves; while the liberty Of debera
ton would then be free, and Congress would hav
full power to decide according to its judgment
| There could then be no objection urged that TIL
States mostly interested had not been permitted tt
he heard. The principle il firmly liked in tn,
minds of the American people that there can bt
no taxation without representation. Grea
burdens are now to be borne by all the country
and we may best demand that they shall DO borne
without q murmur when they are voted by . ma
iority of the representatives Of all the people
would not interfere with The nuqnesiionable rghls
of Congress to judge, each House for ITSELF q tae
election returns and qualifications Of It's own e, ~
bers but that authority cannot be colStiuea 40
including the right to put out 10 VINE 9. pea.e
STATE from representation 10 WhG, - snt ~
; Ly the Constitution. AT preseht w INC psopo VI
/, ! tbe Hnitad States are incuded-7those VINO were