The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1866-06-16

natural that they should have derived many
of their ideas of political science from inc
mother country. There were many things
connected with English government Which
tI,ev a,,nroved and admired They there
fore supposed that property qual1hcatlons
for Office were as essential for those VINO rep
resented. and were elected, by all classes OF
fine people. Us under government where
only a few of the people voted, and those
few the property owners of the country
A recurrence to English history must sat
isfy every impartial mind, that the protcc-
ton of landed property, and the preserva-
ton of her nobility were the two grand eie
ments upon which the English government
was founded. The protection of the citizen
was minor consideration compared WIN
her other cherished objects. Her zfeudal
system, her system of villenage, and the de-
pendancy of the tenant upon his superior
lord, are all evidences of the truth OF this
proposition. But it is not necessary that
shall rely alone upon the superior protection
extended to her nobility, and the utter de-
tendency of the people as they formerly ex-
listed, to prove that property and aristocracy
were the greatest object of her care and pro-
lection Her more modern legislation FUR
nishes us with an instance OF the truth OF
nv proposition; it may be found in the lat
ter part of the reign of the Prince OF Orange
The landed aristocracy, becoming jealous OF
the growing power and influence exercised
by the representatives of the cities and bor-
oughs, and fearing herising greatness of what
they were pleased to term the plebelan IN
terest, passed an act through Parliament
increasing the property qualifications OF
such representatives to twenty five thousand
pounds. And to the credit of the greatest
and wisest statesman who ever sat upon the
British throne, William, he exercised the veto
upon the act, and thus prevented the landed
aristocracy from concentrating one OF the
cherished principles upon which their gov
eminent was founded.
Eleven years after the adoption OF our
State Constitution, the Convention which
framed the Federal Constitution assembled.
1t was composed of the wisest and best men
whom any country any age OF the world
had ever produced. They became deeply
sensible of the great responsibility resting
upon them. A confederation of States based
upon the fundamental idea that the people
are rightfully the depository of all political
power, was to them an untried experiment;
but their far-seeing sagacity and expansive
craftsmanship proved that they were equal
to the occasion. This thing of property
qualification was thoroughly discussed and
weighed in all of its bearings by this august
body. A committee of detail, consisting OF
Messrs. Gerry, Davie, DR.. Franklin, Rutledge
and Mason were appointed, to whom was
TGl6TTCu d luSh1 " IL
port bill requiring a landed property quail
ifcation for Senators and Representatives.
In accordance with the wishes of the Con-
vention, they reported bill requiring
landed property qualification for the nation
al representatives This subject underwent
u thorough discussion before the Conven-
ton, as is we'll known, each State voting not
according to its representation, but as
State. Maryland alone voted for the bill. The
committee of detail were again instructed to
report bill requiring property, other than
landed qualification, for Senators and Com
moners; and after the bill had been reported
and thoroughly discussed by the Conven-
ton, New Hampshire, Georgia and Massa-
chusetts alone voted to retain property
qualification. The ten other States refused
to sanction the incorporation into the Con-
stitution of doctrine which was repugnant
not only to our Declaration of Independence,
but at variance with every idea of repub-
icanism.
Such, then, is the history of how property
qualifications for Office first became engrafted
into our organic laws, and the reasons why it
was not afterwards made part of the fede-
raj Constitution.
But it is asserted by the opponents of the
proposed amendment, that unless we have
such property qualification for Office as is
proposed, that the property -holders will have
no security for protection to their property
in other words, that property is conducive to
conservatism, and that any other principle
for the election of officers of the State will
run into radicalism. If this theory be cor
rect it we'll becomes us to pause before com
uniting so grave an error.
MIR. President, it has been wisely said,
that history is philosophy, teaching by ex-
ample" Let us look into the Constitutions
of all the other States of the Union, based as
is ours upon the idea that the people, and tile
people alone, are the source of all political
power, and see what are the property quail
tieations for office; and if we find that other
States, and those very large majority have
banlshed every vestige of British aristocracy
from their organic law, and have admins
tered their respective State governments with
ability-have, through their representatives,
enacted wise and beneficent laws, and have
been free from radicalism in every form,
then may we not with propriety suppose
that what has been done with wisdom in
other States may be safely tried here?
Let delegates examine the different Consti-
buttons of the thirty-six States of the Union,
and they will find that thirty -one have not
belied the fundamental principle upon which
each State government was framed. They
will there see that they not only proclaim
that all political power is vested in and de
rived from the people, but what is of
hioio llIipoI IdhCe, Iney pTaCClce IL LOT Incy
leave the people free and untrammeled to
choose for office any of its citizens who pos
sess the merit of being able to secure ma
jority of their votes. No principle is enunci-
ated in their Constitutions, which is practi-
bly, denied by other clauses of the same in
strument, as is the case with our Constitu-
ton. What good can arise fran the enun-
citation of great truth if we, by our action,
not only question its correctness, but practi-
cally deny itl
Five States, then, alone retain q property
qualification for Office. Let delegates COM
pare the legislation of the thirty-one States
which require no property qualification for
office, with those which make it a condition
precedent to the bcstowal of office that the
incumbent shall possess certain amount of
real estate. I invite the comparison, and
feel assured that no unbiased man can rise
from such an investigation without being
fully, impressed with the conviction that
property is not the test for qualification for
office, but that other considerations loom up
and bury into insignifcance all such preten-
tious claims, fostered from studying and
admiring the workings of the British govern
ment. Let delegates select a Northern and