New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1866-10-04
WORDS TO TIE saurH.

/ eASAA VI ehlS SO1AobllQliOla1l Lit
article is calm, kind and courteous in tone,
and, coming from paper which is really sin
cere in its desire for reconstruction, . and
which, moreover, is so sound in its views Of
many political questions, it deserves to be
treated with respect. For this reason, and
because it is the very strongest form of the
argument for ratification that can be addressed
to thesouth, we lay it before our readers.
In an article to which we referred yester-
day, the Post presented the purely expe-
diency side of the question, arguing that by
ratifying the amendment we should be
enabled TO act in conjunction with
the Northern friends of reform in over
throwing the Ubiquitous and pernicious sys-
tenn Of e protection which now paralyzes
the industry of the country. We showed that
this reason is not conclusive /; that in fact the
proposed remedy would only aggravate the
evil to which it might be applied. In truth
the very reason proposed by the Post as an
inducement to us to ratify the amendment, is
reason for the Posts party to exclude us
from Congress even after such ratification.
But the Post has singularly inverted the natu-
raj sequence of things and their relative
Importance. That paper assumes that the
great necessity Of the country is to get rid of
the oppressive system of taxation which has
been imposed on it by the dominant party,
and it regrets that public attention has been
diverted from this point, by the question Of
Reconstruction" as connected with the pro-
posed constitutional amendment Yet the
Post calls on the South to act first on the
amendment, and BIZ accepting it, to give room
for the more important issues. Would 1t not
he more consistent for the Post to make room
for those issues by assisting the Southern
States to get their representatives into Con
gress2 Ifall who think with the Post would
sever their alliance with the party Of repres-
sion and interference the intrusive questions
would very quickly be got out of the way.
In the article which we republish this morn |
ing, the Post argues that the amendment is
intrinsically just, and, therefore, that it ought
to be adopted--thus giving up, for the time,
the argument for expedieney Butnothing is /
more certain than that the Southern States do |
not consider it just, and that they view it as a
condition imposed for the exercise Of rights
or which no conditions ought to be asked
other than those which were originally en-
oraced in the Constitution. 1t may seem Just
Q the Post that the right of a State to repre-
entation in Congress should depend on the
equation of its internal affairs, as to the
light Of suffrage, but the doctrine is
Q new to us that we cannot be expected to
i've our assent to it at once. 1t is perfectly
lain that, the principle Of representation
ased on population being admitted, it can
make no possible difference to one State or
sction, as to relative weight in Congress-
hat may be the extent of the constituencies
y which the representatives are elected in
ther States on sections. The only motive for
assisting that new class shall be added to
le voting list must be that Of strengthening
ome particular party, or some peculiar form :
opinion. II tits just to make the South 9
2 States conform to q general rule of suf-
age laid down for them by maiority-sec- II
~, why would it NOT be just at any time, to
ny to particular States or sections the right q
representation il Congress until they con p
ut to adopt some new programme Of | =
mestic policy Why would it not be just e
i the great States of the center and the 7
est to extrude the New England members
ON Congress until the SIX New England |
ates should consent to adopt plan of sena-
rial representation based on population /? '
the precedent be once established that the !,
over Of the federal government may be ex- q
cised to impose conditions of Representation Il
one or more States, that power may and n n
ebably will be exercised hereafter for very s.
ferent purposes from those (Which it may n
ye been originally applied. Any party ac- ID
airing control in Congress, and determined b
supremacy, might, by a use Il
the power to determine the qualifications ia
members Of Congress, in the way in which "
At power is now construed, disfranchise any Ee,
the States and compel them tosratify any "
nditions as the price of readmission, III is n \
# too much to say that the complete sun
ession of the idea OF State rights. j.
lich this method involves, would ultimately II II
idtto an agitation for the abolition Of sena- d
rial representation, as atpresent constituted; !,
consequence of which, the smaller States Ii
New England would be sure to lose their d
latiye weight and Importance in the Union. :,
d finally, their State identity. The attempt 8,
coerce the people Of the South into therat- s.
cation Of the proposed amendment, whether if
offering itas the price Of representation. e'
% means BY which they may aid in over "
rowing The existing system Of protection q
q taxafion, is long step in the process of g.
n +,
The idea Of the Post that injustice Is done a.
the other States BIZ limiting the right Of II
to white persons in the South, is en- Ije
ely baseless. No additional weight is gained, |,
d no additional influence Of any kind. tn
'es the Post think, for instance, that if New fr
rs were Tomorrow to exclude portion of ~ ~
I inhabitants from exercising the right nj
voting, she would be guilty Of inius- Rs Rs
e towards he'other States? IT. IT,
Such proceeding might be unjust towards la
excluded class but clearly not towards %
other members of the Union. The anal it.
= drawn by the Post between the unenfran- fir
sed negroes in the South and Indians not an ar
ed, is unsound. Indians not taxed are ex- of
ded from representation not because they a
not vote, but because they are not pro to