The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1866-02-10
Naval Policy of the United States.

In rrulv 10 an assertion ny Mr.. ISGRRsoIr.
~ PENNSYLVANIA. in the debate on the Navy
AUTHORIZATION bill, that we are prepared to
meet tIlr navies Of France and England II was
r,n,ird Nv Mr. RICE, OF Massachusetts. that
vrare not prepared, and that to-day, great as
..,, ,l,c na>ics of France and England, thew
have uavy-vardS 4 single one Of which is
Greater shan all of ours, and every hammer
and anvil j. ringing with strokes of labor,
.ahricating ships 10 defend France and Eng
land in the event Of Il foreign war.
Il Is gratifying that one man in Congress has
the caudor and common sense 10 let the
country knew that there are other great naval
powers in the world besides our own, and
.au> 10 moderate that appetite for war which
j. increased by an inordiuat" couceit of supe
t.oTtty over all the rest OF mankind. The naked
.aJt Is simply what the member from Mas
~1chu>cttS states il. Counting all the vessels
employed hy the United States III the late war
tAcrr j. al approximation, no doubt, 10 the
number Of vessels i'll the English service; but
II .au>: bc recolcctcd that most of the United
states vessels were mere merchantmen, armed
.er temporary purpose, whilst all the ships
q: ,he English navy are built for war ships
The same i true OF France, which has a steam
navy nearly Is large as that of England, and
hp;A powers are engaged in competing with
reuh other in the construction OF new ships,
with all the modern improvements. Think OF
I'll >.4-lr navy yard in France or England being
greater than al our own put together, and
then taIk Of our preparation 10 meet them in
wa-, The idea is prepostcrous There is no
~.pA preparation. and what 10 more, there i
no necessity for il.
From the origin of parties in the early years
os the Government, the naval policy OF the
United States was question of party division,
the Federal party fIVoring large and power
nl navy, the Republicans moderate estab blish-
lucnt, adapted 10 the purposes OF defence more
than of offence The latter policy was always
oar true policy and is especially recommended
at this time 10y the financial condition of the
country. The aggregate expense Of the Bri-
ti>h navy can scarcely be less than sixty mil
lions Of dollars annually. 1t was nearly TWEEN
ty-1ivc millions when their navy comprised
only three hundred and ninety-two vessels,
very few Of which We're steamers, and only
hundred and seventy three vessels in commits.
son tirst-class steam frgate can scarcely
hr constructed under million of dollars. The
rzpcu>os Of a ship OF the line i'll commission
appropriation for the Military Academy Al!
West Point Men and officers cost money.
The average cost thirty years ago was two
hundred and twenty-siN dollars per annum foT
men. and eight hundred and fifty dollars per
auLum for officers rs stated in the report OF
the then Secretary Of the Navy, Mr.. WooD-
Trky II mus, be much greater now. 1t Il
obvious from facts like these that ii would be
madness for the United States 10 endeavor to
build up Il navy equal 10 that OF England ana
France or either Of them. We cannot afford,
and DO not require, n navy for offence, and &
very small one will be sufficient for defence.
The history Of Continental Europe, and of the
lat" war, shows that cities can be defended
" thoUl great fleets at sea. England, when
she had a thousand ships, was unable TO make
any impression upon the coast of her enemies,
after they had prepared for her, during the
wars Of the French Revolution CadiZ and
TrnerifIe, in l7"., and Boulogne and Flushing,
III l>l4 set at defiance the naval power OF
England, and laughed even the genius and
vlgor Of NELSON 10 scorn. In the Crimean
war, the English fleets were unable TO demo
Ii~h the land fort.tcaIions of Russia in the
Baltic or the Black Sea. Every one remembers
the magnificent squadron sent under old
NAPIER 10 the Baltic, and how he did not dare
even 10 attack Cronstadt. The late civil war
In this country demonstrated the same supe-
TiorlIy Of land Notifications 10 fleets, al
Charleston, Drcwry's Bluff, and at other
points. II il only necessary that the United
States. with its ample means, should construct
loruhcatuus Of great strength 10 defends its
principal cities, and no fleets in the world will
b" able 10 reduce them. No one, we suppose,
pTeicnds That there i any danger OF invasion
from Europe. An that the combined powers of
that continent could accomplish in a war with
the United States would be to attempt the
hombnrdmcnt OF our seaport towns; and these
can b" protected III the manner indicated. Our
commerce IL sea would, of course, have to suf-
i-r, and 50 it would il we had large navy.
The immense naval force OF England in 1912
vas not able 10 save her merchantmen
from becoming the prey of American priva-
trcT>. The only remedy III conflict with any
great maritime power is to reimburse our
selves for our commercial losses by taking
- many Of their ships rs they do of ours. We
heat ,acln at the business of priv ateering III
l,I- and can do IL again, If necessary.
The ave rage expenditure of the naval peace
establishment under ]. q. ADAMS was only
from three 10 four millions, yet il was per
iectly efficient for all peace purposes, and so
it was under General JACKSON. Under the
administration Of Mr.. ADAMS, piracy was
eXtiTpated III the West Indies, and under his
successor the Malays were chastised and
q semi bauditti broken up at the Falkland
Islands. A large increase in naval expendi-
ture began in 1886 and 81 because there was
an ovrrdowing treasury. An exploring expe-
d!,ion was gotten up, but even wi tn that expe-
dltiou the whole naval expenses were only
six millions. We have no overfiowing trea-
surv now, but n heavy national debt which
demands Tetrcuchment in every department.
A Triumphant Test.
Spiritualism has at last come out OF the
woods II mas been taunted Tor years Win I's