The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-08-30

I he House Of Representatives. The question in
the struggle before us is:-Will we submit, or.
will the American people submit, to this practi-
cal dissolution9 Will we submit to a doctrine
we have repudiated and doctrine we have
proved has no existence and cannot be sustained?
("Never.") The issue is now before you. 1t is
before you and the country. Will these States
be permitted to continue and remain as they
are in q practcal-so far as legislation is con-
cerned-in practical condition of dissolution?
1t is giving the lie direct, it Is answer
and position we have taken and made since
the Rebellion commenced. Are we prepared now,
after having passed through this Rebelion-are
we prepared, after the immense amount of
blood that has been shed-are we prepared,
alter having accumulated debt of over three
thousand millions of dollars-are we prepared,
after all the injury that has been inflicted upon
the people North and South of this Confederacy
to continue this disruption of the Union?
Ono" ana cheers.) Let me ask this intelligent
audience here to night. and not in the language
of defamation but in spirit of Christianity
and Of sound philosophy, are we prepared to
renew the scenes through which we have just
passed? (''No, never!") Are we prepared to
see one portion of this republic arrayed again
in deadly conflict against another portion?
Are we prepared to see the North
aTrayed against the South and the South
against the North. Are we prepared in this fair
and happy government OF freedom and of
liberty, to see man again set upon man, and in
the name OF God lit his hand against the throat
OF his feilowmanE Are we prepal ed to see our
fair fields again devastated? Are we prepared
to see this land that gave you brother-birth
agail drenched IN brothers blood? ("Never!"
"No") Or rather are we not prepared to bring
from Gilead balm that is healing In its charac-
ter, and pour it into the wound (Jheers, and
cries OF "Good.") Let us talk practically here
before this array of intelligence of integrity. of
patriotism, and OF wealth. Let us talk about
this thing practically. Have We not in
the private relations of life seen brothers, men of
most respectable character separate and divide,
The contest hptWppn them W(uld no
conflict angry; yet, when IL was all over, when
they had settled their difficulty aud become
reconciled and 1t had passed into oblivion,
they would hold each other dearer than before
TO teach them to love one another more dearly.
(Cheers.) They are our brothers. (Cries of
"Hear!" ''Good J" and cheers.l They are our
iellow-citizens. ("Hear, hear.'N They are part
OF ourselves. (Cheers.) They are bone OF our
bone and flesh OF our flesh. (Cheers.) They
have lived with us and been part of us from
the commencement Of the experiment of our
Government down to the commencement OF
the Rebellion They are identified with its
history and with ITS prosperity in every
sense of the word. (Cheers) We have
had hiatus, as it were, but that has passed
by ana we have come together again, and now
understanding what the feud was and when the
apple O dlsco1d has been renewed and we are
living under the Constitution of the United
States-maY ] be permitted to indulge in some
further remarks, VIII detain you but mo-
ment -(Cries OF go on.") | will hold you
responsible If | make TOO long speech. What
is now said gentlemen after the philadelphia
Convention has met and pronounced upon the
condition of the country? What IS now said
Why shat those men who met IN that Conven-
ton were inslncere; that Their professions were
nothing, that they were POLITICIANS, and that
they are not to be believed What better evl-
dence can you have OF loyalty They
talk about it and talk about red-handed
Rebels, and all that Who is there that
Las fought this rebellious spirit with more
consistency and determination than the indi-
vidual who addresses you? ("Hearn and
cheers.) Who has sacrificed and suffered more?
But because my sacrifices and suterings have
been great as an incident growing out OF civil
war, should become dead and insensible 10
truth and principle (Cheers.) But these men
Notwithstanding they may nov profess loyalty
and devotion TO the Union Of the States are not
to be believed. ("Hear.'O What better evi-
dence can you have Of loyalty and devotion to
the Government than profession. Who dare, in
this day OF religious and political freedom set
up an inquIsltion on mans conscience, and
pronounce sentence against his professions OF
loyalty? How many men have lived under
this Government, from its origin to the
present time, who have been loyal, and
obeyed the laws, and sustained the Gov
ernment in the hour of peril, and yet, in
sentiment, they preferred change, and would
rather have lived under another form of gov
ernment. The best evidence you can have is
their actions. (Cries of "Good," and cheers)
Then il these gentlemen from the North and the
South come forward with professions of devo-
ton to the Constitution and the Union of these
States-when their actions and professions cor
respond, you must assume that they are sincere.
Have we reached that point IN our country's
history that all confidence is lost in man? II
we have reached that pOlnt-it we cannot trust
each other, and confidence is gone-I tell you
your Government is not as strong as a rope OF
sand. Its own weieht will tumble it to pieces.
This Government has no tie, this Government
has no bond, 1t has no adhesive power, 1t CONT
dence and trust in each other gone. But these
men who sat in that Convention, who professed
that they represented peaee-loving people, are
doubted. They declare that their people want
peace on earth and goodwill to men, and they are
answered with the argument, "We won't be-
leve YOU" Therefore this disruption, this prac-
tical dissolution must continue to exist. Why
is the Southern man not to be believed? And l
don't speak here tonight because am South
ern man, and because my infant view drst saw
the light of heaven in Southern state. Thank
God, though say it myself, feel that enter
tain opinions aud notions that are co-eXtensive
with all these States and with all this nation.
(Cheers.) And while am southern man
am a Northern man. (Applause.) That is to
say l am citizen of the United States lcheer-
ing), and am willing to concede to all other
was going TO bring your attention, as
am up-and you must not encourage me too
much ego on" 'go on")-as one OF those
men who have been engaged in this
thing, and pretty, well broken. down, |
was gong to call your attention to
point. The Southern States, or their leaders,
proposed q separation. Now, what was the
reason that they proposed that separation? The
time has come to think. The time has come to
consult our brains and the passions of our
hearts. The time has come when the reason
should bear sway, and feeling and impulse be
laid aside. What was the reason that the South
gave for separation; what was 1t They said
that the Constitution of the United States was
fo, thon nd NOT ~