The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1866-08-29


ned on successful war against any foreign
nation, we might thereby have acquired pos
session and jurisdiction of their soil, with
the right to enforce our laws upon their
people and to impose upon them such laws
and such obligations as we might choose
But we had before the war complete juris-
diction over the soil of the Southern States,
limited only by our own Constitution. Our
laws were the only national law in force up
on it. The Government of the United States
was the only Government through which
those States and their people had relations
with foreign nations, and its flag was the
only flag by which they were recognized or
known anywhere on the face of the earth
In all these respects, and in all other respects
involving national interests and rights, our
possession was perfect and complete. 1t did
not need to be acquired, but only to be main
tanned and victorious war against the re-
bellion could do nothing more than main
tain it. 1t could only vindicate and re-es-
tablish the disputed supremacy of the Con-
stitution. It could neither enlarge nor di-
minish the authority which that Constitution
confers upon the Government by which it
was achieved. Such an enlargement or
abridgement of constitutional power can be
effected only by amendment of the Constitu-
ton itself, and such amendment can be made
only in the modes which the Constitution
itself prescribes. The claim that the sup
preston of an insurrection against the Gov
eminent gives additional authority and pow
er to that Government, especially that it
enlarges s-~jHrisdiction of Congress, and
gives that body the right to exclude States
from representation in the national councils,
without which the nation itself can have no
authority and no existence, seems to us at
variance alike with the principles of the
Congress and with the public safety.
Third. But it is alleged that in certain
particulars the Constitution of the United
States fails to secure the absolute justice and
impartial equality which the principles of
our Government require that it was in this
respect the result of compromises and con-
cessions, to which, however necessary when
the Constitution was formed,we are No long
er compelled to submit, and that now, hav-
the power, through successful war and just
warrant, for its exercise in the hostile con-
duct of theinsurgent section, the actual Gov
eminent of the United States may impose its
own conditions. and make the Constitution
conform in all its provisions to its own ideas
of equality and the rights of man. Con-
gress, at its last session, proposed amend
rlents to the Constitution, charging in some
very important particulars the authority of
the General Government over that of the
several States, and reducing, by indirect dis
franchisement, the representative power of
the States in which Slavery formerly exist
ed and it is claimed that these amendments
may be made valid as parts of the original
Constitution without the concurrence of the
States to be most seriously effected by them,
or may be imposed upon those States by
three-fo urths of the remaining States, as
conditions of their readmission to represen-
tation in Congress din the Electoral College.
1t is the unquestionable right of the peo-
pie of the United States to make such-changes
in the Constitution as they, upon due DELHI
Grafton, may deem expedient. But we in
sist that they shall be made in the mode
which the Constitution itself points out-in
conformity with the letter and the spirit of
that instrument, and with the principles of
selfgovernment and of equal rights which
lie at the basis of our republican institutions.
We deny the right of Congress to make these
changes in the fundamental law without the
concurrence of three-fourths ofall the States,
including especially those to be most seri-
ously affected by them; or to impose them
upon States or people, as conditions of rep
resentation, or Of admission tothe rights, du-
tics of ubiig lions which belong under the
Constitution 10 all the States alike. And
with still GREATER emphasis do we deny the
right of any portion of the States excluding
the rest of the States from any share in their
councils, to propose or sanction changes in
the Constitution which are to affect perma-
nently their political relations and control or
coerce the legitimate action of the several
members of the common Union. Such an
exercise of power is simply an usurpation,
Just as warrantable when exercised by North
ern States as it would be if exercised by
Southern, and not to be fortified or palliated
by anything in the past history. either of
those by whom it is attempted or of those
upon whose rights and liberties it is to take
effect. It finds warrant in the Constitution.
1t is at war with the fundamental principles
of our form of government. If tolerated in
one instance, it becomes the precedent for
future invasions of liberty and Unconstitutional
right dependent solely upon the will OF the
party in possession of power, and thus leads,
by direct and necessary sequence, to the
most fatal and intolerable of all tyrannies-
the tyranny of shifting and irresponsible po-
litical factions. 1t is against this, the most
formidable of all the dangers which menace
the stability of free government that the Con-
stitution of the United States was intended
most carefully to provide. We demand a
strict and steadfast adherence to its proris-
ions. In this, and in this alone, can we find
a basis of permanent Union and peace.
Fourth-But it is alleged, in justification
of the usurpation which we condemn, that
the condition ofthe Southern States and PEG.
pie is not such as renders safe their readmis-
sion to share in the government of the
country that they are still disloyal in senti-
ment and purpose, and that neither the hon
or, the credit nor the interests of the nation
would be safe if they were readmitted to a
share in its councils. We might reply tc
this:
1. That we have no right, for such reasons
to deny to any portion of the States or PEG
pie rights expressly conferred upon them by
the Constitution Of the United States.
2. That so long as their acts are those O
loyalty-so long as they conform in all theil
public conduct to the requirements of TIT
Constitution and laws we have no right tt
exact from them conformity in their senti
ments and opinions to our own.
8. That we have no right to distrust tn,
purpose or the ability of the people of til,
Union to protect and defend, under all con
tigencies and by whatever means may be re
duired, its honor and its welfare
These would in our judgment, be full ant
conclusive answers to the plea thus advanced
for the exclusion of these States from tn
Union. But we say further, that this ple'
rests upon complete misapprehension or al
unjust preversion of existing facts. -
We do not.hesitate to affirm, that there j
no section of the country where the Consti
tuition and laws of the United States find
more. prompt and entire obedience than il
those States, and among those people VIII