The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1866-10-11

Ah11C1LE A1N.-SECT1ON i. All persons
born or natnraliZed in the United States and
subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens
of the United States and of the State where
in they reside. No State shall make or en-
force any law which shall abridge the privil-
eyes or immunities of citizens of the United
States nor shall any State deprive any per-
son of life, liberty, or property, without due
process of law, nor deny to any person with
in its iiuridiction the equal protection of the
laws.
SEC. 2. Representatives shall be apportion
ed among the several States according to
their respective numbers counting the whole
number of persons in each State, excluding
Indians not taxed. But when the right to
vote at any elections for the choice of elect
ors for President and Vice-President of the
United States Representatives in Congress-
the executive and judicial officers of State,
or the members of the Legislature thereof, is
denied to amy ofthe male inhabitants of such
State, being twenty-one years yf age and cit
liens of the United States, or in any way
abridged, except for participation in REBEL
ion or other crime, the basis of representation
therein shall be reduced in the proportion
which the number of such male citizens shall
bear to the whole number of male citizens
twenty-one years of age in such State
Sec. 3. No person shall be Senator or
Representative in Congress, or elector of
President and Vice-President, or hold any
office, civil or military, under the United
States OF under any State who having previ-
ously taken an oath, as member of Con-
gress or as an officer of the United States, or
as member of any State Legislature, or as
and executive or judicial officer of any State
to support the Constitution of the United
States, shall have engaged in instruction or
rebellion against the same, or given aid and
comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress
may, by vote of two thirds of each House,
remove such disability.
Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt of
the United States, authorized by law includ-
ing debts incurred for payment of pensions
and bounties for services in suppressing in
surrection and rebellion, shall not be ques-
toned. But neither the United States nor
any State shall assume or pay any debt or
obligation incurred in aid of instruction or
rebellion against the United States, or any
claim for the loss emancipation ofany
slave; but all such debts, obligations, or
claims, shall be held illegal and void.
Sec. 5. The Congress shall have power to
enforce, by appropriate legislation, the pro-
visions of this article.
The question occurs to each man at once,
What will be the effect of the adoption of
this amendment by my State Obviously
very great dimlnution of her proportion of
representation in Congress, as compared with
what it was before the war. Practically, that
atty, declaring who are citizens of the Uni
ted States. The second has the gift of the
whole matter. That does not enforce negro
suffrage 1t implies that each State may
adopt laws which shall exclude the servile
race from the ballot-box or the laws may be
so framed as to embrace the property qualii-
cation of New York, or the literary qualifica-
ton of Massachusetts, or both. 1t is left with
each State to decide. The principle, how
ever, will be settled that the representation
shall be proportional to the voting popula-
ton, and the State may enlarge or diminish
that at pleasure. Abstr0ctly this IS Just. We
suppose all will agree on that. The third
section excludes from the enjoyment of office
the best men in the South. What Congress
would call a " rebellion" is understood there
simply to be an assertion of constitutional
liberty and the taking up of arms to repel
armed foes invadingone's State. These men
are now excluded from all the honOrs and
emoluments OF office, and under this section
may be restored by vote of Congress. The
provisions of the fourth section have already
been accomplished by the action of the States
now excluded.
1t seems to us that the true policy of the |
Southern States is to await the impending
elections, which will declare the mind of the |
majority of the people ofthe North, by which |
verdict Congress must be governed, and so !
must the conquered South. If those elections |
declare against the Presidents |
policy, and in favor of the constitutional |
then the people the South |
may consider whether they will go on enClur- |
ing all the ills and disabilities of their pres
emit situation, or adopt the amendment and |
seek to make the most of very bad and a
very hard bargain. Of course the ADDITION of |
the amendment will not be understood as in
dorsing such stuff as the phrase g except for
in rebellion or other crime" if
10,
for freedom which the South fought by the
hands of its noble martyrs" but simply as
saying, $ Seeing we can do no better, we &C
cept this at the hand of our conquerors."
1t is to be remarked that the adoption of
this amendment does not secure ther return of
the States to Congress. Congress may then
demand something more. No guarantee is
given. Tennessee was admitted, but not |
until all essence of a republican form of GOV
eminent was expressed from the State, and
were elected by a minority,
and that minority the very worst of the pop
ulation of Tennessee. The best citizens have
been DISTINGUISHED. Congress has already
claimed the right, as it has the power, to
override it's constitutional prerogative in
Judging of returns, and it would not be in
with its pretensions if it determin-
ed that none but negro should represent /
North Carolina, none but Massachusetts,
but Federal soldier should represent Louis
lana. 1t seems to claim the right to go be-
yond the only points confded to its decision
by the Constitution, namely, whether the
claimants of seat have the constitutional
qualifications of age, residence, and election.
If any man blame the South, let him re-
collect the embarrassments of the situation.
All these things may be done, and nothing
come of it. The Independent declares the
South shall never have its representation |
until negro suffrage be granted. When we
nave pointed gentlemen of the Republican
party to the assertion, they have said that
he INDEPENDENTS edited by a hair-brained
5oung man, and must not be taken as the
exponent of Northern feeling. But it is the
nost widely-circulated of all the Northern
1eeklies, and while it may not represent the
etter class of Northern minds, it must rep
esent very large voting population, and
here is where the power to infict the
amage resides; and that embarrasses the
he South.
There will be no further Illumination In
lie adoption of this amendment. 1t is forced