Cleveland daily leader. [volume] ([Cleveland, Ohio]) 1865-1873, 1866-01-17
orr Claims Against Great Britain.

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the friends of freedom and equal rights.
Our Claims Against Great Britain.
The further correspondence between
Mr.. Adams, our Minister to England, and
Lord Clarendon, the English Foreign
Secretary, in relation to our claims upon
the British Government for damages to
our commerce from Anglo-rebel priva-
teers, has been published on both sides of
the Atlantic. Few new facts are stated
or positions taken. The letters of Mr..
Adams consist for the most part simply
Of a firm and explicit reiteration of the
claims of u government, while Lord
Clarendon in his replies does nothing
more than to go over in a weak and fee
bic way the ground already much
more ably defended by Earl Russell. MI.
Adams has made out his case with perfect
elearness and eonclusiveness. Every ar
gument raised by Earl Russell or Lord
Clarendon has been promptly met and
completely answered. Our claim. as pre-
sented, ~expounded and urgedby h biological
and unanswerable letters of Mr.. Adams,
is u~ndeniably just and and proper. Lord
Clarendon, perceiving that he cannot
overthrow it by argument and perceiving
too, that a point-blank refusal to concede
the claim would be full Of danger, ac-
knowledges his inability to cope with MI.
Adams by bringing the correspondence to
an end. He begs off from answering Mr..
Adams last letter by saying that all the
arguments have been exhausted-un-
doubtedly all his arguments have been
and closes with the i~nsolent suggestion
that 8 further continuation of the contro-
versy might lead to unfriendly relations
between the two countries. But Lord
Clarendon may rest assured that the
relations between the countries are in
fnitaIy mofssIleeIy to be disturbed By his
refusal to listen TO our claims than by their
discussion in the calm and courteous man
ner Of which Mr.. Adams has given him SO
excellent an example. If Lord Claren-
don's closing letter is intended, as we
suspect, as an attempt to back out from a
controversy in which he feels that he has
the losing side, well and good; but he
should not attempt to cover his retreat
with such transparent clustering.
One point in Mr.. Adams letters has
been so ably and justly argued, and is of
such importance to both England and
America, that we refer to it particularly.
We have already called attention 10 the
fact that Earl Russell, well knowing that
if the English pOlicyin regard to the obi
cations of neutrals were applied to England
herself, she could never goto war with any
nation, however inferior, without risking
the entire destruction of her commerce,
has attempted to escape this dilemma by
urging q revision of the laws Of both
countries on the subject Of foreign enlist
ments. This proposition has been reiter-
ated by Lord Clarendon. In response to
ii, Mr.. Adams, after suggesting that if the
reasons for it are sound now he is at a loss
to perceive why they did not avail curing
the war, answers the appeal by declaring
that the present state of legislation is not
co-extensive, and that that reciprocity of
obligation which is the great preservative
of harmony between nations has not ex-
listed in this case. he makes his meaning
still palmer by the following significant
words:
So long as the heavy list of depredations
upon American CONNIE ce consequent
upon the issue Of q succession of hostile
cruisers, built, fitted out, armed, manned
and navigated from British ports with
impunity, continues to weigh upon
their minds, 1.-THE American people7
it would be the height Of assurance
in me to hold out any encourage
ment to the acceptance of proposals, the
practical consequence of which might be
to place Great Britain in precisely the
same degree of security in dangerous
emergencies which she herself, when APP
piled to, had deliberately refused to accord
to them.
In this sentence he very;clearly suggests
policy which cur government expects
to pursue in the matter. 1t may be put,
BRIEF. as follows: "Pay our claim, or
submit to have your own policy enforced
upon you" This alternative would be al
most as much dreaded by Great Britain
as the alternative of war with the United
States, while, instead of impoverishing us,
As war would, it would enrich our mer-
If carried out, in event
England should become engaged in war
with any power, no matter if that power
lid not own a vessel, it would result in
'warms of American Shenandoahs emerg-
ng from every port of the Union to prey
Ipon British commerce. Our vessel-own-
rs would be enriched not only by the
made by their privateers, under g
oreign flag, but also by possessing a
monopoly of the carrying trade, which
would be driven by the fear Of capture I
rom British to American bottoms. Eng /,
ish commerce would be annhilated, and i
is the life of England. In other i
words, the drama which England and l
have been playing during the !
ast five years would be r~e-enscted, with ,
be parts reversed. And this is the alter Z
alive which our government offers the 8
should it persist in refusing our y
demands. ..4 =
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