The evening Argus. [volume] (Rock Island, Ill.) 1861-1871, 1866-08-28
THE CALL.

the action of the Philadelphia convention:
THE CALL.
To the Soldiers and Sailors ,oho serued in the |
Army and Nary of the United States dur
ii,o the late Rebellion.
In pursuance of resolution of a meeting
of soldiers, now or lately In, the Union army,
hold in this city last evening, we invite those
who indorse the restoration policy of the pres
ident, and the principles announced by the
National Union Convention at Philadelphia,
to assemble at Cleveland on the 18th day of
September next, for the consultation on the
momentous issues now CONFUSING our couu-
try.
We need not argue to you at length the
importance of these issues, nor your duty to
take part in their settlement. After 5 years
of fierce and destructive war, in which our
arms were gloriously triumphant, the Union
for which we fought is still, practically, IN
restored. Why is this ? We struggled 10
maintain the rightful supremacy of the gem
eral governments, TO conquer all who In arms
disputed its authority, and to make every re-
bellious citizen yield to it's laws. We held
throughout the war that the Union is indisso-
la Bile, and it's powers, as expounded by It's
courts, u2reme that no state can of its own
motion withdraw, or, at the will of its sister
states, be excluded, and that the duty of each
| state 10 maintain the Union, and it's right to
take part in the government, are alike absolute.
| Every object of the war ever recognized by
| or known to the army and navy, has been
thoroughly achieved. The southern people,
decimated, impoverished and subdued for
| more than a year past, have abandoned the
rebellion and now only ask that the Union
| tor which we fought may be recognized as
| existing, and that they may he dealt with as
ha copsritution and laws nyasorha
In their anxiety TO restore the Union and
| bring harmony to it's councils, they have gone
beyond mere silent submission TO it's laws.
| Through their delegates at the National I'm
| ion Convention they solemnly renouuced the
| doctrines OF notification and secession. from
| which the war arose repudiated the rebel
| debt, and declared of sacred obligations the
national debt, proclaimed the faith of the ma
ton pledged to the continuance of bounties
and pensions to loyal soldiers and sailors and
their families declared slavery forever abol-
ished and the freedmen entitled to equal pro-
lection of law in person and property with
their former masters. Their platform is not
| only one of emphatic loyalty, but it is, more
| over, most liberal IN spirit on all the great is
sues growing out of the war.
| The character of the mon who represented
| the southern states in that convention pre-
clude us from believing this enunciation of
| principles to be insincere. They sent to it
| their foremost statesmen, men who like RiY-
ers, Graham or Parsons, Sharkey, Houston,
| Breckenborough, Hunt. Manning and Ste
phens were known throughout the land, be-
fore the war, as men Of the highest character
and influence. Among the 500 delegates
| from the south there was not a single vote or
voice dissenting from the resolutions adopted
| by the convention. If the best of the south
ern people are ever to be believed, we must
| accept these solemn declarations as sincere
| We do accept them as conclusive evidence
| that's ajority of the southern people, sick
of war and anarchy, and longing for a restor-
| alton Of free government, are ready to bear
true allegiance to the constitution and laws
| of the Union. We are, therefore, unwilling
to see the southern people held longer in vas
salage. They are our countrymen-citizens
of the United States, who have incurred pen
alities, but who have rights. Those who will
| fully pepticl psted in the rebellion, and are
| unpe rdoned, are subject to the penalties pre-
scribed for treason; but though individuals
| may be tried, convicted and punished, COM
munitIes cannot, nor can the states and their
| people, without plain violati> OF the consti-
tuition, be denied the right Of represen tatlon,
through men personally qualified, in the coun-
| ellis of the nation.
| The intention of congress seems to be to
| deprive Thorn of representation Just as long
az it suits the purpose or the radical party
| Many assert that 1t will conoede the right
| whenever the constitutional amendment eh all
| have been adopted, and each prescribed state
! shall have ratified it; but it is quite certain
that the amendment will not be ratified by
| three fourths of the states, and therefore that
it will not be adopted. Some, perhaps many,
| of the northern states will reject 1t, and we
cannot expect it's legal ratification by anv of
| the lately insurrectionary states. If there
were no other reason why the southern states
will reject it, it is enough that it proposes to
| disfranchise nearly all the men in the south
| who have influence over the masses of the
people. If none were to be dlsfranchissd ex-
| cept officers of the rebel army. we still could
not expect the south to adopt it, for large
majority of mon in the lately insurrectonary
states, through compuision or choice, served
In the rebel armies, and their votes alone
| would overwhelmingly defeat it. Would
Union, soldiers to recover political privileges,
disfranchies their leaders whom they love and
revere for their heroic virtues? How then
| can we expect southern soldiers to disfran-
| ohse and degrade their old commanders.
| AS there is no probability that the amend
ment will be ratified by three-fourths of the
states, the plan of res.o alton which congress
appears to have deterr7 ned on ia at best i'm
Practicable. That proposed by the presi
dent, and approved by the national union
convention, Is feasible, and, we believe safe.
We have no fear that the south can eye-
overthrow the federal governne emit, or even
disturb it's career of power and glory. They
will be the last OF the states to rebel, and j
| they shall again rise in instruction, the 10y
al people can and will subdue, and, if need
be, destroy them. The government has as
serted its power for self preservation, and the
misery and devastation of the sou h pro.
claims to this generation, at least, the crime
and the terrible penalties of treason. Be-
holding their woes, and contrasting their
weakness and our strength, we could afford
to SHOW the confidence and courage of mag.
nanimlty. We might we'll let our vanquished
opponents arise, and like James Fitz james. at