The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-05-21

and make a demonstration in the rear of the
| Imperial forces.
Wherever he is, his name will be worth
| host to the Italian cause. The Italian feet
| seems ready to move towards the Adriatc, and
| every possible preparation Is being made for q
| terrible and protracted struggle. The war
finds unbounded enthusiasm in the hearts of the
| Italian people. Italy makes her Arst indepen-
| dent stroke for national existence
| OF the position of France we have only NJ.
| Rouher's speech as indication, which Is as
| enRmatical as his masters purposes. The
| few hnts, however, conveyed In IL are for the
present neutrality by France, with no pledges
| Tor the future.
President JOhnson's Policy-What's to be
Done!
"All is quiet on the Potomac" Washington Is
fast relapsing into its usual summer dulness
stranger within IFS gates would hardly suspect
that the White House is under q siege, save by
the office seekers. Nor can we exactly deter
mine the present posture of affairs between Con.
gress and the Administration. We know that
while the two Houses thus far have pursued the
aggressive system OF warfare, the President has
maintained defensive attitude; and that while
the radicals are gradually advancing their lines
OF approach, he remains patiently within his
citadel. We know that while his enemies are
resolute and active, his supporters in Congress
and in the Cabinet are 'timid, vaclating, and
ulTellaOle, MT Johnson, IN snort, is In the
position OF a chieItain without an army, a Presi.
dent without party; and this too, when the
prevailing public sentiment OF the country is
clearly with him and his simple and acceptable
policy OF Southern restoration.
This is a singular state OF things; but there is
something still more curious and remarkable in
the fact that against an actual majority in the
House opposed to the reconstruction scheme of
Stevens and his committee, they have carried 1t
by a vote OF two.tLirds upon the record. The
section of universal disfranchisement till July
l870 OF the late rebellious Southern people, Is
the distinguishing feature of the scheme of
Stevens. Without thus section his plan is but q
rehash of the Presidents policy, clumsily put
together. Upon this third section, as upon the
District Negro Suffrage bill, test vote indicated
an actual majority against the radicals; but be-
tween juggling Copperheads and slippery con-
servatives, Stevens first ersed this majority
and then carried his point by the required two.
thirds vote.
Thus it has been demonstrated that of the
three political factions OF which this Congress
is made up, the only one possessing anything
OF moral courage, consistency, all steadiness of
purpose is the Radical faction. The Conserva-
tive Republican faction, as engineered by the
trading firm of Seward, Weed, and Raymond, is
but a faction of lobby iobbers and professional
riders of two or three horses at time. Mr..
Raymond, IN his course IN Congress, in speak
ing on one side and voting on both, and all In
the same afternoon, is a fair sample of this con.
servative faction The Copperhead faction, still
infamed with the poisonous dregs of the CHI
CdSO SOuN6ubiOu, SGlll uuueT JuOlT OIu uPluSlOu
that the war was failure, are still intent upon
dscord and revolution, fire, sword, confusion,
anarchy, anything for new shuttle of their old
Democratic cards. They glority Johnson, they
eXalt him to the seventh heaven; but they vote
for Stevens. Ii they can recover the spoils and
plunder of the Government by knocking the
heads Of johnson and Stevens together, and by
tearing the Union war party to pieces, what
care they though the national credit, the Union,
and the States are consumed in the flames of
another civil war? The first was a failure to
them, the second may be a success. What other
| chance have they?
Now. without a party in Congress, with less
than the faithful corporal's guard of John Ter,
| in either branch, what can President johnson
| 10? There is an antl-radical majority in the
House; but it is made up of destructive Copper
heads and trading conservatives. Both sets. as
occasion may serve, al the service of Stevens.
Thus situated, what can President johnson do
Do? He can do as scipio did to get Hannibal
out OF Italy. He can carry the war into Africa.
What can he do? He can do what Jackson did,
when the intrigues of Calhoun threatened the
policy OF the Administration. He can dismiss
his Cabinet from first to last, and appoint new
one. He can play the roe of Jackson, or drift
into the wake of Tyler and Fillmore. The peo-
pie are with him; but, like Hercules, they re-
qure him f1st to put his own shoulder TO the
wheel. The people are confused with the dis
cOIdant elements OF the existing Cabinet As
the embodiment of the Presidents policy, it
means anything that Is most convenient for easy
sailing with Congress. It begs the question.
Mr.. Seward belongs to an age that Is past; Mr..
Stanton was good War Secretary; but the war
is over. He is out OF his element now, and so
with the rest OF them. In applying an old Cabi-
net to a new order of things, the President is
putting new wine into old bottles; when The
fermentation commences the old goatskins will
explode.
Let President johnson try the experiment of a
sortie. Let him dismiss his Cabinet, root and
branch, and appoint new one from such Union
war materials as Grant, Sherman, Thomas,
Sheridan, Hancock, Farragut, Porter, and others
who have proved their faith by their works, and
let the Senate reject them if they dare. But
such a Cabinet will not be rejected. 1t will
surely be confirmed, and 1t will thus bring the
army and navy, our fighting soldiers and their
home guard, two millions OF voters in the North
ern States, into direct rapport with the Admins
tratlon and the Presidents policy. 1t will
speedily break up these three disturbing factions
OF Congress-, and it will throw Stevens and his
radicals into powerless minority.
Providence, according to an old proverb
helps those who help themselves. Circum-
stances are the masters of weak men, but the
servants OF the resolute. John Tyler was a
representative of the one class, and Andrew
Jackson Of the other. President Johnson may,
as he elects, be the one or the other. The ex-
amples OF both are before him, and he is free to
take his choice. We can only urge him 10 take
the reins IN his hands like Jackson If he would
aveid the decline and fell OF poor Tyler, fate
almost as melancholy as that of poor Pierce or
Buchanan.
The Social Aspect of RadicaIism.
From the World
Tho m; ;schief which the radicals are workinu