The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1866-08-22

were respected and courted by, politicians,
50 long as they enjoyed the elective franchise.
buc when, In moment of passion, the Con-
ventlon OF 1885, in spite of the earnest pro-
test OF Mi. CASTOR, unjustly DISTINGUISHED
them, the same politicians in many cases be-
came the foes and oppressors of their former
constituents. Truly the members of that
Convention, BY this act of injustice, enriched
not themselves, but they made the poor ne
gro "poor indeed" But the day for the res
toration of all things has at length arrived,
and let full justice be done the negro. We
have made him free; let us give him the
ballot to protect his freedom. We claim
mental and moral superiority over him; then
why are we afraid to give him equal oppor-
tunities with ourselves, lest he may excel us2
We, who have the start of him. We, the
white race, have received more or less edu-
cation and training for generations; we have
schools and institutions of learning establish
ed, and every advantage of surrounding cir
cumstances. Then why should we insist up
on clogging, or burthening the poor African,
as if to prevent him from rivaling or sur
passing us IN intellectual and moral progress?
Who will deny that he has the right to de-
velope the faculties, mental and moral, that
God has given him? And who will say that it
is not our duty to assist and encourage him
In the difficult task which lies before him
The right Of the Southern States to i'm
mediate representation in Congress is insist
ed on, mainly upon the ground that taxation
and representation should go together
Then how can the Southern white people,
while imposing taxes on the negroes, with
hold from them the right of representation
1t is maxim in the Courts, that "he, who
demands equity, must do equity"
When we are discussing policies for
the country, we should never lose sight of
the thought that no measure which is un-
just can be beneficial. We have no right to
look for peace, order and prosperity from a
system of injustice to any class; for sooner
or later the day of reckoning will come. 1t
is only States, which throw the shield of
equal laws around all classes that can hope
to enjoy uninterrupted peace. 1t may be
said of justice what Shakespeare says of the
quality of mercy" that it
sis not strained;
1t droppeth as the gentle rain from Heaven
Upon the place beneath it is twice blessed;
1t blesseth him that gives and him that takes;
IT'S mightiest in the mightiest; it becomes
| The throned monarch better than his crown"
The amendment to the Constitution which
was submitted, by Congress, at its late ses-
sion, to the States for ratification, contains
several distinct propositions. The first sec
ton lis guaranty of personal rights; and
while it protects the weak by putting all on
an equality before the law, it invades no
mans rightful prerogative. Unless man
arrogates to himself the right to Cypress his
poor neighbor, because he is poor. or because
he is black or yellow, he cannot object to
this first section of the amendment
The second section apportions the number
of Representatives in Congress to which
each State is to be entitled, according to the
numbers of voters. In general terms popu-
lation is made the basis; but it is provided,
that if any State, North or South shall per-
sist in excluding the negroes from the right
of suffrage, then they are not to be reckoned
as part of the population in apportioning
representation. 1 give the substance and
effect of the section, rather than its words.
This basis is certainly fair as it regards the
white people, however short of fairness it
may be to the negroes. have never yet
seen Southern man who could deny its
justice. South Carolina, for instance, with
but 291, 900 white inhabitants, can have no
Just claim to a representation based on more
than 100000 To maintain the contrary is
to claim for each of her citizens as much po-
litical influence as is exercised by two and a
half Northern citizens. You may imagine
that the Northern people are not just now in
the mood to make this concession in favor
of South Carolina. l have no desire to see
Southern representation reduced. On the
contrary I wish it to be legitimately in
creased, by the full and fair representation of
all classes, and to bring about this result,
would strip the white people of the unde-
served privilege of representing four millions
of non-voters, until the latter are enfran-
chised 1 would place this incentive to a
liberal policy before the people. l may re-
mark here that the amendment excludes the
black population from the basis of represen-
tation, when the males of twenty-one years
and upwards are excluded from the polls /;
so that the adoption of the amendment would
not affect the clause in the State Constitu-
ton which defines the qualifications of State
officers.
The disabilities imposed by the third sec
oath to support the Constitution, and subse-
quently participated in the rebellion may be
removed by two thirds vote Of both Houses
of Congress; and the ratification of the
amendment would of itself, in my opinion,
secure that result Immediately for the ma
iority of the class affected, and eventually for
all law-abiding citizens. know it is I'M
gracious to ask men to vote away privileges
to which they have been accustomed all
their lives; but the deprivation already exists
as it regards National offices, and will con-
tinue to exist until the amendment is adopt
ed by the South, while the State Government
itself must remain in precarious and i'm
perfect condition. liable to be superseded by
military authority, in the mean time.
The fourth section calls upon the State
Legislatures North and South to pledge the
people to the payment of the national debt
and upon the Southern States especially, to
repudiate the debts, Confederate and State,
contracted in aid of the rebellion. These
pledges would be implied, or, should say,
are implied, in the application of the South
ern States for restoration to their places in
the Union. The citizens or subjects of every
Government are bound to the payment OF
the national debt, by the very act of its crea-
ton; while no Government could for mo-
ment tolerate the idea of allowing a debt to be
paid, which was created with a view to its
overthrow. There can be no objection, there
fore, to this feature of the amendment, on
the part of those Southern people, who have
in good faith solicited restoration of the
States to the Union and if any one thinks
it hard, he must reflect that it is one of the
inevitable consequences of the failure of the
rebellion. The constitutional prohibition Of
payment will at the same time relieve sensi-
tive minds from the responsibility Of violated
obligations.
There is no reason why North Carolina
may not be fully represented in Congress at
its next session, if her people will take one
step further in conquering their prejudices.
They have already submitted to the authori-