The Ottawa free trader. [volume] (Ottawa, Ill.) 1843-1916, 1866-03-31
The Radical DiSunion Plot.
Important letter from an Ex.
Member Of Mr l.incO2n's
Cabinet.
The Llterior Revolutionary OBJ
jects ofIhc Radical COnsP..
ratOrs in COpXress.
A Fright fssl military OliSEr rchy
in Contemplation.

IL q letter to meeting of conservative
citizens e ST. Louis, the Hon Edward Bates
subjects the fir, eirnens bureau bill TO a lner-
cilcss analysis. IN which he expo ,cs with un-
mistakable dislinc:ness the ulterior r"4olu-
tionary object of the proposed statute, and
denOunces with appropriate but logical
severity the danger ,us sub,erfuge of its con-
trivers, which was cOuuieracted b; the
prompt and bold interpcsition Of the r resi>
dent.
II must DC confessed that the deliberate
charge from such source Of purpose on
the part of the -sd;ca. den,a gogucs o.. subvert-
ing onr form OF government cannot be lightly
considered, especially by such as call TO mind
public speeches ma: e by Mr Rates precious
to the crisis of lS60, and recognize them
now, in the light of the event. OF the sad in
tcrvccning year, as perhaps more clearly
prophetic than those of any Other public 'ha:.
We subjoin the letter referred to:
ST. Louis, Feb. "a, 1856
Gsa l.. 3. BEowy, President Of the State
Central Committee Conservative Union
Party:
Slp-I an honorcd by the receipt of your
note Of this dav, inviting me TO be present q.
a mas meeting Of the citizens OF st. Louis.
TO be held at the cour; house this evening at
Z! clock, for the purpose of Indorsing the
action Of President johnson il vetoipg the
frccdmcn's bureau bill, ana in support of his
general policy of national recon, ruction.
am very sorry that the bad state of my
health forblds my attendance, and the more
SO because | believe there will not be a man
at the Meeting who feels Il greater abhofTenee
than | do for the bill whose wicked career
hss been stopped by the presidents timely
veto. Ny feeling upon this subject does not
spring entirely from my disgust OF the factious
spirit and ridiculous egotism of the clique
which now domineers over congress, but
from the intrinsic demeri,s to the bill ascer>
tanned by n careful examination of its pro-
visions. think understand it. l can see
(;he most casual reader can see) its glaring
! and defiant branches of the constitution, and
think can see also the hidden motive, the
secret design of the consprators, who pl AIMED
the scheme to overturn our O :erEme ent of
lay, and set up in its stead trightful mill.
tary oligarchys And this wicked purpose
betrays itself in Several provisions of the bill,
which are so arranged IL The context rs to
seem, to hasty observer, to be secondary
and subordinate to the ostenslble object, the
protection of the freedmen. 10
| The bill provides Tin its first section) for
| the continuance OF the original act (of March
3, 1861 to establish freedmen's bureEu,
and to extend II to al refugees and freedmen
in all parts of the United Safes. It en-
powers the president to divide the United
States into districts, not to exceed l3, and,
with the advice and consent of the senate,
to appoint an assistant commissioner for
each district. Twelve districts! That is the
exact number into which Cromwell divided
the commonwealth of England, aud governed
each district, Gespotic6ily, by one OF bis own
major generals. The section goes on-"or
the said bureau.mav, in the discretion of the