The Greene County Republican. [volume] (Waynesburg, Pa.) 185?-1867, 1866-06-27


authority Of the United States; 1t is
equally true that they are bound at all
times to share the burdens of govern
ment. They cannot either legally or
equilably refuse to bear their just pros
portion of these burdens by voluntarily
abdicating their rights and privileges
as States of the Union, and refusing to
be represented in the councils of the
nation, much less by rebellion against
national authority and levying war. To
hold that by so doing they could escape
taxation, would be TO offer a premium
tor lnsurrection. TO reward instead of
furnishing treason.
When the fundamental subject ofrep>
reservation i:selfis reached, the logic of
the report Is eloquent and unanswcra-
BILE:
The exercise of representation neces.
sariy resulting from the abolition Of sla>
very, was considered the most important
element in the questions arising out of
the changed condition of affairs, and the
necessity for some fundamental action in
this regard seemed imperative. 1t ap-
pea: ed to your committee that the rights
of these persons, by whom the basis of
representation had been thus increased
should be recognized by the General
Government While slaves they were
not considered as having any rights,
civil or political. 1t did not seem just
or proper that all the political advantages
deriued from their becoming free should be
confined to their former masters, a0Ao had
fought against the Union aud ,oHhheld
from themselves, mho had al,odys been
loyal Slavery, by building up ruling
and dominant class, had produced spir.
it Of oigarchy adverse to republican in
stitutiors, which finally inaugurattd civ>
il war. The tendency of continuing the
domination of such class by leaving it
In the exclusive possession of political
power would be to encourage the same
spirit and lead to similar result -
Doubts were entertained whether Com
gress had power, even under the amend.
cd Constitution, to prescribe the qualif>
cations of voters in a State, or could act
directly on the subject 1t was doubtful
in the opinion of your committee wbeth.
er the States would consent to surrender
a power they had always exercised, and
to which they were attached AS the
best, not the only method of surmount-
ing all difficulty, and as emincntly just
and proper in itself, your committee
comes to the conclusion that political
power should be poss ssed in all the
States excctly in proportion as the right
Of suffrage should be granted without
distinction of color or race. This, it
was thong t, would leave the whole
question with the people cf each State,
holding out to all the advantages of in
creased political power, as an induces
ment 20 alloy all to participate in its
exercise. Such proposition would be
In its nature gentle and persuasive, and
would tend, it is hoped, at no distant
day, to an equal participation OF all
without distinction, In all the rights ard
privileges of citizenship, thus affordine
a full aid adequate protection to all
classes OF citizens. since we would have,
through the ballot box, the power o
self protection.
Holding these views, your committee
prepared an amendment to the Constr
tuition, to carry out this idea, and sub
mitted the same to Congress. Unfortu
nately, as we think, it did not receive
the necessary constitutional support in
the Senate, and therefore could not be
proposed for adoption by the States -
The principal involved in that amend
ment is, however, believed to be sound
and your committee have again proposed
it in another form, hoping that it may
receive the appreciation of Congress.
1t must not be forgotten that the Pres
ident's policy against all amendments
of the National Constitution is, in fact
intended to leave the authors of the re-
J bellion with greater power, because o.
the acts OF emancipation aud the incor.
poration into the body of the population
OF the persons heretofore called slaves
, How the people of the insurrectlonary
States responded to the Presidents ap
peals, and how ready they are for imme
date admission into Congress, the com
, mittee explains;
J So far as the disposition of tho peopl
OF the insurrectionary States and tn
, probability of their adopting measure
) conforming to the changed condition O
l affairs can be Inferred from the paper
. submitted by the President as the basi
, OF his action, the prospects are far from
encouraging Nappears quite clear tha
3 the dntlNsldve'y amendments, both to til
. State and Federaiconstitutions, ,Uere ADOPT
y ed ,0iM reluctance By the bodies Dhich di
= adopt them; ard in some States they hav
been either passed By in silence or rejected
The language OF all the provisions ant
ordinances of the States on the subjec
amounts to nothing more than an UNI
willing admission of an unwelcome truth
As to The ordinance of secession, ii is i
. some cases declared "null and void," an
, in others simply "repealed," and IN n
t case IS a reputation Of this deaily heres!
Q considered ,cOrthy of aplace in the ne'
0 constitutioqs.
t If, as the President assumes, thes
f insurrectionary States wore, at the clos
9 Of the war, wholly without State govern
}. ments, it would seem that before beinl