The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1866-04-29


The Presidents Veto.
The following article, from the
London Times, of the 10th inst, will
be read with interest:
Having just had to accept from our
chief West Indian possession an
almost total surrender Of the right of
self-government, and being engaged
at home in the business of constitu-
tional reconstruction, we cannot help
sympathizing with all three branches
Of the American Legislature, Low
brought to dead lock by the ''irre-
pressible negro" That parsonage
has just been proved, by wager of
battle, and by general :tcclamation,
ga man and q brother;" his chains
have been broken, and he is q slave
no more. He is even permitted to
fight for his country and for equal
laws. But then comes the difficulty.
Is he also a citizen, and must he be
admitted within the pale of the Con
stitution, as we say ut home? The
question has agitated parties consider
ably in America, for it is obvious that
very little has been done by changing
the slave into pariah, and that
such is human nature-if the negroes
are allowed no voice in making the
laws, they will be much at the mercy
of their old masters. AS we'll be the
slave of one man rs of State-nay,
better, some think, for the one man
must care for the slave at least rs
much as he does for his cattle, where
as the State may only regard him as
a public enemy. They are jealous
there who think this vast expendi-
ture of men and money has been TO
little purpose if the negro is still to
be excluded from civil rights-in
fIact, to be nothing but "a man and a
brother" The civil rights bill is the
reform bill Of the day at Washington.
The President, representing the COM
mon sense and practical wisdom of
the community, and not wishing to
saddle himself with new and insuper-
able difficulties, has, however, vetoed
this bill. The great work of the day
is the reconstruction of the Union.
and it is held that this can be done
better without previously putting the
negro into q status altogether new to
him. His freedom itself is difficulty
enough, and it is not necessary to add
his civil equality and citizenship.
1t Is observable that the question
il not made to turn on the merits of
the negro. Nobody thinks it neces-
sary to assert either that he is wise,
temperate, honest and independent,
or the contrary. People do not even
seem to ask how the negro would
vote and act if left to himself. There
can be no doubt Of President John
sons warm and strong feeling for the
race, and his hearty desire to make
= the best bargain for it within the
compass of circumstances. Even his
pride as q politician is committed to
this, as we'll as his philanthrophy.
The reasons which have led to his
veto are reasons Of state, which is
only a phrase for the reasons which
any sensible man feels better than he
can explain-better, perhaps, than he
can always venture to avow There
are matters of which thousand peo
pie may be fully and equally cog
infant, though not one may allulc to
them, for he knows we'll that some
body will call him libeller, and the
rest will stand by to hear him so
called. Why cannot the negro be
declared citizen, and invested with
oil the rights Of man? The real nm
swer is, that he is not citizen, and
cannot be made q citizen by a pro
clamation or law. We have, unfor
tunately, had little experience of
our own in this matter. We gave
the jamaica negro. in common with
his white master, civil equality and
the right of self-government, and see
how it has ended. All the negro's
instincts and habits go in the other
direction. He is careless, credulous
and dependent; easily excited, easily
dipped, easily frightened; always the
ready victim of the stronger will. He
is material for the hands of anybody
who wishes to make use of him. In
vested with full political rights, the
race must be n magazine of mischief.