The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1866-08-23

X
the nation Regarding the abolition of
Slavery as a consequence Of the war
which they could no longer resist, to be
perpetually sanctioned as part of the
Federal Constitution, they were pre-
pared to accept it in all its logical mean
| ing as comprehending the abolition of
all the incidents of Slavery, and the per
feet equality of the colorad race with
themselves, in all civil AMI political
rights do not mean to say they favor
ed the extension of the elective franchise
to their freedmen. but they were pre-
pared 10 acquiesce in it if imposed by
the Government. 1t was under this con
vietion that the President sent his dis
patch of the cate of August Ii to Gov.
Sharkev of Mississippi, advising the
Convention of that State then in session,
to so amend the Constitution as ito ex-
tend the elective franchise to all persons
of color who can read the Constitution
of the United St tes in English and write
their names, and to all persons OF color
who own real estate valued at not less
than $3.50 and par taxes thereon
When the annual message of the
President was sent to Congress the hopes
of the ioyalists of the country, who had
not despaired of the patriotism of the
President universally revived, and the
prospect of harmony between him and
the majority in Congress discouraged
the leaders of the coalition against the
Union party The relations between
the President and the Executive depart
ment with the Union members of Con-
gress were practically those that exist
between members of the same political
party, and confidence in their perma
nency prevailed throughout the Union
organization of the country.
Nor was this confidence seriously dis
turbed by the veto of the Freedmen
Bureau Bill, which, although disapproved
by large majority of Union members
of Congress. was not regarded 10y them
and the country rs prompted by hostility
to the Union party.
A more serious blow, however, against
the continuance of harmonious relations
between the President and the majority
in Congress, and through them the Union
party, of which they are the accredited
representatives, was the veto of the
Civil Rights bill. I felt it my duty to
advise against that veto. regarded the
bin as not only free from all the consti-
tutional objections urged against it by
the President, but as a measure tC which
he was virtually committed by his re-
peated declarations; and as wise, Just
and bene6cent in all its leading pro-
visions If there was any proposition
on which there was no division of senti-
ment in the Union party, it was the i'm
perative necessity of securing to the
colored population of the South, all
their civil rights, without which their
from Slavery would be a
j. L.. 4
dent could not see his line of duty in the
same direction with the Union members
of Congress. Inever doubted he would
enforce the Freedmen's Bureau
Bill, much as he was opposed to the pro-
visions of the one he had vetoed, nor
that he would as faithfully execute the
Civil Rights bill after it became a law
by the action of Congress. I hoped,
this bill being law, and so much ac-
complished in the direction of recon
strnction, the President would accept the
final action o Congress on what remained
to be done for the restoration of the
Southern States. No contrary declara-
tion was made by him, to my knowledge,
previous to the passage of the last con
stitutional amendment 1t is true he
had manifested opposition to the amend
of Fifteen. with the accompanying bills,
disfranchising until 1870. the great body
of the people of the South from voting
for Representatives in Congress, and for
electors tor President and Vice Presi-
dent, and excluding all the insurgent
States from representation in either
House of Congress until the amend
mert. as proposed, should have become
a part of the Federal Constitution, and
ratified by the State asking for such
but this opposition had
no reference to the amendment as it
might be modified and finally passed,
if no such dsfranchisement
or exclusion should be insisted upon as
is the case with the amendment passed
by Congress. Neither of the bills re-
ferred to was passed to final vote. .f
Although different opinions were en-
tertained by members OF the Cabinet on
one of the preliminary questions Of the
Executive programme for restoring the
local governments to the insurgent
States, all acquiesced in the plan an
nounced by the President in his procla-
nation to North Carolina. which was
by like proclamation to seve-
raj OF the other States. These procla-
nations were directed to restoring the
authority of the Federal Government in
the respective States through the agency
Of the Executive departments, and the
re establishing of the local government
of the States upon conditions specified
in the preclamations- sra
I purpesiEely waive the inquiry how
far these State Governments were mere
ly provisional, depending on the appro
val of CONGRESS- as nv D,lrr,ose ia not To
discuss any of the mooted ques-
tions on that subject. In the ab-
sence of Congress the President felt
himself authorized and required to invite
the people of the insurgent States TO re-
organize their local governments in which
as q member OF his Cabinet, concurred.
But there is nothing in the proclamAtions
nor in the circumstances under which
they were issued. nor any declared pur-
pose for their being issued, nor any sub
seauent Executive declaration or act in
support Of them, intended to restrain or
to operate in restraint Of