Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1866-02-13

in slavery, TO a land, if it were in cur reach of
freedom. Yes, | would be willing TO pass with
him through the Red Sea TO the Land Of Premise
to the land of liberty, but am not willing under
such clrcums mstances, 10 adopt policy, which be-
leve will only result in the sacrifce of his lie
and the shedding of his blood. | think | know
what say l feel what say an | feel well as
sured that if the policy urged by some be pc rsist-
ed IN 1t will result in great injury to the white as
well as to the colored man. There is great deal
of talk about the sword on one hand, accomplish
ing an end, and the ballot accom- pills hing enorher
at the ballot box. These things all do very well,
and sometimes have forcbe applications. We
talk about justice; talk about right; we say
the white man has been in the wrong in kee,ing
the black man in slavery ss long as he has This is
all true. Again, we talk about the Declare lion of
Independence and equality before the law. You
understand all that and know how to appre ciate
it. But now let as look each otI er in he face
Let US go TO the great mass of colortd men
throughout the slave states. Let US take the con-
dItIon IN which they at the present time lard
II is bad enough We all know and suppose by
some II agic touch you could say 10 every one
" Y ou shall vote to- morrow how much would
that ameliorate their condition at this present
time !? Now let get closer up to this subj ct
and talk about it. That relation hes the colored
man and the white man heretofore occupied in
the South oppose slavery upon two grounds
first :: II was a great monopoly, bling those
who controlled and owned it constitute an aris-
tocracy-ena bling the few derive great profits
and rule the many with iron rod, as 1t were +;
and that is one great objection TO it in govern
ment-lts being monopoly. | WIS opposed to
1t, secondly, upon the abstract principle CT slavery
hence IN getting clear OF monopoly were
getting clear of slavery at the same time So you
see there were two right ends accomplished in
the accomplishment of one.
Mr.. DoUGLAss.-Do YOU wish
IrTC Il =
Slavery has been abolished. A great national
guaranty has been given-one that cannot be re-
voked. was getting at the relation that sub
sisted between the white and the coioIed
man. very small proportion q white persons,
compared with the whole number of such, owned
the colored people OF the South. might in
stance the State of Tennessee in illustration.
There were twenty seven non-slavehoGefs TO one
stakeholder, ard yet he slave power controlled
that State. Let talk about this matter as il is.
Although the colored man vas ID slavery there.
and owned as proi erty in the sense ana in the
language Of that lcality, and Of that community,
yet in comparing his condition and his position
there with the non-slaveholder he usually est-
mated his importance Just in proportion to the
number OF slaves that his master o. ned with the
Observation-Disclosures Have you never lived upon
plantation
MIR. DOUGLAss.-I have, your Excellenoy
The PREsIDENT.-Wh hen YOU would look over
and see poor man who had large family,
struggling hard upon poor piece OF land, you
thought great deal less of him than YOU DID of
your own master.
Mr. DOUGLASs.-Not !.
The PRESIDENT.-Well, | know such was the
case with large majority Of you in those ctions.
hen such Is the case know there Is an en-
NIFTY, We know there is hate. The poor white
man On the other hand opposed to he slave
and bis master, for the oloTed man and his mas
ter combined and kept him in slavery by depriy-
ing him OF a fair participation in the .ator end
produeuon OF the rich and OF the country. Don't
you know that a coiored nan, in going TO hunt
master, they cal. it, for the reXt year, preferred
hiring to a who oaned -I4ves 1stitr than 10
d man who did not? / know the fact at all
events. They did not consider II quite respec-
table to hire 10 d man who did not own negroes
10 who did
Mr.. DOUGLASS Because he would rot be
treated as well.
THE PREsIDENT.-Ihen that IS another argL-
meut in favor OF what | am going 10 say. 1t
shows that the coiored man more appreciated the
slave owner than he did the man who did not
own slaves Hence the enmity between the col /
ored man and the non-savehoder. The white
man permitted to vote before. Government
was derived from him. lie is q part and parcel
of the political machinery. Now by the rebel
lion, or revolution, land when you come back TO
the object Of the you find that the abolition
and the President himself declared that it was /
waged on our part in order to suppress the rebel
hon. the abolition Of slavery has come an in
cident TO he suppression OF great rebellion, and /
an incident We should give it he proper direc-
ton. The colored man went into this rebellion [
q slave; by the operation Of the rebellion be came I
out freedman-equal to freedman 10 any other /
portion OF the country. Then there is great
deal done for him on this point. The non-slave-
holder who was forced into the rebellion, and was
as loyal as those that lived beyond the limits of
the State, and his property, and, in q number OF
instances the lives OF such sacrificed, and
ne who has survived has come Of Il with /
nothing gained, but a gre-t deal lost. Now
upon principle of justice should they be plsced /
in condition different fru m what they be
fore On the one hand has gained a great
deal. On the other hand one h lost a great
deal, and in political point OF view scarcely
stands where he did before. Now talking |
about where We are going to begin. we have
got at the hate that existed between the two
races. The query comes up whether these two
races, situated as they were before, without prep
araton without time for passion and excitement
TO be appeased, and without time for the s. ght |
est improvement, whether the should be
turned loose upon the other end be thrown to-
gether at the ballot box with this enmlty and /
hate existing between them? The query comes /
up, if right there we don't commence a war OF
races | think | understand this thing; and es |
pecialy is this the when you force it upon a
people without their consent. You have spoken
about government. Where is power derived |
from? We say it is derived from the people |
Let take it SO, and refer TO the District of
Columbia by way of illustration. Suppose, for
instance, here in this political community, which 10
a certain extent must have government, must
have law, and, putting it now upon the broadest
basis you put it, take into consideration the |
relation which the white has heretofore borne TO /
he colored race-is it proper to force upon this
community, without their consent, the elective |
franchise without regard to color making it uni
versal? No! Where do you begin ? Govern
ment must have controlling power-must have
a lodgment. For instance, suppose Congress I
should pass a law authorizing election TO be |
held, at which all over 21 years of age, without
regard to color, should be allowed to vote, and a
should decide at such election that the |
elective franchise should not be universal, what |
would you do about it f? Who would settle it? Do
you deny that first great principle of the right of
the people to govern themselves Will you resort
to an arbitrary power and say majority OF he