Gold Hill daily news. [volume] (Gold Hill, N.T. [Nev.]) 1863-1882, 1866-11-01
THE ONE.mAN POWER.

tied "The 'One-Ma Power vs.. Con-
grsss"-a theme admirably adapted to
display his peculiar power. The speaker
was heard BY IN immense and enthusiastic
audience. We give that portion Of the
address which shows what was the nature
Of Mr.. Summers personal relations and
intercourse with MI. johnson. -g
The brave words with which be ac-
cspted his nomination As ics-PreSident
fssoundnd through the country. He was
elected. Then followed two scenes, each
Of which filled the people with despair.
The first was Of the new Vice President
taking the oath Of oHice-in the presence
Of the foreign Ministers, tho Judges OF the
Supreme Court, and the Senate-while in
such q condition that his attempted
speech became trivial and incohsrsnt, and
he did not know the name Of tho Secre-
tary Of the Navy, who is now the devoted
supporter Of his policy, as he has been his
recent travelling companion. One month
and n week afterward President Lincoln
was assassinated. The people, wrapt in
afiiction at the great tragedy, trembled as
they beheld q drunken man ascend the
heights Of power. But they were gener-
Gus and forgiving-almost forgetful. He
was our President, and hands were out
stretched to welcome and sustain him.
His early utterancsB ns President. al
though commonplace, loose and wordy,
gave assurance that the rebellion and its
authors would find little favor from him.
Treason was to be made odlous.
It was at this time that my own rela-
tons with him commenced. l had
known him slightly while he wat in the
Senate; but l lost no timein seeing him
after he became President. He received
me kindly. I hope that I shall not err, il
I alluds briefly to what passed between
US. You are my constituents and l wish
you to know the mood Of the President at
that time, and also what your representa-
tive attempted.
l was in Washington during the first
month Of the new Administration, des.
tined to fill such an unhappy place in his
tory. During this period l saw the Presi-
dent frequently. sometimes at the private
house he then occupied, and sometimes at
his Office in the Treasury. On these &C.
casions the constant topic was "recon-
struction," which was considered in every
variety Of aspect. More than once l yen-
tured to press upon him the duty and the
renown OF carrying u the principles OF
the Declaration Of Independence, and Of
founding the new Governments in the
rebel States on the consent Of the gov
erned, without any distinction Of color.
To this earnest appeal he replied on one
occasion, 40 I sat with him alone, in
words which l can never forget ION
this question, Mr.. Sumner, there is no
difference between US. You and | are
alike" Need I say that I was touched
to the heart BY this annunciation, which
seemed to promise . victory without a
battles Accustomed to controversy, l
saw clearly that if the President declared
himself in favor Of the equal rights Of all,
the good cause must prevail without con-
troversy. After expressing to him my joy
and gratitude, I remarked still further,
that it was important that there should be
no division in the great Union party
that there should be no line run through
it, on one side of which there would be
gentlemen calling themselves the Prsii-
dents friends" but that we should be
kept altogether as one seamless garment.
To this he promptly replied: 81 mean to
keep you all together" Nothing could
BE- better. We were kept together on the
principle Of equal rights. As I walked
away from the President that evening, the
battle Of my life seemed TO be ended,
while the Republic rose before me, reful-
gent in the blaze Of assured freedom, an
example to the nations.
On another occasion, during the same
| period. the case Of Tennessee was discuss
cd. I expressed the hope most earnestly
that the President would use his influence
directly for the establishment OF impartial
suffrage in that State, saying that in this
way Tennessee would be put at the head
Of the returning column and be made an
example; in one word, that all the other
States would be obliged to dress on Ten
nessse. The President replied, that il he
were at Nashville, he would see that this
was accomplished. I could not help re-
joining promptly, that he need not be At
Nashville, for at Washington his hand
was on the long end Of the lever with
which he could easily move all Tenne,see,
referring, Of course, to the powerful but
| legitimate influence which the President
| might exercise in his own State by the ex-
preston Of his de,ires. Let me confess
that his hesitation on this occasion dis
| turbed me but I attributed it more to an
unnecessary caution than to any inidelity.
| He had been 90 positive with me, how
could I suspect him!
On other occasions. the conversation WAS
renewed. Such was my interest in this
question, that / could not see the Presi-
dent without introducing it. AZ l was
about to return home, I said that I de-
sired, ever at the risk of repetition, to
make some parting suggestions on the re-
construction Of the rebel States, and that,
with his permission, I would proceed,
point by point, rs was the habit Of the
pulpit in former days. He smiled, and
said pleasantly, Have I not, always list
ened to your" replied, "You have, and
I am grateful" After remarking that the
rebel region was still in military occupa-
ton, and that 1t was the plain duty Of the
President to use his temporary power for
the establishment Of correct principles, I
proceeded to say /: First-Sss 10 it that no
Newspaper is allowed which is not thor
oughiy loyal and does not speak well Of
the National Government and Of equal
rights and here I reminded him Of the
saying Of the Duke Of Wellington, that in
q place under martial law, an unlicensed