The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1866-04-04

unappeased.
The contest is upon US. Weeannot avoid
It If we would. We mnst take sides. We
are obliged to identify ourselves with the
one or the other. Aud the question is which
will we choose? "Under which King Ben
zonian?"
Now, my fellow-eitizens, have no hesi-
tation in ayoWing my preference. No
doubts harrass my mind. The pathway
for Us 10 pursue, Is 10 me IS plain as a sun
beam, open and clear, and straight. liden-
/ tify myself with the administration Of An
drew johnson. / recognize in his states
manship, the salvation Of our beloved land.
feel aud thus feeling, cannot forbear ex-
| pressing It, that under the Proyidence of
God, he has been raised up, as the true pa
triot, to lead this people safely through the
dangers that now surround US.
/ Remember my fellOW-citizens, that in
times gone by, l differed widely with An
drew johnson, in the great questions that
| then divided the country. he was Demo-
4 crat and ! was a Wing. But, let me say to
you, that these old party lines are oblitera-
| ted. Out Of the thrOes and agOnies Of this
terrible and wicked rebellion, new party
/ organizations will spring up-must origin
! ate-and materials will blend and fuse into
one harmonious whole, BY which, and
through which, The administration Of An
drew johnson viii be preserved and main-
tanned, and the great political principles
| and truths evolved and aYoWed by him. Will
/ be perpetuated and maintained, so long as
this Government remains and endures, de-
monstrating the capability of man Tor sell
| government.
Now, my friends, and I am proud to have
him such-although we differ 50 widely IN
our views as to the proper policy to be pur-
sued, in the restoration Of the States-Gov-
ernor Brownlow takes issue with the Presi-
/ dent and Identifies himself with the self
styled Union party in Congress, and in
| speech lately delivered at Knoxville, the
! language Of which, and the tone Of which
/ cannot commend, and from the sentiment
| of which l utterly dissent-has taken
ground with Stevens and Sumner--and op-
poses the President-and the chief ground
Of his opposition is, as declared in his letter
to Judge Kelley, that "he gives Andrew
Johnson up to the Democrats and the reb-
els" without showing any reason therefor,
except that the President does not sgree
with Judge Kelley and politicians Of his
views, IN regard 10 the method that should
be adopted for the restoration Of the States.
Now, propose TO show by an array of
testimony that shall be overwhelming, that
the differences Of opinion between the Pres
ident and Stevens and Sumner, are not
caused by any violation Of faith on the part
Of Andrew Johnson, to the cardinal princi-
pies of the Union party, but by a complete
abandonment Of them on the part of his Op-
ponents, and that he stands, to-day, on the
great cardinal principles, where the Union
party stood in 1861 and 1862; and through
out the war, even 10 the month Of Decem-
Der 1865, and where he has always declared
himself TO stand--from his great speech in
the Senate in December 1860, including his
speech at the St. Cloud Hotel, to his master
ly effort on the 22d day Of February 1866
when he announced to the assembled thou
sands, who listened to his thrilling elo-
quence-when he could not be "cajoled by
his friends or bullied by his enemies"
If then ! show that he stands where Mr..
Lincoln stood, where the Union party stood,
where Mr.. Chase stood, where the Congress
of the United States, up TO the seth Con-
gress always declared they stood, and that
he has not abandoned one single one of the
positions so assumed, then it does seem TO
me, that we should all rejoice, if such senti-
ments should become the doctrines of a
party, that shall unite the whole nation,
and that the charge Of treason to his party,
of violating his solemn pledges to those
who elected him, are false in fact, and
ought not TO be needed for one moment.
We should not be alarmed if the kind and
eonciliatory policy of the President has won
for him friends from the Democrats, from
the Copperheads, from the rebels. If
his policy is right, and such as should COM
mend itself to all, then it seems to me that
we should not be frightened by the cry of
party, or of the fusion of parties, but rather
rejoice that We have a statesman wise
enough and patriotic enough, to adopt a
platform of principles and a line Of policy
that will obtain the Jealous support Of his
former opponents, and especially, if in do
ing so, he does otabandon q single one of
the great principles Of the party to which
he is indebted for his elevation to office.
l am glad TO know that he has succeeded
in an object so praiseworthy. l am willing
TO give the right hand Of political fellowship
to all who will stand on his platform. |
care not who they are. Standing as An
| drew johnson does, where / propose to
show his party has always rood, and ignor-
ing as he has the courage to do, party ties
and party discipline for the purpose of
maintaining tbe Constitution Of his country
/ ! feel that il is the duty of the patriot TO
stand by and sustain him.
Governor Brownlow and his friends sus-
tain the self styled Union party in Con-
| gress, and eulogise Stevens, Sumner, kel-
| ley and others. / sustain Andrew Johnsoni
and the question for you to decide is, which
is right2
Il the policy proposed by the Congress is
practicable, and wise and Just toward the
| loyal people Of the States ia the rebellion,
/ then il should commend itself TO your con-
/ sideration. If on the contrary, it is illiber-
| al, impolitic and unwise, then you should
| reject &.
Ifthe policy Of Andrew johnson in the
restoration of the States, is the policy Of the
Union party during the war, is just, and
wise aud practicable, then you should give
to it your approval.
I 1t ha.-rr flanan
the evidence they must be tried-and by
the rule and plummet Of impartial justice
and practical wisdom, their merits and de-
merits must be determined.
The friends Of Andrew johnson do not
fear discussion and investigation.
THE STATUS OF TIE STATES.
Now the status Of the States, while in re-
| bellion, in g constitutional sense, is the
| question. Are they "dead States," as ar
| eued by the majority in Congress-partie-
ularly Stevenson are they yet living, Vi
| tal States, as insisted on by the.President?
During the tendency of the war, the Ex-
ecutive Department OF the United States
| and the Legislative Department, time and
again. recognized these States as States.
Mr.. Lincoln, in his FIRST inaugural ad-
dress, declared that
"The right of each State 10 order and
control its own domestic institutions ac-
c0rding 10 its own judgment exclusively IS
essential 10 the balance Of power, on which
the perfection and endurance of our p0liti-
cal fabric depends"
In his first message, on the 4th Of July,
| 1861, he said, after the suppression Of the
rebellion he would
a8aye no different understanding of the
powers and duties Of the Federal Govern
meut. relatively to the rights OF the states,
and the people under the Constitution, than
those he had expressed IN has inaugural
And the Hon. John sherman, OF Ohio,
said in bis sSeech or the Army bill, deliy-
cred in the Senate on tho 18th Of july
1851:
THAT the war was not to be waged t0I
, .he purpose Of subjugating any State, or g
, interfere with the social or domestic lnstl'
tutions Of any State: it was to preserve this
Unioni 10 maintain the Constitution as 1t Is
in all of is clauses, and in all Of its guar
antics without change or limitation"
And when after the dark and disastrous
battle Of Bull Run, when the fate Of the ma
: lion and its capitol hung suspended By s
thread, and when impending danger made
men sincere, and honest, aud patriotic, the
: following was offered on the ed Of July
| 1861, in the House Of Representatives, by
the venerable and lamented John J. Crit
tenden. and in the Senate by Andrew JohR.
: / SNls A4aGA q AAAA+AN- s-N-
| nessees
! ResolUsd, That the present deplorabl'
/. / civil war has been forced upon the country
bv the disunionists Of the Southern States
! ! now in arms against the constitutional gov
ernment, and IN arms around he capital ina
> in this national emergency Congress, ban
/, | ishing all feelings of mere passion or resent
/. ment, viii reoollect only its dety 70 th'
I | whole country: that this war IA not waged
on their part in any spirit Of oppression, or 10
any purpose Of conquest OF suhJUgatlon, O
= purpose Of overthrowing or interfering wiz
. the rights or established institutions o
those States, but 10 defend and maintain th'
supremacy Of the Constitution and 70 pre-
= serve the Union with all the dignity, equal
4 Nv. aud rights Of the several states uuim
pairea; aud that as soon as these objects AZ
" aecomplished The war ought 20 cea>'e.'
4 and adopted with unanimity.
: This was a solemn promise and pledS
!. made in the hour Of trial and gloom n
!. country relied on ID, aud scted upon Il
i / The honor Of the United Staies-its man
= hood, and its adherence - justice equity
e | ar rieht, domaad It's tuhllmeEt-
N The tine has come when the war shooi'
= cease; then, in the name Of the Union, p
the memory of promises 80 solemnly made