The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-01-31
The President on National Affairs.

The President on National Anans'
From the Times.
In taking part, indirectly, in the Constitu-
tional debate, the President has greatly helped
to bring members back to a consideration OF the
peris which may follow q careless tinkerlug OF
our organic law And his words of counsel and
suggestion met a response yesterday, from one
section of the House at least. The greatness of
the amendment already engraited upon the Con-
sttution, by which slavery is forever abolished,
the President desires to have kept steadily in
view.. The far-reaching effects of that amend
ment be seeks to emphasize, as afording guaran-
tees that the institution can no longer be an ele
ment of political division or of strife The danger
OF multiplying addltiona amendments he points
out with great force. But he mildly suggests
that il additional amendments supplementary OF
the grand Constitutional provision Tor the over
throw of slavery are to be made, they might be
compressed into q declaration that:-"Repre-
sentation shall be apportioned among the seye-
raj States which may be included within the
Union according to the number OF qualified
voters in such State, and direct taxes shall be
apportioned among the several States which
may be included within the Union according to
the value OF all taxable property in each State"
Such Constitutional amendment as this he
thinks feasible, probably on the ground that 1t
would leave the question of suffrage where 1t
has always belonged, and might also supply an
1nduC6menJ 10 eaC0 SJaJe 10 nave inc llSt OF lJS
legalIyqualified voters as large as a regard to
local interests would permit. The argument on
the other side he does not touch. But to such
extent as is here indicated the President would
go, for the sake of leaving to individual States
the right of control over the suffrage while at
the same time supplying them with motives to
remove political disabihGes of the unrepresented
classes among them as fast as may be possible or
eXpedient.
There is doubtless something in this view of
the case-although it does not cover the whole
argument. There Is no longer slave popula-
ton at the South 10 count three-ftths in the
apportonment of Representatives, and that basis
of distribution, however good an eXpedient it
may have been, is destroyed by the march OF
events. To continue lt-supposing the States
themselves were content with such a share in
the national representation as it would give
them-would be practical recognition OF dead
social institution as living political power. On
the other hand, to count the entire black popu-
latiOn in any new basis of apportionment, while
that class, would certainly be a surrender to one
section of the country OF share of representa-
tive strength to which it has never before laid
claim, and which could only be conceded at the
expense OF equity.
The great central point, however, which the
President and those who cordially act with him
in Congress seek TO affirm in any proposition
looking to further amendments of the Constitu
ton, is the tact that the lately insurgent States
have never been out of the Union; that they
consequently still possess certain ndestructible
rights; and that the less these rights are i'm
paired consistent always with the national
honor and safety, the better for the whole
country. The argument is not one founded Oh
any mere sentiments OF regard for 'errine
brethren" 1t is practical matter of concerr
for as, as well as for heGl Aside from the tunda
mental principle that in every free community
taxation implies the right of representation, WI
have to look at this matter of taxes on Southern
property from the standpoint of our fiscal ne
Cessiues.
Our right to tax these unrepresented States
right which we have exercised all through tn
wsr-implies that they have never been out o
the Union. All their ordinances Of secession
were simply so many attempts 10 get out. Thes
attempts proved abortive; and all the resolu
tions, and ordinances, and proclamations OF tn
secession leaders became simply the expression
of a purpose which was destined never to b
fulhlled. This point settled we set to gather u
taxes on everything taxable, South as well a
North. And il we are Indifferent to the prime
pie OF permitting representation and taxation
go hand in hand, let us at least not forget ths
every day that prOlongs the disability of th
South prolongs also the state Of industrial co
lapse induced by the war, hinders the influx {
capital, retards the progress of immigration
and, as acertan consequence, lessons the incom
we seek to get to help us III bearing the nation;
burdens.
The deliberations of Congress, in view of thes
facts ought surely to be directed, with iudiciou
temperatures, to the question of early restor
ton. Words uttered or resolutions framed,
any spirit OF vengeance or hatredl are sadly OF
OF place. We are not dealing with priva
wrongs or grievances, but with the interests
vast communities. Each day that finds the
communities unrepresented in the Nation
LEGISLATURE, aggravates the responsibility
continuing to govern them by abnormal milital
law. If this responsibility is not felt by N
jority in Congress, it is felt by the PresideI
and it is assuredly felt deeply and widely by Il
people, who see an increasing public debt al
diminished revenue returns IN whatever de-
sons of Congress tend unnecessarily to del
the great day OF Restoration.