Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1866-10-10
Frederic Douglass on the Issues
of the Day. ...

Oh the DAy. .. .-..
At great Emancipation meeting held
by the colored people in Pittsburgh, on
Sept. %, the celebrated colored orator,
Frederick Douglass addressed the meet
ing. We copy the report of the Pitts
burgh Commercial: .T vs q.
Mr.. Douglass said it was not his custom
to preface his humble efforts by apolo-
gies, but he came from incessant labors
and was exceedingly fatigued, and at any
rate whatever charm his voice might
have in its natural condition, it certainly
did not haYe that charm now. He dis
claimed the titleof Honorable which had
been bestowed upon him by some of his
friends. The fondness for titles in this
country had awakened the satire of 9th
er countries, and it seemed that it was
not confined to the whites, butwas shared
in by the blacks. He did not desire any
such titles, and yet he was not sure but
what he might one day be a member of
Congress. Cheers He could not hope
to present any new thought on the recon
struction question. Indeed it was scarce
ly necessary to go in search of new truth
in the case now before US. Properly
speaking there was no such thing as new
truth. Error nigh be old or new, but
truth like the eternal is from everlasting
to everlasting, and can never pass away,
and such truth was Human Liberty
It was born in man and inscribed on all
the faculties and powers of his soul. 1t
was his right, and co-equal with it was
the idea of human equality-the equal
right of all men to life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness. In his plan of re-
construction he would insist upon the
great idea of human equality. We had
just passed out of rebellion gotten up
for the purpose of perpetuating slavery
and the power of privileged class. 1t
was not undertaken to redress any great
wrong or vindicate any great right. And
such a rebellion-one which has planted
agony at a million hearthstones, ridged
our soils with half million rudely for
med graves and piled up an enormous
national debt. 1t was such a rebellion
we had scattered like fine dust before the
strong wind. There was no surrender
except such as the thief makes when ia
ken by the officer. There were those
who say that the. rebellion makes no
change in the political relation of the re-
bellious States to the Union, and that
they have all the rights of the States
that did not oppose the Government.-l
This was the view of President Johnson.
Mr.. johnson and his friends were slight
ly metaphysical and little theological
when they say the. States are not out of
the Union. They probably borrowed the |
idea from the doctrine of the perseve- |
rance of the Saints-once in grace, al |
ways in grace, but whether they were in |
or out, it was certain the Union was not |
in President johnson. To be in the |
Union was to be under the law of the |
United States. The governments of the |
rebel States were destroyed by the rebel
lion. They were under another Govern.
ment and flag. If they come back, we /
should insist upon terms Mr.. johnson |
thought so once. He did not regard it as
be would dog fight. When men fight t
about question, it stood in reason that
the victor had the right to dictate the
terms of peace, and in our case it would /
be made madness to do otherwise. We
ought to demand indemnity for the past
and security for the future. The Repub-
ican party would see to it that Congress
IS indorsed and Andrew johnson rebuked
Applause. That party would carry
The elections this fall like a whirl-
Wind and save the Nation. He was
present not merely as a Radical, but as a
Reformer, and he would say that any
policy that does not recog-
nize and protect the black man would
prove failure, He wanted the imme-
1iate and positive incorporation of the
black race into the great body politic.-
Society, to be safe, must feel an interest
IN the rights of the humblest as well as
the greatest in the land. He was for ne
gro suffrage and for his right to be voted
for. Why? He was man, and no man
was more. He was a capable subject of
and the negro needed the
ballot for his own protection from Vio,
lence. What protected the emigIant
landing on our shores, if it is not the
respective hallotl The foreigner was
the object of the attention of all the po-
Iitical parties. One party opposed an
other, but all felt they wanted the for
signers' votes, and in order to get them
protected the emigrant, and Yindicated
him on all occasions.
One of the things settled by the war,
vas that the negro is to be permanent
part of the country, because he would be
Useful, and because he cannot be removed
except at an expense which the people
are unwilling to incur. Inwar and peace
The negro would be useful to the United
States. 1t was said the negro would die
out, but the prospect was very discoura-
ging to the well-wishers of this idea, for
here was a considerable deal of vitality
about the black man, and withal the ex-
forces of slavery, the negro
still lived, and it could not be supposed
that liberty, which was the birthright OF
could exterminate him: There
was no similarity between the Indian and
negro. The latter was in all the elements
Of civilization, more like Anglo-Saxon,
which the Indian was not.
But what was to be done with the ne
gro? Why, he ought to be enfranchised.
He wanted it for his education. If the
American people would see the black
man rise, give him the ballot. If it is !
'aid he is not capable, it ought to be re-
nembered that no class will more readily (
adapt themselves to laws and institutions
sooner, or better than the negro. If it was
to keep him in darkness, it would
hen do to trample him under the feet Of
men, but if he was to beraised, he should
nave the ballot and all the other means Z