The state rights democrat. [volume] (Albany, Linn County, Oregon) 1865-1900, 1866-05-19
RIGHTS DEMOCRAT.
CHAPTER OF QUOTATIONS.
From Republican, Leaders aud Ed
itOrs, ON State Rights, Secession
and the late War.
SENATnp wAnr


SENATOR WADE.
from speech Of Mr.. Wade, Of Ohio, United States
Senate, 1855: Appendix Congressional Globe,
P. 2lS ct. sog.1
[ am one of those who, not only when
an election is pending, bat at all times,
believe in the wisdom. the constitutional
lty, and the propriety of the Virginia
resolutions of 1873 and 1899. l ground
myseifupon those resolutions and. stand
ing upon them, l denounce this bin as a
violation of, not only of the spirit of those
resolutions, but as an attempt to trample
upon the rights of the States and deprive
them of the power to protect their own
citizens from aggression aud abuse.
Who is to be the Judge in the last re.
sort of the violation of the Constitution
IN the United States by the enactment of
a law Who IS the final arbiter? The
General Government. or the States in
their sovereignty? Why. sir, to yield
that point, is to yield up all the rights Of
the States to protect their own citizens,
and to consolidate this Government into
u miserable despotism. l tell you, sir,
whatever you may think of it. if this bill
pass, collisions will arise between the
Federal aud State jurisdictions-conficts
more dangerous than all the wordy wars
which are got up in Congress-eonhicts
in which the States will never yield; for
the more you undertake to lead them with
acts ike this, the greater viii be their re-
sistance.
I stated that this bill was intended to
! promote and help the execution of the
fugitive bill. The Senator does not deny
it. I said there were States in this Union
whose highest tribunals had adjudged
that bill to be unconstitutional; and that
/ mas one of those who believed it uneon-
situtioaal; that my State believed it an
constitutional; and that under the old
resolutions of 1898 and 1899, a State
mustne only be the judge of that but of
the remedy in such a case. =
There Is one sovereign State which has
asserted the great doctrine which your
State, SIT, IMr. Mason in the chair, in
voked ia 1T9S to free yourselves from the
exercise Of power that threatened to re-
dnce you to slavery. Your great ances
tors rose against it, and made the declar-
alton of the platform or which [ stand
to-day.
You have driven the North against the
wall, she has been forced reluctantly, to
take her stand there, but she will dafend
her rights. =
Now, let me ask any man if these res
o~lutiOns of 1851 do not sustain the doc
trine which [ have mentioned to-day?
Isnever ridiculed them. I always be-
hsved it was necessary to invoke their
principles as the last resort to defend the
liberty Of the citizen who was to pass his
days In freedom, beneath the protection
of the laws of his own State, aud prevent
the controlling and centralizing power Of
this great Government, and I believe it
to-day.
In the subsequent Congress Mr.. Wade
spoke al follows.
# they Goathern gentlemen do not
feel interested in upholding this Union
if It really trenches on their rights-if it
eAdahgen their institutions to such an
extent that they cannot feel secure under
it-if their interests are violently assaiIed
by means Of the Union-I am not one Of
those who expect that they viii long
continue under it. I am not one of those
who would ask them to stay IN such a
Union. It would be doing violence to
he Platform Of the party to which I be-.
long. We have adopted the old Declar-
alton of Independence as the basis Of our
political movement, which declares that
any people, when their government ceases
to protect their rights, when ii is SO sub
yerted from the true purposes Of govern
ment as to Cypress them, have the right
to vecprt to fundamental PRINCIPLES, and,
if need be, to destroy the Government
underwhich they live, and to erect on Its
fdfas another more conducive TO their
welfare. ] hold that they have this right.
/ viii not blame any people for exercising.
it, whenever they think the contingency
has come.
Certainly shall be the advocate of
that same doctrine whenever / find that.
the principles Of this Government have
become oppressive 4 the section IN
which lifelong, that a free people ought
. longer to endure it, you win not then
find ne backward IN being the advocate
of d~isunion; but that contingency never
having come, [ have never yet opened my
mouth IN opposition to the Union. But
I say, for heaven 8 sake, act, not talk. Il
am tired Of this eternal din g of dissoIu-
ton of-the Union" which is brought up
on all occasions and thrust into our faces,
as though We, of the North, had some
peculiar r~easonsfof maintaining the Union
that the Southern States have not. I
hope the Union viii continue forever. +
see nothing at present which I think
should dissolve il; bat If the gentlemen
see lt3 Ksay again that they have the
same interest in Maintaining this Union.
IN my judgment, that we Of the North
haze IF they think they have not. be
it 50. You cannot forcibly held men in
this Union; for the attempt to do so. it
seems to me, would subEert the first prin.
aefPl@ efzthe Government uhder which we
live.
SENATOR WILSON.
FFom speech Of Mr.. Wls0n, United States sepa-
tor. Fob. IS, 1855: Appendix Congressional
Globesp. 2s3.1
Z e~tEscognlze the doctrine of State Rights
IN It's application to slavery as well as to
other matters of public concern. win
stand side By side with my Democratic
friends in yindication Of the Virginia and
-Keht6ckyR Resolutions Of 179Sg99, which
they have endorsed.
Ina letter written by Wilson in 1855,
to Esspasian Ellis, he said:
fully recognize tie doctrine of State
Rights in its application to slavery as
wells to aaE other matter Of public con-
Germ. The Virginia and Kentucky Res