The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1866-10-29

~ / critici,s hin unduly. only ssy 10
nubIic' and before his, face Whist ~ Ms
friends say In private BEHIND ny pa -.
I only say that he comes Delo[e VEG
public In September and says: u Know
that Andrew Johnson has betrayed tne
Republican party last January, bus tn0ug9..
I would try and conciliate him, 20 1oio
ON. keen quiet, aud manipulate" You
have half OF the Republican leaders un-
dertakins to tell us in tho opening OF the
summer they had known all the winte,
that Andrew johnson was traitor, ana
he has m army Of supporters growl up
around him: whereas, If they had told the
truth before when they discovered 1t, ana
if snv man who saw his treachery had de-
serted him, he would not have had adne-
rents sufficient to appear upon the surface;
The masses may be for Q moment deiuoeG
into the idea that these constitutional
Amendments are conducting them to i'm
partial suffrage, but the leaders now accept
them because they. know they are con-
ducing to the popularity Of their own
party, and possibly to the salvation OF the
national finances. The constitutional
amendment, 80 far as the negro Is con-
cerned. is Q swindle, and the Republican
party has perpetrated it in order to pre-
serve their political supremacy.
On the sacrifice of the black man the
dominant race in the South assumes the
helm of government. How long, continued
Mr.. Phillips, would the rebels OF the South
| be in a minority Why should they iail,
| in time to come, to carry out their deslgh
of ruling the nation if the black man were
| discarded2 Vice-President Hamlin had
told No how he was approached in Texas,
and how Inducements had been held out to
him to puDhase UDted states Donas =. =
very low rate, which by MS vote he coulu
raise to a high one. With millions OF these
bonds in tho hands OF the southern people,
how soon would it be before the national
finance would be football The pro-
nosed amendments to the Constitution
woe swindle. Let the people reject
tIe swindle, and tell Congress to admit
no southern State ut present. lie MT.
P.) did not believe in Reconstruction" 1t
meant streets running with blood; capital
in exile no place for free speech on south
ern soil. The South must be rooted up
and made over before safety could be as
sured, Some men said that We Qhc ultra
Radicals) hated the South. Who were the
friends of the South during the past
TWENTY-FIVE yearsl The Abolitionists.
They told her that the continuance of the
slave institution would bring desola-
ton upon her, and that her system of in
voluntary seryitude would die out in blood.
Her day has now come; and who are they
that stand ready to establish her firmly on
the rock of true prosperity Who will give
her the spindle, the loom, and the steam
boat, and make her waste places to bloom
as garden? Why, the party that tells her
she must come into line with the nine
teenth century. Cancellation, as it was
termed, toward the South was like asking
the Kctchums and the Swartwouts to be-
come presidents of the banking institutions
it was merely asking the rebel South
to take charge Of the Government
again, and putting into their hands
tho means to do, as the Government,
what they failed to do in the rebellion.
Cancellation, to be of any value, must take
place in ratio consonant with the South's
good and with our safety. A story is told
of one who broke the seal OF King Solo
mon which closed the mouth of large
fish, and forthwith out came bottle, from
which issued giant, who threatened to Stay
him. BY cunningly narrating tale, the
giant was persuaded to reenter the bottle,
where he was corked up and prevented
from reTssuing. War broke the seal OF the
Constitution, and the North rose to her
legitimate proportions and enforced her
ideas on the conquered rebels. Now, the
pulpit and the New York Tribune ask us to
quietly go again into the bottle. Laugh
teri For himself, he would have no sur
render of the war power in the South until
South Carolina and Louisiana and the rest
are made over, so that they gravitate by
natural law into position beside New Eng
land.
The first step toward this would be, let
Congress impeach the rebel at the White
House. [Sensation.l Not rebel, exactly,
but the mobocrat of the White House. Ii
he wanted mob in New Orleans, he dis
carded Governor Wells; but if he wanted
one in Baltimore, he recognized Governor
| Swami. And so it was mobOcracy every.
where, if point was sought to be gained.
| The second step ought to be to depose the
President. The moment he was impeached
his place should be supplied until trial
should restore him to power, or by q new
election his successor were fixed upon.
Men shrink from taking this step; but the
power to take it is in the Constitution, and
the emergency demands its exercise. The
necessities of the hour dictate that we
should use the arsenal of the Constitution
| to prevent further harm to the nation at
the hands of the Executive. 1t were q
farce to try the President while he re-
NAMED in power. He (Mr. Phillips)
would say, impeach him, and while on
trial sequester him. What would be the
advantage to the people? Why, then
they would run the machine. Laugh
ter. The moment the rebel hand left
the helm, New Orleans would be as safe
as New York for northern men and
northern capital. But men say that this
outspoken language hurts the Republican
party. Better do that than injure national
life. The defect in our constitutional sys
tenn was, that we had to wait for four
years before we could Gust President,
even if we knew him to be bad one. In
England, the Queen reigns, but she does
not rule. The people declare what shall
be the action of that Government, and as
their voice tends in this or that direction,
so ministries are deposed from or lifted into
power. In ordinary times we would be
obliged to bear with Andy Johnson for four
years, but his many sins against the nation
enable us to and justify US in removing
him. He (Mr. Phillips) did not desire to
wait until the rebel at the White House
built up the rebel aristocracy and made
them the Government. There was but one