The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-06-07
THURSDAY, JUNE I, 1866.
Is the Constitution a Perfect instrument {.

grave error 10 attempt to amend the Constitu-
ton of the United States. We are assured quite
confidently of the entire perfection of that vene-
rable instrument. We are told, with a gre t
deal of impressive head-shaking, that IL is the
height of presumption for the statesmen of the
present day to suppose themselves wise enough
to ''ameud" the work of their ancestors, and
that the attempt to do so involves a most shock
ing disrespect to their august memory.
All this would be very sound if it we're not so
excessively absurd. If our forelathers supposed
they had made so perfect an instrument as we
are told the Constitution ls-one so exactly
adapted to every possible emergency which
might or may ever arise in the nations history
the question very naturally arises, why did
they so carefully provide the ways and means
for its amendment? Why did they not make it
like the la ws of the Medes and the Persians,
which change not? And if the instrument as it
came from their hands was so entirely unim-
provable, how did it happen that so many very
important amendments to it were so soon found
necessary to be made?
The truth is, the men who made our Constitu
ton were wise in their day and according to the
lights they had, but wisdom had been in the
world before their time, and it did not die with
them. The Government they foun led was
purely experimental. They had fe " precedents
to guide them, and almost no lights from expe-
rience. They could only balance probabilities
for the future. Not being omniscient, they could
not foresee all the exigences that might arise in
the life of the nation, and they could not tell
how their complex scheme of government might
be found to work as to all its parts in
practice They we're filed with conf
dence in the great principles of a re-
publican form Of government, and had enun-
cated those principles with remarkable vigor
and clearness In the Declaration of Indepeni-
ence, but they we're not able to give them full
effect and application IN the form of govern.
ment they adopted. They were in the midst OF
conflicting elements and interests, and had to do
not ideally really the best thing, but the best
thing practical to be done at that time. They
saw and were perfectly conscious of the weak
ness and lmperlection of much OF their work.
They never thought of arrogatJng perfection for
it. They saw that the Constitution would need
amendments, and they lett the door wide open
for them. They trusted something to the wis
dom and patriotism of those who sh 1uld come
after them.
But we arc told that for long time this nation
has lived under the present Constitution with
out amendment, and has crown and prospered
exceedingly; and therefore no amendments can
now be necessary. We can remember when a
similar argument was used in favor of the per-
petuation of slavery. We were told that slavery
had existed from the foundation OF the Govern
ment, and that we had grown to greatness and
power in its presence. So, too, ii used to be
stock argument with the Democrats that they,
as party, had been in power much OF the time
during the nations history, and the nation had
been prosperous and happy; ergo, the reign of
The Democratic party was good thing
It might well be replied to this style of argu-
ment that facts may be c0incident without stand
ing in the relation OF cause and effect. We all
remember the story of the "old ancient man.
who thought that the sands which gradually OBJ.
structed the entrance to Goodwin Harbor were
caused by Tenterden steeple because previous
to the erection of that steeple the harbor was
unobstructed but the old mans logic has not
generally been deemed of the most convincing
and luminous order. The nation may have
grown and prospered, not by virtue of, but IN
sSas of pseudo democracy and slavery. So too
with regard to the weak points of the Consttu-
tion-we have lived in spite of them, not because
of them.
This argument, too, might very Justly be re-
torted upon its authors. Behold" we might
say, "our nation is not yet hundred years old
"a mere hands breadth in the life of a people
and see 10 what the errors in it5 Constitution
have brought us horrid civil war, causing
the sacrifice of million lives aud of thousands
of millions of money"
There are many points which the Constitution
leaves vague, that time and experience have
shown ought 10 be settled. 1t is sufficient TO
instance the question of secession. We may
now consider that question as settled by the
arbitrament of war, it is true; but who shall say
that il it had been as clearly settled in the Con-
stitutiOn ITSELF we might not have been saved so
costly a method OF determining it!
The rights OF citizens, as citizens of the
United States, under the Constitution, are lett
very vague. According TO one construction,
man may be citizen of the United States,
bound 10 render it service and allegiance, and
yet the general Government may not protect
him in the enjoyment OF his most sacred rights.
He may have exercised the right of suffrage for
years, voting for President and Vice-President,
and members of the House OF Representatives,
and yet by simply moving TO another part OF the
country msy ind himself perpetualy dislran-
chIsed, merely on account of some physical
chaTacte. Istic.
The basis of representation, as originally fixed
in the Constitution, is now found to work very
gross injustice, giving to each Southern voter
about two and one.half times as much power
as to a Northern voter. The unjust disfran-
chIsement of one portion of the citizens is made
to put aIistocratlc power In the hands of those
perpetrating the wrong. premium is thus
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