Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-05-18


giving the particulars Of an interview will
President johnson. II will be read will
groat interest both in Europe and America
The Times says, editorially: "We know moi
whether our sensitive cousins would like tC
have this regarded rs an appeal to the pub
lie opinion Of the world, and to the one 'hesll
and blood Of all nations and realms, but we
are assured that the President gave full per
mission that the details Of this remarkable
conference should be made public. They
do him the greatest honor, and, we think,
ought 10 satisfy these who suspect him Of a
rcactionary policy, a personal ambition, an
mwarrantable disagreement with the Con
gress, and disposition to override or evade
the law"
WASHINGTON, April lG, lS66.-In the
perplexed and uncertain state into which
public affairs have fallen il is impossible for
me 70 send you any information more i'm.
portant or valuable than the particulars Of
an interview which | had with President
johnson at the White House on Thursday
last The Presidents opinions, especially
with reference 10 the freedmen. have been so
wilfully misrepresented in the Radical press
Of this country, and his general policy to-
wards the Southern States has been exposed
10 so much unjustiiiable perversion, that
Mr. JOhnson's own explanations on both
these subjects may have some weight even
with those who are most embttered against
him
The President first adverted to the condi-
tion ia which he found the country on his
=. Al.
since that time the Radical party, which
now has the control over Congress, had
been preparing for the issue forced upon
him. Their object was manifest, and it was
one which, from their point Of view, they
could scarcely be blamed for pursuing so
eagerly. They knew perfectly well that
wien the South came back into Congress
their dav of power would be over-the
Southern representatives would stand as a
unit; they would probably fall into alliance
again with the Democratic party, the old is
sues of slavery and State sovereignty would
be dead and buried, and the party which
now ruled would be stripped Of its power.
Their talk about philanthropy and benevo-
lencc 10 the negro meant nothing more than
desire 10 work upon the feelings Of the
North, 80 that they might he enabled to
carry everything their own way. 1t was a
renewal Of an old conflict. The two sections
Of the country were ready to go to war be-
fore the rebellion broke Out-the one To pre-
serve slavery, the other to destroy it, Each
side was Ling tosacriice the Government
in order to gain its object. The South struck
first The rebellion was subdued at the
Southern end Of the line, and now it is
swinging round to the other end. These
men," continued the President, and he al
ways used these words to denote the Radical
party,-"are almost ready to 60 into rebel
lion again rather than have their supremacy
DESTROYED by the rc-introduction of the
South. They know nothing practically Of
the real state of the South. The very man
who had drawn up the Civil Rights Bill,
what are his means of Judging? | left him
in the Senate during the war, and went out
20 Tennessee and saw il all, and bore my
share of the troubles. lie stopped at home, |
aud now endcavors 10 make his theories |
square into the events Of the war, and !
legislate on ideas which he has never put TO |
the test
The President then went on to speak Of |
slavery and the negro lie had been brought |
up, he said, under the very shadow of the
institution Of slavery. He had bought |
aud owned slaves, but still he had al
ways been for abolishing slavery upon any |
basis which could be adopted with safety to /
the country. When it came to the question |
whether slavery should be abolished or the |
Government broken up, he never had a |
doubt rs 10 the course which he ought 10 |
pursue; he decided to give up slavery and |
lac abid ID by that decision. But the South |
now would treat the negro with greater |
kindness than the North if il were let alone |
and not cxaspcratcd. They talk Of Justice |
IL 81.
God knows my heart yearns toward him |
when thinl, Of the end which these mea
are preparing for him. / see that end clear
ly cnough-they are going the way for a
conflict Of races When that occurs we all |
know how it will fare with the negro. How
has such a contest always ended? When the |
time comes there will be no struggle The |
result will be decided without that. Now,
then, what do we find? The very thing
which we said these Southern States could
never do-whch we fought these four years
20 prevent them doing-these men affirm
that they have actually donc-namely, been
ont of the Union. The Southern States are
ready 10 come back upon our terms take
loyal oaths and acknowledge their allegi-
ance, but these men say they shall not.
Why, IL they had offered to come back, or
any Of them during the rebellion, should
we have turned them away on the ground
that they had placed themselves out of the
Union Mr.. Lincoln offered 10 receive the
whole Legislature OF Richmond rebel
Legislature would have welcomed
them with open arms. Would he have re-
fused to receive these States now that they
have fully submitted?'
The President next referred to the mis-
representations Of his policy which have
been so industriousy spread abroad. These
men had for months past had the public
mind open to them, and had poured into il
whatever they pleased Now il had become
inorusted as it were; but once let that in
crustation be broken through, and the truth
would begin to find its way. 81 am not dis
rouragcd," added the President; "cither
these States must be brought back or they
must kept out il Is like doing a sum in
ndddition-some sums want figuring up
more than Others before You can get the an
gwer, but / believe il will all come out right
Ia the end
Mr.. johnson then enlarged with consid-
cradle detail upon the operation of the
Freedmcn's Bureau, aud said its machinery
was now being used TO get negroes conveyed
from the North back 10 the South bv the
very men who were asserting that the lives
of the freedmen were not safe in the South
They had hired or bought lands, they
wanted labor, and they got their negroes
transported at the expense Of the Govern
mcnt The Freodmcn's Bureau compelled
the negroes to go, or they stopped their sub
sistence allowance ltwas little better than
another form of slavery, only that il was
solely conducted hv Abolitionists for the !
Frccdmcn's Bureau would not assist a South
cru man in getting negroes from the North,
where many thousands Of them have taken
refuge during the war A gentleman from
Falkland county, Virginia, had been to
him, the President said, only a few days ago,
saying that hc had sent three hundred ne
groes 10 the District lof Columbia) for Sc
curity during the war. lie now wished to
hire them. but the Freedmens Bureau in
ierposed obstacles, and would give him no
help in transporting them; whereas the
Government railroads were placed at the
service of other speculators. In all that he
said il was evident that the President APP
proved some plan for protecting the negro |
and giving him suocor, but that he consid-
cred the administration of the FTeedmen's |
Bureau was not all that could be desired
IL did not accomplish the true object for
which IL was founded.
Passing from this subject the President