The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-09-22

more unchristlan in temper than anything In I
the old slavery. On this most anti christian,
this most unholy thing, the Democratic party,
the party that has no moral convictions, is now |
planting itself as its last resort; and Tor this
MIR. BeeOher has been making vo es.
But TO return to this Cleveland letter. In |
steao OF being unans yerable, as Copperheads
say It answers ITSELF II has two main POSITIONS:
The negIo may be entrusted TO the south, ana
the South is not to be feared. Why were not
both of these as true in 1856 and 1860 as they
are now? Why not trust the South then, as DR..
Lord ana Dr. Nehemiah Adams so strongly
urged? They were not as embittered nor as
anti-natonal, nor as insolent as they are now.
Let us alone, they said. We understand the
NEGRO better than you: Providence has put the
question into our hands for our solution. Let
us alone, ye Northern fanatics; let us alone, or
blood will flow. And blood has flowed Way
did not Mir. Beecher hear the appeal then, and
save tnis vast slaughter? Why so recklessly
agtate question then which il appears now
might have been so safely left TO Southern
Christianity and southern honor? Republicans
want security for human rights incorporated
into the oath-bound Constitution OF the nation;
and they think that four years of such fierce
fighting presents the strongest OF all arguments
Tor insisting upon, instead OF waving, the de-
mand.
Again, 'the South is not to be feared" "The
poor South he says, "what harm can she do
the nation ~ We cannot imoute to Mr.. BeeGher
a want OF political sagacity, and we don't wish
to charge him with dsingeuuousness. But tnis
is too plain matter TO be thus treated, unless
there is intended the mcrest play upon words.
1t is a simple question IN arithmetic. The
power OF the South is not her military strength;
it is not her cOmnerclai influence, or her lite
Tary superiority. IL IS her political power.
This is the same as before, with large expected
increase OF representation, II johnson has his
way. Add to this the power OF her unflinChing
allies North, and multiply both items by mole
condensed sectiOnasm on the one nand and
greatly increased virulence on the other: sum
up these items OF the account, and you see force
of Mr. BeeCher's argument. Again. there is
1.-The suffering South.n No one will dispute
him as 10 the tact but for whose benefit is
this lamentatiou now made? Is it for the
murdered Dostie and the brother clergy
man slain Tor praying in loyal Southern Con-
vention as MIR. Beecher and DR.. Tying were in
| vted to pray at Cleveland? Is 1t III behalf of
| the thousands Of slaughtered negroes? Is it to
| excite compassion tor the poor suffering whites
so merGilessly forced into rebellion? Does Mr.
Beecher think that other men fall below him III
| commlsera,ion Tor these? No doubt he feels
fer them. feels deeply; for it cannot be forgotten
| how often the cause OF the slave has been made
| the subject OF appeal in the Plymouth Church;
but all this Goes not touch the political point OF
the question, as understood by those to whom
| his letter was addressed. For whose benefit is
| the plea made in the present political canvass
1.-The suffering south! ~ The same language
was held in the Philadelphia Johnson Conyeu-
| vention. And we know how it was there ap
| Piled. 1t was the political plea put in, not to
| excite compassion for any OF these classes, but
Oh behalf OF the Orrs Dick Taylors, the Forests
1
| ted to seats in that body. 1t was for the poll
| teal beneht oil the very men who had been the
guilty authors of all the suffering, North and
| South.
| Far be ii from US to deny to Mr.. Beecher an
| honest change of opinion on these most serious
| matters. We have made too many mistakes oul
selves TO refuse that charity TO others. But he
! will not allow any such plea. he admits no
| change. He makes no confession There is,
| however, but one way of maintaining such a
! position of mmutabihty. 1t is that the great
| hosts who once heard Mr. BeeCher with such
delight have all changed square round, whilst
| he remains just where he was when so wittily
| comparing Brooks to the foolish dog who was
| barking at the same hole. OF the one hundred
and fifty Congressman whom he so warmly sup
| ported two years ago, as the most worthy TO
| represent the nation, but one is now with
| h,m: OF the Republican editors who filed
! their columns win his speeches, there is not
one in hundIed of all the Republican
| Governors of states, not a single man. They
| have all charged. What is more marvel
Gus still, the great body OF the Copper
heads and OF the Southern Rebels have ali
changed in precisely the opposite direction.
| But this proves nothing, it may be said, in
respect to the merits OF the case. 1t does, how
ever prove two things 1t shows that there is
a great tallacy somewhere ia Dlr. Beecher's pre-
sent argument or that there was no great ques-
ton of right involved III the contest which
| could allow such sudden and unusual changes
of position, although it cost the nation two
| hundred and fifty thousand of our noblest lives.
IT, on the other hand, 1t was ID mos grave ques-
| ton OF right then, there is stlll 9rayer qUeS-
ton now. 1t is, whether those who, as Republi-
cans say, and as Mr. Beecher once SAID. were
the authors of all our national calanities, shall
come back to their abandoned seats ia Con
gress with an increased representation, no
| Iorteitures incurred, no rights impaired What
ever may be his vote on this question, it is Of
but little consequence compared with the in
luence he has eXerted against Its only Tighteous
decision.
Since writing the above we have read Mr..
Beecher's second letter; but we cannot see that
it requires us 10 modify anything that we have
| said.