The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1866-09-08
The Discussion in the Pavilion

1t was amotley throng which assembled yes
terday afternoon, to hear the discussion be-
tween Lawyer Pillsbury an d Mr.. Blaine. "Talk
about wheel within Wheel" said youthful
politician, "this is what call the canvass un-
der the canvass" From two until three o'clock
the throng continued to increase-more ladies,
on the platform, more voters ON the benches
more small boys with apples on the outskirts
a noiser hum of conversation. 1t was about
half past three when little knot of gentle
men came down Preble street and turned into
the pavilion, which by this time was quite full
though not crowded. A few of the more
watchful recognized them, and faint cheer
welcomed them, becoming quite general and
hearty as they made their way to the stand
First came Mr.. G. p. Kimball with the Hon.
e. F. Pillsbury; next Mr.. L. B. Smith with
the Hon. James G. Blaine; lastly Judge How
ard and Nathan Webb, Esq. who had been Sc
lected to preside.
Mr.. Smith proceeded to business at once
read the regulations, heretofore published, and
introduced Judge Howard as the first presi-
dent. Mr.. Blaine was to have the first hour
and was introduced by the president in the
fewest possible words. Mr.. Blaine appeared
to be in fine health and spirits. His sonorous
voice rung out full and clear with the first
word, as he announced his intention to narrow
the controversy at once to the discussion of the
Presidential policy and the Congressional pol
ICY. tl
the rebellious States had no right of represen-
tatiOn in Congress. The President admitted
no such right. He declared they were disor-
ganized, without civil government and incapa-
BILE of exercising political power. No rebel
then claimed the right of representation; no
surrender to them that privilege. When did
they acquire this right?
The President sent his provisional governors
to rule over them as the Roman proconsuls
ruled over conquered States. He required OF
them three indispensable conditions" prece-
dent to the admission of their representatives
to Congress. He required the abolition of
slavery, reputation of the rebel debt, and an
admission that the ordinances of secession
were null and void from the beginning And
he told them, through his Secretary Of State
that after they had complied with these condi-
tions, their admission would still be Subject to
the decision of Congress"
Such was the attitude of the President, when
Congress assembled last December There
was no reason and no desire to quarrel with
him. Congress was well pleased with what he
had done. There were some things vet to be
done for which the President had no power
True, he had not done all he might He had
not introduced impartial suffrage in the South
ern States. But Congress was not captious
and on reviewing his procedures was not i'll
satisfied But the President had no authority
to propose an amendment to the Constitution
of the United States. The Constitution as it
stood while slavery lasted, made five black men
owned as property in South Carolina equal to
three free white men in Maine, and the aboli-
ton of slavery had given the political power
due to the freemen wholly into the hands of
Southern rebels would have as much influence
in the National councils as eight millions of
Northern freemen. No Northerner could sub
init to this outrage, and Congress required
first that they should either allow the blacks to
vote or cease to count them as a basis of rep
resentation. Was that unfair? -
In the next place Congress was not quite
satisfied with the reputation of the rebel
debt by Southern legislatures merely The
same legislatures might take fancy some day
to recognize that debt again. Congress pre-
,ferred to see it declared irrevocably worthless
by an irrepealable article in the national COM
pact. Mr.. Blaine did not desire to speak as an
alarmist, but he was compelled to say that
there was something strange in the Presidents
opposition to this measure. Rebel bonds were
worthless at the close of the war, but they
have quotable price now in Southern ex-
changes, and the first effect of the news of
the Philadelphia johnson convention abroad
had been to cause an advance in rebel bonds
In the third place Congress desired that the
validity of our own national debt, the price of
our national existence, should be put beyond
question. Such were the three conditions
which Congress, accepting the three imposed
by the President, now desired him in turn to
accept. And the President refused There
were some other matters concerning which the
opinions of the President and of Congress- had
been at variance. There was bill called the
Freedmen's Bureau bill. Nobody ever heard
Copperhead repeat the full title of that Bu-
reau. designed fol- the relief of Freedmen
and Refugees" More rations have been dis
tributed by that bureau to the poor whites of
the South than to the blacks. 1T was an or
ganization, temporary in its purpose, designed
to introduce order into the chaos left by the
sudden emancipation of the whole laboring
population of the South, ia secure to the la,
borers good usage and to employers faithful
fulfllment of contracts. This bill Mr.. John
son vetoed, sending to Congress the most grim
and cruel document to be found amono fine
State papers of any nation. He said If the
freedmen were not treated well they could en-
igratel An ignorant laborer in Georgia, who
never had five dollars in his life, could take his
family of course, if he was ill-used, and come
directly to Maine, by the express train! The
iourney would cost them only $3.50 head!
Then there was the Civil Rights BILL which
gave to eyery person born in the United
States, except Indians not taxed, all the rights
of ctizenship-the right to buy and sell, and
collect debts and devise property. Mr.. John
son refused his signature to this bill, but it be-
came a law nevertheless. Some people are
very much afraid of negro equality. Mr..
Blaine spoke of member of Congress from
Kentucky, who enquired of him if negroes
voted in Maine, and being assured that they
did, replied, Then | suppose you'll send us a
nigger Representative one of these days" I'm
Maine" said Mr.. Blaine, 1--WE are not afraid to
give an inferior race a fair chance; in Ken
lucky you appear to think they may get ahead
of you"
Mr.. Blaine then paid his respects to the
plank in the Democratic platform OF TINS
State which proposes to repudiate the nation
oil r.la Our bonds from taxation,