New-York tribune. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1866-1924, 1866-07-19
WHO ARE THE REVOLUTIONARY

Our country has been conyulsed and devastated by
great Civil War. 1t is now TO be reestablshed on
the foundations of Peace and Law Grave differences
preceded, accompanied, and survive armed strife
These are to be adjusted by votes not by charges and
bullets. On this point, the public mind is made up
We have had bloodshed and rapine enough. We have
as many cripples, widows and orphans, as can be
properly cared for. Our Public Debt and Taxes are
all that we can we'll bear. The people want Peace
and will command it. Whoever attempts revolution
ary violence will incur defeat as signal as and far
more speedy than that of the Confederates.
The President and Congress have widely differing
plans of Restoration or Reconstruction. These diff
ferences reflect those existing among the People.
They have legal right to differ So long as each
shall keep within the forms of law, there Is nothing
TO excite alarm in their antagonism.
The Executive has rights in the premises which
the Legislative power can neither ignore nor invade
The President may misuse his discretion, yet be
esponsbe for his error to the People alone So Con.
gress may act unwisely. even peryersely, without
aordng the President auy pretext for Executive IN
reference. To the Courts and to the People, their
common master, must all differences be referred for
ultimate decision.
President johnson, like his amented predecessor,
has repeatedly explicitly, admitted the constitutional
authority of Congress, especially over the whole SUBJ
ject of admitting Senators and Representatives. No
one who pretends to regard the Federal Constitution
can deny IT,
But suppose a state of things which ght give the
President opportunity TO decide between rival bodies,
each claiming to be the Congress of the United States
Suppose minority Of the members indiSputaby enti-
tied to seats should consort with nearly all those
chosen from the States lately in revolt thus making
quorum and organizing, and suppose the President
should recognize and by force uphold this body to the
exclusion of the true Congress, what then
We answer, The case is not supposabe. The
Senate of the United States is continuing body-ts
organization and its officers remain until changed by
its express and duly recorded vote. Any new claim
ant of seat whether from q subSisng or new
State must submit bis credentials TO the scrutiny aud
Judgment of the Senate as it Is and must abide IT'S
decision. No Senate can be formed by violence and
riot; and no House so formed can obtain recognition
from the true Senate. So the scheme of pitch-pong
the Rebels into Congress must be given up. They
will have to come in at least as ciyilly they went
out
lutionary can deceive no one. If Congress should at
tempt TO expel the President from Office, otherwise
than by impeachment, its action would be revolution
ary and would be promptly put down. 80, If the
President shall attempt to oust Congress or recognize
bogus body the true Congress, he will meet with
a similar and swift discontinue.
The Illness apprehension that Congress may
"nyoke an instruction Of the people to sustain them
in that position is exactly OF piece with the Rebel
reviling of Lincoln a usurper, aud a. 'wagng an
unproyoked against a people who had never
wronged him." Millions were deceived by this oncei
they will not be SO easily deceived again.
Let it be clearly understood that the People OF the
United States will have more Civil War, and that
whatsoever shall incite will very surely and
promptly come to grief If he should attempt to
raise Stop thief" cry against those who stood by
the Constitution and laws his failure viii be none The
less complete, but only the more ignomnious.