The New York herald., 1866-08-30

6ibl0 that some crazy i6cuonins AAoy 10 Aou "
a criminal act. This would be the natural con- |
seouence of such an exhibition Of vindictive |
partisan feeling. The extraordinary and spon- |
taneous outburst Of enthusiasm which the Presi- |
dent on his journey has inspired does and will |
intensity the bitter hostility Of the radicals, and,
therefore, there Is the greater necessity for the
President to be careful, and for bis friends to
be careful of him.
General Butler and Wendell Phillips ON the
Rampage.
We publish this morning two important docu-
ments, showing the drift OF events on the
radical side in this political contest One is
the speech Of General Butler at Gloucester,
Massachusetts,. the other letter from Wendell
Phillips, published in the Anti-Slavery Standard.
They are both characteristic documents, and
Just suoh as we might have expected from these
men. OF the two productions that Of Wendell
Phillips exhibits the greatest tact, shrewdness,
philosophy and honesty. They are both filed
with venom and extreme bitterness against the
President and call for the adoption Of extraor-
dinary measures to put him out of the way, or,
to use the language of Phillips, "to find some
measure fit and efficient to serve their purpose
the deposition of the perjured and usurping
traitor" This is the language used against the
Chief Magistrate of the nation, who has the
firmness to stand by the constitution In this
irving hour of the nation. The Philadelphia
Convention and the South form, however, the
burden of both these manfestoes Butler en-
deavors to show that the Convention amounted
to nothing, yet in his very argument he proves
1t was formidable affair." Wendell Phillips, on
the other hand. starts out with the declaration
that it is of the greatest importance-if not in
immediate results, it will "orepare way for
desperate conflict in 1865" and calls upon the
radicals to prepare for the struggle, pointing
out as one of the means the deposal Of Andrew
johnson.
From the tone and temper of the speech of
Butler we infer that he is ready, at least in the
use of words, to carry out this doctrine advo-
Gated by the old abolition apostle. His
courage, which failed him at Fort Fisher and
prompted him to testify before the Committee
on the Conduct of the War that Fort Fisher
could not be oaptured-and that, too, when the
committee had in their possession a despatch
stating that II had been oaptured-has all Of "a
sudden returned to him, now that there are no
more forts to capture or armies to confront.
Butler is brave man when he has few de-
fcnceless women and uuarmed people to govern
and plunder in New Orleans, or is on the
stump in Massachusetts, where he does not
have to confront the men whom he defamss.
His courage knows no bounds on such occa-
sions. He is then full Of pluck and can order
raid upon the vaults Of some bank, direct
the seizure Of family spoons or harangue a
crowd of Massachusetts radicals with all the
coolness Of philosopher. We never knew
until his speech AT Gloucester what principle
he based his administration at New Orleans
upon. He there tells us that the people were
public enemies, and In their capture by the
war 1--WE captured men and property, their
slaves, their rights, constitutional and other
wise, except the right to be hung" This ac-
counts for his appropriation of private pro-
perty and the seizure Of all valuables that
he could find while at the Crescent
City. The war, according to his Interpretation,
having accomplished all this, he now proposes
to hang all the people in the South, unless
they will permit the slaves which Butler cap
tured to rule them. "If," says Butler, al am
asked how long would keep these men out of
the Union, | say, keep them out until the
heavens melt with fervent heat; and If 1t
should moi come in this generation we will
swear our sons to keep them out" His speech
throughout is Of this violent character He is
evidently trying to convince the people of
Massachusetts that he has crawled out of the
bottle which General Grant placed him in,
and that he is ready to fight, now that the
South has laid down their arms and there is
no danger of their firing back.
What Butler says in regard TO the Issues has
an important bearing upon the ccntcs'. He is
one Of the acknowledged high priests Of the
radical party. He il in that respect repre-
sentative man--ihe same a. the leaders in the
French Revolution were in their day. He has
all the insolence and cowardice of Marat, the
b!oodthirstiness but not the magnanimity Of
Robespierrc, and all the audacity Of Danton
when there is no danger. lie proclaims in
his manilestoes those theories and dogmas
that he intends TO force the radical party to
carry ont, and, by an adroit argument, leads
the party up TO the adoption Of his plan.
What he fails TO 'escnt 10 the public Wendell
Phillips makes up. Hence the uttcnnces
OF the two which we publish to-day form
a complete chapter in the events Of the day.
Both denounce Congress and proclaim in favor
OF immediate universal negro suffrage, and
that too, by Congress forcing II upon the
South and, Unnecessary to accomplish that, they
urge that the President shall be deposed.
Here, then, we have the programme Of the
radical faction. There is nothing in the history
of thh country that compares with the atrocity