The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1866-03-16

| The Government was slow to interfere, yet
when its attention was called to some Ga
riDald,an re- recruiting officer haylng yin his
he was arrested and his career summarily
suspended. We are persuaded that the
American Government would be equally
prompt werc proper statement laid
before them. They have recently acted
where the sympathies Of the American
people went entirely with the objects Of the
offenders, aud it cannot be supposed that
they would be more slack in interfering
with Fenianism. Breaches of neutrality on
the Rio Grande, and an attempted oxpedi-
ton in aid of Chile have been promptly
suppressed, and Fenian enterprises would
be apt to meet with even less indulgence.
| very idle suggestion has, indeed, been
made, that the Federal Government would
meet any representation we might make,
| by reminding us of International obliga-
tions broken or neglected by US during
their own civil war. To hold such an
| opinion is to do injustice to President John
sons administration; to make it the excuse
for inaction; is to confess ourselves guilty
Of the fault which it is apprehended might
| be imputed to US. There never was any
conflict of principles on this subject be-
tween this Government and that of the
United States during the war; the only
| question which arose, was whether on q
certain occasion our action was slothful or
diigent- t--culpably neglecting or carefully
fulfilling international obligations, upon
which both sides were agreed. We have
| always protested, that we were sincerely
active and energetic in doing our duty,
and we ought not, therefore, to hesitate to
ask the American Government to do theirs;
and they could not decline to fulfil any in
ternational obligation because dispute
had once arisen, as TO our activity on
similar occasion. There is. however, no
parallelsm between the two cases. Were
the Fenlans in possession Of Connaught
and Munster, and advancing into Leinster,
the American Government might acknow-
ledge the belligerent status Of the Irish
Republicans, and we should have no just
ground Of complaint; but any act favoring
the Fenian Brotherhood now, would be as
if in the last months of President Buch-
anan's administration, when the rupture
had been determined upon and the plans
Of action completed, Englishmen had fitted
out ships and supplied arms to the traitors
who were about, at given signal, to rend
the Republic in twain. But, as we have
said, we have as great faith in the Ame-
Tican Government as the Chancellor of the
Exchequer has. We acknowledge its
friendllness, its promptitude and its sim
cerlty; but the dispute is not about these.
The real question before the House Of
Commons, on Friday night, was, not the
temper of the American Government, but
the vigilance and activity of our own; and
we must hold, in spite of the solemn warn
ings of the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
that this was proper subject fol discus
sion in Parliament.
The London Times has the following cri-
ticism on Bancroft's Grafton:
The Grafton was worthy of Elijah Pc
gram. The British lion might fairly be
expected to s'put his tail between his legs
and howl with anguish" The staple of
the harangue was abuse of England and
its institutions. What the tenure of
land in Great Britain or the occupation of
Asiastic forts by this country have to do
with President Lincoln's birthday it is not
easy to understand, nor does there seem to
be much room for comparison between
Lord Palmerston, who, for upwards Of fifty
years, was concerned in all the chief affairs
of Europe and America, and President
Lincoln, who happened to hold Office dur
ing four years in o domestic war. But
these matters were dragged in, that the
speaker might have an opportunity to rail
at and villify the country. whose language
no woe sPe~hiuS, aud whose authors he
had, In former times, done his best to ini- |
tate. The taste which could invite an
English Minister and his staff, in order to
intlict upon them q coarse inveetive. needs
no remark. We can well understand that
there We're many among the Americans
themselves who were shocked at the inde-
cency, but we can as little doubt what we
are told-that the bitterest passages in
Mr.. Bancroft's address were the most
warmly greeted by that polite assemblage.
Mr.. Bancroft probably knows enough OF
England to be aware that these harangues
have little effect on this side Of the ocean.
| We shall even proceed to the discussion of
the coming reform bill, unaffected by his
declaration that it is to "bury the dead, ~
to remove the worn out government of
GLASS;" and ''to confide rightful power to
the people" It is not the effect here, but
the effect in America, that is of import
ance. Can this mischicvous old man be-
lieve that any purposes can be served by
slandering two such countries as England
and France in the presence of their repre-
own rights, and are sufficiently watch
require to be continually bounded on
against us, nor will it tend to the en-
ightened conduct of public affairs, if
they are made to believe that England is
country where the mass Of the people is
powerless and oppressed. It is to such
declamations as these that we owe the ar
rival Of few more Fenian adventurers in
Ireland, fully believing that they and their
New York friends can overthrow the rule
of the strongest, most resolute, and most
wealthy Government in the world. The
Irish emigrants are so accustomed to hear
the old country as effete, that they really
fancy, they have nothing to do but to re-
turn home, get up popular rising, and
take possession Of the land after the extir-
patton of the aristocrats. Such misrepre-
sentation might be properly left to a lower
class Of politicians; they do not deserve to
be countenanced by one who claims the
high title Of historian and diplomatist.