Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-04-22

pdi1AoJi ildu ISIClNCu III hhD
avowed by the eminent men whose names
have above referred to, he had, from the
first issue of the "Li5crdt0r," the powerful
cooperation and support of all the journals,
which countenanced the anti-savery move
ment, in the middle, Northwestern, and in
the New England States. viii mention
only two of them, the most prominent and
influential, the New York Evening Post, and
the Tribune, which though they cannot be
properly said TO have been in full fellowship
with the Liberdtor, as they did not approve
or initiate the low invectives or the extremes
to which he pushed his dogmas Yet,
for that very reason, they exercised a
far greater power, and influence, in securing
the success of the cause he espoused, with a
more reckless disregard of consequences.
Thus strengthened and supported, Garrison
felt that he might safely risk further adj
vance, in the boldness and recklessness of
the doctrines and sentiments he had pre-
viously avowed in the Liberdt0r and accord
ingly in 1889 he declared his determination
to repudiate all creeds, parties, constitutions
and governments, as profoundly corrupted,
by slavery, which he declared could not be
supported without dereliction from princ-
pie, and moral defilement; and from that time,
| as learn from Greeiey's Americdn Cdailict
he, together with small but able and tho
| roughly earnest class of followers. have been
known as Garrisonians, who refused
TO vote in any subsequent Presidential
election; though the great party of abOli-
tionists known as the Liberty party, also re-
fused voting in any election from that time
forward, except for candidates known to
be pledged to universal emancipation.
1t was in this year also that Garrison
in the columns of the LiberatOr, denounced
and stigmatized the Constitution of the
| United States, as a covenant with death and
| and agreement with hell"
At a subsequent time as though he feared
that this plain language might not be clear
| ly and sufficiently understood as a declara-
| ton OF hostility to the Union; and assuming
| that the cooperation of the mass Of the
| fanatics of the North in the crusade against
slavery, was secured and guaranteed beyond
| all Contingencies by the blind intatuation of
the Southern leaders in Congress, evinced
in their opposition to the reception of aboli-
ton petitions and further, by the repeal Of
| the Missouri Compromise and the still
more fatal attempt, with the countenance of
the President, to impose the Lecompton
| Constitution upon Kansas, in opposi-
| ton to the expressed will of the majority of
| the people, from which we may learn that
| Southern men can claim no exemption from
the operation of those mysterious causes,
which at periods longer or shorter as they
happen to arise, have in times past, predis-
posed great masses or whole nations of peO-
pie to insanity,) Garrison, together with his
band of able and thoroughly earnest follow
| erS. proclaimed by a resolution adopted in
their convention, held at Albany, New York,
on the I'd day of February, 1S59-their pur-
pose to advocate the dissolution of the Union,
''as a covenant with death" which ought to
be annulled, and an agreement with hell
which just God cannot permit to stand"
The experience of the last five years has
| given the leaders of the Radical party special
| advantages, derived from their peculiar prac-
practice upon the nature and powers of
government over the old fogies of 1889,
when the Constitution was formed and
adopted, besides the benefit they enioved of
the seventy-fve or eighty years elapsed.
since that period, which may be supposed
to have made some advance in the science
of government. These refOrmerS have lately
witnessed what a powerful government could
be made under the Constitution adopted in
1889, one that could answer all the purposes
that the most exigent military necessity
demanded, by simply suspending the writ
of habeas corpus and having the possession
of a sufficient number of prisons and for
tresses, i'll which to immune the suspected of
the crime of diSiOyGtty, to the Union party!
With these advantages, who now can question
Senator Summers superiority over all the
Sages of 1889? He does not want any
amendment of the Constitution to obtain any
security for the future, or any of his great
designs, yet undeveloped for the benefit of
the race which he has taken in charge
for the reason, that the power is already in
the Constitution. Do YOU ask where? In
the grant which gives the inherent right to
men as well as TO the beasts of the field
the right of self defence. Do you ask the
clause in the Constitution In that which |
gives Congress the power to raise armies,
and hurl them upon the rebel squadrons |
BY the rights of war and conquest YOU can |
hold the rebel States till they give all the |
securities you may demand for the future
the right of suffrage to the negro, loyal |
from gratitude to their liberators, and hatred |
of their old masters. Were l Radical, and |
had the ear of Mr.. Sumner, | would suggest |
to him, that the Freedman's Bureau would |
be his best auxiliary agency and quite suf- |
icient one for all his purposes if | under |
stand them. If after striking down the mas |
ter, he desires to go Oh with the process of |
lifting up the slave, and would invert the |
social pyramid, by placing him upon the |
summit or if necessary to all his purposes, |
he wanted to foment war of races, no en- |
ginery could be found better fitted for such |
an object than the Freedman's Bureau, with |
or without the proposed augmentation of |
powers. For though, in few instances, in |
which the assistant commissioners have the |
proper intelligence, honesty and inclination, |
together with the instruction, to cultivate /
harmony and good will between the blacks /
and the whites, nothing is more easy and |
practicable in such cases to give complete |
satisfaction to both parties. But the mis-
fortune is, the absence of these qualities
is generally so manifest, so far as | |
have observed or heard, that no inven-
ton, not even the negro regiments flash
ing their FURNISHED arms in the face of |
their old masters, could be more efficient, or
could possibly exceed in miscellaneous conse-
quences, the policy of teaching the blacks to
feel and to act upon the knowledge, that |
they are the preferred, or favored race, by
the powers that be- Such is the teaching of |
the Freedman's Bureau. The fault seems TO
be not so much in the objects proposed to
be accomplished by the Bureau, but in the
difficulty, if not the impossibility of secur-
ing or selecting so great number of COM
petent assistants and agents required; for
these officers are sought after, wherever it is
known that they can and are made quite |
profitable which some slight laxity of princi-
pie in the incumbent or assistant commits
sioner
From the foregoing statements it appears
that from 1899 until 1861, period of twen-
ty-two years, furious war was waged against
the Constitution of the United States; that
the Liberdtor, and every other journal that
affiliated with it in the crusade against
slavery, in the North and East, constituting
n moral battery, keeping up an inccssant
fire upon the fortress of the Union, the Con-
StitutioR, ten times more formidable and
effective than all the guns of whatever cali
bre, and from whatever point in the South
that could, at any time, be brought to bear
upon Fort Sumter and other fortreSses, de-
signed to protect the Constitution ard the
Union, that co-exists with it and that from
the I'd of February, 1859, until the LIST Of
April 1861, period Of two years and two
months the purpose was openly and AFRO
gantly proclaimed by "a small but able and
thoroughly earnest body of men in the
North and East to dissolve the Union, as a
covenant with death, which ought to be an
nulled," and "an agreement with Hell,
which God cannot permit to stand"
| have been the more particular in the