Cleveland daily leader. [volume] ([Cleveland, Ohio]) 1865-1873, 1866-05-25

ticle of the Reconstruction Committee S
report and their supplemental bill. They
DO moi, however, in SO many words, insist
that reconciliation shall be forever denied
nor even that it shall be indefinitely post
poned. They have reason for this for
b%sarance. Indefinite postponement
in Congressional action is equivalent to
absolute rejection. Pressed BY the diff
Guilty, they content themselves with rec
ommending that Representatives in Con-
gress and in the electoral Colleges shall
only be admitted upon unimpeachachable
conditions, and in every case that the
Representatives shall be excluded until
after 1870. But, on the other hand, this
Congress must adjourn some time this
year and must cease to exist in 1868, and
then be succeeded by another Congress.
1t is seen at once, therefore, that the post
ponement of reconciliation by this Con-
gress at its present session until 1870 is
equivalent to a rejection 50 far as their
own action is concerned unless that, being
enlightened by the autumnal elections
they shall conclude TO review and reverse
their proceedings next winter. To this
complexion then the question of recon-
ciliation in Congress has come, or if it has
not already come to this complexion it
must come before this Congress shall ex-
pire. Either loyal Representatives COM
ing from states that stand in an attitude
o floyalty to the Union must be now adj
mitted, or we have not only no ~reconcilia-
ton except through an appeal to the peo-
pie in future popular elections. Upon
such 8 question we may patiently and
hopefully await the final decision Of Con-
gress. No Congress, 1 think, could be in
considerate enough TO leave the question
in that fearful shape. a failure of recon-
Citation of an indefinite period, would
and GOULD be nothing less than a practical
bic abandonment of the nation to the re-
bellion. 1t would be disunion and reyo-
lution-it would be Mexican or French
anarchy. The people of the United States
Justly fear, abhor and detest disunion.,
revolution and anarchy. Neither hope
nor fear, nor anger, nor revenge, nor am
bitian, nor height, mgr depth nor any
other creature csn separate them from
this inherent ~life-saVing love for the
Union. The experience of the war has con
WINGED the rebels of this truth. 1t has
convinced the whole outside world, and it
will not fail in due time to convince all
thesspeople of the loyal states, and all their
representatives in Congress of the same
gFesttruth.
l can now speak of anoseher mis-
guided class, who love turbulence, and
willingly SOW the seeds of discord.
They represent to the loyal Union peo-
pie that the President is and has been uu-
faithful to his party and, of course, as
they allege, unfaithful TO tae cardinal
princiwles Of public policy which that
party eherishes. First, Congress pro-
posed q bill to enlarge and continue the
Bureau which was established during the
Ear for the profession Of freedmen or
emaneipaied slaves.
The President withheld his assent from
the bill. 1t was Immediately argued that
the President proposed, with unnecessary
inhumanity and cruelty, to abandon the
freedmen to oppression and persecution
by their former masters, and thus to rem
der possible the restoration of slavery.
The result of the discussion, however, es-
taDlished in the public mind q clear con-
yIction that slavery can never in sny case
be renewed, in this or any other country.
That the Freedmen's Bureau in a state of
peace is not only unconstitutional, but
that it is desirable and necessary only as a
temporary measure during the civil war,
and the transition from war TO peace.
Fiat its Organization, which was adequate
during the war, is consequently conpe-
tent during the transition from war to
peace, and that 1t has with his hearty CO.
operation a legal duration for one year,
for all Just necess 'ry and practical pur-
poses.
The passage of the so-called "Ciyil
Rights Bill constitutes q second incident
which the advocates of discord seek to
improve. Besides the emancipation of
the slaVes and complete abolition of
slavery, a majority Of Congress deemed it
necessary, constitutional and wise, to pass
some Law to ~oounteract the supposed or
spprehended legislation in the lately
disloyal states, by which those states
might discriminate between white and
colnred citizens. The bill consists
of two parts, one which declares that all
persons who ara born in the United States,
and who owe allegiance 10 no foreign
power, are citizens without discrimination
of race or color; another, which confers
powers upon United States Courts, and
civil and military officers, to oppose and
arbitrarily snnNl and defeat legislative
and judicial proceedings of the States in
the administration of Justice, where the
equal rights of a particular class Of per-
sons are alleged to he invaded. The
President withheld his approval from the
first part Of the law, because it was not
merely incongruous, but inconsistent with
the rights and powers which the Consti-
tuition necessarily and wisely leaves to be
exercised by the several States. But he,
at the same time, offered to concur with
Congress in any constitutional measure
which should be required for the protec-
ton of freedmen in harmony with the
fundamental principles of the United
States. Congress adhered to its bill, and
it became a law. The President could
never forget, l am sure I never shall for
get, the pestilential fruits of the fugitive
slave law and the bred Scott decision.
They were invidious and enerous, because
they unnecessarily arrayed Federal courts
and officers in conflict with the authori-
ties Of the States upon questions of indi-
yiduel rights, of prosperity and liberty,
and there is no soundness at all in our
political system if the personal or civil
&c each member Of the State, white
or black, free born or emancipated, native
or naturalized, is not more secure under
the administration Of State government
than they could be under the administra-
ton Of the national government. Har-
mony is essential to union, but harmony
is impossible if the citizens of every
State are not left free from u~nconstitu-
tional intervention in their rights by the
Federal government. The Civil Rights
Bill retsliates upon the late slaYeholding
States now, after slavery has ceased to ex-
the very aggression which, through
the fugitive slave law, the slave States
committed upon the freq States. I, for
one, IN not proposing nov orever to car
sectional ambitions into the field of
national legislation. The President new
acquiesces in the law of Con-
gress. How then shall he be condemned
for inidelity to his political principles or
associations, The Colorado case is a third
Incident which which the discordant seek
10 turn to thier advantage. Five years
ago Congress, in view of the detection of
he eleven States which were carried into
he rebellion, authorized the people of
Colorado, then understood to be 40, 900 in
number, to f9rma Constitution for a State.
The people, by q majority Of 3 to !, re-
used to accept the privilege. Last year,
when the people were reduced by emigra-
l.