The Columbian. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1866-1910, 1866-10-06

the description which L have had of 1t
from the stump in discourses to which !
| have listened, am confident | should
form very Incorrect opinion upon it.
In the first place, observe, gentlemen,
in how Objectionable manner that res
olution of amendment is submitted.
We have a provision in the Constitution
OF Pennsylvania that when the Legisla-
ture submits amendments of our State
Constitution to the people for adoption
or rejection, they shall submit each
amendment separately and distinctly |;
and why? In order that the people
may vote for or against each, upon its
own merits, without reference to the
rest, so that the people may be enabled
to adopt one amendment which may be
good and reject another which may be
bad at the same time; i'm order that
they may discriminate between what
they may deem good and what they
may deem evil in propositions submit
ted for their judgment and approval, in
order that only what they approve fully
may be incorporated in the fundamental
law of the State. This is n very wise
provision in our State Constitution. But
you will observe that these Congress
sional COnstitutionmakers, or tinkers,
rs they have been perhaps very impert-
inently called, do not proceed as the
Legislature of Pennsylvania must pro-
ceed in submitting amendments. They
do not submit amendments separately,
each upon its own merits. They have
framed and adopted q resolution pro-
posing amendments for adoption by the
States in which there are four or five
propositions of amendment grouped to-
gether, Jumped together, combined, and
to be acted on as if they were one prop
osition. 1t is to be adopted in whole
or rejected in whole. / think this is a
very unfair mode of submitting Consti-
tutional amendments to the people of
.he United States; / think it is very
Objectionable. You see what alterna-
tive is presented to you in acting upon a
resolul!o on Of this sort, in your respective
State Legislatures. You must adopt
everything tlat is in the resolution of
amendment, although Il large part of it
, may be Objectionable 20 you, in order to
get one good thing which may be in it ;
and you are obliged to reject n great
many good things that may Dc in it if
you have made up your minds to reject
any one thing which is bad. There is
M discrimination, there is no choice left
to the people, no volition. 1t is unfair !;
l say that upon the very face of this
proceeding that Resolution of the Con-
grcssional majority ought to stand con-
demned by the people, because it is not
fair mode of amending the Constitu-
titution of the United States.
But if we proc eed to take up the diff
ferent propositions of amcmendment
embodied in the one resolution and con-
slider them separately, think the eulo-
gums which you have probably heard
passed upon that resolution will be found
entirely unwarranted. There is prop
ositiOn there that neither the United
States nor any State shall ever assume
or pay any portion of the Rebel debt.
Well, why was that put in? 1t was to
catch votes for other parts of the resolu-
ton, and to make the whole pass the or
deal of ratification. Was it put in for
any practical purpose, any useful pur-
pose, any necessary purpose? No, just
consider it. Follow me for few mo-
ments while depict the uselessness of
that clause of the amendment. If that
appear you must conclude that it was
put in simply to carry the Others by
giving an odor of popularity to the
whole resolution.
In the first place, be it remembered,
that the Confederate States negotiated
most of their debt abroad, only small
portion of it at home because there was
not capital among their own people.
The great mass of the securities issued
for that debt upon their face were made
payable after the recognition of Confed-
crate independence by the Government
of the United States. That is, men in
France and Great Britain loaned money
to the so-called Confederate Govern
ment, and agreed to take their pay at
the expiration of a certain length of
time, think one year, after the United
States (our own Government), should
recognize the South as an independent
power. Well, gentlemen, the Govern
ment of the United States has not re-
cognized Confederate independence
Confederate independence is not fact
Confederate independence is not even q
!, possibility. Our brave men upon the
land who went into the military service
and our brave men upon the ocean who
carried our flag, have rendered the day
Of payment for the Confederate indebt'
cdnCss impossible. Does any man hert
believe it will ever arrive? If | wer,
to put the question separately and dis
tinctly (as Constitutional amendment,
ought to be-, to each individual presen
in a private discourse, he would laugl
in my face, and he would doubt my
sanity in asking so foolish question.
Thus you see the Confederate creditor
hold securities which are payable mt nj
time; which are not due now, anC
which they and the whole world know
will never become due. Is there an,
necessity then for guarding against th'
payment of that debt? Are men apt t,
, pay their debts before they are due
! They are often dilatory In their paymen