The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-06-21

ment by which Tennessee and the rest are
proved to be States is unanswerable; and this
point established, the rest is merely question
whether the Constitution shall be obeyed. Mr..
Fesscnden shrked this point, because there
was no possibility OF successfully meeting 1t.
A Great handle IS made IN the majority report
of the idea that the Rebels were belligerent
enemies. "Shall we admit public enemies into
Congress TO legislate Tor us ?" Is the butden of
their appeal. This clap trap keeps itself in
countenance by the judicial decision, made in
the prize cases, that the Coneterates were bel
ligeIerts. MIR. johnson shows very clearly
that the bearing of that decision has been mis-
conceived. IL hinged on the rights of third
parties: its purpose was TO SHOW that we DOS
sessed such rights OF war as justified us in cap
turing the ships and property OF the subjects of
foreign governments. AS between us and
foreign States il was war; as between our Coz
ernment and its own citizens, it was an insur-
rection. Mr.. Lincoln's proclamatons were
made, and troops called out under the law for
suppressing msurrections.
But even granting that. as between us and the
Rebels, the South stood in the position of alien
enemies, belligerent rights could not outlast the
war. When one nation conquers another, It ac-
qures over IL rights of sovereignty. 1t thence
forward governs the subiugated people, not as
bellioerent, but as a sovereign. But nation
which hghtsfor the recoveryof portion Of It's own
territory, merely RECEIVERS such rights of sove-
relgnty rs 1t previously possessed, and no other.
1t only regains, in fact, the same jurisdiction it
always possessed in right. But the measure Of
Constitution; its extent is precisely what the
Constitution defined 1t to be previous to the war;
precisely what was legally exercised over the
other States during the war.
With regard to the present disposition OF the
Southern people. and tnelr fitness to exercise
their constitutional rights, the minority quote
at length the affirmative and unimpeachable tes-
tlmony OF General Grant.
The minority triumphantly prove the absence
of danger from the plan OF the Committee itself
an argument which is very neatly put. The
danger against which we fought in the late war
was secession; and the majority OF the Commit
tee, in their report, fall into much heated de.
camation on the continued prevalence of the
secession theory at the South. Well in view
of this danger, what have the Committee done
The fit thing to do, the remedy which would
exactly meet the case, would be an amendment
OF the Constitution denying the right OF seces-
sion. This would settle that ponti it would
drive the nail aud cllnCh it. But among the ul-
titudinous amendments to the Constitution
proposed by Republicans during the winter, an
amendment denying the right of secession Las
not been thought needu!. This is conclusive
proof that the Republicans, like everybody else,
see that all danger from chs source has ceased.
But il there is no further danger from secession,
why dishonesty pretend that there is? And If
secession is an exploded chimera, pray what is
the peril against which Congress thinks it neces-
sary to provide?
1t is pretended there is danger that the Fede-
raj debt will not be paid, and that the Rebel war
debt lDR be paid; and the plan OF the Committee
embraces Constitutional amendment TO secure
the one and to prevent the other. But if thi,
amendment is offered IN good ia tn, why IN the
name OF reason. is It so Jumped and mixed with
other amendments not related to it, that the
States cannot ratify it without, ut the same
| time, ratifying things which they di-approyc
| and detest? Heretofore, amendments to the
| Constitution have always been presented in such
a manner that they could be acted upon sepa
rately, approving the ones they liked and refusing
| to raity such as they condemned. The amend
| ment relating to the two war debts would, il
| presented alone, be UNANIMOUSLY ratified by the
| whole thirGy.siX States, without discussion ol
| delay. Why was not an opportunity given them
to do so, without renouncng part of their right
| to representation? 1t looks as if Congress haC
| determined, Dy Offering the proposed amend
| ments in the lump, that the South should reject
them all, intending thereafter to raise a dshones
Cry that the Southern States refused to repudiatt
| the Confederate debt.
! Besides the danger that the Rebel debt will bt
| paid, and the Federal debt rcpudiated, Congress
| lind another great danger which they think i
necessary 10 guard against by an amendment K
| the Constitution. That danger is-well, what il
lt?-why it is the dreadful danger that the State
| will have the same number OF Representative
| to which the Constitution, az it stands, declares
| them entitled. In other words, the Constitution
| is too dangerous an instrument to be permittei
| to be in operation till certain leading provi
sions are amended QUITO IT..