The weekly North-Carolina standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 186?-1869, 1866-03-07

known to the country as dough-iaceS.F w
State, therefore, viii ever hereafter De nm
dered or delayed in coming back into the
/ Union upon the ground ofslavery. You may
think that the irresistible tendency to Union
which have described may have something
alarming in it. This wouldbe grave error.
think no such thing The people IN any
Territory want to be State, because it IS a
pleasant thing and good thing to have the
municipal powers and faculties which De-
long to State within the American Union,
and to provide by its own laws for the main
tenance and security of life, liberty, and pro-
perty. A Territory wants to be State and
member of the Federal Union because
it is a pleasant thing and good thing
to have its protection against foreign
enemies, and to possess the privileges and
immunities guaranteed to state by the Ma
tional Constitution. / therefore would not
consent to hold State ina Territorial con-
dition, or to deny it the advantages OF fellow
ship in the Union day longer than l should
be compelled. Nor do see anything calcu-
lated to excite alarm, anything transcendlng
the political ability of our statesmen, IN the
present situation of the freedmen In the
beginning, partially, every State in the
Union had slavery. We abolished it in sew
eral States without disorder or civil COM
motion. until slavery raised itself in rebellion
against the Government Of the Union. When
it took that attitude we abolished it out and
out, through and through, completely and
effectually forever This is what the Amerl-
can people have had the sagacity and the
courage to do in period of ninety years
These American people are a great deal bet
ter and a great deal wiser to-day than they
were ninety years ago. Those of the genera
ton that is now crowding us will be great
deal wiser and great deal better than we
who are on the stage to-day. Do not think,
therefore. that we shall lack the wisdom or
the virtue to go right on and continue the
work of Moderation and progress, and per-
feet in due time the deliyerance OF labor from
restrictions, and the humiliation OF caste and
class. We have accomplished what we have
done, however, not with an imperial Govern
ment-not with proconsuiar or Territorial
system. We have done it in States, by States,
and through States, free, equal, untrammeled.
and presided over by federal restricted
Governments. which win continue to the end
the constitutional principles with which we
so wisely began They are settling the whole
case of the African in the West Indies just
as we are and it will be done with the same
results and the same beneficent effects.
| have not given prominence in these re-
marks to the conflict of opinion between the
President ard Congress in reference to the
bureau for the relief OF freedmen and refugees.
That conflict is, in its consequences, compare
lively unimportant, and would excite little
interest and produce little division if it stood
alone. 1t is because it has become the oc-
casion for revealing the differences that |
have already described that it has attained
the Importance which seems TO surround it.
Both the President and Congress agree that
during the brief transition which the country
is making from civil war to internal peace,
the freedmen and refugees ought not to be
abandoned by the nation to persecution or
suffering. 1t was for this transition period
that the bureau Of freedmen was created by
Congress, and was kept and is still kept in
effective operation. Both the President and
Congress, on the other hand, agree that when
that transition period shall have been fully
passed. and the harmonious relations between
the States and the Union fully restored, that
bureau would be not only unnecessary, but
unconstitutional demoralizing, and danger
GUS, and therefore that it should cease to
| exist. The President thinks that the transit
ton stage has nearly passed, and that the
| original provision for the bureau is all that
is necessary to secure the end in view, while
| the bill submitted by Congress seems to him
| to give it indefinite extension in time of peace
and restoration. He vetoed it for that rea-
son. He declines to accept, as unnecessary
and uncalled for the thousand or ten thous-
| and agents, the increased powers and the
augmented treasure which Congress insists
on placing in his hands Congress- on the
other hand, thinks that the Freedmen's Bu-
reau is not adequate, and that more patron.
age, more money. and more power would
like Thompson's door-plate, purchased at
auction by Mrs. TOodles, be good thing to
have in house. | agree with the President
| in the hope that the extraordinary provision
which the bill makes viii not be necessary
but that the whole question may be simplifi-
/ ed by simple reference to the existing law.
The law Of March 8. 1865, which created
the Freedmen's Bureau, provides that it shall
continue in force during tie war of rebellion
and one full year thereafter When does that
gear expire In the Presidents Judgment
as understand the matter the war of REBEL
ion has been coming, as it is still coming, to an
end, but is not yet fully closed 1t is on this
| ground that he maintains an army, continues
the suspension Of the writ of habeas corpus
and exercises martial law, when these things
are found to be necessary in rebel States
The existence of the rebellion was legally
announced by Executive proclamation il
1861. The end of the rebellion ought to We
and may be expected to be, announced by
competent declaration of the President and
- IF bofl, ell ina
purposes, the rebellion will, in law, come tt
an end if the President Or Congress, one Of
both, officially announces its termination
Now, suppose this announcement to be made
by the President and by Congress, or by
either of them, tomorrow. In that case, The
Freedmen's Bureau is continued by virtue O.
the limitation prescribed in the act of Marel
8, 1865, one year after such proclamation
shall have been made. Thus the Freedmen
Bureau would continue by the original limi
tation, until the 29d day of February, 1867
very proper day on which to bring it to al
end. If Congress should then find it neces
sary to prolong its existence, it can at ono
take the necessary steps, for it will at tina
date have been in session nearly three months
Ought the President of the United States t
! be denounced in the house of his enemies
much more, ought he to be denounced in th
house of his friends--for refusing, in tn
/ absence of any necessity, to occupy or retain
| and to exercise powers greater than thos
which are exercised by any Imperial Magis
trate in the world2 Judge ye! trust tina
this fault of declining imperial powers, to
hastily rendered by a too confding Congress
may be forgiven by a generous people
IT will be sad hour for the Republic whe
the refusal of unnecessary powers, treasure
and patronage by the President shall be bel