The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-12-05

to look at the material as well as numbers OF
which q party is composed from which aid or
support is expected That party which supports
the President at the North numbers in its ranks
many wealthy and intelligent men; IL has also a
small portion OF what may be termed the middle
class-substantial people. But its great numeri-
cal strength lies among the most ignorant
classes, and those representing the least pro-
pcrty. You have In this party, then, those who
aspire to be the arlstocracy OF wealth and refine
ment, supported for the most part, in the large
cities, by the poorest class. party composed
as this is cannot be relied upon IN case of a
ply sical contest. The wealthy are timtd, and
cling to their capital; the greater portion of the
residue of the party being poor and ignorant,
shrink from the contest for want of interest,
looking at little beyond their physical security.
The Congressional party is composed OF
large class, the equals in wealth and intelli-
gence of the leaders of the party of the Presi-
dent; by the middle classes, among whom are
distributed by far the greater portion of the
property and intelligence OF the acountry; and
by the independent laboring classes OF the
manufacturing aud agricultural districts. 1t
now embraces the flower and strength of both
the old political parties in the Northern States,
brought together by the late war, and no held
together by common sentiment and sympa
thy. Young men arriving at the age of man
hood naturally fall into and thus swell ITS
ranks. 1t will become stronger for many years
to come. THIS may be termed the dominsnt
party, led by the ardent and cultivated intel
lects now representing it in Congress. A glance
at the details of the late elections will con-
vince the most sceptical OF the correctness OF
the views as to the composition fthe two parties
above taken. ...
The great Atlantic cities are old, and have
been aptlY termed the great ulcers Of the body
polite. The lower classes there live on excite.
ment, and are mostly controlled by their pas.
sions and preiudices, Except where they are
lnteIhgently employed IN healthy manutactur-
ing establi. hments); there Government patron.
age is lavishly dispensed, and there the Presi-
dent finds his greatest strength. AS you ap-
proach the great agricultural and manufacturing
districts, where education is as common as
children-where the people read and think
you lind the great strength of the Congress
sional party.
The practical question for your consideration
now is, whether, by the rejection OF the pro-
posed Constitutional Amendment, YOU are likely
to place the people of our state in better con.
dition. If the views have presented be correct
there Is no hope of better terms. 1t is urged
that it would be dshonorable TO accept the
terms offered In the Amendment. think this
objection is not substantial. There was no
political power acquired by the surrender Of the
Confederate armies. The terms were, as TO the
soldier, the surrender OF his arms, giving his
parole that he would go TO his home and remain
OF war, or released from his parole; the officer
had more liberal terms granted him, but these
terms were only such as applied. to a prisoner
OF war, in military point of view. This posi-
ton is fully confirmed by the fact, that after
one OF the Federal commanders had attempted
to give political status to a large division of
treaty was ordered to be stricken out by the
Government at Washington.
Up to this point, no political status had been
given to those who had been engaged in levying
war against the Government. 1t is not material
to the argument whether the unrepresented
States are to be regarded as members of de
tdct0 Government, which had been overthrown
by the arms of the United States, or as an aggre-
gate of individuals who had been engaged in
Rebellion against the Government, which had
been suppressed. If these Confederate States
ale regarded as a defdct0 Government, they had
surrendered, and were the discretion of the
conqueror. If we regard the inhabitants as
persons who were engaged in domestic violence
and waging war against the United States, they
were subdped and were amenable to the laws.
The President of the United States regarded
them in the latter capacity, and decided that all
the State Governments in the unrepreseuted
States Except Virginia, Tennessee, louisiana
and Arkansas, where Governments had been re-
established by the loyal people, had been
abolished by this domestic violence" He
ordered conventions to be called to make new
organic laws or constitutions for those States,
prescribing who should and who should not
vote for delegates to these conventions. He
issued proclamation, enumerating some
thirteen or fourteen classes of persons liable to
the penal laws of the United States, unless they
should obtain his special pardon Thus he at
tempted to fix the political status of these States.
The term OF the Thirty eighth Congress ex-
pired on the Sd of March, 1865; the surrender
OF the Confederate armies took place in the
months of April and May following; and the
action of the President to which / have Just re-
feIred was had before the assembling of the
present Congress In December of tae same year
When Congress assembled, it in effect denied
the validity of the action of the President in at
tempting to define the political status of the
people OF the unrepresented States, who had
been engaged In levying war against the Gov
ernment and denied admission to representa-
tives from those States unless they should adopt
the proposed amendment.
Nor has Congress sanctioned the validity of
the PRESIDENTS action so far, except by acqui-
escence and on condition that this Constitu-
tonal amendment shall be adopted by The
Legislature of each State. 1t is claimed by
Congress that, being the law-making branch of
the Government, 1t belongs to that body to de-
termine the political status of the people OF
those States. Therefore, as yet, the political
status OF the people of those States is precisely
III the same condition that it was on the day
the Confederate armies were surrendered There
has been nothing done by the law-making Q
power OF the Government of the United States
TO settle that question, except the submission OF
this proposition TO amend the Constitution.
The people of those tates, as a conquered
nation, or as individuals who have forfeited
their political rights by rebellion, are still
under the ban OF the Government, or in the
at war, the conqueror dictates the terms oil
peace; in the case of subjects engaged in rebel
lion, when the rebellion is subdued, the Gov
rrnment eniorces or mitgates the penalty. The
Terms OF the conqueror in tins case, or the penal
ties fixed by the !GoveInment, are embodied in
this proposed amendment In either view OF
the case, there can be no disgrace incurred by
the acceptance of the terms proposed, because
tney are proposed by powerful Government to
the. people of States disarmed and unable to
resist its authority.
The disquallfcations proposed, practically, do
not go to the army that surrendered at Apo
mattoX Court House. suppose not i've per
cent. of the individuals who composed thai
army will be affected by the proposed Consti