The tri-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1866-1868, 1866-12-18


A serious objection to the second section,l
itshould be under stood asimplying the pow
er of State to regulate the question OF SUI
frace is, that it imposes penalty upon any
restriction of the franchise, and offers prem
ium for its extension the representation OF q
State, and its consequent political lmpor,
lance being diminished in the one event. and
increased in the other. The manifest 4e,
sign of this provision is, to bring about, by
indirect means, the adoption OF the Suffrage
irrespective of races color. And th;:5 a
premium is offered for the proposition oil the
franchise. Nothing could be more threaten
mo to the stability of our republican lnstitu-
lions. There scarcely be DOUBT that II
the question of negro suffrage could be calm
ly considered purely Oil its own merits, and
aside from the prejudiccs OF the times, all
thoughtful and well-intormed men, would
mite in cohdemning it as in the highest de
gree impolitic and unwise.
leading feature of this second section Is,
that, virtually, it makes the basis OF repre-
sentation to consist of the voters only, which
is manifestly inconsistent wi h the theory OF
our political system. The voters mercl Y
the appointing power, whose function Is to
select the representative but his true consti-
tuency is the whole population. 1t IS a great
fallacy to maintain that an officer represents
only those who vote for him. Senators are
chosen by the State Legislature, but they
represent not the Legislature merely. but all
classes of the State population with their
varied interests. But 1t is urged by the adj
vocates of the policy of basing representa-
ton on the voters only, that this is necessary
in order to give equal weight toa voter in
different States, and yet there is neither jus
tire on the one hand, noEany practical I'M
portance on the other, in this idea. Say two
States have equal population. equal voting
strength, and equal representation and sup
pose one of them should choose to restrict
the franchise so that its quota OF Hpprescn-
tatives would be selected by half OF its for
mer number Of voters this, indeed, would
be a matter of interest to its own citizens,
but of what possible concern could 1t be to
the citizens of the other Srate ? \ complaint
that the weight of voters WIS not equal,
would come with bad grace from a State,
which, by extending widely the franchise,
had thereby diminished the relative impOr-
tance of its individual voter. II two States
had equal population, but enc OF them should
allow twice as many voters a. the other. then,
according to the pending Amendment. one
would be entitled to twice as many Repre-
sentatives as the other. This might be Civ
ing equal weight to voters. but would Ger
tainly he giving very unequal weight to the
respective non-voting populations so that
no consideration is given to the nOn-votcrs
who must always constitute the great ma
jority Of the people, and bear large share
OF the public burdens. And while the ne
groes, who form so large an element in the
population Of this Commonwealth. cannot
wisely exercise the right of suffrage. and
should not, therefore, be allowed 10 ,lo 50,
vet if therci ever was a time when that race
should be counted III the basis Of representa-
ton, it is now; for they are thrown as an
immense burden on few States, and will
for many Years demand the utGcst exercise
of every moral agency for their advancement
in the scale OF being.
The third section of the Amendment is de-
signed solely to affect the South. 1t virtual
ly DISTINGUISHES large portion Of the neo-
pie OF North-C Carolina. 1t 81 well known that
most of our abe-bodied men were Conitder-
ate soldiers during some part cfthe late war:
and of those of our people who were not in
the army scarcely an individual, can truth
fully say that he rendered = no aid or COM
fort to the Southern cause: and all who
had previously taken an oath to support the
Federal Constitution, either as a Member Of
Congress, or as an officer of the United
States or rs Il Member of State Legislature
or Executive or judicial officer of any State. !
are excluded from. forever herea ter, holding
any office, either in the State CT Federal
Government, unless the disability is removed +.
b. a two-thir,ls vote of both Houses OF Con
gress. And ii may be added III this con- ,
nection, that Congress by providing toT the .
removal of disabilities by its action upon IL !
two-thirCls vote, invades the Constitutional !
right of the President to grant par,tons. /
Very few, indeed. Of the men of this State, !
of mature years, and capable of filling such
positions have not at sometime held one or
more of the aforesaid Offices and taken the
oath specified The immediate practical eff
feet. therefore, of the Amendment. ifratIfcd
will be to destroy the whole machinery of our
State Government, and reduce all our affairs
to con plete choas, by throwing out nearly
every public officer, even to Justices of the
Peace and Constables; and it would be hard
ly possible to find enough Of men qualified
to fill those various offices, and re- organize
our State Government.
And besides this. all experience proves
that men rising t. power on the rain of their
fellows and expecting success only Ivy the
suppression of the popular will. are generally
the worst of all the enemies ofthcir own peO-
pie; and the great mass of the people OF this
Commonwealth would in the opinion of the
Committee, prefer to commit themselves
their honor, and their interests to Congress.
as now composed, rather than to those.
whose only hope of ruling, lies in the disfran-
chisement and oppression Of more loyal and
better men.
The impolicy of imposing this general dis
ability upon those who, in any way. took
part in the late conflict. is shown also by the
inCllbitable fact that most of them are now
as conservative, as loyal and as well affected
towards the General Government as anv class
of citizens. Those who personally partici-
pated in the great trial of arms, are perhaps
more thoroughly convinced than any others.
of the finallty Of the decision, and the utter
folly Of any future appeal to the ar,itrament
of war; and hence have. with few exceptions.
readily acquiesced i'll the settlement which
has been made Of the questions in dispute
Many of those who would be disabled from
holding Office are among the most prominent
and excellent citizens of the State. who al
ways opposed secession; and their services
and cooperation would be greatly needed in
the important work of restoring her prosper
ity.
But if this, and other degrading disabili-
ties, must be imposed upon so many of her
citizens, how can North-Carolina herself,
while she retains any sense of honor or self
respect, assist in imposing it ? How can
those now controlling the dcstnics of the
Union, ask or expect her to do So, and thus
set the seal to her own disgrace? How can
they expect or even desire chat her Represen-