The national Republican. [volume] (Washington City [D.C.]) 1866-1870, 1866-08-18


We do not ovsr-estimste the importance
Of the National Union Convention when We
ssy II has had no compeer in numbers, in
weight Of character, and in responsibility, in
any congregation Of men who have gathered
on this continent. We cannot give to the
convention Of 1857 any precedence in these
respects. The men Of that day were three
millions in number, representing thirteen
States, and they launched an experiment in
government upon the world. How that ex-
pertinent was prayerfully watched and tended
ON this side Of the ocean--how scoiIed, ridi-
culed, and written down q failure on the
other side--how il fourished and increased
for eighty years-how it added to its popula-
ton beyond the most fabulous tales Of pros
perity, and nearly trebled its States-and
how II became plunged into a civil war which
threatened its existence--is familiar history.
The American system Of government, which
was surrender Of certain powers from equal
and sovereign States for specified national
objects, mainly to better preserve the equality
and sovereignty Of the several States in their
reserved spheres, was never, and as not YET,
an indisputable fact. It has outlived its
early struggles and its late peril from 81
gsntic instruction; but whether it is here
after TO be constitutional government or a
government of victories over conquered Sec
tions remains TO be decided.
Strictly speaking, the capitulation Of LIE
and JOHNSTON to GRANT and SHERMAN settled
nothing beyond the fact that the Federal hosts
had triumphed, and that the North had con-
quered the South at arms. What disposition
is to be made Of this triumph; whether the
fundamental law is to be shelved; the princi-
pie Of local government give way to centrali-
zation; and the idea Of independent States
subject only to their constitutional obliga-
tons is to be abandoned, is the issue now be-
fore us. We affirm that no hour Of Ameri-
can history has been SO momentous. Our
fate rests with the people. 1t is in this view
that the convention at Philadelphia rises
into grand moral height. 1t is the first
great popular step in the direction Of peace
the first battle on the political arena for the
settlement Of the war on purely constitu-
tional and American principles. In this par
ticular II was greater than the labors Of the
fathers-it spoke for ten times the number Of
people, and represented nearly tbrcefold the
States for which the convention of 1887
acted 1t has settled the question forever,
that the American people can now live and
prosper together, II they will live under the
laws. II has settled it, that the only enemy
tn the public welfare at this moment is
the man who wishes to prolong discord
and agitation for the base political ends
II has given the lie to its malignant
revilers by its commanding spirit Of ma
tionality. II has been SO iearlessly true to
the exigency Of the day, SO Enthusiastically
earnest in its devotion to the Constitution
and the Union, that its batfled enemies froth
with rage at this answer TO their libels and
this refutation Of their prophecies. Three
million and five hundred thousand ballots to
day back up the address and resolutions Of
sublime morale-that it speaks for country
and not for party. That it sounds the knell
of sectionalism, and that it has made II plain
to the intelligence Of the land that the only
pathway to national unity and glory, the only
security for the national faith and the public
liberties, is the one pointed out by its DELHI
erations. When the dispatch Of The PREsI-
DENT was read to the Convention, the words
"the people must be TRUSTED" were received
with unbounded enthusiasm. 1t is now for
tho naopIa to Iatar,nipa uhefhar tho cont