The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1866-07-18

!. that the Senate could finish its legitimate
business ina week, and . majority OF that
body was clearly opposed to sitting through
the summer for any political purpose.
There were two bills of n political cha-
! racter pending. One to prevent removals
! from office by the President, and the other
providing for the admission of Tennessee.
! For his own part, he would vote to admit
tho Tennessee members at once, with or
without the ratification of the constitu-
,ional amendments. But others DO not
/ concur in this. Some insist that the State
shall ratify these amendments, and some
! that thew shall become part of the Consti-
tuition before the State shall be admitted.
| One thing, however, is certain, the fresi-
dent is no longer with the Union party.
We must look this fact full in the lace:
| Whatever he can do to destroy it he Will
do but in spite of that the Union party
stands firm. In his own State (Ohio) it
was never more compact and united than
! it IS to-day. He did not fear anything that
the President can do against it, with or
without his aid, or that Of any who are
associated with him. The Union party
can maintain its ascendancy. He thought
| Union members were needed at home to
attend to the coming elections.
| Mr.. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, said he
could not agree with the remarks made by
many gentlemen, nor could he concur in
/ their views. Whence comes, he asked,
this extreme anxiety, this unseemly haste
to desert our post and abandon our friends
| to the tender mercies of the enemy! lie
was gricved TO hear that the Senate, which
ought to protect the people against the
Vaccinations Of the White House, was
ready to adjourn. lie had hoped that the
people would be justified in looking to lis
as their guardians against the Executive.
How far our dcsertion of our posts would
! 90 toward breaking down the Union party
| he did not know; but one thing he did
know, it would 60 very far to destroy the
confidence of the people in Congress. lie
! thought that if we could not make up our
minds to stand to our posts, we need not
be in haste, at any rate, to adopt reSolu-
ton to adjourn. The people of PennSyl-
vania think we ought to be slow to adj
iourn; that we should remain in session as
long as there is anything to do, and the
! longer the better. He did not believe we
could do the business before US properly
and deliberately in three years. lie
thought we ought not to think of adjourn
| ing until we had passed enabling acts TO
authorize the rebel States to form conStl-
tutions on the principles of universal SUI
fragc and of protecting loyal men, and to
enable them to organize State govern
mcnts under them. He deemed such a
law OF far greater Importance than all the
others that had been mentioned. He
hoped gentlemen would not act hastily on
the subject of adjournment.
Mr.. Price, of Iowa, thought it important
that members should be at home attending
to matters there. Congress can do little,
and the President can do nothing to iniure
the country until this Congress expires.
We have no power over the thousands OF
small office holders, who are really the
working politicians. He believed the Pre-
Sidcnt to he the vilcSt man that ever sat In
that place. and he would stay here and die,
if necessary, to tllwart his traitorous
schemes but he did not believe any good
could be accomplished by staying.
Mr.. Shcllabargcr, OF Ohio, regretted the
manifest inclination OF members to go home
speedily, not that he wished them to stay in-
definitely, bUt he did think that they should
stay until their work was done, and well
done. He regretted that he saw no DISPOSE
ton to stay long enough to pass important
bills, like the one to take away from the
! President the power of removal, and to
pass them over the veto il they should be
vetoed.
Mr.. Conkling, of New York, thought
! that whatever Congress does iii legislation
should he done deliberately and with care {;
not under whip and spur, as had been sug-
gestcd by the gentleman from Illinois, Mr..
Washburn. That was the very worst man.
ncr of lcgislating. He concurred entirely
with Mr.. Stevens in this view Of the case.
| He hoped we should not meet at any other
than the usual hour; that we stay long
enough to do all our business properly, and
then adjourn.
Mr.. Farnsworth, of Illinois, offered re-
solution that Congress would not adjourn
until a law had been passed restraining the
Presidents power of removal but the
previous question having been demanded
by several members, Mr.. Farnsworth's re-
| solution was not received.
The demand for the previous question
was sustained, nd the provisions to meet
at IL o'clock was stricken out.
The resolution to adjourn on the 23d
then coming up, Mr.. Stevens, of Pennsyl-
vania, moved to lay it on the table. This
was lost, and the resolution was then
adopted-ycas, CA; nays, 40.
Mr.. Raymond moved that the injunction
of secrecy be removed from the proceed
ings of both caucuses.
Mr.. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, said he
hoped it would be, that the people might
sec how Indifferent Congress was to the
public good.
The resolution was then unanimously
adopted, and the meeting adjourned.