The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-10-22

ance of the Constitutional amendment. We
believe it TO be the only way now open for their
restoration to the Union aud TO their exercise
OF political power In the Government. BY its
prompt adoption We believe they can secure
representation in Congress during the coming
winter with q voice and vote upon The various
measures Of special concern 20 themselves, and
also voice in the election OF President in
1868. BY rejecting it, as they seem inclined
nov to do, we believe they viii prolong their
exclusion 9th from Congress and the Electoral
College until alter President Johnson's sue
cessor shall have taken his seat, and possibly
good deal longer.
our reasons Tor doing 1t. We do not know
whether they will commend themselves TO the
bnqaire''s respect or not; but we see in them
nothing inconsistent with our own,
The Inquirer insists that ''the Southern people
cannot adopt the Constitutional amendment
without personal dishonor and infamy." If we
believed that to be so, we should not ask its
adoption. But we do not. We regard this as an
exaggerated aud unreal view oil the case The
amendment involves loss OF representative
power, and temporary exclusion from Office of
certain classes of their people. They are not
Z asked 10 decree either OF these as of their own
motion, but TO accept and assent TO them as
notifications Of an existing state OF things. At
present they have no repre- esentaton, and none
OF the unpardoned among their people can hold
Office. These are the results7-the unfortunate
but natural and necessary results--of their war
upon the Government. That war was their vol.
untary act. They took all its risks OF failure as
chisement. They can have back their political
power, somewhat curtaied and modified We
see In their assent 10 this nothing of ''infamy"
or OF ''dishonor.p 1t is simply accepting one
of the results OF an unsuccessful Rebellion, as
means of averting Others still more severe
and disastrous.
But the Enquirer says they have no security
that they will be restored, even ii they do adopt
the amendment.
where is any guarantee of the considera
uon Where Is any promise OF IL ? Where is
any reason to erpectit? Where is any plausible
"Tbe New York Times recently contained a de-
Dlonstrdtion that there was no pledge in exist
ence that the adoption Of the amendment would
that there was no respectable commitment TO
that effect; that the House of Representatives
had, on the contrary, expressly rejected de-
claration oil that purport; that tie prominent
Republican leaders have protested against being
held to any such idea And this view of the
Times is sustained by abundant Other proofs %*
''1f Mr.. Raymond really thinks the Southern
States ought TO adopt the amendment as the con-
dltion OF reconstI ucton he ought first TO secure
such an otter TO u.s. TO call on us, day after day
to accept what has never been offered, nay what
he himself says has been refused, is nothing less
than absurd"
There is truth and force in all this. There is
certainly no pledge on che part of CONGRESS to
admit southern members upon their ratification
OF the amendment The bill embodying such a
pledge was rejected; but it should be borne in
mind that 1t was not rejected solely Oy the
votes of those opposed TO admission. The ex-
treme radicals voted against it, because they
would not and will not admit the South except
on the basis of negro suffrage. But the Demo-
Gratis and many others also voted against it,
because they did not believe Congress had any
right 10 impose conditions at all. The decision
aganet admission, therefore, upon the adoption
OF the amendment was not final or conclusive.
On the contrary, Tennessee was instantly ad-
mitted upon its adoption and there were not
tlcentg votes in the House against il.
If the South ShOuld now aQODt the amendment
we believe its admission to Congress would fol-
low at once and as matter of course. The dis
cussions before the people have strengthened
this conviction. None but the most extreme
radicals have ventured to take ground against
whole country-the whole current of public
sentiment, the universal expectation in Con
gress and out, is in that direction; and the
prompt action Of the Southern States would so
strengthen this feeling that nothing could re-
sist it.. And it would haye. this effect all the
more II that action should be taken in the ab-
| sence of any specific pledge, and in reliance
! upon the justice and good faith OF the dominant
! party IN CONGRESS- and in the country And IT.
! after all, this reliance should ail-ifthe violence
! OF the radicals should overbear this sentiment
and still exclude the South from representation
| in the Government, nothing practical would be
lost, and an issue would then be formed upon
! which their overthrow would be certain.
| The South has the decision OF this matter in
its own hands. Its action influences public
sentiment in the North far more than anything
lis friends here can do or say. III IL is required
to make sacrifices and do acts which offend its
pride and sense of right, ii is but just TO re-
member that It's own action has given the North
the power to impose them. lis grand mistake,
the source of all its eYilsfOnS et 0rigO ndio71tnl
was its rebellion AGAINST the Government. 1t
cannot expect 10 see ali its rills dried up in a
single day.