Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-09-25


The prolonged exercise Of such function
can only injure-it has already injured
} ourselves. We cannot afford TO alter tn
spirit Of our great national system, and, by
centralizing render the Government Of thu
Union hateful to the people of all the distant
, States. North and South alike. But the
evils Of our present mistakes, committed in
the discharge Of function for which the
b Government was never designed, do not wait
the slow Development Of time. Their effect
upon the subjected South is a daily disaster.
We are training future citizens by the worst
possible instruction, and every months per-
sistence makes the evil palmer.
1t is manifest that, under the experiences
of this long delay, and Of unrepubIican lie,
under military constraint, the temper of the
Southern people has become much less COM
mendable than il was at the conclusion of
active hostilities; that the work Of true re-
union has grown more difficult; and that the
perils Of our condition only increase. 1t is
for you, therefore to ask whether the reasons
for this delay are sufficient and whether the
new conditions imposed by Congress are
likely to prove final remedy.
The manner in which these conditions in
the form OF an amendment 10 the national
Constitution, have been presented, not only
TO the people af the South, but TO the nation,
is without precedent. For the first time in
the history Of this government, substantive
| propositions, without connection, have been
united in one amendment, and the people
have been denied the opportunity of free
choice concerning each. The first section
Of this single article defined citizenship of
the United States. The second lays down a
basis of representation. The third is in the
] following words: No person shall be a
| Senator or Representative in Congress, or
! elector Of President or Vice President, or
| hold any Office, civil or military, under the
United States, or any State, who, having
previously taken an oath as a member of
Congress- or as an officer Of the United
States, or as a member Of any State Legis-
lature, or as an executive or Judicial officer
Of any State, 10 support the Constitution Of
the United States, shall have been engaged
in rebellion against the same, or given aid
and comfort to the enemies thereof. But
Congress may, by vote of two-thirds Of
each House remove such disability"
The effect Of each of these utterly discon-
nected propositions is made to depend upon
the acceptance or rejection of the whole. 1t
seems incredible that those who insisted up
on thus connecting them could have expect
ed that they would be ratified. The South
ern people, after following their political
leaders into the late struggle, and sharing
the risk Of their fate through four years Of
terrible war, are called upon te aid in their
prescription. Whatever punishment their
leaders may deserve at the hands of the Gov
eminent, it is unintelligible that statesmen
should have dreamed Of asking their asso-
ciates and followers to iniiict that punish
Ill l.
Of lasting disgrace, more terrible than any
which the Government itself is authorized
to impose. II, in the midst of their errors.
the people of the South retain the ordinary
fidelity Of comrades in arms to each other,
the common sentiment Of honor which rules
all c9mpanionship, they will not voluntarily
desert the men whom they have voluntarily
and steadily followed amid so many perils. |
They will not except this third section Of |
the amendment, and they are forbidden to |
accept the other without it. We believe |
that the only effect of such a proposition |
will be prolonged exclusion of the South |
from the practice Of self-government and the |
training Of patriotism.
But, IL they could be persuaded or con- |
strained to accept it, we are at a loss to per-
ceive the benefit 10 be derived from it. be- |
cause no act Of Congress, or anything con |
tanned in the proposed amendments, gives |
any pledge or assurance that the adoption of |
those amendments will secure the admission |
Of loyal representatives from the Southern |
States (now excuded) or the recognition Of |
their constitutional relations to the Govern
ment of the United States. The preamble /
and resolutions adopted in the case of Ten
nessee do not commit Congress TO the resto-
ration of the Union, should their example |
be followed at once by every other seeded
State.
1t is evident from the course pursued by
the extreme men who urge these amend
ments and from tie sentiments enunciated /
by them, that it is their fixed purpose-even
if these amendments be adopted-tO still
insist upon the political equality Of the col
ored race as a condition precedent to adj
hitting loyal representatives from the South
ern States lately in rebellion.
The partisans of these conditions attempt
to excite the indignation and alarm of the
country by declaring that the re-admission Of
the South without them Is an abandonment
of all the dear-bought fruits Of the war. 1t
is not for the soldiers and sailors Of that
war TO shrink from being wise, lest they
should be suspected Of insulting the graves
of their comrades and forgetting the OBJ
INtAh AOI NAlNlA AilN1 hNAtNANA ~ AAANAAs AhNg
know that there is a progress in the life of
this nation, and that there is n GoD who ami
mates that life; and they hold that fear TO
be as infidel as it is cOwardly. Nations
never die in their adolescence. The man
hood which this people has vindicated in
war will not sicken and perish in peace
TIE South cannot, If it would, cast of the |
obligations Of events aud undo the good |
that has been done. Il has shared already, /
and, by law as irresistible as time, must con-
tinue 20 share, the common development Of |
this season Of quick growth. The North, |
with its sense OF Justice, its faith in true |
Democracy, its vigOr and industries, its great |
population and wealth, will inevitably rule /
this land. But it will secure and bene6- |
cially exercise that rule only by the same /
process which governs all true civilization /
not by force.
II fear is entertained that the Southern |
people may have been insineere in what |
they have done toward instruction, and de- |
sire admission TO the national councils that !
they may undo il and repudiate our national |
debt, is a continued exclusion, by means Of |
proposed amendments which will not be rati- |
fed, a remedy for that evil temper? Their |
exclusion cannot be, this people will not /
suffer il to be, lasting; and they will return
at last without these conditions, but still less /
inclined 10 patriotism and good faith. They |
are Americans, and they have at least the |
weakness common TO the nation; and TO /
them, as it would be 70 US, exclusion from
the Union and from complete seli-gOven- |
ment is disorganiEation, political and social.
The freedmen among them and the rest Of
the nation must suffer by everything which |
demoralizes their condition and be benefit |
ed by everything which elevates it.
Bat we do not believe the people Of the |
South will violate the good faith which they |
have pledged to Us. In the National Union !
Convention at Philadelphia more than three |
hundred Southern delegates, holding inhuen- |
entail positions at home, claiming 20 repre- |
sent, and, as we believe, actually represent
ing, constituencies who can make good their |
promises, cordially co-operated with the |
North in pledging that Convention and the |
people that the public debt Of the United |
States should forever remain sacred that |
the insurrectionary debt should not be paid, |
and that the rights Of the freedmen should |
he protected. We believe that the men who |
made the pledges will keep them. But es- |
pecially as soldiers, who know the character
Of their late opponents, We believe that the !
soldiers OF the South, men who have endured |
SO hravely and constantly the trials and pri-