The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-12-13

ernments, erected by the President, repub-
lican In iormP A large majority of the people
in some Of these States deny that they are,
and appeal to be delivered from them. Con-
gress must necessarily decide the question.
Mr.. Madison's theory contemplates the
guarantee to the States of their existing re-
publican forms of government, or Of other
republican forms of government which they
may choose to substitute therefor. This will
do very well as far as it goes; but 1t Is very
evident that the Constitution also covers the
case of a subversion of a republican form oil
government in any State by foreign power
or by the people themselves. Ii Great Bri-
tain were to seize upon the State of Maine,
for instance, and, subverling its republican
form of government, were to erect an aristo-
cratic or despotic form in its stead, and were
to hold it in that condition for FIVE years, and
the United States were then to reconquer II,
does anybody doubt that we should have the
right to institute republican form Of gov
ernment there? If the same State were itself
to become so enamored of royalty as to cut
into monarchy, and maintain that form OF
government by arms for five years, does any
one doubt that, upon conquering and over
throwing that monarchy, we should have the
right to reconstruct the State Of Maine, and
guarantee republican form of government
to il? ...t
Thirdly. Our correspondent, though evil
dently not inclined to be superficial poll
tician," is certainly not posted in regard
to the early history of the country, when he
asserts that in not one of the old thirteen
States could free negroes exercise the right
of suffrage. On the contrary, at the time of
the ratification of the Articles Of Confedera-
ton, free negroes in .fue of the States land
New Jersey was one of them) possessed the
franchise of electors on equal terms with
other citizens; and by these Articles free
negroes were made citizens of the United
States. 1t is true that slavery then prevailed
in all the States, but it was almost upiver-
sally condemned, and looked upon as q tenn
poIary and vanishing institution.
Fourthly. 1t may be difficult to determine
to oCh9t entent State may deprive its citi-
zens of equal rights, and still maintain
republican form of government. But there
must be some limit. A State which distran-
chises very small portion of its citizens
may, perhaps, on the principle of de mintmis
non curdtur, have republican form ofgovern-
ment; but one that should disiranchise a
large majority Of them, could hardly be said
to have such form of government There
can be no such things as the people ruling
themselves, the rule OF the majority,
the people making their own laws, etc.
elements which would seem to be
essential to a republican form of government
where majority of the people are de-
prived of political power. The established
rule of the minority is the essence of aristo-
cracy. We hold that the Declaration of In
dependence and the preamble to the Consti-
tuition euunciate the true principles Of a
republican form of government.
Filthy. The Republican party seeks to
establish equal rights among all the citizens
of our common country. Grant the fullest
scope 10 its most radical members, and they
would do nothing more than to make all men
equal before the ld,o. If this shall invoke
upon us any Nemesis" it will certainly not
be that one (which never yet OF human wrong
left the unbalanced SCALE" We hold that the
country has not much to fear from party
against which the grayest charge its enemies
can bring is, that it would establish universal
justice and equal rights. We hold that, in
the existing state of affairs, Congress not only
has the right, but is by the Cons titution SOL
emnly bound, to institute in the late Rebel
States republican forms of government; and
that in so dong, and only in so doing, will
essential justice be done.