The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-10-01
THE POLITICAL WORLD.
the GREAT QUESTION or The DAY.
THE US URPATIoN,
A POWERFUL DOCUMENT.
m the Atlantic Monthly for ootsber.

From the Atlantic Monthly for OctSber.
There are three passions TO which public men
are especially exposed-fear, hatred, and ambi-
uon. MIR. johnson is the victim and slave of
all; and, unhappily for himself, and unfortu.
nately for the country, there is no ground for
hope that he will ever free himself from their
malign influence.
II is a common report, and common report
founded upon the statements of those best ac-
quainted with the President, that he lives in
continual fear of personal harm, and that he
anticipates hostile Congressional action in an
attempt TO impeach him and deprive him OF his
office. he best OF all men knows whether he IS
justly liable to impeachment; and he ought to
know that Congress cannot proceed to impeach
HIM, unless the ohenses misdemeanor5
CHARGED and proved are of such gravity as to
justify the proceeding in the eyes of the country
and the world.
There is nothing vindictive or harsh in the
American character. The iorbearauce of the
American people is a subject of wonder, if it is
not theme for encomium. They have assented
TO the pardon OF many OF the most prominent
Rebels; they have seen the authors of the war
restored to citizenship, to the possession OF their
property, and even to the enjoyment Of patron
age and power In the Government; and finally,
they have been compelled, through the policy
of the President, TO submit to the dictation, and
in some sense to the control of the men whom
they so recently met and vanquished upon the
field OF battle. The testimony of Alexander H.
Stephens everywhere suggests, and in many
particulars exactly expresses, the policy of the
President.
Mr.. Stephens asserts that the States recently
In rebellion were always entitled to representa-
ton in the Congress Ut the United States; and
Mr.. johnson must accept the same posi-
ton; for if the right were once lost, it is
impossible to suggest how or when it was re-
gained. 1t Is also known that while the john
Sherman negotiations were pending, Mr..
Davis received written opinions from two or more
persons who were then with him, and acting as
members of his Cabinet, upon the very question
in dispute between Congress and Mr.. johnson
the rights OF the then rebellious States in the
Government of the United States These OPT
mons set up and maintained the doctrine that the
Rebel States would be at once entitled to repre-
sentation in the government of the country
upon the ratification or adoption of the pending
negotiations. 1t may not be just to say that the
President borrowed his policy from Richmond; (;
but it is both just and true to say that the lead
ers OF the Rebellion have been incapable OF sug-
gesting public policy more advantageous to
themselves than that which he has adopted.
The President knows that the people have been
quiet and impartial observers of these proceed
ings; that the House of Representatives has
never in public session, nor in any of its eau
cuses or committees, considered or proposed any
measure looking to his impeachment.
The grounds OF his fear are known only to
himself; but its existence exerts a controlling
influence over his private and public conduct.
Associated with this fear, and probably spring
ing from it, is an intense hatred of nearly all
the recognized leaders of the party by which he
was nominated and elected to office. Evidence
upon this point is not needed. He has exhibited
it in manner and to a degree more uncom-
Portable to his friends than to his enemies in
nearly every speech that he has made, com
mencing with that delivered on the 22d of Feb
ruary last.
Superadded to these passions, which promise
so much OF woe to Mr.. johnson and to the
country, is an inOrdinate, unscrupulous, and
unreasonlng ambition. To one theme the Presi-
dent is always constant-to one idea he is
always true-"He has filled every office, from
that of alderman OF village TO the Presidency
of the United States" He does not forget, nor
l0n, 1o.N knnx In
some form of language, and in nearly every
speech he assures his countrymen that he either
is, or ought to be, satisfied with this measure OF
success. But have not his own reflections, or
some overland friend, suggested that he has
never been elected President OF the United
States aud that there yet remains the attain
ment of this one object of ambition?
Inauguration day, 1865, will be regarded as
one OF the saddest days in American annals
We pass over its incidents; but it was fraught
with an evil suggestion to our enemies, and II
must have been followed by arm conylctloL
in the mind of Mr.. johnson that he could moi
thereafter enjoy the confidence OF the mass Of
the Republican party OF the country. He lore
saw that they would abandon him, and he there
fore made hot haste to abandon them. And
indeed il must be confessed that there wa
scarcely more inconsistency in that coarse OF
his part than there would have been in con
tlnuing his connection with the men VINO ma!
elected him. HIS nomination to the Vice-Presi
dency was an enthusiastic tribute to his Uniol
sentiments; beyond knowledge OF these, tn
Convention neither had nor desired TO have an.
information.
Mr.. johnson was and is a Union man; but h
was not an anti-slavery man upon principle. II
was Southern State rights man. He looke
upon the national Government as necessity
and the exercise OF any powers on its part as
danger His political training was peculiar
He had carried on a long war with saveholders
but he had never made war upon slavery. ii
belonged to the poor white class. In his oW
language, he was plebeian. The Shareholder
were the patricians. He desired that all tn
white men of Tennessee, especially, and of tn
whole South, should be Of one class-an siay
holders--all patric1ans, If that were possible
and ne himself, for time, became one. Fai
ing in this, he was satisfied when all becam
non-slaveholders, and the patrician class cease
TO exist. Hence, as far as Mr.. Johnsons opinion
and purposes are concerned, the war has accon
plished everything for which it was undertaken
Tie Union has been preserved. and the patr
clan class has been broken down.
Naturally, Mr.. johnson is satisfied. On tn
one hand he has no sympathy with the oplnlo
that the negro is man and ought to be a cit
zen, and that he should be endowed with th
rights of a man and a citizen; and, on the oth(
hand he shares not in the desire OF the North
limit the representation OF the South so th
there shall be equality among the white men
the country. He is anxious rather to increai
the political strength of the South. He tea
the growing power of the North. The same a
prehenson which drove Calhoun into nullldc
tlon, and Davis, stephens, and others into +
bellion and civil war, now impels Mr.. JOhnsC
10 urge the country to adopt his policy, whiC
secures to the old slaVeholding States an eigh
OF the political power of the nation, TO whiC
they have no just title whatever. TO the Nor
This is a more fragrant political injustice thi
was even the institution of slavery. He on
expressed equal hostility towards Massachuset
and South Carolina, and desired that tn
should be cut off from the main land and lash
toeether in the wide ocean.
The President appears 70 oe fecOhcheu