The home journal. (Winchester, Tenn.) 1858-188?, 1866-11-24


England States. whose rclnti @ c1nsc.
quencc in the Union depends upon a
compromise which cannot constitution
ANY philosophically or logically be
distinguished from the one which the
proposed amendment is designed to
abolish ? Clearly we should be the latest
to consent to abandon any Of the Con-
stitusional compromises for representa-
ton, or prepare the way to pure popu-
lar representation. Even if we could
do this under strictly Constitutional
form it would bohoove US to deliberate
coolly, and guard carefully our steps.
Bat to day, By the second section Of
tie Gme dment, We are called upon to
abolish one of the two great representa-
tive compromises Of the Constitution,
to lead the way next assault on un-
equal representation, hastily in the
heat ofthe still swelling passions of
war, without allowing the parties most
interested even hearing. and by apro-
ccss involving precedent which will
furnish any tuturc majority pretcXt
To drive from their seats in Congress
the Senator's and Representative of any
State whose "practical relations" do
not please them, until the excluded
States are forced to adopt any dictated
amendment, be it never 50 bitter to the
minority.
Gentlemen, | have striven to sketch
some, and some only. Of the reason,
why we of New England should regard
this amendment Us a Trojan horse, out,
wardly pledge of new peace and as
surod victory, but holding concealed in
its belly the means for our speedy over
throw. May we not ask what are the
great blessings we may anticipate from
il? ~ o Section Onc--to offset our
peril suppose no one greatly cares
about it, rs il is already law, and no one
wants to repeal it. My only objection
to tiff it has no hidden mcaning--is
that this brandishing Of high sounding
statutes before peoples eyes has q ten
dcncy to make them think they have
done all their duty. Saying q man
shall have certain rights by no means
insurcs his getting them. And freed
men will be treated AS we'll as trcemcn
when public opinion cnforces what
Congress would make organic, and not
before, Constitution no Con~tituioN.
The second section besides the ohioc
ton which have touched upon already
rs affecting more pcculiarl y the small
States, is, in my mind, obnoxious to Il
much graver general criticism besides
several minor ones. Indeed, unless !
am mach mistaken, none would so
heartily dep!o:c its passage aS the very
nen who pretend to supsort it most
heartily. For they know that cyentu-
ally it would all greatly 20 the poiiyi-
cal strength of the South, and they
would Immediately be driven 10 insist
on new conditions to still exclude the
South.
/ For, gentlemen, it is not The plan TO
restore the territorial States even il
/ they pass this handcuT over their own
hand. but then we have it already
freely proclaimed by every leading Re-
! publican Congressman and every in
fuential Republican paper that new
catalogue o! constitutional guarantees,
beginning with negro sugrage and the
Impeachment of the President. and end
ing the Lor. knows where, but we may
suppose in the Dictatorship of Major
General Benjamin +. Butler and the
general good time coming isto be
produced.
But wha; docs that second section
mean. 1t says if the right Of any per
son. stc., to vote is '' in any way aorilg-
.i and the same words occur in the
lirst section, what does abridged "
mean mere in law? Is mans right to
vote abridged by requiring II poll tax
"a 4 condition precedent Does our
law requiring q man to reside in the
State q year anl III the town six months
abridse MS right? Do the selectmcn
who refuse they votes Of the i!itcratc,
and the marEsman abrdge this right =!
Surely, one thing is certain, it offers a
direct premium upon voters irrcspec-
tive Of quality. No limitation, howcy-
cr wholesome, Of Tie ballot, can with
stand it. Now, gentlemen, in my hum-
bic judgment, the success or failure OF
Our future career depends largely upon
the dissemination OF the great theory
Of intelligence ss the Law of suil'rage,-
After much tribulatlon we have cs-
tablished it upon our statute book, and
now even our small experiment must
fail, while the great States Of the South
will be bribed by "a large balance OF
gain or loss of political power to ad
init the slaves to suffrage. Ii, after
pass ng the amendment they exclude
/ the freedmen, they lose representa-
ton equivalent to three litths of theil
numbcr after 1870. lfthey admit then
all to vote, then they gain two-iiith:
even above what they now have.
Once admitted in this way and it vii
never become the interest OF the graa
landowners to educate or elevate tn
blacks. So far rs the landlord is con
cerncd the more ignorant the lahore
the less his master need concern him
self to control his vote, which follow
the land. And even worse, we tax
away from the negro the inducencn
to elevation which the consciousness
that his political privileges depended
upon his knowledge would give him.-
For do you suppose that the dominant
white class at the South will for Il cen
tury find it difficult to cast themselves
the votes OF the blacks? II you think
80 YOU are wilfully blind to the teach
ings of all times aud lands, and the
working OF human nature. Look q,
England. With free frame of gov
ernment, based as at the South, npor
an aristocraiic ownership of land, bu
where for hundreds OF years capital ha:
a l..l. l.... A A.