New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1866-01-16

$ HAS HV speGiat acqualItdhce.i ANY Uouy tnd
accepts the radical premises might perhaps com
to radical conclusions; but they would inevitabl
be wrong conclusions, for the simple reason tha
4 the premises are wrong. If Mr.. Bright was le
away by false information, it is only what ha
often before happened to many man just as wis
as he. But if he knows nothing about negroes
and about the true needs of Southern society, AM
j consequently falls into Iudicrons error when HI
|. attempts to discuss those topics, he eertainl,
/ does know a good deal about trade and the law
of trade aud therefore he is very apt to be RICH
, when be gives an opinion on those subjects
Il What is amusing now is to see the contempt witt
which the radical protectionist organs now recev,
the counsel of the man who, a very short tint
ago, they declared to be only little inferior tt
theprophets. If we, in this part Of the country
have little for which to thank Mr. Bright as to his
# connection with American politics, we can now
Il applaud him the more warmly that he tries to
Il promulgate correct principles on subject which
is rapidly assuming vast interest and Importance.
-4pfopos Of this point, we find in our exchanges a
very late letter from Mr.. Bright on the subject of
| s Protection which appears to be addressed to
some inquiring American who wanted to arm
| TEN with the weight of some powerful and recog-
ROCHESTER, Dec.32, 1865.
Dear Sri do not recoHect any paper directly
bearing on the question Of wages. The fallaey
was made great use of in our movement for the
repeal of the Corn Laws--lionestly by some men
and dishonesty by others. The real arr ument
against il lis this: Free trade always means great
/ trade, and great trade always means a great de-
mand for labor and this always means and necessi-
tates high rate ofwages. At this moment wages
are higher thanat any former period in this conr-
try-than at any period at least, within our recol-
lection. 1t is SO through all our manufacturing
districts although the length Of the days labor is
much shorter 1t is SO also with farm laborers.
In many counties their wages have risen from rs
/ to so per cent. since 1916, when our agricultural
industry was subjected to the competition of all
the world.
n the purchase Of many articles, particularly in
their clothing. Americans and Englishmen going
from England to America now supply themselves
with Clothing to last them for years they buy it
for about hall the price it would costin the States
and thus withdraw their trade from the American
manufacturers and escape the payment of the ex-
travagant duties in the American ports.
Protection to the manufacturers of iron and
cloth IN America may, and doubtless will, enrich
some of them; but it is by contribution from the
whole people to those engaged in these particular
branches Of industry This system will encourage
the Investment Of capital in the protected trades
and it will tend to deaden industry and invention
in those States; and whatever is gained on the one
hand is far more than lost on the other.
When the tariff question is fairly before the
american people, the truth will be discovered.
They may consent to moderate tariff for revenue
on all great articles of import by which ncidently
some protection may be nnavodably afforded to
some branches Of manufacture; but they will not
long consent to sustain branches of industry too
feeble TO sustain themselves out of the taxes not
levied for the service of the government but ex-
tofted from them by the protective allacy for the
exclusive benefit Of manufacturers, forming small
portion of their whole population
bn pu1hn nior That
pfoht, i any, given to the iron masters and manu-
!acturers does not go to their workmen. 1t may
increase the dividends Of the companies or cor
pela.lons butit does not sensibly raise the wages
u thelr wofklnen; for the wages of their Workmen
are AZ, determined by the general rule of labor
throughout all the States and not affected in
any important or measurable degree by the profits
made by the various manufacturing corporations. |
II there be profit in protection or monopoly, ana
there often il, the wOrkmans share is none at all
Or 50 little as to be imperceptible. A corporation
working very important patent pays no more
wages to workmen than neighboring corporation
carrying on q trade not protected by patent and
whilst monopoly may enrich those who possess and
enjoy " 1t cannot affect advantageously the inter
ests and wages OF the workmen. Theworkman's
safety and success depends upon the extent of
trade and the greatness of the demand for labor
and far above any possible interest they can have
I speak OF the whole body of workmen in the
United states, or any otherc ountry in any special
to any trade, or in the fostering ana
pampering Of any particular manufacture, Is the
great interest they have in that perfect freedom of
trade which creates the greatest demand for labor
and gives the highest value to their skill and in.
Y u interesting to the old fallacy, once SO
potent In this country, now dead and buried in |
nope ana pehef forever, reappearing with new
ilie IN the United States, land where the super
stltions Of old Europe have not generally found
congenial home.
Happily for the Americans, this question Of free
1raae y not mixed Up, as ours was, with great
pontical question aud with the supposed supre-
macy Of powerful territorial and aristocratic
class They will find out the truth sooner than
our people did and they will be able to discuss il
Tree from many circumstances which were formid.
able difficulties in our way.
All the countries in Europe are tending ia free |
dom Of trade, and all good and wise men rejoice |
At ". It will be strange, indeed if America fore
most OF all the world in the knowledge and pos. |
session , ana practice OF political freedom, should
be last in discovering the priceless value OF free.
dom OF industry, which may be fairly termed The |
scharter of freedom to the millions Of workmen
2 every country where industry is free.
am, very truly, yours,
This letter has been very extensively copied in
he West, and we presume it will have some in
hence IN arousng proper spirit Of inquiry and /
directing that inquiry to the real points at issie
tbs unfortunate that the present necessity for an
immense revenue gives the protectionists the ad.
antage Of the concession on the part Of the pub
q Of the expediency of q tariff system as a
nancials measure for the moment that this con
essinn is made the monopolists are sure to devote
very energy to the task of usurping its benefits
% themselves The public mind is, however,
specially in the West, awakening to perception
4 the truth that revenue tariff cannot be 4 pro
asuse tariff, because to the extent that it is pro
1--we, must be restrictive, and to the extent
NAV = restrictive it must diminish imports, and
decrease the revenue. Hence we
ase getting back u the starting point-which is
~ proper system the production Of wealth be.
ng q lssue.iree trade protectiong That oues.
t,on has really been long settled ia Eurape and
mat il has not been settled in this eoun,rx WI
Y not very favorable commentary 81 our haastaa
and superiority !
RED jacket BITTEss. Country dealers IA - !
Red Jacket Bitters viii find ia our aaver,;s,s.
Columns list of wholesale grocers and slnar;.,s
silo are supplied with the article and sel q IA
same price as sfessrs Gray & Norris. the cbef
gents at this point for the sale of the artsle ana
rho, by the way, have taken stems to ,ecI'ye ' y
uii supply Tor the market hereafter