Cleveland daily leader. [volume] ([Cleveland, Ohio]) 1865-1873, 1866-02-27


store civil government just as sooh as th
rebellion should be thoroughly ended an
those conditions accepted by the soutl
which were to be regarded as absolutel
necessary To the peace Of the country.
The proper system of pacification shoul
be one which every way when 10 stimu
a late the loyalty of the South, rather than {
: impose upon them laws and conditions bydi
rect external force. Thus, in the case Of th
: Freedmen's Bureau he was not against th
I idea of the bureau in toto, for he had uset
it and was still usiug it., It might eontinu
for period Of more than year, yet he ha,
contemplated that either by proclamation
of his own, or by some action Of Congress
the condition of peace technically and th,
end of the rebellion would probably be de
elared at some period not very remote, and
as he understood the present law, the Bu-
reau might continue one year from that
time, while he could say to the Southerners;
IL dedends upon yourselves 10 say whether
the Bureau shall be discontinued at an
earlier day, for l viii put an end to it just
as soon as you, for the protection Of the
freedmen, make it unnecessary. Thus
the hope of getting rid of the institu-
ton stimulates them 10 do right,
whilst they are not discouraged by the idea
there is no hope of riddanee TO what they
regard as sort Of military government II,
on the other hand, the bureau were made
| permanent by legislation, ali the objections
/ he had urged in his message applied in full
ioiee to it, and instead of encouraging the
south to loyalty it would tend 10 make their
hate Of the government inveterate.
The same principle of stimulating their
loyalty was shown in the manner he had
held martial law over them. Whenever
they should shcw that martial law was
not needed, it should be removed.
Their own conduct would thus deter
mine the matter, and the desire and
interest of all the best people be in
creased to obey the laws, because bv so
doing they would hasten the withdrawal of
interference of the military arm in their
affairs.
In precisely the same way he had acted
in regard to civil affairs generally in that
section, regarding it as necessary TO insist
on conditions of the rebelliOus States which
would guarantee the safety of the country,
and regarding their existing affairs of local
governments as having disqualified them
selves by their treason for continuance in
power, he deposed them and estab-
Eshed provisional government. Then he
asked himself what conditions ought to be
demanded Ofthem, and how their disposition
to accept them in good faith might be sim
ulated. Conditions, namely: The amendment
OF the Constitution excluding slavery; the
acceptance of the amendment ofthe Consti-
tuition of the United States the reputation
of the rebel debt and admission of the
freedmen to various rights, &C. To stimu-
late them to accept these conditions, being
such as using his best judgment, and in the
absence of any Congressional plan he
thought the nearest right of any he could
frame, he engaged that on their acceptance
with evidence of good faith he would per-
NIT them to reorganize their State govern
ment, elect legislatures, &C., and so far as
executive acts could do would restore them
to their position in the Union of States.
They had so far accepted his conditions
that he regarded the experiment a success
He had accordingly reorganized the post
office department among them, he'd reopeued
trade and removed restrictions thereon
through the Treasury Department, and in
like manner in all executive departments
recognized them as States in the Union,
only keeping enough military hold to pro-
tect the freedmen and to induce them to do
something more thorough in that direction.
Now but one thing remained in which those
States did not exercise the full rights of
States, and that was representation in
Congress. In this he had advised that
the same principle of stimulating loyalty
be applied as in other respects, namely,
He would admit only such Representatives
as are in fact loyal men, giving satisfactory
evidence of this. Whenever a State or dis
dii IfeRt aa 1pyal I men properly elected and
them, the same as from any other State, and
he would admit none but such loyal men.
so that the other States or districts mightbe
thus induced 10 elect and send similar men,
When they had ell done this their repre-
sentation would be full and the work would
be done.
such was his plan. He did not ask to be
Judge reflections and qualifications of mem
bers of Congress, or of their loyalty. Con-
gress was its own judge and he had no desire
to interfere with its constitutional rights,
but he felt like urging upon them and upon
the country that this mode of finishing the
work so nearly completed in other respects
was the only feasible one which had been
and that it was impossible to ig-
more the fact that the States were exercising
their rights and enjoying their privileges
within the Union, were, in short restored,
in all other respects, and that it
was too late to question the fundamental
right of representation. l then remarked
to him that 1 heard it suggested that legis-
Iation could properly be made by Congress
prrely civil in its character providing for
the protection of freedmen by the L. S.
courts of inferior jurisdiction in cases when
that such an idea would run exactly parallel
to his plan, but he had not thought it yet
time to fix his own ideas Of pre-
else mode of accomplishing this, and be-
cause we had margin of time lasting till
after the next session of Congress, during
which time the Freedmen's Bureau could
continue in operation, and if before that
time the Southern States should recognize
the necessity of passing proper laws them
selves and providing a proper system OF
protection for the freedmen nothing fur
ther on our part would be necessary: II
they did not do what they ought there
would then be time enough to elaborate.
He then referred briefly TO the fact that.
men who have been rejoicing over his veto
message, saying that if these men in
good faith adopted views of his policy he
had himself held and acted upon, and which
he had so fully elaborated in his annual
message, and explained to the country,
surely could have no cause for sorrow in
that. If disloyal men and rebels every
where, north and south, should cordially
give their adherence to conditions Of resto-
ration he had infrmly insisted upon he
thought that was precisely the kind Of pa
eifeation the loyal men everywhere would
rejoice in. The more they were committed
to such course, the better he would like it.
for if they were not sincere they would
at least diminish their power of dangerous
opposition in future. His whole heart was
with the body of true men who had carried
the country through the war, and he earn
estly desired TO maintain the cordial and
perfect understanding with them. This
sentiment and purpose he regarded as en-
tirely consistent with the determined oppo-
sition obstruction policy of those ex-
tremists who, as he believed, would
keep the country in chaos till a0-
solute ruin might come upon US. Such
my dear sir, is the statement Of the PresiT
dent on this important matter, and Il you
could meet his straightforward, honest lace
and hear the hearty tones Of Ms voice as
did. | am well assured you could oeleVe
with me that although he may not receive
personal assaults with the foi bearance Mr..
Lincoln used to show, there is no need to
fear that Andrew johnson is not sincere in
his adhesion to the principles upon which
he was elected.
Very truly yours,
[Signedl j. D. Cox
Mr.. Beecher has discovered a joke in
the recent action of the President, and he
proceeded in Brooklyn en- Thursday to