Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1866-04-06

maue q great mistake IN taxing up arms
against the Government of the United
States.
The people of the South ought to un-
derstand, if they do not, that if the war is
ever renewed by them, nothing will salts
fly the people of the loyal States short Of
complete subjugation--perhaps extermina-
ton. But, sir, l think considerations Of
sound policy, of justice, and of humanity
dictate that we should avoid all unneces-
sary causes of irritation, and seek rather
to conciliate than to increase or keep alive
the feelings of hatred and discomfort which
the war has left behind. But, sir, it is the
duty of the Government to provide for its
future safety, and insist upon such meas
ures as will secure to every American cit
izen the natural rights of life, liberty, and
property, in all the States. If any citizen
of Ohio chooses to go into South Carroll
ma, or Mississippi, or any other State, for
pleasure, for business, or for permanent
settlement his rights must be respected
and protected. If the State authorities
refuse or are unable to protect them against
unlawful combinations of any kind, then
the people of that State should be de-
clared to lin state ofinsurrection against
the National Government, and treated ac-
cordingly. The people of the loyal States
will never again submit to the indignities
and outrages which were perpetrated upon
the Northern people at the South previous
to the war. A repetition of these wrongs
will most assuredly lead to another civil
war more terrible than the one we have
just passed through. The people of the
South should be made to understand this.
If the Constitution of the United States
does not now confer upon the National
Government the power to provide against
such outrages upon the rights of Ameri-
can citizens, which l think it does, then l
say it is the duty of Congress and the
President to insist upon such an amend
ment as will confer that power. 1t is for
the interest of all the people, North and
South, that the national government should
have that power, and in my opinion, it is
absolutely necessary to prevent another
civil war. l have already said that the
Government was bound to protect the
rights of the loyal white people and the
loyal colored people of the South, for q
Government which either cannot or will
not protect those who sustain it, when in
peril, is not worth fighting for.
Now, sir, were perfectly sure that all
these rights would be respected and pro-
tected by the Southern people l would
vote to-day for restoring them to their
practical relations with the Government
of the United States and to the control of
their State and local affairs, without ask
ing them for but a single amendment to
the Constitution, and that would be upon
the subject of apportioning representation.
Much has been said, Mr.. Speaker, about
this being a white mans Government, and
it is substantially white mans Govern
ment, and must always remain so, if
universal suffrage were granted to the col
ored man as well as the white man, it
would nevertheless remain the white mans
Government, for it is impossible that five
million colored people could control thir-
ty million white people, or have much in
fluence in the Government; and the pro-
portion of colored people to the white
must rapidly decrease on account of the
large immigration of white people to this
country. According to the census of 1860
only two States-South Carolina and Mis-
sissippi-had more colored than white
people; and if the people of those States
are wise in the future they will soon have
a preponderance of white people. If this
is to continue to be exclusively a white
mans Government then say that none
but white men should be represented in
Congress or have any influence in the
election of President. All white men
should have an equal voice. There is
great injustice in allowing the vote of one
white man in Mississippi to be equal to
two white men in Ohio in electing the
President of the United States and men,
bers of Congress. | think white citizen
of Ohio is as good as white citizen Of
Mississippi or any other State, and shall
insist upon his vote having as much pow
er in the National Government, notwith-
my Democratic colleagues, Mes
srs. F1EcK and LIZ BLOND, judging from
their votes, still cling to their old party
doctrine, that one Southern man is equal
to two of their constituents. But sir, if
they will put that issue fairly to their con-
think they will hardly find
them consenting to that doctrine.
The provision to the Constitution which.
gave the slave States representation for
three-6fths of their slaves, was a conces=
sion to the Save aristocracy against the
people of the free States. 1t was, in fact,
a representation for property, and had no
more foundation in justice than to give
representation for horses and cattle. Now
that slavery is abolished, that provision of
the Constitution ought to fall with it.
My own opinion is, that representation
should be founded solely upon voters. It
is the only principle which will place all
voters upon an equality. 1t is mistake
to say that voter represents anybody but
himself. He may or may not agree in
political sentiment with females or others
whom he is supposed to represent, but lie
only represents himself in the republican
sense of representation. | know several
instances where husbands were bitter cop
perheads and their wives were devoted
and active supporters of the Union cause.
Did these husbands represent their wives
when they voted for Vallandigham for
Governor of Ohio? / am willing to let
the noble and patriotic wives answer this
question for themselves. l am none the
less favorable to this basis of representa-
tion because l understand it to be favored
by the President; on the contrary, that is
to my mind an additional reason why we
should give it favorable consideration.
Looking at all sides of this question,
Mr.. Speaker, my mind is forced to the
conclusion that the especial friends of ne