The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1866-01-24
Congress To-day-The President.

The telegraph brings us the lnloIluhtioh III" y
the Radicals are changing Mr.. STEVENS 8 pro-
posed constitutional amendment 50 rs to pre-
vent the Southern States from requiring pro-
perty or educational qualification OF the
negroes before allowing them to become voters.
As we have remarked in another article, 1t is
useless for us of the South TO enter any pro-
tests or complaints against these persistent
efforts TO humiliatc the whites recently Ill
rebellion" 1t is not impossible, how
ever, that the measures thus initiated
for the punishment of this section VIII
result i'm the destruction of the Republican
party. The great State of New York requires
Il property qualification in black voters. In
diana does not allow free negroes from other
States even the privilege of residing within her
limits, much less the right of voting. In Ohio
and Illinois, ineradicable prcJudices against
the negro az Il voter whatever the politicians
NAV think of him rs Il basis for political CAPT
tai Indeed, the antipathy of the white for
the black race is more prevalent in the North
than the South : and nothing but the intense
love of the Union which the war has developed
in the former sections could have induced its
people to look with favor upon agitators for
negro equality with the whites III political
rights.
In view, however, of the fact that these
Radical measures are likely 10 be adopted by
Congress, it is natural for the South to ''look
to the President and learn, If possible, how
he is affected towards us. The most credible
because the most carefully prepared-state-
ment of his opinions which we have seen is TO
be found in the following Washington letter
! to the Cincinnati Gazette, which letter the
| National IateHigeRcer good authority intro
duces Us follows:
"The author of the following letter is so
| we'll known that it is hardly necessary to say
| that he is an intense Radical but exhibits III
! all his writings disposition 10 see thllss us
! they are and not as he would have them'
| Besides he has the requisite force ana Keen
| ness of intellect to state accurately what the
| President did say, while superficial minds
| seek TO infer from the phraseology IDEAS 10
| square with their own.
ruypREsIDEyT AND COSGRBss-ACTHENTIc STATE
MBNTs ORION WRITTEN REcoRDs) OF WHAT THE
PRESIDENT SAYS.
Special Correspondence of the Cincinnati Gazette.
WAsHIyGToS, January Ill have not been
swift to rush into print with CARRIED state
ments OF what the President said 10 Senator
smith and Representative Jones, las retailed
by them on the ayenue) concerning his rela-
tions to Congress and the existing differences
of policy. have thought 1t more respect1ui
at once to the President and 10 my readers 70
But il is well that the country should under-
stand precisely how the President does talk,
and how the representatives OF the people talk
TO him. If a breach between them Is "ioeh-
ing the country should know who widens II !;
if a disposition to conciliate is shoWn-who
shows it if an indifference TO consequence
! who manifests that. l have therefore taken
| pains to procure correct accounts OF seVerai
recent interviews with the President. Careful
minutes of some We're made at the time, ana 1
am writing with these before me.
WHAT CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS HAVE BEEN
SUGGESTED.
In one case several members, popularity
known as II Radicals, said 10 the President that
if he would be satisfied with constitutional
amendments, basing representation on voters,
making all men equal before the law, except
ing in the matter of suffrage, repudiatlng
rebel debt and guaranteeing national obliga-
tions, they would make an effort TO brlhg the
party in Congress TO an adjustment OF the
reconstruction question on that basis, ana
would even 60 to the length OF admitting Ten,
nessee in advance of all the other States ana
of the general adoption OF this policy by the
South, if she would individually agree ~
these amendments.
EWithout entering into any serious conslue-
ration of their subject matter, the freslaeht
said that he had objections on general
grounds to any constitutional amendments
He had once been in favor OF some himself
and was on the record in their favor put
these were changed times, and the tendency
was too great toward unsettNnS the louhut-
ton of things. These frequent amendments
were calculated TO weaken the force and
solemn sanction of the Constitution, and
make its provisions like the work of town
meetings. As to any propositions for making
the payment of the rebel debt unconstitutional
he considered them unnecessary, and doubted
their propriety. The Southern people were III
no danger Of ever wanting TO pay those DEBTS.
The objections in the South TO their paymen.
would every year grow stronger ana
stronger. How would II look TO PROVIDE
by constitutional amendment that inc
United States debt should not be repuoiateo !
Yet, this would be no more improper than the
other. Furthermore, there was gross ihcoh-
sistency In the proposed mode OF securing
these constitutional amendments. They were
| TO be proposed by Congress from when the
South WAS excluded. Then the rebel States,
who were unfit TO be represented In Congress,
were 10 be considered fit TO ratify a constltu-
| tionai amendment. Ii they were expected, AS
States, to act upon the question of ratifying
| them, they should be permitted, through their
represeD tatiyes in Congress, TO act also in pro.
posing them. In effect, he did not think II
right TO demand the adoption of any constitu-
| tional amendment as a condition of admitting
Southern members to Congress, because those
states were In now and entitled 70 all the
rights OF States.
LEGAL GUARANTEES SUGGESTED.
Perhaps the most generally accepted plan Of
Ye0rsanIx N ticn involves congtltutlonnl amend,