The Baltimore County union. [volume] (Towsontown, Md.) 1865-1909, 1866-05-12
$alto. o.. Auiolt,
Negro SufTrare

Occasionally we see, in the proceedings of po-
litical meetings, resolutions denouncing negro
suffrage and pledging the efforts Of those COM
posing these meetings against it. No doubt the
gentlemen who adopt these resolutions whether
they be Union men or copperheads) mean well,
but really it seems to us like "wasting ammuni-
ton on dead ducks" or, more properly, like
fighting a shadow, something that never had
an existence, nor never will. We do not believe
there are ten native Marylanders in the State who
ever seriously contemplated comforting the right
of voting upon the negro. And we do not envy
the man his principles who could advocate such
! doctrine. 1t is one against which every feeling
of the white man revolts. Give the negro his
freedom let it be understood that hereafter sla-
very is to be found nowhere in all our borders,
but here stop. Social and political equality be-
tween the white and black races is something ac-
tally impossible, and the sooner this is correctly
understood the better Because rebellion was
fostered thereby, and because, in the abstract
view of the question, slavery was wrong, we abol-
ished it butwe can tell the Northern advocates OF
universal suffrage that this scheme can neUer be
consummated upon Maryland SOIL The idea may
be advanced that the negro is capable of self
government, but we of the South, of recent
slave State know better. We know that the
privileges than our laws have already given him,
nor do we look forward to time when he will
be prepared for the exercise of the elective fran
chise. The negro is the white mans inferior, So
cially and politically, and so will remain through
all coming time.
In looking over the columns of the Right Way,
Boston publication, we see notice of the for
nation of Universal Suffrage League" to
advocate the right and expediency of comforting
the privilege of voting upon the blacks-not of
New England, but of the Southern States Now
Maryland, although never identified with the
rebellion, is Southern State; its people very
lately held slaves, but, by their own act, and of
their own free will, they released them from
bondage, and that is as far as they propose to go
in that direction.
The Union party in Maryland, throughout all
the years of the rebellion, has stood firmly up to
the work of sustaining the Government; our
people have cheerfully made all needed sacrifices
and gave the blood of her sons to uphold the
Union but now, when the war is over and re-
beEion conquered, they wish to settle their State
affairs in their own way. They want no dicta-
ton from Congress or from Universal Suffrage
Leagues in New England as to who shall vote
in our State or who shall not, and when the idea
of universal suffrage is advanced, the loyal peo-
pie of Maryland at once want to be known AS its
bitter opponents. The negro race has now all
the rights it can expect; in fact, the "Civil
Rights Bilp' gives The negro many more privie-
ges than is palatabie to Marylanders, and "anoth-
er hair may break the camels back
For ourselves, we claim to be pretty strongly |
Union-for the Government against all oppo-
nents-opposed to rebels and their sympathizers |
under all crcumstances-but we want it distinct |
" understood that we are the enemies now and
forever, of all schemes having for their object
the placing of negroes upon an equality with the
white race We view ours as white mans |
government, and TO keep it so shall be our con-
slant aim. When parties are divided upon this |
issue, Ia contingency, however, which we do not
expect to see very soon, we will be found with
that party advocating the continued supremacy
of the white man, no matter what that party
may be. II