Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-04-17
THE ADDRESS OF THE NATIONAL
JOHNSON CLIIB

| johnson Club. 1t is an able document, and
was prepared, we presume, by the President
of the club, Hon. MONTGOMERY BLAIR of
Maryland, a member, during the whole war;
of Mr.. Lincoln's cabinet, and one of the best
informed public men of the day. 1t is a
forcible and conclusive vindication of Mr..
JoHNsoN's Presidential course on the i'm
| portant questions which are before the coun-
try, and a most damaging arraignment of the
Radical leaders who are thwarting the be-
nefcent work of re-establishing the Govern
ment on its true foundations, and restoring
the alienated affections of the lately divided
sections Its historical citations are opposite
and strongly stated, and the differences drawn
must make deep impression on the mind
of every ingenious reader.
The first proposition is that the object Of
the war was attained in the surrender of the
armies of the rebellion, and that, go instanti,
the revolving States and their people, com
their normal status as States of the United
States, and citizens under the General Gov
eminent, and that no obstacle should be in
terposed to the prompt renewal of all the
relations which grow out of that condition.
The parallel drawn between the New Eng
land secessionists of 1912, in moral alliance
with foreign power then at war with the
Governments portion Of that part of
the Union being then in unresisting and &C
| quiescent possession Of the enemy-and the
people of the insurrectionary States who
were, at the time they passed the Rubicon in
| 1861 and entered upon measures which
could not be retracted, led to believe by the
outgivings of the chief cabinet officer that
negotiations for a separation in peace and
anity" were likely to be opened, is just,
and clearly proves that the one was not
more guilty than the other; and the con-
tinuance of this parallel, contrasting the
treatment which the people in that seditious
and hostile district received from the Gov
eminent at the conclusion Of the war-their
release from the penalties OF their miscon-
duct without the forfeiture of a single right,
State or personal-and the unwise, exacting
and unwarrantable treatment now proposed
for the Southern people should put to blush
the Radical leaders of New England at
least, who are foremost in this illiberal and
ungrateful work.
The argument against the doctrine, that
the civil war has changed the Government
from federation of free and equal States,
to a strong central Government welding in
effect all the real power, is very fcrcible; and
the clear portrayal of theinnumerable evils
which will follow the acceptance and sway
of such a theory is sufficient TO convince
every man having the good of his country
at heart, that it is the highest duty of pa
triotism to sustain the President in his effort
to check the propagation Of such pernicious
teachings.
The review of the late measures which
Mr.. JOHNSON refused to approve, and the
exposure of the merely party aims and pur-
poses of the Radical marplots is keen and
scathing. The extract we append below is
true and vivid picture of the enormities
of the contemplated augmentation of pow
er to the Freedmen's Bureau, which was
defeated by the veto, and of the Civil Rights
law which has been forced upon the coun-
try:
'The Freedmen's Bureau bill proceeded
on confiscatOn OF the lands of the South,
without trial and conviction of the owners,
in violation of the express terms of the
Constitution. 1t established tribunals and
created a municipal code, multitudes of ju-
dicial and executive officers TO execute it,
in derogation of the rights Of the States, and
for the benefit of a whole people to whom
the Courts of the States were open, but
which were curtailed in their rightful juris-
dictiOn by the Intervention of Congress,
which the army was to be called on to car
ry into effect, by forcing submission to the
Judgment of the head of each bureau-a
Judgment from which there was no appeal.
The law was simply an agrarian law to
plant the black race, to supplant the white,
and make a new Government with an army
to enforce it over the PROSTATE States. How
much wiser and better would il be TO pro-
vide homes and country and a refuge on
the vacant domain of the Government for
the inferior race where they might enjoy an
actual equality among themselves establish
a government for themselves, under the in
struction and protection of our great Repub-
lie; where they might assert substantial in
dependence, and be stimulated by the high
est motives to cultivate the nobler faculties
of man The vacuum left by these trans
plantations would as Mr.. Jefferson con-
templated on this event, be supplied from
the North and from our northern kindred
nations.
No part of the earth is more inviting to
the white race than the sunny South. All
its products are golden, and of cheaper ac-
QUESTION than gold itself in the richest mines,
and nothing has prevented this rich region
from being filled with such population but
the protection which has been extended to
the black race while held as slaves by the
strong arm of the white race. Such an ex
change of population, while advantageous
to both races, would make our Government
homogeneous and secure in peace, by peace
ful methods. This result is inevitable.
Radical policy may hasten it by causing it
to force itself on by that inhuman process
which delivered the non-civilized portion of
our continent from the barbarian tribes Its
original possesssrs. But il is altogether bet
ter that the wiser course pointed out by Mr..
Jefferson should be adopted.
The civil rights bill is a scion of this mere
formidable predecessor. 1t purpOrts to grant
civil rights to the blacks TO place them as
citizens on perfect equality with the whites
Its dictum is that there snail be no disCrim-
ination between the races in regard to civil
rights, and yet the very first step in the code
takes from the State courts their indepen-
dence as judicial tribunals, and breaks down
the authority of the people who create
them. If the judges of the State courts de-
eide against any of the grants or immune
ties conferred upon the freedmen BY the civil |
rights bill, the judge is to be fined or impri-
sOned for il, no matter how conscientious his !
decision, or whether it be founded on his |
views of the Constitution, or the laws of
Congress, or the Constitution or the laws of
the State which he is sworn to administer
There is no such penalty affixed in case Of a |
Judgment against a white man, whose per
son or property may be involved in the
judges decision. In case a white citizen of |
a State sues another he is confined to seek
Justice in q State court
The negro is privileged 10 prosecute in
the State Court, the District Court of the
United States OF the Circuit Court Of the
United States. So be may drag the white
man through all the tribunals of the coun-
try. Is not this discrimination But there
is another Of still more practical importance
The bill requires that commissioners be APP
pointed throughout the States to become
nrpspcutors of suits for freedmen Iitioopts