The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-05-18
Germany and Italy.

OeImauy uHu lCdlys
From the Tribune.
1t Is a singular illustration Of the moral char.
acter of modern diplomacy that each of the three
great powers which are now in Europe on the
brink of war officially declares that she is arm
ing only for defense, having no intention what.
ever TO make an aggressive movement, and that,
nevertheless, all Europe continues to believe
war certain and inevitable In addition to Aus
tria and Prussia, which had previously made
this declaration, the Government of Italy has
now notified that of France that she engages not
to attack Austria.
If the three Governments had that faith in
their mutual assurances which three individuals
OF sterling integrity would generally be expected
TO have IN similar relations, there is no reason
why they should not now hasten to end dis
armament which is extremely expensive, aud
theatens at least two of them with national
bankruptcy. But they not only do not dlsarm,
but are pushing forward the moblhzatlon OF all
their available troops with the utmost possible
speed. Prussia is said to have moblized her
entire army, with the exception OF one army
corps; Austria likewise, has put her whole army
upon war footing, and Italy has under arms
nearly 400 900 men. This, OF course, does not
encourage the hope OF peace, but induces the
organs OF public opinion everywhere to believe
in the immediate opening OF hosti6ties. The
belief in the imminence OF war has of late been
steadily gaming strength, and leading papers in
every European country expressed the opinion
that the beginning of hostiliuos was no longer
question of weeks, but OF days and hours.
The responsibility of applying the match to
the immense amount of combusuble material
which for many years has been accumulated in
Europe must devolve upon Italy. Austria, how
ever much provoked, win shrink from being the
first to draw the sword, for she knows how vast
interests are at stake and how fatal blow an
unsuccessful war might be to her. The warlike
aIdor of Bismark however eager to risk great
war for carrying through the supposed mission
n pruGeIa swallow thp small Statas Of
northern and central Germany, has been suffi-
GENTLY cooled off by the manifestations of public
opinion throughout Germany, and by the atti-
tude of the other European powers, not TO take
at present the decisive step and to pass the
RubiCon. If Austria and Prussia alone were
involved, the difference would at present be
much more likely to give rise to diplomatic
than to a real war.
1t is Italy, therefore, which must decide the
question whether Europe shall have war or
peace. And from Italy we only hear one voice,
and that voice is for war. The Government the
Parliament, the people, all believe that the
moment when VeneTia can be liberated and the
union of Italy can be consummated has at
length come, and that if it is allowed to pass
now, many years will elapse before an equally
favorable juncture of circumstances will return.
The whole people have, therefore, been aroused
Garibaldi reappears again upon the stage of
political lite. A complete unders landing is said
to have been arrived at between hln and the
Italian Government, and the old hero again ad-
dresses himself to the patriotism OF his country
men, who, in 1859, achieved great deeds under
his leadership. The response TO this appeal has
been hearty and unanimous. ..
No one can doubt the desire of the Italian Gov
ernment to place itself at the head of this popu.
lar movement, but it has been compelled to
yield so lar to the pressure which diplomatic
influence has brought to bear upon 1t, as to
engage, with great hesitation and reluctance,
not to attack Austria. THIS declaration is likely
to retard somewhat the opening OF war, but by
no means to prevent ii. The people press for
ward, and the Government may be unable to
make to the pressure determined resistance,
if circumstances continue favorable.
The French Government has, at length, been
prevailed upon to express somewhat more fully
It's present position relative to the threatened
war. The speech of Minister Rouher is more
emphatic in It's depreciation of war; it explicitly
makes Italy responsible for the consequences
which a war begun by her may involve; 1t
assures Europe in stronger terms than former
declarations of the determination of France to
remain neutral; but, finally, it winds up with
reservlng tor France liberty of action"
which more than neutralizes all the other
promises