The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-12-06

taken the initiative, and mean TO make tough
fight for the supremacy. We do not indeed,
trace in the caucus proceedings of last Satur-
day the violence which some OF our oontempo-
rafies profess to have discovered. And the well
come speeches, ana tne sPeeChes after Dinner,
them from the charge of "ferocious JacObin-
ism." Still, the business thus far transacted
carries an air OF earnestness which bodies no
favor to the President or his friends. There will
be no receding from the position already taken
no concession for courtesys sake or the Presi-
dents. His criticism of the Congressional
course, and his denial of its constitutonality,
has been accepted as a challenge and will be
resented as an imputation upon the right TO
govern claimed and exercised by the loyal
States.
Some of the measures introduced with the
view OF tying the hands of the President are in
themselves SO expedient and just that 1t seems
undesirable to treat them simply as incidents of
a personal quarrel. The proposed restrictions
upon the appointing power are not uniformly
wise in detail but their operation would be
favorable to q much-needed reform. The present
system is productive of tlagrant abuses, and the
ends OF an honest administration of the Gov
ernment will be promoted by well-considered
checks upon the power of the Executive. So
also in reference to Mr.. Bliots bill repeating the
clause of the act OF 1862, under which the Presi-
dent may proclaim amnesty. The authority
was conferred for use in contingencies which
can no longer arise; it has been the occasion OF
misplaced lenency; and its repeal will restrict
the pa1doning power to the point reconcllable
With common sense-after trial aud conviction,
and not otherwise. Mr. Schenck's bill appoint
ing day for the meeting Of the next Congress,
is in accordance with the letter OF the Constl-
tuition, and seems not unwise provision Tor a
probable emergency. Considered on their
merits, all these measures admit of valid de-
fense. They are proper, and in the circnm-
stances not ineXpedIent. And it is to be regret
ted that their introduction and passage are
made to appear as parts of plan for annoying
and weakening Mr.. Johnson, instead of whole
some changes from which he will only incident:
n Iu Ihn ukNr1lI ha khn,u uk
the moral effect of the legislation would be diff
ferent.
The cultivation of a moderate, impersonal
spirit is especially desirable in connection with
the restoration question. At present Congress
holds the vantage-gr0und. Its conditions of
restoration have been ratified by the people.
Its contest with the President has been decided
in it's favor. Its course has been approved, its
pretensions have been Endorsed, and power has
been con erred upon it sufficient for all probable
purposes. 1t can, therefore, afford 10 rely upon
its strength, to avoid Irritating and needless
issues, and, above ALL to rest content upon the
ground on which the recent elections were
fought and won. The mistake committed by
the President should be at once a warning and
a guide. He has sacrificed his only remaining
hope reconciliation and usefulness, by ignoring
the decision OF the people in support Of the Con-
stitutional amendment.
VIII Congress repeat the blunder In another
form? We think that 1t WILL If 1t evlnce5 dis
position to prefer conditions more extreme than
those OF the amendment. The Republican party,
let it be remembered, went to the country with
the amendment as the party platform on the
restoration question. The support of the people
was sought and obtained on the plea that the
amendment, while satisfying urgent require
ments, is moderate and fair to the excluded
States. To this measure, then, the majority in
Congress are virtually bound They triumphed
IN part, because OF the moderation and reason
ableness of their plan; and they would err
gtleVousiy were they hastily to exchange it for
more extreme measures.
The time may come, perhaps speedily, when
other measures may become necessary. The
continued refusal of the States to accept The
terms offered may impose upon Congress the
duty OF reconsidering the whole subject, and
of adapting legislation to the new aspect of
affairs. The interests of the republic may
justify the substitution of policy of recon-
struction for the proposed policy of restoration.
Should that time arrive, the party and the
country will doubtless be prepared to meet fully
the consequences Of the change; But such a
change OF policy, to be defensible, should be
the natural product of events. We may not
precipitate it, and assuredly we may not antici.
pate it, without weakening the hold of the Re-
publican party upon the moral sense and the
constitutional principle of the States now form
ing the Government.
We believe that Congress would strengthen
its position immensely,AbY declaring formally
qualified Senators and Representatives from
any of the Southern States which shall ratify
the amendment The only plausible excuse of
the South that the ratification OF this amend
ment would be useless, because other terms
would afterwards be insisted upon-would thus
be destroyed. The amendment would then be
q guarantee OF restoration TO the South, as well
as a guarantee OF peace and unity to the North.
If, notwithstanding such declaration, the
South persisted in its refusal, Congress would
have clear right to pronounce 1t contumacious,
and to act in the matter of reconstruction with
out stopping to consult the leaders or the dupes
of rebellion. Meanwhile, let us hold to the
amendment in preference to any hasty device
that may be proposed.