Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1866-08-31

loving propositions
That the rebellion deprived the rebel
States Of all civil government, and of
course of republican ones
That such deDrivatiOns took these
States out of their constitutional relations
to the Federal Government.
That they still required to be " restored
to those relations at the time he issued
his proclamation.
That the power and duty to effect such
a restoration was derived from the guar
anty clause of the Constitution, and was
therefore In the United States, and not In
the President
That this restoration must be ef-
fected by the organizations of govern
ments republican in form.
The President thus clearly admits the
United States Government to have all the
power over the rebel States which the
Union party has ever claimed for it. But
there are additional proofs that such were
orr. ii1ally the President S views, and which
furnish a conclusive answer to his charge
that Congress Is guilty of rebellion at
the other end of the line" In asking sasr
an amendment to the Constitution as a
guaranty of safety, before these rebel
States shall resume the powers Of govern
ment. On the 9th November. 1865, to
Gov. Perry, of South Carolina, by his
Secretary of State, touching the ratiica-
tiOn of the amendment abOlishing slavery.
he orders as follows "The President
considers the acceptance of the amend
ment by South Carolina as indispensable
to a restoration of her relations with the
other States of the Union" as The Pres
ioeEt considers r. This amendment was
proposed by a Congress (38th) where no
rebel State was represented-by a Con-
gress from which Senators applying to sit
had been excluded because Reverdy John
son and the judiciary Committee had
reported and had induced the Senate to
resolve that an act of Congress was re-
quired to restore a rebel State to its rela-
tiOns with other States. And yet the
President considers the acceptance of
this amendment indispensable to the
restoration of South Carolina to her rela-
tions with the other States" The Pres
ident may s consider" but should Con-
gress consider the same thing, then Con-
gress is in practical rebellion, and the
King viii consider 1t an act in Congress
dissolving the Union and turning Con-
gress into a rump
But in his first message to Congress, a
paper in which, by the Constitution, 1t
was made his sworn duty to give to Con-
gress information of the State of the I'm
ion and recommend to their consideration
such measures as he shall consider Just
and eXpedient, he declared that : it is not
too much to ask in the name of the whole
people that / - the evidence of
the sincerity in the future maintenance
of the Union, shall be put beyond any
doubt by the ratification of the proposed
amendment to the Constitution. <
Indeed it is not too much to ask Of
the States which are now resuming their
places in the family of the Union, that
they giUe this pledge Of perpetual loyalty
and peace. The amendment tothe Con
stitutiOn being accepted, 1t would remain
for the States whose powers have been SO
long suspended to resume their places IN
the two branches of the National legisla-
ture and thereby complete the work Of
restoration" Here again IN his message
to Congress-the first he ever sent-on
his high and solemn oath he swears that
1t is " just and ezpedient and that 1t was
not too much to ask in the name of the
whole people, that each late rebel State
should, before they resumed their places
In the family of the Union and in the
two branches of the Legislature give
evidence and pledges of the sin
cerity and loyalty which should put be-
yond any doubt their purpose to maintain
the Union and to remain perpetually 10y
al. And to the end of giving such eVi-
dence and pledges, he demands that they
shall be required to adopt a certain
amendment to the Constitution before 1t
would remain for them to resume their
places in the two branches Of the Nation
al Legislature When the Congress
demands the evidences and pledges Of Sc
curity in the future maintenance Of the
Union, and these pledges Of perpetual
loyalty and peace, before these rebels re-
sumo their places in the two branches Of
the National Legislature, then 1t IS a re-
bellion at the other end of the line" and
Congress becomes rump, incapable
of making laws When the President
demands 1t, then it is not too much to
ask y Look, Americans, at these, and
then tell me in what eXecratiOn must he
be held in history who is capable of per
petrating an apostacy from the compan-
ionship of that party in whose history IS
to be garnered and preserved forever all
the holy memories which belong to patrl-
otism and valOr, the sufferiDgs, the en-
durauce and the blood which preserved
the Union from the murder Of rebellion,
and who goes to the cOmpaniOnship and
embraces of the treason and having
urged upon this Congress to demand such
pledges and evidences as those
which the President urged, who Vindicates
his apostacy upon the ground that they
whom he leaves demanded some evidence
of sincere loyalty before they would con
sent to surrender the control Of the Gov
ernment of Washington into the hands
of men whom a statute signed by Wash
ingtOn would have Telentlessly hung for
their disloyalty
But then to all this it replied, that it
is the President, and not the United
States-not the " whole people, not their
Congress-upou whom the Constitution
devolves the duty Of guaranteeing repub
lican governments to the States, and who
must, therefore, decide when arepubhcan
government has been reorganIzed IN
State which the rebellion has deprived of
all civil government, and what evidence,
pledges and guarantees Of perpetual 10y
atty and peace it is not too much to ask
such reorganized governments to give be-
fore they shall resume their places IN
the two branches of the National Legls
lature." With boundless condescensiOn,
each House will be permitted to look at a
rebels certificate of election, to ind out
whether the man elected has committed
treason, provided the President should
not (as he has) decide that the test-Oath
is mere amplifcation, and improper to
be required. But the infinitely higher, and
the, to our government, vital question,
whether eight million of rebels, where
treason Is manifest, stupendous, historic
al, and which has deprived their States
of all civil government, have given any
pledges or evidence of sincere loyalty,
have reorgauized y any republican gov
ernment ratified or supported by loyal
people, and fit to resume places in the
two branches of the National Legislature,
are questions to which ' the two branches
of the Legislature dare not ever ap-
proach upon pain of incuTring the Pres
idents most sincere displeasure, and of