The Hancock Jeffersonian. [volume] (Findlay, Ohio) 1857-1870, 1866-03-02

lance OF the amendment Oh Jne OOn-
stitution of the United States; repu-
diation OF the rebel debt, and the adj
offreedmen to various rights,
&c. To stimulate them to accept
these Conditions, being such as, using
his best judgment, and in the absence
of any congressional pl'n, he thought
nearest right of any he could frame,
he engaged that on their acceptance
with evidence of good faith he would
permit them to rcorganize their State
Governments, elect Legislatures, &c;
and, so far as Executive acts could
do, would restore them to their po
sition in the Union of States. They
mad so far accepted his conditions,
that he regarded the experiment q
success. lie had accordingly reor-
ganized the Postofllce Department
among them; had reopened trade and
removed restrictions thereon through
the Treasury department, and in
like manner in all the Executive de.
partments recognized them as States
in the Union, only keeping enough
military hold TO protect the freedmen
and to induce them to do something
more thorough in that direction.
Now, but one thing remained in
which those States did not exercise
the full rights of States, and that was
representation in Congress. In this
he had advised that some principle
of stimulating loyalty be applied as
in the. other respects named. He
would admit only such Representa-
tives as are in fact lryal men, giving
satisfactory evidence of this. When.
ever State or district sent loyal
man, PROPERLY elected and qualihed,
he would think it right to admit him,
the same rs If from any other State;
and he would admit none but such
loyal men, so that other States or
districts may be thus induced to elect
aud send similar men. When they
had all done this their representation
would be full, and the work would be
done. Such was his plan. He did
not ask to be the judge of the elections
and qualifications of members OF
Congress, or of their loyalty. Con
gress was its own Judge, and he had
no dream of interfering with its
constitutional right, but he felt like
urging upon them and upon the
country, that this mode of finishing
the work, so nearly completed in
other respects, was the only feasable
one which had been presented, and
that it was impossible to ignore the
fact that the States were exercising
their rights, and enjoying their priv.
ilcges within the Union; were, in
short, restored in all other respects,
and that it is too late to question the
fundamental right of representation.
l then remarked to him that /
heard it suggested that legislation
could properly be made by Congress,
purely civil in its character, provi-
ding for the protection of the freed
men by the United States Courts of
inferior Jurisdiction, in all cases
where the States did not do so them
selves. lie replied that such an idea
could run exactly parallel to his plan,
but he had not thought it yet time to
fix his own ideas Of the precise mode
of accomplishing this, and because
we had n margin of time lasting till
after the next session of Congress,
during which the present freedmen s
MrTulJe"idu SontinRr ,he oYSGationr
States should recognize the necessity
of passing proper laws themselves,
and providing q proper system OF
protection for the freedmen, nothing
further on our part would be neces-
sary. II they did not do what they
ought, there would then be time
enough to elaborate a plan.
lie then referred briefly to the fact
that certain men who have been re-
joicing over his veto message, say
ing, that If these men, in good faith,
adopted the views of the policy he
had himself held and acted upon, and
which he had so fully elaborated in
his annual message, and explained
to me that the country surely could
have no cause for sorrow, north and
south, should cordially give their
adherence to the conditions of resto
ration he had uniformly ed up.
on, he thought that was precisely the
kind of pacilication loyal men every
where would rejoice in. The more
they were committed to such course
the better he should like it, for if
they were not sincere, they would at
least diminish their power of danger.
Gus opposition in the future.
His whole heart was with the body
of true men who had carried the
country through the war, and he
earnestly desired to1naintain Il cor.
dial and perfect understanding with
them. This sentiment and purpose
he regarded as entirely consistent
with q determined opposition to the
obstruction policy of those extremes
who, MS he believed, would keep the
country in chaos till absolute ruin
might come upon us.
Such, my dear sir, is the statement
of the President on this important
and If you could meet his
straightforward, honest look, and
hear the hearty tones of his voice, as
| did, | am well assured you could
believe with me, that although he may
not receive personal assault with the
forbearancc Mr.. Lincoln used to
show, there is no need to fear that
Andrew Johnson is not sincere in