The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-12-13
CONGRESSIONAL PRoUEE11Nes.
The following are the Congressional proceed.
ines continued from our Fourth Edition OF yes


iOes continued from our Fourth Edition of yes
terday;- ........
AT 1920 p. NJ, there being no further new busi-
before the Senate the bill to regulate the cleo
tive franchise In the District Of Columbia was
taken up.
The pending question was upon Mr. Oowan's
amendment 10 strike out the word .'mae."
The CHAIR said Mr.. Brown, OF missouri, was
MT, BROWN said he aid not believe the psn d ing
amendment, offered by Mr.. Oowan, was Intended
in good faith for practical legislation, IL IL were
intended to be put into practical effect. He was
one of those who belle we'd II would be necessary to
accom- pany it by good deal of other legislation to
prevent 1t from degenerating into abuse and cor
ruption but, accepting the matter in the light he
had stated he, for one, was willing to express his
opinion freely on this subject have to say (said
Mr Brown) that 1 stand for universal suffrage
and do not recognize the right of society to limit 1t
on any ground of race color or sex. will go
further, sir, and say that recognize the right
of franchise as being an tntrinsical and natural
right and do not believe that society has the
right to impose any limitations upon that right
that does not spring out OF the necessities OF the
social state itself These may seem extreme views,
but they conform to the rigid logic OF the questions
ana defy any Senator this floor TO escape from
them / have been shocked, during the course of
this deba te, at expressions which have heard SO
tally no right at aIl-that IL was simply privi-
lege con ceded by society for the government which
represents society that was G nd p3oh Seai
proud and thankful In other words, 1t was not
a right in any sense.
such tenure. 1 should grIeve to think that was
depen dent exclusively in a matter of right upon
the views of society which may represent only
maiorities for these rights. On the contrary, be-
heVe that whenever you establish that as the doc
trne, whenever you crystalize that idea In the pub
lie mind in this country, you ring the death knell
of American liberty. You ring the death knell of
American liberty, because you lay It open to
overthrow whenever corruption snail prevail to
such an extent, and whenever majorties shall be-
come sufficiently exasperated. Mr. President, so
that i trust Il NAV be DaTdOnpd If refer
70 the abstract ground upon which deem it to
rest and do this the more readily because, in my
belief, ultimately the metaphysical always con-
trolls the practical in life.
Now, sir, what are abstract rights, and are there
any in scally necessary conditions that go to
constitute liberty in society," had occasion, year
or two since to discuss this question very fully
subject, and as then and there presented the ar
gument perhaps more succinctly and briefly than
may do now in the course of debate, will beg
leave to refer to it on this occasion.
Mr.. Brown then read lengthy extracts from the
speech above referred to, and having done so, re-
piled to some arguments advanced by the oppon-
could not participate in the turmoils of elections
and political campaign was an argument against
she musings, not against female suffrage. The
argument that women ought not to vote because
they could not be embodied In the militia was not
founded on fact Men were exempted from mill
tary service for variety OF reasons, among them
physical inability, and were yet allowed the right
of suffrage. The same inability could apply in the
Mr. DAVIS succeeded Mr.. Brown on the floor.
He had given his views on the subject of negro
suffrage during the last session OF Congress- but he
could not let this bill pass without again entering
his protest against 1t once more. He then pro-
ceeded to speak against the pending measure
and the pending amendment. To grant the
right of suffrage to woman would be to drag her
into the corruptions of politics, and make her
political hack. He was opposed to negro suffrage
because he believed the negro inferior 10 the white
man, and did not believe superior race should
grant political power to an inferior race resident
among it. The proposition to do such thing was
fanatica and revolutionary, contrary to the teach
ings of history and the writings of the best phlo
sophers. Ethnologists had described the skulls,
shins and feet of the negro as decidedly marking
him. as belonging to an inferior race. Inc negro
for four thousand years without making the least
progress. Providence had set him off by himself,
and never intended that he should mix with the
white race as its equal He might be its slave, bat
never its equal or SUPERIOR as fanaticism now pro-
Mr.. SPRAGUE followed Mr.. Davis in a writ
ten speech OF considerable length taking ground in
favor of universal suffrage. The people at the
south were kept in poverty and ignorance, he said,
in order that class might be elevated to rule.
Such was not the case in the north, where the
masses had opportunities for information and edu.
cation. Society in the south was not capable of
free government, and would not be until moulded
with northern ideas Whenever it was necessary
for the cause of liberty and equality for men to
have the elective franchise he would vote for such
a measure. At present it was necessary for the
cause OF liberty and equality that the colored msu
should have the franchise and he would therefore
vote for the bill now before the Senate
Mr.. BUCKALEW, of Pennsylvania, said he
wished to explain why he should vote for Mr..
Cowan's amendment. He did not understand
himself as casting final vote on the bill, he only
wished to affirm by his vote that the arguments for
excluding the suffrage to negroes applied with
greater force to women. AS final question, he
was opposed to the extension of suffrage. The
question OF suffrage must be taken out of the do
main of theory into that of practical effect 1t was
placed by the founders Of the government on the
ground that 1t should be exercised by those who
could make the best and most efficient use of it,
He objected to the extension of suffrage because ii
would corrupt and degrade elections BY pouring
into the ballot large NUMBER VOt6S, SUBJECT
to influences either social or pecuniary, you Will
degrade elections, and on that ground he would
oppose the extension of suffrage, either to females
or to negroes. He would be less opposed to this
measure If there were different mode OF conduct
ing elections. The effect of the present mode was
to divide people into parties, and TO create strug
gle for the balance of power, which led TO all man
ner of corruption. 1t was possible to turn the
scale of the great State of Pennsyl vania, for in
stance, by introducing pernicious influences and
bringing them to bear upon very small number.
This was an evil inseparable from governments of
mere majorities. The class OF men now proposed
to be introduced into the political system would
be more approachable than any now in it; more ac-
cessibe to demagogues, and more easily corrupted.
The reform ought to be in another direction. 1t
ought to be toward organizing the system, instead
of its enlargement. As a mere choice between the
two kinds OF extension, ne should vote for Mr..
AT +. M. Mr.. DOOLlTTLE moved that the
Senate adjourn. Disagreed to-
Mr.. DooLITTLE-This amendment, in my
judgment, opens very grave question; question
graver than appears at first blush; question upon
which the ablest minds are distinct here and else
where; question, however, upon which are
called to vote and therefore one upon which
desire very briefly to state the views which con-
troll my judgment when say that shall vote
against the amendment which is now offered. For
myself sir, after giving some considerable Iefiec
ton TO the subject OF suffrage, have arrived at
this conclusion-that the true base or foundation
upon which TO rest suffrage in any republican
community Is upon the tamily-the head OF the
tam BECAUSE @ IN an eIvtIea zee SSmmGniues Sne
is meant by man in that relation where he is