Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-02-09

President Johnson.
WASHINGTON, Feb. 8.-The following is pub
ished as reply of the colored delegation to Pres
ident johnson, prepared after an interview with
him yesterday:
Mr.. PRESIDENT: I'm consideration of delicate
sense of propriety as well as your intimation Of
iudisposition to discuss or listen to q reply to
views you were pleased to express to US in your
elaborate speech to-day, the undersigned would
respectfully take this method of replying thereto
believing as we do, that the views and opinions
expressed in that address, are entirely unscund
and prejudicial to the highest interest of our
race as well rs our country. We cannot do other
wise than expose the same, and as far as may be
in our power, arrest their dangerous influence.
It is not necessary at this time to call
attention to more than two or three
features of your remarkable address.
The first point to which we feel especially
bound to take exception is your attempt to found
| a policy opposed to our reimbursement, upon
the alleged hatred on the part of the former slaves
| towards the poor white people of the South. We
admit the existence of this hostility and hold that
| it is entirely reciprocal. but you obviously
| commit an error by drawing an argu-
| ment from an accident of a state OF
slavery and making it the basis for policy adopt
| ed to a state of freedom. Hostility between the
whites and blacks of the South is easily explained.
1t has its root and sap in the relation of slavery.
| and was melted ON both sides by the tyranny OF
| slave masters Their masters secured their accend-
dancy over both the poor whites and the blacks by
| putting enmity between them. They divided both
| TO conquer each. There was earthly reason
why the blacks should not hate and dread the poor
| whites when in state of slavery, for it was from
| this class their master received their slave
catchers, slave drivers and overseers. They were
| the men called on upon all occasions by masters
! when any fendish outrage was to be committed
| upon the slave. Now. sir, you cannot but per-
ceye that the cause of this dread is renewed; also.
| slavery is abolished.
| The case is antagonistic. You must see that il
is altogether illogical 1t is putting new wine into
| old bottles; mending new garments with old
cloth: to legisate from slow holding to slow driv-
ing of the persons Of people whom you have re-
| peatedly declared it your purpose to maintain in
freedom. Besides, even were it true, as you al
lege, that the feelings of hostility which they en-
tertained toward the poor whites, while in q
state ofslavery must necessarily remain now they
are free, how in the name Of Heaven--we reveren'
tally ask--can you, in view of your expressed de-
sire and proffered aid to promote the welfare o
the black man. deprive him of all means Of de
Tense, and clothe him whom you regard rs his en-
envy with the monopoly Of political powery Cal
it be possible that you would recommend
| party which would arm the strong. and cas-
down the defenseless? Can you, by any possibilit.
/ ofreasoning, regard this as justice? Experience
| proves they are often abused men are whippe'
oftener who are whipped easiest. Peace betweel
races is not to be secured by degrading one an
raising the ether, by giving power to one an
Withholding it from the other.
4 There can come a day when We can be remove
from this country without terrible shock to II
| prosperity and peace; besides the worst enemy 9
; | the nation could not cast upon its fair name
. greater infAmy than to suppose thatnegroes eoul
be tolerated among them in state of the mos
| degrading slavery.
G. F. DOWNING. JOHN JONES,
FRED DousLAs, LEWIS II. DoueLAs,
II WIN. WHIPPER, and others.