Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-10-28
LET rs UNDERSTAND EACH OTHER.

/ paLrlOlA, DIFFICULTIES HSIe EuCOuAbSAON anu
future dangers foreseen. At various subse-
quent periods those difficulties were encoun
tered and dealt with by the distinguished
representative men then upon the theatre Of
action. It was their recognition and the
apprehension they occasioned that greatest
and purest of men, Gen. WASHINGTON, that
called forth his immortal farewell address to
his countrymen. Even Mr.. JEFFERSON,
the craftsmen Of the declaration of indie
pendence, did not pass into his grave until
he foresaw the threatened overthrow Of
American institutions, and which prompted
him 70 write of the passage of the memora-
| bic Missouri Compromise in 1920, that it
fell upon his ear 'like the alarm Of the fire
bell atnight," awakening apprehensions ofthe
most unpleasant character. From that day
until the present il has required the most
unceasing efforts Of all good men, North
and South, to preserve our institutions upon
the basis on which they we're first established.
! Finally these efforts were unavailing and what
! could no longer be compromised, were sub
mitted to the arbitrament of the sword.
To say that differences Of such a character
and Of 80 long standing, finally eliminating
in ore Of the fercest and most disastrous
wars of the age, was the treason Of few men
or the result Of dishonest politicians, is as
silly as it is false. 1t would be scarcely less
absurd to say that the terrible storm which
bears down beneath its tread the hoary mon
archs of the forest, and scatters the sea with
its wrecks, is momentary, and the result Of
the light breeze that scarcely shakes the
pendant leaves. The simplest understand
ing when viewing the subject impartially
must see that the recent American war was
the inevitable result Of grave and, in the
main, honest differences between the States
Of the two contending sections-diferences
having their origin in the very foundation
Of society and the consequence Of opposing
political views, domestic relations, education,
tastes, prejudices and passions.
This being admitted, and the war having
ended adversely to one party aud in favor OF
the other, it becomes the people, both North
and South, to act in a manner worthy of
their manhood and their honor, conforming
readily to the results of the war, recognising
as settled that which was in issue, and legis-
lating in future for the common good upon
the new basis.
The South could expect nothing else, and
since the surrender of her armies, has sought
nothing else. We know We speak the truth
in saying this much, and the intelligent
people Of the North, who have listened to
contrary reports from the mean unrePresen-
tative men, called Southern Loyalists,"
have done themselves, as well as us, injus-
tice.
If we could properly understand each
other, We see no serious barrier TO a speedy
settlement of the questions which now so
seriously disturb the Government. Let us
illustrate:
The Federal Congress the
Northern States-have submitted as a part
of their plan of settlement, certain amend
ments to the Constitution. They want the
Southern States to adopt them. These
amendments are obnoxious to the people of
the South, and are regarded as violative of
their rights. They cannot, therefore, con-
form to their views. At this the North
complains, and the more extreme of the
Radical party theatens. How far these
threats Of further outrage upon an impov-
erished and delenceless people are shared in
by the great body Of the dominant party,
we are not advised. We desire to say,
however, in behalf Of those towards whom
they are made, that such brayado is as
unnecessary as it is dishonorable. The South
ern States in their refusal to adopt the So
called Constitutional Amendments" are
not resisting any Of the consequences Of the
war. They are not refusing to submit even
to the great outrages which the proposed
amendments contemplate; but they refuse
simply to 60 through with the mockery of
doing as sovereign States that which, if
done at all, will not be their will, but the
will Of the people of the North. If, as
States, we have the right to sanction the
adoption of amendments to the Constitu
ton, it must necessarily follow that we have
the right also to reject them. II We have
not the right to reject them, then we have
not the right to adopt them. This is clear,
and so long as the propositions are rendered
as in the light Of communities having the
authority to act, we will act according to
our judgment.
If those who have the determination of
the grounds upon which order shall be re-
stored and something like government re-
established, are fixed in their resolve to
force upon the Soath the conditions en-
braced in the proposed constitutional amend
ments, let them say 80 frankly, and make it
their act, not ours. Let there be no mOckery
aboutit They have the physical force, and
in view Of our utter inability to resist, they
need not whet their passions with the pros
pect Of another war. But We again repeat,
let us understand each other. As far as the
people of the South are called upon to act
in the capacity of freemen, they will carry
out their own convictions of public policy,
and not the opinions Of others; and If this
privilege is not to be accorded them, let it
be understood, and let those who have the
power make the Constitution and laws. We
cannot be reduced so low that we have not
left US the privilege accorded the common
culprit upon the gallows, that Of refusing to
adjust the moose around our own necks.
The vexed questions which have so long
divided the people Of the two sections, have
been decided against u.s. We acknowledge
that the conquering party has the power TO
determine the future character Of American
institutions, and to impose upon the South
terms, however impolitic or unjust. But
we do not acknowledge their right to coerce
US into a pretended approval Of those terms.
Though all else is lost, we cannot be made
to stultify ourselves or forfeit our honor.
Il IL, N,rth,r, ,,,,,r,Ia -r5ll only understand