The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-09-11
name, beg again to doubt, as ! doubted in the

OF Texas, reconstructed on the Johnson phn, says
that the old relation slave and master now exists
thirty counties Of that State much rs 1t did in
1860. Former daye;owners yet give $40 IN eold i9r
aPe will again have the sanction of law, and IL
Chief Justice Rufin's opinion is good law in the
slavery amendment, now part of the text of the
Constitution may yet be declared not binding upon
For, we confess it with shame no surprise can
await any lover OF hs country when one Denolds an
with judges who will declare the CIvu Rights Blu an
unconstitutional measure,
Can the nation advance, when Cabinet Ministers
appointed to places of public trust because they
do not rise hipher than the dead Level OF the judicial
conscience which declared that negro bad no
rights which white man IL bound TO respect"
Surely we progress backwards towards the days OF
Buchanan, when we see Cornelius Wendell, who is
Iecompton io,il again grow sleek over Lhe feshpots
of the pubhc printing the national capital Surely
the Declaration OF Independence 10 "gliitering
generality and not living verify, when the spirit
of rebellion under color OF the law, commits murder
at New Orleans unrebuked BY Executive power.
But we are now considering a practical remedy
for the disease which atflicts the body polite.
Article Section OF that constitution n %hcn
tice and secure domestic tranquility" declares that;
Representatives direct taxes shall be apportoned
this Union according their respective numbers which
@ e Se { o o@n 90 To
ofyears and txcucing Indians not taxed threeJV.hs
Remember this clause does not say by adding to
the whole numeer Of free persons all other per.ons
DhO are StGOeS. 1t meant that the black man IN
bondage should be counted as three fiths Of man,
but 1t did not like to call him slave. The slave.
owners then claimedland received representation for
their slaves They now ask just vi hat they had be-
tore the Rebellion, with the addition of the two-
iiths, by enumerating the blacks who were, until
the adoption OF the first amendment slavee. The
black man was admitted to be three-fths of q man
in 1880. Now since 200 600 of his race have helped
us to win the fight for manness, Justice Tor lib
erty, and for equal rights TO ALL the late save-owner
modestly asks that the black though he pays taxes
and aids in educating tue white, shall not be a man
a. darkness q
slavery, he shall not elevate himself, but shall tn-
crease the power and insolence OF mis- late master
Never before was such mOnstrOus injustice a part
of Executive policy. Why, Mr.. President the Gov
ernment which would permit such powers to exist
by implication even in the text of ITS organic law,
may be cdLed Republic! 1t is no republic 70
that it rests on the consent of the governed is
mockery-ior 1t establishes injustice and by giving
to three hundred thousand landholders a MONOPOLY
OF power in eleven save states, practically orga.
OF loyalty which does not spit upon and derde the
flag of our country.
vanced by the Vice President OF the Rebellion and
now the Southern leader of the johnson party who
| said before a committee or Congress-
Georgia tOH accept conditions Of restoration, she
claims back with the privilege OF representation
IN Congress unimpaired N through the war they had
County, 'OA' 'A'A "''' A''''' 'I '''
Can the power OF assurance any further go! And
| nr Ewing. OF Ohio echoes the sentiment OF Alex.
! ander III. stephens; and the gathering cansmen OF
BrecklDndge Democracy, fresh from the WIswam,
| The PLAIN common sense of the North cannot see
the lneXorabe logic' OF this position 1t sees the
S aSS Sas Snd % Ss
representation, The exercise OF right and the per-
iormance OF Obligations go together. You have dis
| charged duty owe the nation. Your States
are not out of the Union and they never were,
though you did your bost, and succeeded IN getting
| into rebellion against the Union"
| The common sense of the North again says-"We
have reason TO- tear the terrible unity OF Southern
| political dynamics We want you back into the
Union; We want you to asfIst IN the legislation of
demand, and what we propose to have, is guar
| dRtee for the future. Some State Governments
| tuition OF our common country. They ceased to
exist in TACT, because they wereedriyen out by Sher
| themselves the Union, and would have so re-
| manned though every citizen became traitor TO
his Government. The state never dies not so
| the Government II these States are not IN the
| Union as we contend they are and have been, we
are not oound to guarantee republican forms of
Article IV, Section of the Constitution says:-
| "1he United States mot the President, but the
| legislative and executive branches of the Govern.
ment), the United States shall guarantee to eperV
state IN the Union republican form Of gOcerR.
lhese States, lately in rebellion, have not repub-
| lican governments, and that alone gives Congress
jurisdiction to control their restoration, under this
| power to guarantee.
These views have the authority of Henry Winter
Davis, IN letter written ten days before hIs un.
timely decease, and ought to carry weight from this
great name for mis- oiemost son of Maryland was
brave and true knight ever entered the lists
u
! and oppression.
Buf, Mr.. President, the great question which
| "glves us pause" Is, how can We stay the rehuent
tde Of this hysterca latent and sull gigantic trea-
| sonf How can we make pure law commensurate
| FIRST. Congress ought to do as it has practically
dOne-annul Johnson's government IN the iebellious
States.
And, If we have the courage to greatly dare:-
Second. Make impartial suffrage the sine qua non
ConSfess has practically refused to recognize john
| sons governments by giving US the JOINT resolution
Whicn we are now considering, proposing an amend
| ment to the ConstituIon 1t is familiar 70 the
| county, and shall not discuss 1t at length.
This amendment is not all the hIends OF universal
| Iractical illustration mr.. Burkes idea that
generous sentiment and sound policy always go
| together"
| The first section of this wise and Just measure
reafirms the provisions of the Civil Rights bi that
| no State shall abridge the privileges and immuui-
| ties of citizens of the United states. The second
section, instead of declaring for manhood suffrage,
simply provides chat in all the States, whenever the
night to vote denied to any male nhabitant white
or black, the basis OF representation In all such
| The number OF such male citizens shall bear TO the
| whole number of citizens twenty one years OF age
in such Sates. In other words IL the negro, North
| and south, cannot vote, he must not be made
basis for the disloyal man to acquire new power.
Section third of the amendment provides that
the prominent leaders and office; holders civil and
military, OF the Rebellion, shall not hold otice
"under the United States or any State,' unless "a
vote OF two-thIrds of each House remove the dis
| there is little danger but that more than enough
of the ingeaders OF secession will creep into power,
even despite this section.
| The fourth section OF the amendment provides
that the validity of the public debt shall not be
questioned, the bOuntes to the soldiers; that
neither the United States nor any state shall
assume TO pay the Rebel debt; nor shall any claim
| for the loss or emancipation of slaves be allowed.
Perhaps the States lately rebellion more bit-
ery hostile to this than to any other section of the
aflnn md