The Louisiana Democrat. [volume] (Alexandria, La.) 1845-1918, 1866-02-28

! ance, they will distinguish themselves b
their industry, and show the world tina,
their condition Of freedom they are selfsu.
tanning and capable of selecting their ow
employment and their own places of abode
or insisting for themselves on, q proper re
muneration, and Of establishing and MAR
tanning their own asylums and schools.
is earnestly hoped that, instead of wastin
i away, they will, by their own efforts, establis
for themselves q condition of respectabilit
and prosperity tits certain they can al
tain to that condition only through their ow
| merits and exertions. In this connection tn
Query presents itself, whether the system
proposed by the bill will not, when put lat
complete operation, practically transfer tn
entire care, support and control Of four nil
lions of emancipated slaves to hard overseer
or task.masters, who, appointed at Washing
ton, are to be located in ever country o.
parish in the United States containing
freedmen and refugees9 Such an asylum
would inevitably tend to such q concentra
ton of power in the Executive which woull
enable him, if so disposed, to control the &C
ton of a numerous class, and use them fol
the attainment of his own political views
l cannot but add another very great OBJ.
lection to this BILL The Constitution i'm
Iperatively declares in connection with tax.
alton that each State shall have at least
one Representative, and fixes the rules fol-
the number to which at future time each
State shall be elected. 1t also provides
that the Senate of the United States shall
be composed of two Senators from each
State, and adds with peculiar force that no
State without its consent shall be deprived
Of its suffrage. In the South the original
act was necessarily passed in the absence
of the States chiefly to be affected because
their people were then contumac;ously en-
gagged in the rebellion. Some at least of
the States are attending Congress by loyal
Representatives, soliciting the allowance Of
their Constitutional rights of representa-
ton. Attic time, however, of the consid-
Grafton and passing Of the bill, there was
no Senator or Representatives in Congress
from the eleven States which are to be
mainly affected by its provisions. The
fact that reports were made against the
good disposition of the country is an addi-
tional reason why they need and should
have Representatives of their own in Con-
gress to explain their condition and their
acquiesccnce in the pertecting of measures
Immediately affecting themselves. Thus,
the liberty of deliberation would then be
free, and Congress would have full power
to decide according to its Judgment, and
there conld then be no objection urged that
the State mostly interested had not been
permitted to be heard. The principle is
firmly fixed in the minds of the American
people that there can be no taxation with
out representation. Great burdens are now
to be borne by all the country, and we NAV
best demand that they shall be borne with
out murmer when they are voted by a
majority of the representatives of all the
people. | would not interfere with the un-
questionable rights of Congress to Judge,
each House foritself, of the election returns
and qualifications of its own members, but
that authority cannot be construed as in.
Guiding the right to. put out, in time Of
peace, any State from Representatives to.
which it is entitled by the Constitution
At present, oil the people of the United
States are included those who were most
faithful during the war, not less than 9th
ers.
The State Of Tennessee, for instance,
whose authorities in the rebellion was re-
stored to all her Constitutional relations
to the Union by the patriotism and energy
Of her injured and outraged people. Be
fore the war was brought to termination,
they had closed themselves in relation with
the Government and had established a
State Government of their own, and as
they were not included in the emancipation
proclamation, they by their own action,
have amended their Constitution so as to
abolish slavery within the limits of their
State. know no reason why the State
Of Tennessee, for example, should not fully
enjoy her Constitutional relations to the
United States.
The President Of the United States
stands towards the country in somewhat
different attitude from that of any member
Of Congress chosen from single district
Or State. The President is chosen by the
people of all the States; eleven States are
not now represented in Congress, and it
would seem to be his duty on all proper
occasions to present their just claims to
Congress. There always will be difference
If opinion in the community, and individu-
lis may be guilty of transgression of the
aw, but these do not constitute valid OBJ
ections against the right of a State to re-
presentation. It would in no wise inter-
ere with the discretion of Congress, with
egard to the qualifications ofmembers, and
hold if my duty to recommend to you, in
he interests Of peace and in the interests
'fthe Union, the admission Of every State
o it's share Of public legislation, however
Isurbordinate, insurgent or rebellious it's
eople may have been. It presents itself,
lot only in an attitude Of loyalty and har-
lony, but in the persons Of Representa-
ives whose loyalty cannot be questioned
nder the existing Constitution or by legal
est. 1t is plain that an indefinite or per-
lament exclusion Of any part Of the coun-
ry from representation must be attended
y spirit Of disquiet and complaint.
1t is unwise and dangerous to pursue a
curse of measures which will unite any
arge section of the country against another
ection, no matter how much the latter may
redominate. The course of immigration,
he development of industry, and business
nd natural causes. will raise up men at