New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1866-06-25
pREsTDENr IINooLNls OPINION.

RsnnhIican papers assert that he regarded Con- |
| rress as the sole depository of power over that
subject, whilst the Democratic journals claim that
his views are very nearly identical with those
entertained by President johnson. The object OIL
tba Reppblicsns is not only to fortity themselves
9th IN authority of the late President but to
convict The actual President Of intdelty to the
,,srtv which elected him. In either case the game
s hardly worth the candle. What Mr. Lincoln
i tbonght. on a question which never had been pre-
septed to him in all its fulness, is matter OF little
| consequence. What he would have thought had
he lived to occupy Mr.. Johnson's position towards
the ouestions Of the day might be of more impor
lance.
Likewise it is of little moment whether or not,
in the purely partisan sense in which the charge
is made, President johnson is anfaithful to the
party which elected him. Party fealty ought not
to weigh with the elected chief magistrate of q
great country like this against obligations of a
far more binding and sacred character. Mr..
johnson can well afford to confess infdelity to his
party if he can, at the same time plead fidelity to
his own conscientious convictions, to the great
interests Of which he is the guardian, and to the
principles Of public liberty of which, unfortunately,
| he is now about the only protector.
| Nevertheless the discussion to which we have
above alluded is not without its interest, espe-
cially to those who are curious in the phenomena
Of Presidential minds. The New York World
adduces several historical facts to show that
President Lincolu's views were identical with
those now held by President Johnson In 1864
| Congress passed reconstruction bill, and
adjourned Immediately, thus allowing Mr.. Lincoln
no opportunity to veto the measure. He there
fore took the unusual course Of publishing a
proclamation setting forth the reasons why he
could not support the bill. That proclamation,
the World declares aYows opinions exactly SINH
| lar to those Of President johnson. Soon after.
wards Senator Wade and Henry Winter Davis OF
the House published a manifesto against the
President, and taking issue with him on this ques-
| ton of reconstruction. The Hade-Dayis mani
festo concludes as follows:
But lie president Lincolnl must understand
| that our support is of a cause and not of man
that the authority Of Congress is paramount, and
must be respected that the whole body Of the
Union men of Congress will not submit to be
impeaehed by him of rash and unconstitutional
4 legislation and if he wishes our support, he must
4 confne himself to his executive duties--to obey
and execute and not make the laws-to suppress
by arms armed rebellion, ana leave p0lOcal reor-
ganzation to Congress.
If the supporters Of the government fail tn
insist on this, they become responsible for the
usurpatons which they fail to rebUket and are
/ Justly liable to the Indignation OF the people
4 whose rights and security, committed to their
i keeping, they sacrifice
4 Let them consider the remedy for these usurpa
tons and having found it, fearlessly execute it.
i Ut will be seen, says the World, that, in tone
these incupaons are precisely like those launched
! by Thad. Stevens and his Reconstruction Commit
tee against President johnson, and they are pre-
eisely identical in substance. Mr.. Lincoln had
4 without consulting Congress, recognized State
governments in Louisiana and Arkansas, had en-
Outraged the election of Senators and Representa-
lives to Congress- aud had exerted all his influence
to secure their admission to seats. One Of his pro-
| claimed reasons for disappearing the reeonstruc-
ton bill passed by Congress was that it upset what
4 had been done in those States. The controversy
between the Executive and Congress, therefore.
stood on the same footing during the Presidential
election Of 1864, that it does now. He who was
elected on the same ticket with Lincoln, inherits
not only his office, but his policy, his quarrel with
Congress- and eyenhis mode of resistance, namely,
/ BY veto.
Again, in his reply to letter written to him by
Fernando Wood, Mr.. Lincoln says:
IN Dear Sir-Your letter Of the Sth, with the
accompanying note Of same date, was received
yesterday.
The most important paragraph in the letter. as
consider, is in these words '0n the 28th Of No.
yember last was advised by an authority which ]
deemed likely to be well informed as well as relia
BILE and truthful, shat che Southern States woplG
send representatives TO the next Congress- pro
] vided that full and general amnesty should per
nit them to do SO. No guarantee or terms were
I asked for other than tile amnesty referred tor
II strongly suspect your information will prove tt
Y be groundless; nevertheless thank you for com
a municatng it to me. Understanding the phrase il
e the paragraph above quoted" the Southern
States would send representatives to the next Con
7 gressa-to be substantially the same as that tn
U people of the Southern States would cease resis
e lance, and would reinaugurate, submit to- an
maintain the national authority within the limits
such States under the Constitution of the Unite
y Statesn l say that in such case the war woul
lr cease on the part of the United States and tbs
Of if, within reasonable time, "a full and generl
e amnesty were necessary to such end, it would nc
~ be withheld.
Z The reply to the French offer of mediation
L very much Of the same kind.
France was told that the best peace conferenc
J between the North and South was the America
: Congress; that representatives from the loyi
T. States were already there and seats are ais
inviting the Senators and Representatives of tn
Disconnected party, who may be constitutional
h sent there from the States involved in the insu
lie rection." The letter to Mr.. Wood was confde
" tial but this dispatch was Immediately publishe
Ia TO the WOf0i anu as IL WAS never feLfaeted N WI
I'd equivalent to pledge that Southern represent
Ill tives should be admitted to Congress whenever IL
he States chose to return, provided they were cons
r tutionally elected. The right of the President
make that pledge rested Immediately upon Il
Constitution, which declares each State entitled
Il two Senators and anumber Of Representatives pr
y portioned to its population It required no act
" Congress to authorize this, as it was already
81 dained by the Constitution.
These are the arguments Of the World and
IT must be confessed that the facts seem to JUST
on the conclusions. On the other hand the Repab
II can papers seem to consider conclusive in til,
" favor the following recently published letter, a
~ dressed by President Lincoln to General Weitzt
ne OFFICE u S, MILITARY TKLEc ,ApH
he Wac DEPARTMENT, Washington d. O., April 10 1866.
g Major General Wetzei, Richmond Va;
have just seen Judge Campbel's letter to y
- of the 18th. He assumes, as appears to me, that
~ have called the insurgent legislature of Virgin
in together, as the rghtfu legislature of the Stat
lc to settle all differences with the United States
ia have done no such thing. spoke of them, not
IN legislature, but as the gentlemen who ha,
ae acted as the legislature Of Virginia in support
OF the rebelion.o did this on purpose to exclut
lie the assumption that was recognizing them as
ri. rightful body. / dealt with them as men havir
~ power de faoto TO do q specific thing, to wi
~ " 70 withdraw the Virginia troops and other SUI
all port from resistance to the general government
i,g for which, in the paDer hAndaH hu Tndoa Go mi