Orleans independent standard. [volume] (Irasburgh, Vt.) 1856-1871, 1866-06-15
resolve that the war for

Onvention resolve that the war 1or tt
he suppression of the rebellion was n
allure and ought to be stopped Il
Now, if men could be found who would r.
10 this when the nation was in the C
-ery mortal agony to preserve its ex- o
stence, is it uncharitable to suppose s
hat to make successful political al a
lance and get into power, men would Y
not be found who would unite on S
platform of reputation of the national
debt? Why, in my part of the coun- 1
try the war cry of a certain party has
been. Taxation of the national Sc
curities I" which was but a partial
of the contract of the Gov
| do not desire to dwell
upon this point; it is not a pleasant
theme either for reflection or discus
sion.
Considering the immense pecunlary
stake the people of the loyal States
have in the national securities, and
the universal disaster and calamity
which would attend their reputation,
or even any great distrust OF them, 1t
hehooves us to be cautions and sure
that we open no possible door for the
entrance of such danger. In my
judgement, the admission of the south
ern representatives without such an
amendment of the Constitution as the
new and changed condition of southern
population requires in order to be
just, would subject us to that very
peril; indeed, that it would be sure
to come. [ would prevent it.
Will this amendment, if adopted,
furnish the needed protection; or in
other words, will the South, even with
the aid of northern allies, be able to
obtain the control of the Government
or of Congress
If these States refuse to extend the
right of suffrage to the colored men
the representation will be confined to
the white population. This number,
especially of males above twenty-one
years of age, has largely decreased
during the war, and this deduction,
together with that to be made for
the three fifths of the slave popula-
ton, would so reduce the congress
! sional representation Of the seeding
Z States that no reasonable fear need
be entertained that even with the aid
; of northern allies would they be able
! to obtain control of the Government.
: If, to enlarge their political power
l and representation in Congress, they
extend suffrage to all the colored
) men, such an element of loyalty would
5 thereby be infused into the ballot box
that, added to the white loyalty exist
: ing there, we might safely count upon
/ a portion Of their representation being
: reliable, true Union men. and thus
e avoid a solid sectional vote against
). the interests of that part of the coun
J. try which has saved it. In my judge
e ment, there is no reasonable ground
Y of fear, whether they do or do not ex
y tend suffrage to colored men, that the
/ control of the national Government
e can be placed in disloyal hands.
e Will the adoption of this amend
d ment work any wrong or injustice tt
IS the white people of the South ?
N While slavery existed they were al
S lowed representation upon three fifth
n. Of their slaves. 1t is somewhat diff
Y cult to see any principle upon whicl
a. this basis was adopted. If they stoot
II upon the same footing as the non-vot
" ing white population, then they shout,
" have had representation for the Who'll
" number; while if they were regarded
Ill as property merely they should no
d. have been counted at all, as no proper
to ty qualification was established or a
y lowed in other respects. If any rel
at resentation at all was allowed, it wa
Dr. proper that its exercise should be gi,
e, en- to the masters, as the condition {
or absolute dependence and submissio
10 in which the slaves stoodrendered a
u free and intelligent choice impossibl
on their part, and if the slaves had an
IL interest to be protected it was til
O. masters and not theirs. The maste
es might possibly be regarded as tn
to head of a family, of which the slave
l formed a part, and so their prope
nj representation; but l agree that til
sir analogy is exceedingly faint. But til
ed compromise by which this partial rel
d. resentation was allowed for slaves ha
a probably very little foundation in an
M just principle of representation, br
ne was one of the arbitrary compromise
by which the conflicting interests
lily the two sections were adjusted. I'll
in North consented to so much represel
en- tation, in consideration that dire,
ey taxes should be laid in the same ma
he ner. Like all the compromises tn;
eir have been made, the South had IL
ry best of it, as they had a large and CO
ed slant representation from it, while tt
lily direct taxes have been too small an
unfrequent to furnish any correspo
er ding advantage to the North.
he But slavery is over and ended. III
We slaves have been made free. II
masters can no longer claim to repr
sent them, either on the ground th
they are members or dependents
their families or that they own the
as their property. The former rulil
I'm class in the South say, "These peopl
it'll now having become free persons, v
We are entitled to have our representatit
IN raised by the enumeration of the who
at for that purpose" avery WE'LL" S;
US we, "let the same rule OF suffrage c
tend to them as is applied to the viii
lot people, and be represented for the
. all" "By no means" it is answered
ms "they are too ignorant to know no
le- to protect their own interests in VIC