The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-09-19
new BASIS OF REPRESENTATION.
An Eloquent Appeal for Union,
Liberty, and Justice.


Fellow. Citizens:-Ver grave differences hav-
inc arisen between our immediate Representa-
tives IN Congress and the President, who owes
his position to your votes, we are impelled 10
ask your attention thereto, and to suggest the
duties to your country which they render i'm
perative,
these there have already been too many. And,
that the matters in issue may be brought within
the narrowest compass, let Ms first eliminate
from the controversy all that has already
been settled or has never been in dispute.
The Republic has been desperately assailed
from within, and its very existence seriously
imperilled. Thirteen States were claimed as
having withdrawn from the Union, and were
represented for years in hostile Congress
meeting at Richmond. Ten OF these States
were for a time, wholly in the power of q hostile
Confederacy; the other three partially so. The
formida6ly invaded by Rebel armies, which
were only expelled after obstinate and bloody
battles. Through four years of arduous, despe-
rate civil strife, the hosts or the Rebel Coniede-
racy wIthslood those Of the Union. Agents of
that Confederacy traversed the civilized world,
seeking allies In their war against the Re-
public. and inciting the rapacious ana unprnci-
pied TO tit out armed corsairs to prey upon her
commerce.
BY State authority, and in the perverted names
Of patriotism and loyalty, hundreds of thousands
OF our Countrymen were conscnpted into Rebel
armies, ana made to fight desperately for our
national disruption and ruin. And though, by
the blessing of God and the valor and constancy
OF our loyal people, the Rebellion was finally
and utterly crushed, it did not succumb until it
had caused the destruction of more than half Il
million of precious human lives, not to speak OF
property to the value OF at least five billions OF
dollars.
At length the Rebel armies surrendered, and
the Rebel power utterly collapsed and vanished.
What then?
The claim of the insurgents that they either
now reacquired or had never forfeited their con-
~
representation in Congress, stands in pointed
antagonism alike to the requirements OF Con-
gress and to those of the acting President. 1t
was the Executive alone who, after the Rebel
hon was no more, appointed Provisional Gov
ernors for the now submissive unarmed South
ern States, on the assumption that the Rebel
lion had been revolutionary" and had de-
prived the people under its sway OF all civil
government, and who required the assembling
OF "a Convention, composed OF delegates to be
chosen by that portion of the people of said
State who are loyal to the United States, and no
others, for the purpose of altering and
amending the Constitution of said State"
1t was President Johnson who so late
as October last - when all shadow of
overt resistance to the Union had long since
disappeared-inssted that it was not enough
that State which had revolted must recognize
her ordinance OF secession as null and void from
the beginning, and ratify the Constitutional
amendment prohibiting slavery evermore, but
she must also repudate "every dollar of indebt-
edness created to aid in carrying on the Rebel
lion." 1t was he who ordered the dispersion by
military force OF any Legislature chosen under
the Rebellion which should assume power to
make laws after that Rebellion had fallen. 1t
was he who referred to Congress all inquirers as
| to the probability of Representatives IRON the
| States lately in revolt being admitted to seats
| in either House, and suggested that they should
| present their credentials, not at the organiza-
| ton of Congress, but afterwards. And finally il
was he, and not Congress, who suggested to his
| Governor Sharkey, of Mississippi, that
"If you could extend the elective franchise to all
persons of color who can read the Constitution OF
the United States in English and write their names
and to all persons OF color who own real estate
you would completely disarm the adversary, and sci
an example that other States will follow"
| II, then, there be any controversy as to the
right of the loyal States to exact conditions and
| require guarantees OF those which plunged
| madly into secession and rebellion, the sup
| porters respectively of Andrew johnson and o
| Congress cannot be ANTAGONIST parties to thai
contest, since their record places them on the
| same side.
| 1t being thus agreed that conditions of restora
| tion and guarantees ag9lnst future rebellion
| may be eXacted of the States lately in revolt
| the right OF Congress 10 voice in prescribing
| those conditions and in shaping those guaraD
| tees is plainly incoutestable. Whether 1t tax,
| the shape OF law or of Constitutional amend
ment, the action Of Congress is vital. Even
they were 10 be settled by treaty, the ratidca
ton of the Senate, by two-thirds vote, woult
be indispensable. There is nothing in th
Federal Constitution, nor in the nature of th
case, that countenances al Executive monopol,
| of this power.
What, then, is the ground of complain
against Congress?
Is 1t charged that the action of the two House
was tardy and hestatingY Consider how mo
menteus were the questions involved, the issue
depending. Consider now novel and eXtraordi
nary was the situation. Consider how utterl
| silent and blank is the Federal Constitution
touching the treatment Of insurgent States
whether during their iagrant hostility to tn
wnion i1S or alter their discontinue: Oonside
ties the problem is beset, and you viii no
wonder that months were required to devise
perfect, and pass by a two-thlrds vote in eithe
Yet that plan has been matured. 1t has passe
the Senate by 33 to IL, aud the House by 1873 h
36. II IL now fairly before the country, havin
aheady been ratified by the Legislatures o