Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-03-04
xmExprSc THE CONSTITUTION.

Article 9Th Of the Constitution Of the
United States provides two modes by which
amendments to the Constitution may be pro-
posed, and two methods by which they may
be ratified. In one mode, Congress By two
thirds vote of both hu lses may propose
amendments, and prescribe that their ratii-
cation shall be valid when the Legislatures
Of three-fourths of the States may give their
assent, or conventions in like number of
States, called for the purpose Of considering
them, may adopt then. In the other, the
Legislatures of tNso-thirds of the States may
demand Of Congress the calling of Conven-
ton for proposing amendments, and such
propositions may be ratified in either Of the
modes above described, as Congress msy de
eide.
As the Congress now in session al Wash
ington is almost entirely ongrossed in pro-
posing and debating amendments to the Con-
stitution, and permitting the suffering real
Interests Of the country-among them the
great question Of the finances-to be neglect
ed, in their attempt TO engraft into the or
ganic law of the land a score or two of the
crude and ill-digested theories which state
Of war has evolved from distempered intel
lects Of the Sumnerian type, we have thought
it worth while to callattention to one thought
in reference to the subject of amending the
Constitution.
We hold with the President that there are
valid objections to amending the Constitu-
ton in 10 many ways, and with such various
objects, at the present time / the first
place, there is no need for it; and secondly,
the public mind is not in the calm and
equable mood in which such propositions
should be considered. These are sufficient,
however, if indeed most, if not all, of these
yet offered IN Congress were not intrinsically
Objectionable, which they are, in the fact
that they are conceived and intended for
sectional and partisan purposes, and if
adopted wonld lead to a fundamental altera-
tion in the character of the government.
The suggestion we set out TO offer is that
Congress abandon its present employment of
tinkering at the Constitution, and address it.
self to the pressing business before it, and
leave to two-thirds Of the State Legislatures
the duty of calling a convention for the pur-
pose of proposing amendments, if such a
number Of them think a convention neces-
sary. The present Congress are eager in the
work, because they desire TO take advantage
of the present state of things Two-thirds
Of both Houses are of one party, and the
Legislatures Of twenty or more States are OF
the same party; and by the Congressional
power they WELD over the States yet ex-
cluded from Congress, they confidently hope
to be able to force all or enough of them to
consent to their projects to give them valid
ity as parts of the Constitution. This is a
grave charge, but the facts warrant il.
The trainers of the Constitution were wise
enough to foresee that their work was moi
perfect and that in process of time ii would
require amendment, but they were careful
to provide that it should not be done hastily.
Their object was to make amendment pos.
siJle only, and this is clearly apparent from
article fifth. Two-thirds 10 suggest or pro-
pose, and three-fourths to ratify, is the Ian
guage Of the Constitution; and the whole
scope and tenor Of the contemporary common
tatries, goes to show that it was not intended
to make the instrument easily amendable
The profound statesmen Of the era Of 1889
clearly perceived the evil of frequent anC
ilI-considered alterations of the fundamental
law, and gave no license for it, either in tn,
letter of the instrument or the teaching
they have bequeathed TO us. No man ia
miliar with their writings can fai
to know that they would deprecate
above all things, the course pursued
by the present Congress in regard Il
this question. They would never justify ;
party, in Selling upon an adventitious com
binatien of circumstances as the favorabl;
opportunity to foist into the Constitution ;
set of peculiar opinions on current subject
of political difference; nor would their wis
dom -auvtivII Tire selection Of a tinI0 un
propitious for the important work Of weigh
ing in the balances of an unbiased public
judgment propositions SO permanent and far
reaching in their effects, as that immediatel,
following the close of a civil war, and whil'
nearly one half of the people are ostracizec
and excluded from participation in the gov
eminent. The MISUNDERSTANDING SLAYER,
was proper in itself, as well as in the time o
its adoption-it was the mere excising from
the body polite with the sovereign civil
hand Of government an institution which
the war had so hacked and mangled as t.
leave valueless, and in many respects an in
cumbrance but farther than this there il
no necessity for further exercise of tn,
amending power, and an eminent impro
priety in the time-the temper-and thu
purpose for which those now being discuss
ed in Congress are urged.
| We repeat the recommendation then
that Congress shall take up the many proper
subjects of legislation requiring attention
and forego their projects for altering tn,
Constitution. The schemes they have pre-
scented have received no thought from tn,
people, and when the members of Congress
now in service were elected they received nc
intimation that the people desired tn,
changes they are suggesting. Let proposals
for further amendments come from the
people through new State Legislatures
elected after the work Of restoration is com.
plete, and when the public mind has sub
sided into that state of calmness BETTING the
grave consideration that the question re.
quires; and let amendments, if any be needed
emanate from convention Of delegates from
all the States.
MISPLACED CONFIDENCE
Speaker CoLFAX was so confident the