Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1866-06-14

ZIER, State Senator from Knox county, from
which we extract the following interesting
revelations as TO the true designs Of th
Radicals, in their late revolutionary anC
anti-republican proceedings under the nam,
Of State Legislature:
Soon after the meeting of the Legisla.
ture, last fall, it became evident that tho
Radical party in both Houses, were deter.
mined TO repeal the first, or existing fran
chise law, and substitute another in is
stead, still more restrictive in its character
against the rebels, and, if possible, engraft
iinl2 iTaee It's Pr9yisi2ns The policy Of negro su
raised in both Houses 10 whom the subject
was referred. When the matter was FIRST
broached in the Senate / opposed the re-
opening Of the subject, and then declared
my determination TO vote against any alter
alton of the law, let it come from where it
might.
The session passed on amid much bicker
ing and conflict, from both parties, in which
| took no part, till finally the House sue
ceeded by the dogged pertinacity on the
part of the Radical majority, TO force through
the meantime the Senate Committee have
prepared bill which, in its provisions, ex-
cluded the leading rebels, but opened the
ballot to the negro These two propositions
both repealed the old law which j was pledg-
ed to sustain. They not only did this but
they both opened the ballot-bOx to the black
man, which was likewise pledged to op-
pose. The Senate bill was a fair and open
ayowel Of the proposition, while tie House
bill contained a provision allowing all the
soldiers - the Federal service, regardless Of
color, TO .rticipate and vote in all future
elections. This 9Th section of the bill7is in
geniously worded, so as 10 admit Of double
meaning, evidently intended TO conceal this
feature of the bill from the indignation Of
the people. At the same time il is 80 am
biguous that if il becomes necessary for the
eight or ten thousand negro soldiers to-turn
the scale in any future election, they can be
called upon and will be used for that pur-
pose. j
There are other very strong objections to
the bill. To my mind, it is clearly uncon-
stitutional, and 70 have voted for IT, ! must
have violated one of the plainest allegations
in the oath which | had taken on entering
that body IL is also clearly subversive of
all Republicanism, and in direct conflict with
the Presidents amnesty. 1t also gives 10 the
Executive Of the State powers thatI am
unwilling 10 confer upon any man, be he
ever 20 pure and holy. With said power IN
the hands Of corrupt men, there Is great
danger of a State subversOn of all liberty
and all law. For these reasons, ! was COM
PEELED not only 20 vote, but protest, against
It's enactment; and no matter how ! may be
sustained, / shall ever feel that | have not
only faithfully kept my pledge, but that l
have discharged my whole duty 10 my COun-
try i'm raising my warning voice 10 stay the
mad passions and jacobin fury that is tearing
down, with impious hands, this fair temple
Of liberty which our forefathers founded for
our protection and safety.
Ii is very clear 10 any one who has wit
messed az ] have, the whole actings of the
Radical party in the Legislature, that the
great point sought TO be reached is universal
suffrage. There would have been a majority
easily passed for il in both Houses, had they
not forced the influence of such a measure
before the Union people Of East Tennessee.
They know that with their present strength
in the State, under any franchise law that
they can pass that excludes the negro, they
must soon lose their power. They are
aware of the fact that in five years there
will be young men enough come up TO man
hood-the sons of sires that are now dis
iranchised-to carry the State against them.
They hope and believe if they can infranch-
isc the black man, that they can use him for
their own selfish purposes, and by this
means retain the power in their own hands.
This is the avowed object of many of the
advocates of the measure. They only hope
to use him for their own elevation. There
is not single advocate of the measure in
either House, who places il upon the grounds
Of benefit 10 the race, and this measure is,
by no means, abandoned. 1t is the main
question that is TO come up in the fall. If it
had not been for this question, the bystand-
els would have adjourned "siac die"
They hope that by that time Congress
will make some requirements of the South
ern States that may give them an excuse for
adopting it, They would abandon the fran
don the franchise law at once, if they could
get the freedmen TO the polls. Their aim
and purpose is TO retain power. For this
they would sacrifice every other interest, and
would adopt any measure to secure il.
Neither have they any fear of the rebels re-
gaining power. Their great alarm and
dread arises from the Conservative element
in the State They hate them ten-fold worse
than they do the rebels. As an evidence Of
this may state that, shortly after the fall
session opened, l introduced a proposition
for securing the State in the hands Of loyal
men, which was precisely the same in prin-
cidle as that recommended by the President
for admitting members into Congress, and
the Radical party would not listen to it.
Many Of them told me, when talking about
it, that il might be sufficient TO keep out the
rebels, bat that it would let in all the Con-
servatives and they would as soon be ruled
hy 4 rebel as Conservative.
u EpAyTTp