Urbana union. [volume] (Urbana, Ohio) 1862-1872, 1866-02-28


ty objections In time OF war 1t was emf
nently proper that we should provide iol
those who were passing suddenly from con-
dition OF bondage 10 a state of freedom. But
this bill proposes to make the Freedmen
Bureau, established by the act Of 1865 as one
Of the many great and extraordinary military
measures to suppress formidable rebellion,
a permanent branch OF the public admins
tration, with its power greatly enlarged l
have no reason to suppose, and do not un-
derstand it to be alleged, that the act OF
March, 1866, has proved deficient ior the
purpose for which it was passed, although at
that time, and for a considerable period there
after the Government Of the United States
remained unacknowledged in most OF the
States whose inhabitants had been involved
in the rebellion. The institution OF slavery,
for the military destruction OF which the
Freedmen's Bureau was called into existence
as an auxiliary for it. has been already etec-
tually and finally abrOgated throughout the
whole country by an amendment of the
Constitution Of the United States, and, prac-
t;cally, its eradication has received the assent
aid concurrence of most Of those States in
which, at any time, it had existed. l am
not, therefore, able to discern in The country
any thing to justify an apprehension that the
powers and agencies Of the Freedmen's Bu-
reau, which were effective for the protection
of freedmen and refugees during the actual
continuation OF hostiliries and of. African
servitude, will now, in a time Of peace, and
after the abolition ol slavery, prove made
quate to the same proper ends. II am cor
rect in these views, there can be no necessity
for the enlargement of the powers OF the
Bureau, for which provision is made in the
bill.
The third section of the bill authorizes a
general. unlimited amount of support TO the
destitute and suffering refugees and freedmen,
and their wives and children. Succeeding
sections make provision for the rent or pur-
chase of landed estates for freedmen, and for
the erection for their benefit of suitable build
ings for asyluIns and schools, the expenses to
be betrayed from the treasury Of the whole
people The Congress OF the United States
has never heretofore thought itself competent
to establish any laws beyond the limits OF
the District ot Columbia except for the ben
eft Of our disabled soldiers aud sailors. 1t
has never founded schools Tor any class Of our
people. not even for the orphans Of those who
have fallen in defense Of tie Union, but has
left the care OF their education TO the much
more competent control OF the States. OF
Of private associations, and oil
individuals. Il las never deemed itself au-
thorized to cxpcnd public money for the rent
or purchase of houses for the thousands, not
to say millions. OF the white race, who are
honestly tOiling from day to day for their
subsistence. A system for the SUPPORT OF IN
digent persors in the United States was new
er contemplated by The authors Of the Con
s,iulicn, nor can any good reason be advanc-
ed why, as n pcrIaanent establishment, Ii
should be founded for one class or color Of
oar people more than for another. Pending
the war many refugees aud freedmen receiv-
ed support from the Government, but it was
never intended they should henceforih be
fed, clothed, educaled they sheltered by the
United States. The idea on which the slaves
were assisted to freedom was, that on becom-
ing free they would be a self-supporting pop
NATION Any legislation that shall imply
they are not expected to attain seli-sustain-
ing condition must hove atendency injurious
alike to their character and their prosperity. !
The appointment of an agent for every
coun.rr and parish viii create an immense
patronage. and the expense OF the numerous
officers and lheil clerks 10 be appointed by
the President will be great in the beginning, |
with tendency steadily to increase. The !
asked by The Frcedmen's Bur-
can. as now established, for the year 1866
amaunt to SIl.745, 900. 1t may be safely !
estimated that the cost to be incurred under
the pending bill will require double that
aTnoupt-mOre than the entire sum expended |
! lo olry Of q
second Adams. IF the presence Of agents in !
every parish and country is to be considered
as a war measure, opposition, or even resls- |
tance, might be provoked, so that to give
effect to their jurisdiction, troops would have |
to be stationed within reach OF every one ot
them. and thus a large standing force be rem
dered necessary. Large appropriations would |
therefore. be required to sustain and enforce |
militar jurisdiction iE every country and par |
isb loom the Potomac to the Rio Grand. The |
condition of our fiscal affairs is encouraging, |
but in order TO sustain the present measure !
of public confidence, it is necessary that we
practice, not mere customary economy; but, |
as far as possible, severe rerenchment.
In addition to the objections already stat
ed, the fifth section OF the bill proposes to
take away land from its former owners, with
out legal proceedings, and is contrary to that
provision of the Constitution which declares |
that "no person shall be deprived OF life. |
liberty or property, without due process of
law" It does not appear that the lands, to /
which this sections refers may not be own
ed by miners or persons OF uuSound mlnG, or |
Dy those who have been faithful to all their /
obligations as citizens of the United States.
Tf any portion of land is held by such per-
sons. it is not competent for any authority to
leprive them of it. II, on the other hand. il |
be found that the property is liable TO conis-
cation even then it can not be appropriated |
10 public purposes until, by due progress Of
aw. it shall have been declared forfeited to
he Government.
There are still further objections to the bill
On grounds seriously affecting the class Of
persons to whom it is designed to bring re-
ief It will tend to keep the mind Of the
freedman in a state of uncertain expectation
and resllessness, while to those among whom
he lives il will be a source Of constant and |
7apue apptehensioH. Undoubtedly theireed-
men should be protected but they should be
protected by the civil authorities, especially |
ov the exercise of all the constitutional pow
ers of the courts Of the United States and of
The States. His condition is not so exposed
As may at first be imagined. He is in por-
lion of the country where his labor can not
well be spared. Competition for his services
rom those who are constructing or repairing
rail roads, or from capitalists, in his vicinity,
Or from other States, will enable him to com
nand almost bis own terms. He also pos
,esses perfect right to change his place Of
,bode, and if, therefore, he does not find in
1ne community or State mode Of life suit
I'd to his desires, or proper remuneration for
MS labor. he can move 10 another where la
Dor is more esteemed and better rewarded.
In truth, however, each State, induced by