The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1866-03-05


watching intently what is passing at Wash
ington. They stand ready TO take advantage
of our difficulties, as they did during the war,
to humiliate us. Will France leave Mexico or
England do us justice if the country remains
unsettled II requires little sagacity to per-
ceive how our foreign relations would be
affected by domestic strife. Now we have the
most enviable position as great nation; but
let the revolutionary radicals have their way
and our historical record with regard TO pend
ing International affairs will be such that our
children will blush for the humiliation the great
republic will have suffered.
The Fenfan Meeting-The Excitement
I'm England. Ireland and the United
States.
The demonstration of Fenians in jones'
affair. 1t is estimated that at least one hun
dred thousand people were present, at one
time, on the ground. Archbishop McCloskey's
circular, read in all the Catholic churches in
the city in the morning, seems to have made
very little impression on his fiocks; for they
poured into Jones' Wood in one continuous
stream for hours. They appear to believe as
much in the salvation of Ireland as in the sal
walton Of their souls. Indeed, the regeneration
Of their native country ia now the grand idea.
the real soul Of all Irishmen at this crisis of
her fate.
The Fenisn movement in Ireland has AS
sumed snch threatening proportions that the
government and press Of England no longer
attempt to ridicule IT, They regard ii now as
a very serious affair. The mail by the Asia
brings us information of The alarm OF the
government, and Of the sudden passage OF a
bill in Parliament to suspend the Habeas
Corpus act in Ireland. From the tone of the
short debate on the subject and of the British
press, the prominent fact stands out that such a
crisis has come which nobody outside OF the
Fepians anticipated This shows the strength
of The movement party which could mature
such an extraordinary and extensive plan of
insurrection secretly, while sagacious
government believed that II was only a
noisy riotous demonstration got up by u
few rotorieiy seeking leaders, must have
deep and wide foundation. All the
world knew there was cause enough for the
movement in the deep seated hatred of the
Irish people to England, wherever they might
| be scattered or however much their condition
might be changed In new homes. The Irish
man in America, and even in Australia, hates
the British government as much rs his country
man at home. That we all knew; but few
could believe that nj this time and under 80
many difficulties, that hatred could have been
developed in such formidable and extensively
maturcd plan Of action. After what we now
see il would not be safe to prophecy as to the
results Of the movement II Is difficult to see
how IL can succeed against the power of the
British government and the opposition Of the
Catholic hierarchy but we must leave this to
future events. The present aspect Of the mat
ter is very serious one for England.--~
But the particular view Of the case to which
| We would call the attention Of the British gov
eminent and people, is in the comparison be-
tween their situation now and ours when the
rebellion in the South broke out We were
bitterly denounced by the press OF England for
suspending the writ Of Habcas Corpus and for
the coercive measures we were compelled 70
take. The sympathy Of the government and
governing classes was avowed for the rebels.
| The government took the first oppor-
tunity TO recognize the rebels % belli-
gerents, and by that means 10 strengthen the
rebellion. The cost Of that unft1endly act TO ms
In prolonging the war, IN AexAcrince Of life
and property, and In swellisthe enormous
debt with which we are burthcned, was meal
culable. We do not exaggerate In making this
statement; II has become fact of history.
Now, suppose We were 10 do the same with
regard to Irelsnds Suppose the press Of this
country were to adopt the very language used
by that Of England and apply II to the case Of
Irelands Suppose our government were to
promptly recognize The Fenians as belligerents
and shut its eyes while Fenian privatcers lefs
our ports 10 prey on British commerce, could
England complaint Did she not set us the
example, Is there any difference In the cases'
Yes there is, and that In favor Of the United
States and against England. Ours was good
and benign government; nobody was oppressed;
the South had no cause Whatever for attempting
10 break up the government except . fsncied
one about the negro, and we were compelled 10
take The course We did 10 preserve free rspub-
lican institutions for ourselves, our children and
posserisy. That was our cass. end We had q
right 70 srpec, ~ svupsthy Of NE Eaglisk