Clarksville weekly chronicle. [volume] (Clarksville, Tenn.) 1865-1867, 1866-07-20

tions. We are Ssafes and are 90 recognized
BY the President and Cbrgrsss. We arc pro-
perly,.oyyanized, and are 20 considered 5y them
We are orkiag IN pe.tect harmony with fhs
general government and they admit Il. W.
obey the iasos, hold our courts, and administes
jwstice bef0ecn oi:rssJVss; are IN all respecfs al
good members Of socsty az zoe ever Uere, ana
they knop il. f-s1
They say; "You don't send up loyal repre-.
sentatives." Why don't you admit those II
any there are, whose loyalty is undsputed
Give us to know thu you will admit men
whose antecedens have always been against
Secession, and none other, and we will send
such. We admit yotr right TO sjudge Of
the elections, qualifications and returns Of
your own member" and would not inter-
fere with this privilege: bat will you admit
any ESQ, when and whom
To sum up this whole question, single
proposition may be stated: We are States
Of the United Stafes; as such are entitled,
under the Constellation, ia ia,gfaI yepsesenta-
ton IN fhe Coagrsss qf the natiom.
This being the case let US make ourselves
responsible for any wrongs that may come
upon us by the adoption Of measures in the
preparation which we'flave not been allowed
voice. ~ 8 sf
"But," II is said, tive must adopt this
amendment or we will not be received into
the Union we can't be represented In Con.
gress." This is very Questionable. Let us
wait and soc. II the people of the South
had not already done all they they can do,
by way of accepting the issues of the war,
and this proposition was for that purpose,
the case would be very different. But they
have done this, have done II manfully and
promptly, and this proposed amendment is
Of character which Is purely diplomatic
between the States as States, having no re-
ference to settlement of matters In contro-
versy during the war, or questions settled
by Its fearful arbitrament.
l say, then, we are entitled to representa-
ton, and let Us wait until the common sense
Of the nation has time to act, to see whether
we can't obtain our rights with abasement
II not, trust to the future for counsel. We
can raise wheat cattle and corn tobacco,
cotton and sugar-can build mp our manu-
factories and our towns can beautify homes,
and build up our people. What we have to
sell will always find ready market. The
Cumberland will still run in Its old channel,
and people will occasionally pay our little
hermitage flying visit. Money will circu-
late as it always has done. Selfinterest will
work wonders. tits better that we should
do right in this matter now, than to regret
our foley in after years.
Let us plant ourselves on the right--on
the side Of the people--and as Gen. Grant
said, "fght it out on that line" Let us cul-
tivate friendship and goodwill among our
people, and we will gain in the end.
The committee, in their report, say that
the adoption Of this amendment would be a
dangerous precedent in our history, which
might in future be pleaded in excuse for still
further absorption by the government of the
reserved rights of the people. This sugges-
ton is one ofgraveimport, and we can not give
1t too much consideration. This subject was
considered by Jefferson, Henry, Hamilton,
Adams, Morris, Wilson, Madison and host
Of others of our illustrious names to involve
the fundamental principles of our whole
system Of government. Were this fitting
occasion, it would be pleasant task to trace
out the peculiar character Of our 60, ernment.
The relations between our States and the
general government are far too little under
stood by the people. 1t is argued that the
central power Is not strong enough for self
protection. II this be true, then abolish our
system and establish monarchy. But why
not of sufficient strength. Have we not a
congress empowered ito declare war 7" Ii
it empowered "to raise and equip armies
to suppress insurrection and repel invasions?'
Have we not a President who is by law Com
mander in Chief of the armies and navies of
the country? Is he net required by the law
to communicate to the Congress the state and
condition Of the country2 And is he not
bound to execute the law? Are not the
States prohibited from forming "treaties, al
liances, and considerations n
This subject was as ably and thoroughly dis
custed by the men who framed the Constitu-
tion as it will ever be again: and they could
not and did not delegate any more power TO
the general government than was necessary
for the purposes for which il was created.
This question of the central power Of the
government may properly, I think, be con-
sidered in this light: So long as enough Of
the States are contented under our present
system, to compel the submission of discon-
contented States, that long, and no longer,
is the power Of the general government suf-
6cient. The saystem Is not deficient If sup
ported by the people. Whenever II loses
that support, 1t falls and experience has de-
monstrated that it has too many friends to
defend it, for its permanency to be placed In
doubt. Tho machinery is sufficiently perfect,
and with the support of all the States, it can
stand against the world. It's strength Is in
the affections Of the people, and SO long as
these are retained, its power Is ample. When
these are estranged and lost the fabric falls,
and all the writings and conventional stipu-
lations in christendom can't save 1t.
The perpetuity of our government Is based
more upon the inalienable principles of mans
nature, than upon any written instruments
we may adopt. We stand or fall, just as
we are united or divided
There Is no necessity, then, Ia our giving
away needessy amy more ofsour re-
served rights. We gave the government, In
the beginning, all that we intended or were
asked to give The power Of the govern
ment is sufficient and that of the States none
too great.
Questions not affecting the interests Of the
country as whole, are purely local, and the
States have an exclusive Jurisdiction over
them. This Is right-and when we relin-
quish this right, We lay down the precedent
for what may eventually be an utter destruc-
tion of the State Governments. Let Con-
gress regulate our suffrage and the right of
holding Office in the States, why not let 1t
appoint our Governors and Judges There
is no difference Ia the principle. If re-
main representative people, we are entitled
to the control Of these things when we sur.
render them, as we are r,qniredt to do by this
amendment, we at once submit TO a principle
that may in time annihilate us as States;
and hence this Is dangerous pre- Q lent,
which may in future te pleaded In excuse for
still further absorptions."