The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-12-01

Congress and the Impeachment Question.
A GREAT deal OF speculation is INDUCED in
as to the probable action of Congress with
reference to the impeachment OF the Presl-
dent. AS Congress is to assemble next week,
any positives expression Of opinion is evil
IDENTIFY premature. 1t is to be remembered
that it is not the Congress just elected that
is about to assemble, but the same body that
was in session last winter. The new Con-
gress will not meet regularly until year
from now, unless sooner assembled in extra
session by the President or called together
by a law to be passed by the present body,
although their term Of office will commence
on the 4th of March next.
The question of impeachment has been
broached more prominently by members elect
of the next Congress than by those of the
Thirty-ninth Congress. The present MEM
bers, so lar as we have observed, have said very
little about it.
Congress is now complete master Of the
situation. Until the close OF Mr.. Johnson's
tenn of office, more than two-thirds of both
branches are opposed to his policy. More
over it now assemblies under Instructions
from the people. The questions at issue
between the President and Congress have
been submitted to the people themselves for
their decision, and they have decided with
great unanimity in favor Of Congress. Con-
gress, therefore, occupies very strong posi-
ton. 1t is invested with full authority in the
T, oil ri lou md
if the President sees fit to veto them, it has
strength enough to pass them over his veto
Moreover, he is bound to execute such laws
as Congress may pass.
Standing in this strong and safe position
Congress will doubtless act with dignity
circumstances with which it is surrounded
1t will make no undue haste. Even should
deem the President to have been guilty @
acts rendering him liable to impeachment
and that the safety and welfare OF the natio
required Congress to exercise that high funC
ton with which the Constitution, in view c
such cases, has endowed it, yet everythin
will be done "decently and in order" Tn
entire question of impeachment, however,
one of policy. The Constitution conters thi
power upon Congress to be used in its ow
discretion. 1t is the sole Judge of everythin
connected with it. OF course, it is only to b
exercised inscases Of gravity, and where tn
public good demands it; but OF all this Cor
gress is the sole Judge. In the present cas-
it is quite probable that Congress will wa
to see whether the President WI conform b
action to the will of the people, or whethC
he will continue to endeavor to force his ow
"pOlicy" upon the country. They may confer
themselves with restricting the power of th
President, SO tar as they can constitutional
do 30, by the enactment Of such laws as th
exigencies of the case may seem to call 70
Should he, however, continue to override tn
constitutional prerogatives of the Senate /
regard to the confirmation of appointments
should he refuse or neglect to execute sue
avs in regard to the reconstruction of th
ate Rebel communities as Congress may Sc
At to pass; should he attempt further usurps
tions oflegislative powers and functions ;shoul
he again assail coordinate branches of th
Government, Congress would doubtless &c,
itself called upon to promptly resort to tbi
high prerogatve of impeachment and r
moval which the Constitution has provide
or Just such contingencies. The whole thin
rests very much with the President himself
As we have before remarked, the new Coz
gress Just elected does not meet REGULAR