The Portland daily press., 1866-09-06
SUPPLEMENT.
Thursday Morning, September 6, 1866.
~enerri ButIer ON the Presidents Policy,
and the philadelphia Convention.


and the philadelphia Convention.
The recent great speech of General Butler,
delivered at Gloucester, Mass, we have not
oeen able to print in full, but we present our
readers with some extracts which are worthy
OF special notice. After passing in review the
various steps in the reconstruction policy of
the President-steps which could only be ius-
Tined under the Constitution upon the hy-
pothesis that the late rebellious States are not
in the Union precisely as Massachusetts. Ohio.
and other loyal States are in 1.-THE speaker
proceeded to show the fallacy of the Presi-
denr's present position as follows:
Congress came together in Decembet and for
the first time the President enunciated the doc
Urine that these States had right to represen-
tatlon by loyal representatives. It ALWAYS
seemed to me that there was fallacy in that
statement, that it was sophistry, and I have
were stumbled by this argument. owhy won't
Congress admit the loyal Representatives in the
Union, is it not wrong for Congress to keen ont
loyal a. men, Suppose the South is disloyal
they be- sanpose why should not
who have doubt upon this Observation-Disclosures
the loyal States should send disloyal men fo the
Congress of the United States? Will Won adj
mt the dlsloyal representative? No, because
he misrepresents the constituency and he ouobt
not to be admitted. Suppose q disloyaI con-
stltuency sends loyal representatives, should
he be admitted. No. Why? Because he mis-
represents his constituency. Is it not perfectly
an answer-a perfect one and not to be over
come by any artifce-that the right of repre-
sentation is not the right of the Representative
but of the constituents.
If the constituency is loyal then il win hard
ly do to inquire into the constituency Of the
representative, and therefore we applaud the
answer of John Randolph when asked if he
was old enough to come to Congress,-he said
task my constituents" Therefore, we are
brought back to this-ifth constituency in the
first instance is loyal they have a right to be
represented-but not by rebels-and ifjustice
was done them they would not have man of
the rebels left to represent them. [Applause.l
But if they are disloyal it is no matter whom
they send to represent them, because this wear
they will send loyal men, and having got estab-
saying; "You have recognized our right to
representation and you must admit these men,"
Have the people of the South such love ofthe
Union, love OF the country, as to be entitled to
take part in the government of the country?
That is the question.
The monstrous pretensions of the rebels were
thus referred to by the General:
These men said we have surrendered in good
faith, we have agreed to take up our relations
IL .hG CMteu otales, anu IN 1865, IN May, j June
and July, that was their feeling-they were
like the convicted sinner, ready to say "Lord.
Lord, what will you have us to do?" But the
difficulty was, they found that they first OBJ
tanned pardons; and second, that they were
sustained by the President; and third, that
the North were far too lenient and forgiving,
and then arose this most monstrous theory
that they had all the rights which they former
~ mad under the Constitution-that the terms
t Wmf p sherman gave to Johnston, and which
the PRESIDENT of the United States rejected,
were the true terms on which they surrender
ca. When did they get these terms? 1 un-
derstand that Alexander I'll. Stevens, one of
tner ablest men, claims that they were not re-
sponsiDie for what was done in their absence;
tnat those rebels who left their seats have the
right to come back and vote upon the question
Wnetner men and money should be furnished
70 put down the rebellion. And the answer of
MI. stevens before the Committee of Recon-
struction, is that the South are not bound by
anything done in their absence; and the boun-
ties OF our soldiers are not binding upon them
pensions of our widows and orphans are not
binding upon Them because they were unfnrtri-
nately absent when they were voted. Zap
| ssGen Butler states that neither the men from
South Carolina nor Massachusetts, chosen to
the Philadelphia Convention, represented
those States. Of those from Massachusetts he
says
wi Olu iIlcuu MT. W1nLlrOD. Tor
whom personally have the highest REGARD
everybody knows that he has not for ten wears
contro4led anybody,s vote but his own. Take
t1at very respectable lawyer, Judge Curtis an
auim L Judge and profound scholar; it was
only in 1851 that he published an opinion that
cersan coalitions were an indictable offence,
and since then we have not heard a word from
num-, until this Philadelphia Convention. I
WI WI only say this, gentlemen, that when you
cry, you will find that he only carries with
MN the clothes on his back.
Examining the resolutions adopted at Phila-
delphia, he remarks
Now then you viii observe that the seventh
| Is an enunciation of the fact that slavery is
oead and they don't desire its renewal The
eighth says they recognize our soldiers and
| sailors The ninth that the debt of the United
States shall remain inviolate and tiey don't as
sumo the Confederate debt. The tenth is a
| glorlfication of Andrew johnson, of which
can only say hope he will deserve all the GOOD
they say of him. have read every one of
these resolutions. Where in them is there a.
| SINGLE word or single thought of honor and
| appreciation of the glorious heroes who have
fallen in maintenance Of our liberties and the
unity OF our country, or one word of condo
lence of the widows and orphans of the slain?
| Where in them is one word ofreproach against
the traitors rebels-murderers, or that assassin
| of President Lincoln? Where are they? Not
| III CQem. w ny uOC IQe COnV0ntlOn
| word in honor of the brave men fallen, and
| not such catch-penny resolution in favor of
| the soldiers and sailors? Because thew are
| alive and have votes to be caught, but the dead
have no votes except in that country to
which the most of these men will never 90
| Again, they undertake to say they will not
| repudiate the national debt. Let us see, then
| what is the issue between them and Congress
| in the constitutional amendment, of which /
| will speak in moment. Let us see first how
1 fhnao Nos
| called? Did single Southern man vote for
| these resolutions? There is not the slightest
| evidence of it. Did any Southern man make
| a speech in favor of these resolutions? Not
one. He could not live at home in safety if he
| had. Gov. Perry and Gov. Orr made one or
| two outside speeches, but the gag was put on
| when they went in there, and was kept on I'M
| til they came out, lest the Southern men should
say something that would offend the North, or
| if not that, they might say something that
| would offend the South.
The speaker showed, by extracts from vari-
GUS Southern papers, that the South did not
accept the platform of the Philadelphia Con-
vention, and then proceeded to discuss the
question of the length of time it would be
necessary to keep the South out of Congress
He said:
And when men ask me how long would
keep these men QUIT say keep them out until
the heavens melt with fervent heat-until they
will allow free speech and free press through
out their land. And if it should not come in
this generation we will swear our sons to keep
them out till they become fit for a republican
form of government.
He drew stern but only too truthful picture
of the terrible condition of affairs in Louisiana,
in Texas, and indeed in nearly the whole South
and added:
The question addresses itself without sophis-
try and without gloss, are you willing to have
every man back when no man is safe from the
mob in the most civilized communities in the
South? And when any man undertakes to
make discussion with you, ask him if he is in
favor of what was done at New Orleans, read
him General Shermans letter again and say,
care you willing to walk arm in arm with these
man I trust the tinno will soon coma 1uhan