Daily Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1865-1869, 1866-04-24
TO SENATOR SUMNER.

Thomas jefferson. Allow me to enquire to what
extent have you followed his example and main
tanned his political principles? He favored strict
INTERPRETATION of the Federal Constitution and de-
MED the right of the Federal Government to create
] National Banks and to issue paper currency the
right to impose Tariff for the purpose Of protecting
domestic manufactures; the right Of Congress- or
the Executive TO abridge the freedom OF the freSs'
and the right Of the Federal Government 70 oOetce
any State by military power. de was opposed 70
the Capitalization Of power and to sectional parties
The despotsm Of majority was as abhouent to him
as the despotsm Of King or Emperor. He re-
garded the State and Federal Governments as CO.
ordinate departments of one simple and integral
whole"--"the one as the domestic, the other the
foreign branch Of the same Government; neither
having control over the other, but within its own
department" In cases Of controversy he main.
tanned that "a Convention Of the States must be
called"
When have you ever extolled or endorsed these
opinions Have You not always repudiated them
Let us proceed to enquire how far you concurred
with Mr. jefferson upon the subject of slavery. He
was opposed to slavery and favored emancipation.
He was in favor I'm l7S4 of introducing provision
into the ordinance for organizing the Northwestern
Territory prohibiting the existence of slavery after
1900 in either the temporary or permanent govern
ments formed therefrom. -
9. He was opposed lin 1919, 30 and '2D to Con-
press making slavery prohibition condition Of the
admission of Missouri into the Union, and thought
il expedent to let slavery spread into the States de-
string it.
9. He was opposed to interference with slave in.
stitutions by those living outside of slave States,
either by legislation agitation considering 1t I'M
warranted by the Constitution.
a. He believed that emancipation should be
gradual for the interest of both races that would
be practicable only in regard to the post natl latter
born) that property having been lawfully vested in
slaves, they could not be lawfully taken from the
possessors without compensation.
5. He was opposed to emsncipating the slave
population at once and retaining the free negroes in
the United States and hence he favored colonization
as best for the blacks as well as the whites.
6. He believed no preparation would render it ex.
pedent to admit free negroes to the full rights of
citizenship, and allow them the rights of suffrage,
wide. RandalPs life of Jefferson, volume srd, page
mIs
the Declaration of Independence, and he continued
STAKEHOLDER until his death in 1896, precisely fifty
wears after the PRONUNCIATION of our Independence.
He condemned anti-slsvery agitation on hepartof
the Northern States while you have advocated 1t with
ALI the zeal Of fanatic He favored gradual enamel
patton, NTH compensation while you urged imme-
diate abolition without compensation. He thought
the right of suffrage should not be conferred upon
free negroes, while you are using all your powers to
obtain this right for the freedmen, in direct oppos
ton to Mr. Jeferson's views.
At different times some short and neat phrases
have been uttered for political effect. Having
captivating sound, they mislead the unreaecting,
deceive the credulous become current, and are re-
garded by many as sound maxims. Among them
are the following " The King can do no wrong"
The Empire Is Peace" Vor Populi, por Del"
Liberty, Equality and fraternity" "All men are
born equally free and independent" Some Of these
dogmas are used to crafty the vanity of Kings, and
Others to amuse the sovereign people. Being one of
the special friends of the people, you have studied
the passions and prejudices of the masses, and you
know how eficacious some of these maxims are in
the accomplishment of your political designs.
fallacy fully stated is easily exposed, but short
phrases often contain fallaces which exist only in
suggestion, and have not assumed such definite
form as to Justify the trouble of analysis. The
people are always more prone to accept plausible
msxims than to examine their truth.
For many years Liberty was your idol; but in
one of your late speeches in the Senate you asserted
that liberty is worthless without equality. Your
present idol is Equality and when this is secured,
you will perhaps advance to Fraternity as the cli'
max of civilization. Whether or not the people
will interpose to arrest your delightful dreams of
amelioration and progress time alone can determine.
II the people of the Northern and Northwestern
States still love representative republic and truly
desire the restoration of the Constitution and the
of the Union, upon such conditions
and such principles as will guarantee justice, order
and security to every section of the country, then
they must follow some other guidance than that OF
Senator Sumner.
Long before the American revolution, different
writers had discussed the subject of the origin of
government and the rights Of man in the supposed
state of nature Amongihese writers were Grotiurs,
PufFendorf, Filmer, Harrington, Sidney and Locke.
Hobbies had maintained that the state of nature was
opinion that the state Of nature was a state of
peace. Sidney was friendly to republican form OF
government although he did not condemn a limited
like the English. Locke was Jealous
advocate of a mixed monarchy, an able metaphysi-
clan, but no statesman. Sidney and Locke did not
pretend to political inspiration, or claim to be infal
lible In his theory of government Locke expressed
the opinion that all by nature free, equal
and independent" The state of nature is entirely
hypothetical aud is antecedent to all history
Locke knew nothing of such state beyond mere
conjecture. Wherever men have been found, and
however rude their condition they united to their
fellow-men by some bond or form of association in
advance of the supposed state of nature. Man loves
society and abhors solitude Without society he
cannot cultivate and strengthen his intellectual and
moral faculties orperpetuate his race. Man will not
live like Robinson Crusoe on his island.
The state Of nature so-caed is not the natural but
the unnatural state The natural state Of man Is the
social and political state. In no other state can
men find protection for property, security for life or
strong incentives to great enterprises.
It has been said that ''a men are created equal"
and that "all men are born equal, free and indie
pendent" These expressions are generally under
stood their literal sense, and in this sense, they
are erroneous Men are not equal in mind, morals
or physical strength alike in color or features
Instead of all men being created, Adam is the only
man ever created; and when Eve was created she
was made subject to his authority. Cain was the
first born among men, and at what age did he be-
come the equal of his father Was it at the age of
ten, twenty or thirty years. Where can we find
the law or doctrine of nature which fixes the period
when the son is the equal of his father2
Instead of all men being born free and independ
ent, men are not born. Infants are born, and they
grow up to manhood. Instead Of being free and in
dependent they entirely helpless and dependent.
Freedom and independence cannot exist without the
power of locomotion and the faculty of thought
What right has the infant? Has he the right to go
where he pleasesl BE cannot walk. Has he the
right to think for himself or to worship God accord
ing to the dictates of his conscience His mental
faculties are not developed; he is incapable of
thought, and knows nothing Of God. So far from
freedom and independence, infants are
entirely dependent upon their parents, and subject