The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1866-08-31

murderers, and they are johnson men IN good
standing for coming back into the Union. When
the President asks General Sheridan If the civil
power is sufficient to take care of these men, he
answers, II should say emphaticaly it is
notn This is after the President has issued his
proclamation of the 18th OF August that peace
relgned and civil authority is sufficient protection
for all citizens. am sorry to that in face ofthe
facts that Horton the clergyman, Dostie the pure
patriot, Hyer, and Others are dead, and wounded
men are coming North, with the testimony of
all these unavenged, with Northern people un-
protected so that they are obliged TO leave New
Orleans, that the President has issued his pro-
clamatlOn that peace has obtained throughout
all the land, and the civil courts are ample to
protect lite and liberty. And in face of General
Sheridan's emphatic disavowal of the ability OF
the civil authorities to protect the citizens, the
President on the 10th OF August turns over every
Union man IN the South to the mercies of the
thug Es-assassins and murderers of Lincoln and
Doshe. Are you ready to say that these men
shall sit in Congress, make laws for you, have
power TO say whether your debts shall be paid
or 60 unpaid, whether bounties shall be
paid to your soldiers, pensions to your
widows, or whether the flag of the
United states shall be upheld? To have q
portion OF the country in governmental rea-
uOns to the country where no loyal man can
speak, and no loyal men can assemble? l have
had S, me private documents from another por-
ton OF the Union. 1t was because Texas had
concluded 10 come INTO the Union that this pro-
clamGtlOn OF peace was issued. gentleman,
born i'll a town in this county, formerly serving
to Texas and he made his report, and was forth
with ordered home, because he reported what
he saw and in what condition he saw things.
What is the difference between the President
and Congress or between the Philadelphia Con-
vCntOu and Congress? because l believe now
we are 10 look TO that an exponent of his feel
ing. Congress says these men shall not come back
until they pass the Constitutional amendment.
And what is there in the Constitutional amend
meut that fault should be found with 1t? The
nrst section (and thought it was in the Con-
stitution already IS that every citizen OF every
State shall have the right of every citizen of
every State-in other words that any one here
shall walk IN peace in South Carolina, the same
as a citizen OF south Carolina can now walk in
Massachusetts-as Couch and Orr walked arm
in arm at Philadelphia. The second section
provides that the United States debt shall never
be Tepudated. That is where the convention
agree with us, only we want Southern men to
put IT on paper. And that the Confederate debt
shall be forever rrpudiated, because Mr.. Alex
ander H. stephens saws they are not bound by
what was done IN their absence, and therefore
they are not bound by the Confederate debt and
the moment they get back we shalt
have motion not to pay interest on
the national debt but a movement 70
pay the Confederate debt-and, succeeding,
under these circumstances what would your
Seven-thntles be worth? The next section is
that representation at the South shall be in pro-
portion to the population, precisely as it is at
the North, not counting those persons who are
not allowed to vote, Under our Constitution
the negro was counted as three-htths, and the
master was allowed to represent his slaves
three-htths OF them as persons. Now there are
no slaves; and having got rid of slavery, they
claim TO represent them not only as three-hths,
but as a whole: and that leaves the South with
about two-thirds as many votes in a proportion
ately equal population. | do not mean to give
the proportion exactly, but il is about that
Now We say YOU shall not have your population
counted until you allow them to vote, and then
you may have them counted Just as we do at
the North. Is not that fair and just, aud not
only tar and Just, but magnanimous Come
back, only don't ask Tor more power than
you had before. The next proposition on
the part of Congress is, that whenever they
will allow all persons to vote then they shall
be CoUnted-a direct offer to the South IN favor
OF giving all persons the right to vote, without
regard TO color or race. | propose TO deal with
very great fIankness with you, my neighbors
and friends. | am not in favor Of that proposi-
9 is 1Gr m ug tS TI II yog oRegrG TO
he is not. He ought to vote or he ought not.
No taxation without representation, we settled
| in the beginning of this evening. If he has the
right TO vote, and Congress offers to the people
| the Constitutional amendment to fix the great
rights OF citizens, then say wont offer bribe
| to anybody to give the right He shall have
| the right directly, and in so many words:
therefore ] am against it, for 1t don't go as far
| as | would 60; il stops short. Don't let any man
| say, are you in favor of indiscriminate suffrage?
/ am in favor of anybody's voting that is now tit
| to vote, and l don't think the question of
color enters INTO the question of fitness. Fix your
| standard of qualification, and when any man
comes here fit to vote, let him vote. Let Con-
eTess fix it; let these people fix it, and then ask
| them to come back into the Union. Let us all
| hX it Oy the Constitutional amendment. We
| call upon the negro to fight our battles and
we wont allow nm to ald in governing the
| country he aid ed in defending. i cannot un-
| dersland why Congress did not go forward. 1t
was well enough, as far as they went, to offer to
| the South the gift of power, if they would let
| the negro vote. / would say to the South gen.
| tlemen, we fought you four years, we captured
your armies, we captured you, and you are all
ours, and we Will give you so many rights, so
! much representation, and you may make such
| laws. | never go in tor indirectness. | mean
what / say, and | carry out what | say as well
as can. | give everybody talr notice that
shall try to get whenever and wherever
| have the opportunity, impartial sut-
frage for every man in my command.
| And Dybody that don't like that | don't
| want him 10 go with me. We are too afraid of
| this fear about negro equality. And are you
] going 10 make the negro your equal am not
| going to make him anything. | am going to
| leave him to make himself. l am not going to
| be so poor and contemplate as to build myself
| up by croWding him down. If he can really beat
| me fairly, beat me / am willing he should. Any
man who talks about being afraid of the negro
is not the better man OF the two. Tue first ques-
doubt 1t is about this convention to elect dele
| gates to Congress, and to override the North,
and forming a conjunction with them in the
| North, we would have all our work to do
| over again. And Mr.. Blair tells you that
| unless they get control of the Government
| in the manner proposed, aud the whole
| South is admitted, civil war must rage
| again. Governor Brownlow, of Tennessee, tells
you that there is now an attempt in Tennessee to
| get hold OF that Government, and to overthrow
| The Constitution of Tennessee, which dislran-
| chises Rebels, so that they may elect dlslOyal
| representatives to the next Congress- There