Litchfield enquirer., 1866-11-29
The Sentinel and Slavery.

1i. s,.ft
 The Sentinel in it's leader of last week sends us challenge which we accept; but before proceeding to that chief point in is sue between us we.wish to- refer briefly to few other matters of which our friend treats: .''Hi'''i'' .'- ''''' @t.L'Ai ''fs' 3si~
 In the first place.. we neither intended the assumption of any superior argumenta- tive ability. on our part, nor to deny that the editor of that paper has conducted his side of the discussion in manner as able, as it certainly has been gentlemanly. The weakness lies in the cause he advocates.
 We did not use the word 'ssemi-loyal' as an opprobrious epithet but as charac- terizing the exact position of most of the men President Johnson appointed Provi- sional Governors of Southern States.
 Conviction of treason being Gan offense for which an infamous punishment is infiic- ted," disqualifes 8 man from voting in this and probably in other States: Conviaion is required as proof of guilt. ,.. Where, as in the case of .'disbanded Confederates, the guilt is fragrant and undeniable the con viction, for a variety of reasons, impossible ought that evidence to berequired? !"
 The Seatiaers challenge is as fonows:-. P
 s'In conclusion the editor of the Enquirer makes this unjust remark If the gentleman desired the leave the enforcement of that measure to slavehol ders: desiring, instead, the perpepual abasement of the black race, he naturally dslikes the Bureau and the army He knows personally that this does not represent our sentiments. We defy him to prove that ever said or put upon record that we did not desire the abolition of slavery or that we desired the perpetual abasement of the black Iace.' " - --. s.ts T s. At .1.. -t-.a
 In speaking of the Se',tinel we of course refer to the published views of it's editor to any opinions he may express to us in private conversation we never allude in our paper.-The challenge, we meet with the following extracts selected on a very nasty glance over the files of that paper:-'. n.,. ~
 "As we have once before remarked, sce ca,e no, rush for adcery in Me dbstrdcf, aud aaeittey dorse or condemn t as an iastitaton. .a-Mar. 10th 1885. lss sssaa Ci T v gsi wots tss;}s GA state of dependence is the normal condition of the negro. Taken as race he is incapable oi self improvement and rapidly degenerates. n < only under the tuition of masfers kdt he dduances Without controlling or directing power he recedes towards barbafism.i V ,ts" g* *.sA
 ..Sone sysses o torced tabo, iaust De decised to, Ne Southern States. asdy not be caled Sslace;y, but t snin resemble ot insstiiion aa more han o,it yespect. n-June 9th 1865. .,s! os bfrf s0et ssAt this very day they (the negroes}, are dyiae like rotton sheep whenever they have let then homes in pursuit of ne sssscaEed 'eedon' ctae0 them 5y a6olitioHis,n ]" M r.,
 ssThe question is merely question of races. We believe that the two cannot hye in political and SO cial equality with each other without endangering the existence of the one or the other1-Ang. SSth 1865, JgfefF F.srs.49ttp .a.f .,,f-v..,6 --5E
 Such is the recerd. Are not our state ments more than justiieds sis'aGsfi
 This great question is not one, however, which VI we argue to gain any any mere personal triumph. There are, as it seems to. us,g but two possible modes of treating the negro race, and which of those modes is the cor rect one, time only will conelusiyely show. The first is the old one--that which estab- fishes his dependence on the whitesracsea sa in ii l one form or another. Of these. Saaayeky we