, 1866-12-14
m. pol,,,caI Deadlock.

III. tvo narties which measured their strength
AGAINST each other in the late elections, says
the N. Y. World, had each a clearly-dehned
affirmative policy. The affirmative policy of
tho republicans was their PROPOSED constitu-
tioual amendment; that of the democrats, the
right of all the States to Immediate representa<
tiou in Congress. Of these rival policies ne'fher
have succeeded. The democrats have just as
good a right to exult as the republicans. Nei-
thes party has gained or lost an inch of ground
by this indecisive contest. If the republicans
are still in possession Of the machinery by which
States are excluded from Congress, their opPo-
pepts still control the machinery by which con-
stitutioual amendments are defeated. If the
republicans have an overplus of strength for
the one purpose, their opponents have also an
oyerplus for the other. If one party has made
some small gains in the elections, the other has
gained in at least an equal raho-the rescue of
Maryland and Delaware being more important
against the amendment, than the slight increase
of republican Congressman is against admission.
If the opponents Of admission have majority
of the people of one section, the opponents of
the amendment have majority of the people of
the whole country,-and therefore superior
physical strength, if the controversy should be
pushed to eztremities. Looking to the future,
thirteen States can block the amendment for>
ever, (the number of States being likely never to
reach 6fty.two) while the republican strength
in Congress is subject to the contingencies of
G .l4l, AZ
deadlock continues, and the Union is, for the
present, kept dissolved, the balance of rosfec-
tive advantage is against the republicans.
If the republicans, as meaDs Of cutting the
knot which they cannot Unite, should assume
that three-fourths of the represented States are
all ,tbat are required to ralify the amendment,
they will be still checkmated BY the President
and the Supreme Court. TIE judicial as well
as the executive department of the government,
has repeatedly recognized the rehabilitated
States, and bound itself by these precedents.
Instead of treating spurious amendment rati,
fed only by tbree-fourths of the residue as n
part of "the supreme law of the land" the
judiciary would disregard it entirely, and treat
it as perfect nullity. Whatever laws Congress
might pass founded on such pretended amend
ment, would be dead letter, by the refusal of
the President and the courts TO enforce them.
Laws do not execute themselves, and Congress
has no part of the executive authority. 1t is
clear, therefore, that if the republicans attempt
to escape the present dead lock By pretending
that the Northern States can alone amend the
Constitution, they will still be not less in a
deadlock by collision With the other depart,
ments Of the govern ment.
They would only half e1tricate themselves by
impeaching and deposng the President They
would also have to impeach and oust the judges
of the Supreme Court, before they could force
their bogus amendments on the country. Per
haps they may think that impeachn ne the presiI
dent would frighten the Supreme Court into
submission but the probability is greater that
it would so alarm and agitate the country as to
cause great popular revulsion and the ezplo>
sion o. the republican party.