Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1865-03-01
SPEECH or ROBT. p. DICK, Esq,
m S,riYY vnpT e.

NJ SfgAxER The resolutions now before the |
Senate areof avery important character, and wor-
thlef ouF most careful and serious consideration:
They are upon q subject Of great dslicacy and IN
volve consequences of the gravsst moment. we
now about to give expression to the opinion OF
North Carolina upon question which was dis.
turbng element for nearly half g century in the
political affairs of the United States and which
by frequent agitation finally disrupted the Union
of those States, and involved them in the present
fearful and gigantic struggle-the grsadest and
bloodiest in the history of man. This question
has also occupied much Of the attention OF the CIV
ized nations of Europe, and has in some degree
influenced them in the positions which they have
assumed towards the bsgersnt parties IN the great
American war.
1t is all important, therefore, that we should take
true position on this question; one which can
be maintained with reason and argument before the
intelligent tribunal of Christendom; once which
will be consistent with our previous actions and
opinions; and one which alone can prevent future
disagreement and disturbances between the Con-
Sderate States That true position, in my opinion,
is that slavery is domestic institution and subject
only to the municipal laws of the several States
wherein it exists. This question has been thus fre
quenty adudicated by the highest judicial tribunals
of the land and there have been but few if any, dis
senting opinions. If we now conceds to our gen.
eral government the power to control the statue OF
slavery in the several States at once go further
than the Republican party went before the war ana
fully as far as they 60 now That party insisted that
the general control the question OF
slavery in the territories but they always dsclaim
ed the power to interfere with it in the States
This VASES ntislly the doctrine of the celeora-
ted CHI eaRsx1iorrn upon which Mr.: Lincoln was
first ele, ard the precipitators of the South pre-.
tended toDe so sensitive upon this question, that
they broke up the Union upon the bare assertion
of political principle before any effort bad been
made to carry it into practical operation Ihegov-
eminent of the United States never did wrong TO
slavery but always endeavored, to uphold and pro-
toct it; and even the Republican party, after the
election of Lincoln, offered to provide constitu-
tional gnsrantee for its perpetuity in the slave
States. This proposition was Indignantly rejected
by the leading secession spirits of the South, and
the government was destroyed-agoverment which
had so long made us prosperous and happy at home,
and great among the nations. The only Justtica
ton for this work of ruin, was the assertion by a
political party of tho abstract right to control the
question Of slavery in the territories. call it an
abstract right because it could never have been of
any practical importance The territories were not
adapted to slave labor and from the creation of the
world God had decreed by the interchangeable laws Of
climate and production, that African slavery should
never exist in them. If the United States govern
ment had been the most earnest propagandist of
slavery, it could not have forced negroes into its
bleak territories unless it could have assumed ON
nipotent power and caused the summer sun to lin
ger longer xpJn the cold bosom of the northwest.
prairies. African slavery cannot long exist un-
der any system of laws where it is not profitable,
and the people of the States are the best judges Of
their interests -
The narrow limits of State will not admit oil
much diversity of climate and production, and thus
there will be but little conflict of interests upon
this question: 'r
This revolution has not only produced great al
terations in the position of States, but it seems
suddenly to have caused wonderful changes in the
political sentiment The very men.who we're once
SO jealous about the United States government in
terferng with abstract questions concerning slave
ry, now the jealous advocates of the practical
doctrine that the Confederate government can con-
troll slavery in the States that government ex.
pressly formed for the protection and perpetuation
of slavery, can now destroy the institution by put
ting slaves in the army as soldiers, and then eman
cipating them without the consent of the either
and IN defiance of State laws. Thisrevolution in my
opinion is startling than the grandest events
of the war; and it is the evidence either of former
hypocrisy, present political madness, or the wild
| est despair. -
l. propose for short time to advert to the history
of the slavery question 1t IS full of painful inter
est and instructive lessons. The experience of tn
past Is lue SlTeSI igul 70 Sulue uS III Inc goOihy
present and the uncertain'future. Amidst the dan
gers and difficulties that are around and before US
let US keep our eyes steadily fixed on the compass
of truth and the beacon lights of the past, ant
strain every nerve to reach tho port at which VI
aimed Let US not initiate the adventurous block
ade.runner, who, when he finds that he cannot reacl
his destined port wrecks his ship upon she break
ers. The loss of his cargo may be- supplied by fu
ture industry and enterprise but the vessel we con
| frn1i &c hfo6 xvith md
hopes Of the country and if we must 60 down be
fore the Storm let it not be by our own rockies
folly. At the tme-of the adoption of the Consti
tuition Of the United Statss slavery existed in near
ly all of the States which then composed the FEEDER
al Union. Long experience had shown that say
labor not adapted to the climate, soil, and pre-
auctions of the Northern States and in q shor
time it ceased to exist in them. This emancipation
was prompted by motives of self-interest and
was effected without any political disturbances
About the time of the last war with Great Britain
slavery became involved with other political issues
The Federal party at the North who were or
posed to the war, insisted that twas unnecessary
fo1&d upon the country by the slave power Of tn
government and the New England States wer
greatly exasperated by the destruction of their CON
merce and fishing interests. This feeling of host
ity to the slave power. continued to widen, deepe
and strengthen throughout the North, and Itentel
i ed, in some degree into most of the political ques
lions of thatday. This is the birth period Of tn
"irrepress5le conflict" and it threatened dsas
trous consequences when Missouri applied for &C
mission into the Union slave State: But for
tunateIy for the country all Of the Fathers IF th
Republic were not dead, and there were many nj
BILE spirits in the national councils, who by ihei
enlarged patriotism and transcendent inteects wer
enabled to control and calm the storm. The Mi.
souri, compromise was adopted and it restored peac
and harmony, and the nation went on in its cares
Of prosperity and power. In after years SLAYER
became largely involved in the tsrif, question
4 which, for time, seriously disturbed tie peace.
the country, but the indomitahle 6rmness of Jacl
son, and the patriotism Of Clay, smothered but di
not eradicate the spirit Of discomfort This VS.
the time when the work Of 'disunion began, an
slavery was chosen as the instrument to destroy IL
government Then commenced the constant col
. Test between the two sections of the country Fl
political ascendency. The slave power had alwaJ
controlled the government, but it was now losir
its influence by reason of the rapidly increasir