Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-01-19
SPEECH OF
HON. SAMUEL $. cox
Delivered in the Lower House Of Congress, Jan.
uary IL, 1865, on the Proposed Amend
ment to the Constitution Of the United =
States AbOlishing Slavery.

Ns~e ~~SSseSsb SAeVOAys
Frff2 NJ .rt lN ed -gsE t,
Mr.. Cox-Mr. Speaker, when we left
these Halls last year there was prospect
that the administration of the Government
would have been changed by the election.
The political conventions of the two par
ties met. The party of the Administration
made this amendment of the Constitution a
part of their creed. They went before the
people claiming the power to abolish slave
ry by constitutional amendment, Nowhere
did the opposite party take ground against
the power; every where they took ground
against its exercise. The convention which
met at Chicago adopted their creed. IL
called for cessation OF hostilities, with but
one view, a national convention, In order to
re-establish union. Not giving up the prin-
eiples laid down in the Kentucky and Vir-
glnia resolutions ofl79S and 1899, when NOV
ed by my colleague Mr.. Long] in the con-
yention, which, rightly considered, consti-
tuted main foundation of its political creed,
1t laid them on the table on my own motion,
as distractions unsuited to the demands OF
the agOnized country. Regarding peace as
the great practical need of the hour, the
convention waived all other questions to
reach that. How? BY the Constitution.
In its fifth article, which provides that a
national contention shall be called for pro-
posing amendments to the Constitution
This proposition of the convention was at
once our weakness and our strength: our
weakness when misunderstood by the peo
pie, our strength when rightly interpreted
My colleague Mr.. Pendleton1 accepted
that platform. In casting my vote for him,
l knew that he indorsed 1t. He indorses Il
yet. If he had been elected to that Office,
which he would have graced so well, we
might to-day have been appealing to Leg
islatures, North and Sonth, and not I'm vain,
to two thirds OF them, to call the conven-
tion at the will of the people. The North
would have yielded and the South would
not have held back. That my colleague
and myself well know. In that august as
sembly the distinguished men from both
sections would have been present. What
would have been the scope of their action
What the subject OF their debates? Need |
ask? ,Itwould have been the settlement of
all grievances, North and South; questions
Of debt, doubtless questions of guaranty
to State and municipal rights, doubtless
butbeyond doubt, this Uerata Questio of slav-
cry, this teterrtn,a causa belli, and the agita-
tions and legislation growing therefrom.
Mr.. Speaker, read this morning, with
what truth know not, that commission
er is now in Richmond with the confidence
and assent of the Administration, meeting,
perhaps, commissioner on the part OF the
confederate authorities; and the rumor is
that they have agreed to call a national con-
ventiou. [Sensation.l know not whether
there Is anything in it. My friend from
New York who sits behind me Mr.. Fer
nando Wood says that there is not, and he
is presumed to know more on that subject
than do. Laughter.]
in tho rroy;daaoa % Cal o.,nl. N
convention were called or were now in
session, and this question came up In a full
representation of all the States, who would
think of disputing its power to modify,
change, alter, and abolish, either at once or
gradually, by constitutional amendment, the
institution of slavery? Not aman. While,
therefore, In a state of war, and with nearly
half the States in default and absent, may
deny the wisdom of acting either by the one
mode or the other, pointed out for the
amendment of the Constitution In this par
tlcular,-I will not deny a power so
essential to peace safety, and sovereignty.
No ingenious refinement or dazzling elo-
quence shall lead me to deny power
which may yet prove our salvation, when
wisely used. Who upon this side asks me
to shut the door In the face of such a saving
power? Let him remember that while the
power may now threaten to destroy, the
power to save is forever bound up with it.
The power that can create, the same can de-
stroy. Under the ribs of death at the last
moment this power may be invoked to
create the heart and soul Of union, and that,
too, by the array of States in their soyer,
eign capacity, as modified BY their granted
powers. l1' n4 ina f2S1NR,l \
Do you tell me that such soyereignty can
only guaranty, but cannot destroy proper
ty, either in man or. beast, In land or rllouse?
II convention of States can take iurisdic-
tion to protect property they can to destroy.
1t Is admitted that the States indiyidualiv
can do this. If by the Constitution they as
States, all consenting to IL. have provided
mode of doing It, what matters Il whether
It is done by thep, In their individual
capacity or I'M their conventional capacity? :?
Whenever two thirds agree to propose
amendments and three fourths shall ratity,
either by convention or Legislature, the
proposition Is "a part of this CONSTITUTIONS =
It is the States that do this in the first In
stance, all according in making the amend
ing clause; againyby, ratifying. Therefore
Ijoin my colleague in singing hosanna to
that principle OF our Government lust de-
INF. Smith so nefarious-the soyereipl,-
ty of the States. / see here not one mon
ster iron crown, like that of Lombardy.
compelling, as from an omnipotent scepter.
the subject States, but each of the States
making for them selves a Fundamental law
or organic compact. ~
Even by this amendatory clause they
pluck from their round Of sovereipntv', %
each crown Jewel to form and tlecorate the
Federal diadem. Each of the States. soyer-
eign in their reserved spheres. drop their
scepters before the Federal emblem. in ali
cases where. as IN amendments. the Com
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