The weekly Ottumwa courier. [volume] (Ottumwa, Iowa) 1857-1872, 1865-08-03
Who Shall Vote?

Is, practically, the most important issue
left among the political debris of the late
rebellion. Sprung suddenly up
on tho people and the administration, by
the sudden and utter ruin of the military
power of the instruction, it is not surpri-
sing that there should be a difference of
opinion upon thesubiect among the friends
of the Union and of universal freedom.
The views of the administration are va
riously represented. We take it that Pres
ident Johnson has not expressed any de-
cided opinion upon the direct question of
universal suffrage at all. Hehas sent Hon.
Carl Schurz on mission to the South to
investigate the condition of affairs. The
well-known liberal views of Mr.. Schurz
indicate that his report will be favorable to
universal suffrage. The war being closed.
the rebellion completely destroyed by our
suhiugating armies, the President can do
little more, till Congress shall direct him
specifically how to proceed, than exercise
his Judgment in the way of so far rehabli-
Eating the South as to secure to the people,
en- masse, security of life, liberty and prop
erty. He is bound to prevent a state of
can 10y military power, but farther than
this we do not well see how he can 90,
without violation of the trust reposod i'm
him. He might as we'll try to settle the
law of descent, or Of tensler. or any part of
the civil code of n State, as the law of fran
chise. Nor do we see n particle OF differ
ence upon the question of his power i'm this
respect, whether the one view or the other,
touching the status of the late ret,ellious
States be adopted. If they have not de-
stroyed their State existence, of course the
question is entirely beyond his control, the
very moment the State machinery is again
proDerly put in motion. If thew had lost
their State existence, they must be gov
erned by the laws of Congress. In either
event, the executive has little to do. i'm a
civil capacity, but see that the laws in be-
ing be enforced. And that is about all. we
suspect. that Andy johnson is attempting.
so that those who represent him rs opposed
to negro suffrage, and those who represent
him as in favor of it, are equally at fault
The question is one which has both n
National and a State hearinr. Whilst it
is true that every individual State has it's
own law Of franchise, and ordinarily ought
to have, it is equally true that State may
subject itself to correction herein. Take
South Carolina, for instance. It's black
population is greater than its white. Here
tofore, the blacks have been slaves and in
sense property. But no shred of that
sort attaches to them now. They are citi-
zens Of the Republic. The policy which
excludes them from the polls is not only
monstrous in itself, but il must necessari-
ly be vetoed and annihilatcd by Congress,
for Congress is bound to guarantee to every
State a republican form of guvernneent-a
thing impossible where tire majority is
exclusively governed by the minority.-
South Carolina, as now inhabited, must
give her negroes the ballot, or become q
hateful oligarchy both i'm fact and law
And this result Congress is bound to pre-
vent. The other rebellious States. by the
consequence of the amnesty proclamationa
are in a similar predicament. They will
all be governed by q miserable minority
unless the negroes are allowed to vote.-
We apprehend, however, that the question:
so far as Congress can settle it, will be
promptly adjusted by that body ITSELF
And whatever rule Congress makes upon
the subject must bethe guide forthe execu-
tive. AS State question, the issue in
Iowa is one now settled by the fundamen-
tai law, and cannot be unsettled or changed
for several years. BY nopossbility, there
fore, can the issue be made party shibbo-
leth. Those who attempt so to make it,
but exhibit an ignorance without excuse.
or zeal entirely without knowledge. We
must support the Constitution as it is until
amended by its own provisions. This we
are all bound to do by obligations higher
and more sacred than party. The very
moment we attempt to ostracize men who
conscienciously abide by the Constitution
as it is and are unwilling to change it, that
moment we arrogate to ourselves unwar-
ranted powers. Instead of forming the
integral parts of a party we become des-
pots.
1t was in this view Of the case that the
late Republican convention of our State
adopted the fourth resolution of the plat
form, in favor of amending our Constitu-
ton, by striking the word ''white" from
the provision on franchise. The idea of
making that resolution party test did not
enter the heads Of the members of the con-
vention at all, and if they had, i'm IA mo-
ment of excitement, attempted any such
an absurd thing as to commit the party
against the fundamental law, their action
would have been utterly. null and void.-
If the people do not ch&e to adopt the
amendment, the party will continue to eX-
ist just the same, no more affected by that
single matter than it would have been had
Mr.. Lincoln been defeated at Baltimore,
contrary to the expressed preference of our
State convention of February 22d, 1884,
We beg ardent, but somewhat unsophisti-
Gated young gentlemen, who think they
carry the party around i'm their brooches
pocket, to remember this: That an issue
which cannot by possibility be made prac-
ticable for three or four years, cannot be
made party shibboleth, or "a party test
MuScdtil,e JOurnal.
| BALSAM OF WEDLoCK.-The Arabs poss-
ess wise practice in proceeding for di-
vorce. When married people seek a sepa-
ration, the Cadi orders them to live for
some time with Il discreet and and austere
man ofthe tribe, that the lattermay exam
inc their life and see on which side the
blame lies. The elderly man makes a re-
port at the expiration of the appointed
time, and this report is the foundation on
f.l, fs.,l ,l,, l. Il: