Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-02-13

gress should avail itself of the best possible
means of information I'm relation to meas
ures; for do we not have at our command
all that we could get by the presence of the
Cabinet in the House? Second, as to tn,
character of the influence of the Elk cutivr
upon the Legislature; for have | not shown
that this measure will not prevent it being
secret, corruptive, or unauthorized?
Filthy, a few words as to the argument
db incOnUementi. The committee somewhat
anticipate this objection. They say (page
5) that lit has been said that the time of the
Secretaries would be so engrOssed that they
cnuld not attend to the discharge of their
other duties. If this shall prove true, they
must have more assistance" 1t is answer
enough to appeal to members as to the con-
ditiOn of their own business now before the
Departments. They are nearly all behind
We must have the earof the heads of De-
partments; and If they are compelled to at
tend here, and take part in debates, what
time will they have, even with the aid of
the assistants we have already given, to at
tend to Department business? But leave
to others the elaboration of this argument
say nothing now about their appearance
and speaking here delaying our own labor
That would appropriately come under
the drg,ilaentum dd nltsericOrdiunl, laugh
have their explanations and speeches here
on all questions raised.
III. might rest the argument here. But
believe this measure is fraught with
great danger. 1t is step toward the alb
sorption OF the power of Congress by the
Executive, and therefore step not to be
countenanced either at this time or at any
other time.
On this head / consider its effect, first, on
State rights. Ii, as | assume, this meas
ure increases the executive influence and
absorbs the legislative, it tends to aggran-
die and consolidate power in the Federal
Executive, and makes the array against
the States much more formidable, and SUBJ
tracts from them their proper influence in
the economy of our Government. Some of
the committee are looked upon as strong
defenders OF the reserved rights of the
states. They look with apprehension on
the encroachments OF the Federal Govern
ment upon the ungranted domain of the
States. 1t is for such that Judge Story's
argument is emphatic, when he says that
''the restl lotions upon Executive connec-
tiOn with the Legislature were founded in
Difference to State jealousy, and sincere
desire to Obyiate the fears, real or imagina-
ry, that the General Government would OBJ
tain an undue preference over the State Gov
ernments.' The gentleman from Vermont
Mr.. Morrill, has shown the views taken
by the earlier statesmen, coinciding with
this view of Judge Story. / need notre-
cite them. The committee in their report
seem not to have anticipated this argu-
ment; it is left for the disciples of Hamil-
ton, like the gentleman from Vermont, to
defend State rights. Surely, if you magni-
fly and energize the Federal Executive by
an unfair aggregation of powers in that
office at the expense of the Congress, you
begin the work of consolidation. You give
to power new material, until upon the ruins
of our old system of u just distribution of
power, we erect throne of paramount
power whose sovereign occupant in his su-
premacy would rob the States of their rights
to aggrandize his own splendor. This
plan, therefore, tends to create the same
laws, the same kind OF dependence, conse-
quently the same notions and the same in
terests, throughout all the country with its
diverse interests; for the power it would
strengthen is the Executive, which is not,
like the Senate or the Congress- represent
ative of States and localities. but in
sense more nearly representative of the
people of the United States.
Second the time is unfortunate for such
a radical change as that proposed. Herein
lies one of its dangers. 1t is time of war.
The EXecu i've in such time tends to en-
large its powers. This is not altogether
avoidable. 1t then calls to its aid all the
of necessity. 1t is the old satanic
plea. With an army of nearly million,
with a corps of ambitious men-placemen
and ontractors-hanging about the cham
bers of power, desirous to placate the SUI
preme will and to enjoy its favors, it is not
that in time of war the dispen-
sing power should grow colossal, overshad-
owing all other departments and absorbing
all other sOvereigntics. Yet 1t is at such a
time that the committee proposes meas
ure which tends to increase the Executive.
| know that the committee think that its eff
feet will be otherwise. and give as a reason
that power exercised openly in Congress
will find its antagOnsm and barrier in hon
est Difference to public opinion, and be re-
strained in its own disposition to increase
But is that the effect of the exercise of
power by this Executive? In the face of
most earnest protest from every press and
public man who had not slavishly bowed to
It's behests simply because it was power; in
spite of a protest of nearly two million peo-
pie, the power of the President expands
boldly, openly, and flagrantly. Pah onage
Is more powerful than logic. Necessity
crushes the free press and arrests free
speech. Would the habeas corpus be abol-
ished, and all the restraints of personal
freedom be annuled, and our prisons groan
with victims, except in time of war? The
power which. in time of peace, was toy
for lady's hand, like the tent of the faerie,
enlargrs in time of war so that great armies
repose beneath its folds. When did the ex-
ecutive power in England most overshadow
and defy public opinion? The Crown aug
nented when Pitt dehed the people and
their Parliament; then king and minister
became absolute. The wise commentator
Thomas Erskine May, Constitutional His
tory, volume one, page S2.) in drawing his
picture of this era of English history,
iraws also conclusion similar to the one
which now declare, when he says:
"a war is generally favorable to authority by
bringing together the people and the Government in
common cause and combined exertiUns. The
French war; notwithsiand its heavy burdens and
numerous failures, was popular on account of the
it supposed to represent aud the vast
expenditure if il distressed the people, multiplied
The patronage Of the Crown, afforded rich harvest
or contractors and male the of farmers and
by sing the price Of every descrip
ion of produce The moneyed class rallied round the
war minister bought seats in Parliament with their
sudden gains, ranged themselves in strong phalanX
behind their leader cheered his speeches. and voted
Ior him on every division. Their zeal was rewarded
With peerages, baonetcies, patronage. and all the
good things which aninordinate expenditure enabled
iim to dispense. For years opposition in Parlia
md il beyond its walls the voice Of complaint was
ased the arm Of the law was strong and swift to si
cnce H. To oppose the minister had become high
reason to the State" o1,l-s,il.b
To oppose the minister in open Parlia-
nent, lii free debate, in time of war, when
power found its antagonists and barriers,
IS it to-day finds them here, was accounted |
high treason! Yet, say the committee,