Delaware State journal and statesman., 1865-06-01
ABRAHAM LIN ooLN
HIS LIFE AND DEATH.
GRAFTON BY HON. GEORGE BANCROFT.
A sosLs TRIBUTE FROM THE GREAT AMERICAN
HIsToRIAH.

The following Orauon was uelFereu Dy the
Hon. George Bancroft, at the great meeting
recently held at Union Square, New York;
Our grief and horror at the crime which has
clothed the continent in mourning hnd no
adequate expression in words and no relief in
tears. The President of the United States Of
America has fallen by the hands Of an assassin.
Neither the office with which he was invested by
the approved choice Of mighty people. nor the
most simple hearted kindness OF nature. could
save him from the fiendish passions OF relentless
fanatoism. The Haings Of the millions attend
his remains as they are borne in solemn process
sion over our great rivers, along the sea- side,
beyond the mountains, across the prairie, to
their Hnal resting-pl In the valley Of the
Mississippi. The echoes of his funeral knell
Vibrate through the world, aud the friends Of
freedom Of every tongue and in every cline are
bis nourners.
Too few days have passed away since Abraham
Lincoln stood In the flush Of vigorous manhood
10 permit any attempt al an analysis Of his
character or an exposition Of his career. We
ind ii hard to believe that his large eyes, which
10 their softness and beauty expressed nothing
but bensvolenoe aud gentleness, are closed in
death we almost look for the pleasant smile
that brought out more wildly the earnest cast
Of his features, which were serious even to
sadness.
few years ago he was a village attorney,
engaged in the support of q rising family,
unknown to fame, scarcely named beyond his
neiehborhood his administration made him the
most conspicuous man in his country, and drew
on him first the astonished gaze, and then the
respect and admiration Of the world. Those
who come aftor us will decide how much Of the
wonderful results Of his public career is due to
bis own good common sense, his ahreWd
sagacity, readiness of wit, quick Interpretation
~ NJ, ind al
6Iedness and pliancy his steady tendency Of
purpose; how much to the American people
Who, az he walked with them, side by side,
insrired him with their own wisdom and energy,
and how much to the overruling laws Of the
moral world, by which the selfshness Of evil Is
made to defeat itself. But after every allow
ancO, it will remain that members Of the Gov
ernment which preceded his Administration
opened the gates 10 treason, and he closed
them that when he went to Washington, the
ground on which he trod shook under bis feet,
AID he loft the republic on q solid foundation
,hs. ,itors had seized public forts and arsenals,
and he reoo;- ;-ared them for the United States, to
whom ,hrv halo. aged that the Capitol, which
he found the abode o. slaves, Ia now the home
only OF the free; that the boundless public
domain which was grasped at, ane' IN great
measure, held for the diffusion OIL slavery, 10
now irrevooaby devoted to feeedom ths' lheh
men talked jargon Of balance Of power in =
republic between slave States and free States,
and now the foolish words are blown away
forever by the breath Of Maryland, Missouri,
and Tennessee that terrible cloud Of political
heregy rose from the abyss, threatening to hide
the light Of the sun, and under it's darkness
Rebellion was rising into ndefnable proper
tiOns; now the atmosphere is purer than ever
before, and the insurreotion is vanishing away
the country is cnst into another mould, and the
gigantic system Of wrong which had been the
work Of more than two centuries, is dashed
down, we hope, forever. And rs to himself
perponally-he was then scoifed at by the proud
As unfit for his station, and now against the
usage Of later years, aud In spite OF numerous
competitors he was the unbiased and the un-
doubted choice Of the American people for
second term Of service. Through all the mad
business Of treason he retained the sweetness Of
most plaoabls disposition and the slaughter
Of myriads of the best on tho battlefield and the
more terrible destruction Of our men in captivity
by the slow torture Of exposure and starvation,
had never been able to provoke him into har-
boring one yengeful feeling or one purpose Of
cruelty.
How shall the nation most completely show
its sorroW Of Mr.. Linooln's death How shall
II beet honor his memory There can be but
one AnsWer. He was struck down when he was
with duty was engaged in carrying out princi-
plen affecting its life, its good name, and its
relations to the cause Of freedom and the
progress Of mankind Grief must take the
character Of action, and breathe itself forth In
the assertion Of the policy to which he fell a
sacrifice. The standard which he held in his
hand must be uplifted again, higher and more
hrmly than before, and must be carried on to
triumph.
al hiaV Ia fiou nf ia
frst day Of January, 1868, declaring throughout
the parts Of the country in rebellion the freedom
Of all persons who had been held as slaves, must
be affirmed and maintained. Events, as they
rolled onward, have removed every doubt of the
legality and binding force Of that proclamation.
The country and the Rebel Government have
each laid claim to the public service of the slave,
and yet but one Of the two can have righuul
olsim to such service. That rightful claim
belongs to the United States, because every one
born on their soil, with the few exceptions Of
the children Of travellers and transient residents,
owes them primary allegiance.
Every one so born has been counted among
those represented in Congress; every slave has
ever been represented in Congress s-imperfeotly
aud wrongly it may be--but still has been
counted and represented. The slave born on
pur soil always owed allegiance to the General
doSernment. II may in time past have been q
qualhcd allegiance, manifested through his
master, as the allegiance Of a ward through its
guardian, or Of an infant through its parent.
Bot when the master became false to his allie
glance the slave ss9od face to face with his
country, and his allegih2ce, which may before
have been Q qualified one, became direct and
immediate. His chains fell OF, and he stood at
once In the presence Of the nation, Dounui IKE
the rest Of us, to its public defense. Mr.
Lineoln's proclamation did but take notice OF
the already existing right OF the pondman 70
freedom. The treason OF the master made ~
public crime for the slave to continue his obe-
dience the treason of 4 State set free the COL
lective bondmen of that State.
This doctrine is supported by the analogy Of
presidents. In the times of feudalam the
treason Of the lord Of the manor deprived him
OF his serfs the spurious feudalism that existed
among US differs in many respects from the
feudalism Of the middle ages but 80 far the
pEeoedent runs parallel with the present case
for treason the msster then, for treason the
master now, loses his slaves. In the middle
ages the sovereign appointed another lord over
the serfs and the land which they cultivated il
cur day the sovereign makes them masters o
their own persons, lords over themselves.
II has been said that we are at war; and tina
emancipation is not o belgerent right. Thl
objection disappears before analysis. In wa
between independent powers the invading for
eigner invites to his standard all who will Civ
him aid, whether bond or free, and he reward
them according to his ability and his pleasur
With gifts or freedom; but when at peace h
NithdraWs from the invaded country, he mus
take hia aidsrs and oOmforters with him; or
hs Leaves Them behind, where he has no court
Antorce his deereeS, be can give them no security
nnlela It be by the stipulations Of treaty.
. civil war it is altogether different. Their
when Rebellion is crushed, the old goVernmeI
a. restored, and the courts resume their jurl
eicuon. 80 1t is with "s the United Stat
nave Courts OF their own that must punish Il
quit Of treason aud vindioate the freedom