New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1865-12-06

fundamental question to all the people OF the
State. is very well; to submit it TO that portion
only of the people who have, with hardly an
exception, been Rebels, and allow them to pun
ish the steadfast Unionists by rigorous dis
franchisement and prescription, is not well.
And if "good faith requires" Of the
Union "the security Of the freedmen
in their liberty and their property, their rght to
labor" and its just recompense, then it must be
that we have power to compass these ends by
Enfranchsement, since nothing short of this
will prove effective. Good faith cannot require
us to achieve an end whereof the means are be-
yond our power
There is hardly another point whereOn the
Presidents suggestions do not command our
thorough approval. That he should heartily urge
Currency coYtraction, the limitation OF Ex-
penditure, public and private, and the reduction
rather than augmentation of Indebtedness with
a view to early Resumption aud the gradual
liquidation Of our vast National Debt while
he scouts Reputation and all that pertains to
|it-so much we note with qualification but
without surprise. So with all he says
in advocacy of Free Labor and the
Constitutional Amendment. But his frank and
forcible condemnation of Railroad Monopoly OF
the Camden and Amboy pattern, and bis call
for legislation to defeat it, is more than we had
expected or hoped for, and we thank him most
heartily for this proof of his earnest, practical
.,l, fhnir
rights or interests are invaded or menaced.
We think Europe will be agreeably surprised
by the moderate though firm language wherein
the President discusses the outfit and numerous
refits Of the Alabama, Shenandoah and other
Rebel corsairs, in British ports. The question
at issue, as he forcibly states, concerns not the
good faith wherewith the British Government
executed their own laws, but reciprocal obi
cations existing anterior TO and Independent
all such laws. We have rights in the premises
which British law did not create and cannot be
allowed to defeat. The British-built, British
armed, British-manned rovers that stole
out of Liverpool only to steam
boldly into other British ports and
there be eagerly fitted and supplied with every
thing essential to the highest efficiency in plum.
dering burning and sinking our merchantmen,
and running away from our cruisers, may have
violated no British statutes; but they have done
Us grievous harm and wrong, in palpable defiance
of the comfy of nations and of our right to nayi-
gate the seas unassailed from ~ PORTS ofa neu-
trail and prolessedly friendly power. We can wait
for settlement; but twill not be wise in
Great Britain to postpone it.
As to recent European monarchical demon
STATIONS against the independence if not the
existence Of certain American Republics, the
President expresses very fairly and clearly the
general sentiment Of our people. We loathe
War--we mean to keep out Of it-but France
and Spain must not presume too far on our re-
luctancc to resort TO arms. We can overlook
the past, if we have reliable assurance that
the future will not reproduce and aygayate It.
We sec nothing in what the President says on
this point which can be treated by France
as a threat; yet il is plain that the pouring Of
French, Austrian or Belgian troops n,o Mexico
must cease, and that no other Spanit.Amcrioan
Republic must DO treated as Chill has just been.
We trust The President has said enough to aid
the general desire Of the French to lie rid of
Mexico at the earliest day. with nothing that
can be perverted into a menace, and thu made
The pretext for further aggrcssions. And We
thank Andrew johnson for so happily reminding
Europe that, if republican institutions have here
been on trial, the result is most triumphant
verdict in their favor.
Other topics discussed in tho Message must
stand oyer-at least for to-day.