The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1865-05-25

wonld be conclusive evidence that tn.
people of such State were truly loyal
and in accordance with those ideas which
control the leyal mind of the othe
States, and by which the future of tn
country is to be governed
HOW TO TREAT REFRACTORY STATE.
If no considerable number voted upor
these questions. or they failed to com
mand the assent of large portion OF tn
people. this would also seem to he con
elusive evidence that within that militia
ry district either the spirit of the rebel
lion had not been subdued, although 1t
physical force might he broken. or tina
the community was not in condition
resume its practical relations as
State 10 the Union, and l would hold
under military rule as beligerents unit
the influx of Northern enterprise. capi
tai and sentiment brought in by on
brave soldiers coming there to settle,
and by our school teachers educating the
colored citizens of the United States
therein dwelling, had so far changed
the feelings Of a majority of the peo-
pie of such State that it was in fit con
dition to become a State Of this Union,
whether the time needed for this purpose
was one year or century.
ANOTHER VIEW.
IT. however a constitution should be
adopted containing the provisions above
suggested then the State being organ
lied, all military rule should be with
drawn as soon as the State government
should show it was able to preserve the
peace and protect all citizens of the
United States in its borders. in life, liber-
ty and pursuit of happiness. The State
could then elect its members to either
house of Congress, to he admitted or
rejected as either in its wisdom might
But no such election OF mem
bers of Congress ought to take place un-
til all military rule had been withdrawn,
because there can he no greater wrong
to the fundamental principles of our
than the election of mem
bers of either house of Congress under
the overshadowing power of the Presi
dent, especially when exerted IN the mill
tarv form. Such elections abolish all
between an independence
of the legislative and executive depart
ments of the government. and tend to
of power-quite as much
to be guarded against as secession. l
,m one of those old fashioned democrats
who do not believe that the Executive
las any part or lot in the fraternal rela-
ions of the several States to each other
md to the Union other than that which
he President exercises as part of the
awmaking power.
HIS IDEA OF STATE RIGHTS.
The theory of State rights has been i'm
uc Ii bad company of late, and has been
o mangled and misrepresented, as an
pologv for secession, that there is dan
.er that the Hamiltonian theory of fed
rated powers may he carried too far.
md we may leave the States without any
lights at all Indeed, it would seem that
he relation of the States to the general
government might be adjusted by a sin
yle consideration. All sovereignty re
sides in the people. For the manage
nent of their domestic concerns tue peo-
Die have chosen the agency of State;
or the management of their national
md foreign affairs they have chosen the
federal government. In all that relates
% the former, the State is the Supreme
agent In all that relates to the latter,
md the connection of the States to each
,ther. and to the national government,
hat is supreme. There would seem,
therefore, to be no necessity for any clash
ng between these two agents of the peo-
Die. Meanwhile, in such military dis
ricts as are comprised within the bounda-
les of States, the Military Governor
should be charged with the economical
of an executive Govern
nent which should insure the safety of
ife aud property, taxing the inhabitants
IF such districts for the cost OF such
so that by contumacy and
obstinate adherence to the spirit of trea-
,on the State should not tax the treasu-
les of the loyal States for the expenses
IF their military Government. The ma
erial resources of the South should be
developed its means of communication
With other States and parts of itself. fos-
cred, so as TO afford the fullest oppor
unitv for emigration. Perhaps some
nav think have laid too much stress
lpon the several propositions which are
aid down as conditions precedent TO the
lction which should bring back a revolt
Il State would have them put naked
V 10 the people of the State before any
lection of officers was called. because l
would eliminate all the elements of per
oual difference as to the rulers from the
adoption of principles of government
would first present the principles they
,eing determined. then the questions Of
nen could he discussed. Upon the first
that l would require TO be
'ubmitted to the people of each rebel
ious State before il can ask TO ,ome back
nto relations with the loyal States-to
Wit. the abolition of slavery-there Ger
ainlv can he but one mind at the North.
rhe second. that there can he no right
If secession. is necessary to be decided
IS part of the fundamental law be
,ause. for more than thirty years, the
people of the South have been taught by
heir leaders that such right does exist;
20 that many good and true men have
been led away by this heresv into rebel
ion from which they would otherwise
have shrunk Let the maxim. There
are no rights of secession " therefore.
hereafter stand rs the corner stone OF
The frame Of government of each revolt,
ed State they owe so much to the sac
-iices of the loyal States for the Union.