Journal of freedom. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1865-186?, 1865-10-14
Alabama ON the Negro.

1G Is useless TO duSCl any eu1 PL4S0 0s ChO
ordinance of the Alabama Convention ex-
cluding negro testimony from the courts.
The proceedings of the Convention through
all its sessions have pointed to such con-
clusion. There has not been one word ut
tered showing a purpose to accept cor
dially or even intelligently the altered
condition of affairs. Every voice heard in
the Convention has been for recognition
of emancipation as compulsory and un-
welcome. Every speaker has indicated
his purpose to make freedom mean as lit
tie as possible to the negro. Such con-
vention fifty crownsits labors with a reso-
linton DENYING to the freedman every civil
right except the right not to be sold on
the auction block. Erskine, raised to the
peerage. painted over his doors the le-
gend, "Trial by jury" to signify his sense
of its inestimable value to the free English
man. What words would his indignant
lips have found strong enough to de-
nounce an act that denies to the half-freed
negro not merely trial by his peers, but
the right to be heard in any case that can
arise in any court of law. Under this
Alabama ordinance the only spot negro
has right to occupy in the courtroom is
the prisoners dock. When he is there,
charged it may be with a capital crime,
the word of a perjured white man. who
never saw him may convict him and send
him to the gallows, though twenty blacks
stand ready to proverbs perfect innocence.
Such law and such legislation as that is
an outrage against civilization, but one
degree less brutal than slavery itself. 1t
outstrips even the barbarity of the slave
code, for that permitted the negro to testify
in cases where negroes only were parties !;
this excludes him in every case.
In Judging of the loyalty of Alabama
and of her disposition to concede manhood
to the negro whom she did not emanci-
pate, this last ordinance controls all other
testimonv-were there any testimony any,
where that the State is inspired by the
spirit of freedom. instead of slavery. This,
and not the so-called ordinance of aboli-
ton, stereotypes the opinion of the Con-
vention. This is the shape which such
speeches as that we quoted from last week
finally take. That speech-Mr. Whites
might be deemed the utterance of but
one man 1t was in fact the opinion of
the Convention. In all its proceedings we
have not discovered one speech pitched in
truer key than that. The opponents of
Mr.. White talk on this subject exactly as
Mr.. White talks. In the last report that
comes to us, we find an address by Mr..
Langdon of Mobile, in opposition to the
substitute offered by Mr.. White, making
the recognition of emancipa contin-
gent on the decision of the Supreme Court.
Yet the former speech was -and-water
to this. Mr.. Langdon makes no sort of
concealment of the fact that the present
convention is to do just so much as is ne-
cessary to get back into the Union, and
no more. Therefore he deems it inevita-
BILE to admit that slavery is'abolished He
would not admit that if he could help it.
Neither he or any other speaker parts
willingly with the institution. "Most
gladly" exclaims Mr.. Langdon, 'would l
vote for the substitute, if the institution
could thereby be saved" Of all acts
looking toward emancipation, he says, 81
agree that those acts are all unconstitu.
tional, illegal and atrocious. 49, We
are not responsible for the act /
glory in the fact that we yielded no princi-
pie till we were compelled to. The
Proclamation of the President and acts of
Congress were unmitigated inhumanities.
=. [ denounced it as an atrocity, and l
still believe that the Confederate Govern
ment did not adopt as severe measures as
it should have done. | say this to let
men know that for one don't yield
slavery willingly. Ibelieve that setting
the slaves free in these States will be put
down as the blacklist act ever performed"
There is any quantity more of the same
venomous outpourings.
Now. who believes that convention of
which Mr.. White and Mr.. Langdon are
leaders can mean to do Justice to the
freedmen, whose emancipation, in their
eyes, is crime of the blacklist dye Who
believes that the State, left under the
guidance of such men, will allow any real
freedom for the blacks to exist within its
limits2 Nor is this feeling of evaporation
against the negro and against the authors
Of his freedom the sole motive which con-
trolls the policy of the Convention. Mr..
Langdon, bitterly hating emancipation as
he does, yet tells the Convention they must
admit it formally-otherwise no chance of
readmissien and no other means toward
that political supremacy which the pro-
slavery leaders expect to establish over
the North. EEThe gentleman is mistaken
IN thinking that we are conciliating the
radicals. We are acting not only for our
selves, but also for our friends in the
North, to enable them to destroy the-radi-
calparty."
We are obliged to Mr.. Langdon for let
ting that particularly large cat out of the
bag, Words oou1d not dooloro ~aoro ov.