The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1865-11-19

against the Federal Government.
Such a position cannot be tenable.
The law of the State plainly absolves
the citizen who has no choice but tC
obey it. Against the State itself, re-
dress may be desired and demanded
but it cannot be found rightfully in
that Constitution from which the
coercion of State was excluded. A
traitor, too, takes up arms against the
Government that is over him, and
attempts to overthrow it. We cannot
find that any one attempted to over
throw the Washington Government
on the contrary, strong efforts were
made by the South to enter into ami
cable relations with it. But argu-
ments of this kind are not likely to
obtain much attention at q period of
such excitement. One that cannot
be overlooked is the fact that state
OF war was recognized by the Federal
Government. It was so adjudged not
only by prize courts, but by the Su-
preme Court, whose decision cannot
be set aside. It was recognized in
the exchange of prisoners, and various
conventions entered into during the
war. It was admitted in the most
striking manner by President Lincoln
and his Secretary of State, who went
III person to treat with the commits
s,oners of Jefferson Davis It has
been said that all this was done under
the pressure of events, leaving rights
III abeyance, which may now be re-
vived. By this kind of argument
almost any breach of faith could be
defended. Whatever the motives,
there is the fact 1t is impossible to
say that President Lincoln went to
negotiate with ambassadors appointed
by traitor. Whoever treats with
the ambassador treats with the Go
vernmcnt, and with the head of that
Government and after this, Mr.
johnson has no more right to charge
the head of that Government with
treason than we had to charge it upon
the Emperor of Russia at the close of
the Crimean war. We cannot take
opposite principles, change them
about, reverse them, leave them, re-
turn to them, to suit the convenience
of the day. No Government can play
fast and loose in matters of life or
death
There are other considerations. For
four years, Jefferson Davis was the
appointed ruler of eleven great States
States, several of which had been
acknowledged as free, sovereign and
independent powers by the Govern
ments of Europe. His dominion was
no mere insurgent district, but
region ample enough for many king
ua II
armies, made illustrious by brilliant
victories and leaders of enduring re-
nown. Supported by unanimous
people, he ruled in strict conformity
with the laws of the land and its con
stitution. When vehemently urged,
as he was, to suppress the opposition
papers, which were ever buzzing and
stinging at Richmond, greatly to the
profit of the enemy, he resolutely re-
fused to interfere with the freedom of
the press. When urged to retaiate
the murder of ten men, shot in cold
blood, at Palmyra, by the Federal,
Mcneil, under circumstances of afro,
city that none can read without
shudder, he refused to listen to the
voice of natural indignation, and de-
clined to shed one drop of blood
except on the open field of battle. In
all but penury-for his property fell
early into the cncmy's hands, and his
salary, payable in the deprecated cur
rency, soon afforded but the necessa-
ries of life-calm, dignitied, swaying
with commanding intellect the able
men that surrounded him; eloquent
as a speaker, and as Q writer giving
State papers L. the world which are
amongst the finest compositions in
our time, of warm domestic affections
in his inner life, and strong religious
convictions; held up by vigor of the
spirit that nerved an exhausted and
enfeebled frame-such was the chosen
constitutional ruler of one-fourth of