Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1865-02-20

son Il unktunticu, IT NAV VIII lnulsCTlmlnale
hand blot and destroy much good. / am op-
posed 20 any interference with the Constitution
az this time leave Il as i IS II is ample for al
purposes. The Constitution did not establish
servitude in the States j. j. the State law that
has created the institution, and the only Just
and reasonable means consistent with the nature
Of our government 20 abolish slavery is TO
change the State Constitution recognizing il, and
not tamper with the Constitution Of the United
States. Now Is an inauspicious time for any
change. Slavery i no longer political ques-
ton. Il has run is race and rotted its requiem
has been hEmmcd BY every bird and breeze.
The march of our army unshackles and frees
the slave and slavery can never enter into future
political contentious. It. knell was sounded BY
the Southern hand on the site Of Charleston.
Slavery assembled with the first wreath Of smoke
curling from the boom Of artillery against Sum
ter's front, and with il vanished into thin air.
And no one weeps over is departure. Throned
in the yaulted heart, memorable conscience holds
his court and with ttill small voice says, in
morals il is wrong" And i do not vote for the
continuation of slavery in voting against this
proposed amendment, as j regard slavery as
practically at an end.
l. il polite 20 adopt the amendment az this
time Its adoption may give o stimulus 10
Southern enthusiasm, where 1t Is our interest TO
discourage. II NAV unite and harmonic the
sentiments Of those in arms against US, when IL
is orr policy TO divide and distract them 1t will
add recruits 10 the Southern army, who may
heretofore have been passive and disinterested in
the event of the struggle 1t Is not our policy
TO drive them To despair, as il lends new vigor TO
the heart and hand; and it may teach them TO
welcome rough war, with all its scenes of blood,
It's roaring thunders and its clashing steel, hav-
inc no hope but to play the brave man DER
araiu and die or win the confesf
We have received information of a negotiation
for peace between the Federal and rebel authori-
ties. but no distinctive conditions of peace were
presented 1T that conference BY the rebel COM
missioners Mr.. Singleton, gentleman who
went TO Richmond TO ascertain upon what terms
the rebels would treat, says:
=. The southern people all anxious for peace
not because they exhausted doubt their ability to
continue the successfully, but spare combat
ants women and children the privatons and saferngs
its continuance must multiply
80 He thinks il in the power OF the North
struct by offer OF liberal ermsto be considered and
acted upon during srnisiice Of sixty days.
3 The South will not consent to ruction upon
ay other basis than the eearest recognition Of the
rights Of the States lively dete each for
self all questions OF local and domestic government,
slavery included.
- Taey will not permit slavery 10 stand in the way
dered but 20 nothing else-unlsss should be fair
compensation coupled with other liberal terms q recon
-
80 lie thinks they prosecute the ind fnitF Is
but not without great suerng and sacrifice which they
prepared make, rather than submit any term
that do recognize their perfect equality and alike
honorable 10 DO y sections"
This statement was published in the New
York Tribune, and il gives that gentleman the
credit OF being a frank and honest man. Then.
If peace can be- :ttained shall We by the adop-
ton of this measure plant an angel of fire with
flaming sword between ourselves and peace with
a restored Union Separate and divide the
combatants IL their negotiations, making an in
vincible barrier TO reconstruction and peaceful
return of recreant States to the nuptial bower.
fashioned BY our fathers under the auspices OF
the Constitution. II may defeat a settlement
and compromise. and thereby widen the gate
WAYS for the flow of blood, and wasteful battle
fields and carnage for many wears in the future.
We must not place lion in the path To embar-
raSs negotiations for peace
General Grant. on the lst day of February
SOS, at n time when the rebel commissioners
were in his camp, soliciting a conference with
the President of the United States, with view
to interchange sentiments as to terms of peace.
sent dispatch 10 Mr.. Stanton the Secretary OF
War, intimating tine propriety of Mr. Lincoln
giving the commissioners an audience, and says:
:" am convinced, upon conversation Will
Messrs. Stephens and Hunter, that their inten-
tons are good, and their desire sincere, to res
tore peace and Union"
/ believe sir, this measure will defeat the
Union. We NAV have united territory-wC
NAV suhjugate the South with arms, but thai
will not make q Union. This amendment i
also Objectionable, because it tends 10 centraliz,
power in the hands of the General Government.
State sovereignty is the only security to personal
liberty, and the perpetuity of free Institutions
This was the polar star by which the trainers OF
he Government, in their devices and conduct
were guided; and Ii is proper that we should
maintain the landmarks that have characterized
our past history. Capitalization is an enemy 70
popular liberty, and will lay in ashes repub-
lican form of government.
The next question that presents itself, Have
the power TO make the amendment, the
subject, in the manner, and 10 the extent pro-
vided in the resolution The Constitution was
an agreement among the States for certain Oh
jects; and in constituting this agreement, we must
consider the situation of the States, Their true
| intent, and the subect-matter of that agreement.
We should look 10 the motives that led 10 il.
and the object intended to be effected. What
was the situation! When the Constitution OF
the United States was framed, twelve of the
| States held the African in servitude, and the
other one was in the course of gradual emanci
patton; and if there had been any clause in that
| instrument prohibiting slavery, the galaxy OF
| thirteen would never have sparkled as such in
| the political sky, but each would have made it.
way in the armament, alone unaided and unas-
sociated with the other The Constitution
would never have been accepted with such a
provision in il. The States made the Constitu-
| ton; the Constitution did not make the States.
Could the Constitution of the United States be
| 50 amended rs TO transfer us a provinces TO
British or French dominion Could Congress
| and twenty-seven of the States impose slavery
on the State of Indiana, without her consent
All would unite in one acclaim against the right
! to make such amendment. though, according 10
the word of the Constitution, there is no limita-
ton on the right of amendments but such
amendment, though authorized by the word, is
opposed TO the spirit of the Constitution, and
consequently not authorized by that instrument.
II Congress and threefourths of the States can
not impose slavery on Indiana without her con-
sent Is ii within the spirit OF that instrument TO
abolish slavery in kentucky without her consent!
ANY amendment 10 the Constitution not author
lied by the spirit of that instrument, would rem
der the instrument or amendment void as to the
State not conserving to such alteration and the
legal effect o such alteration not within the
spirit Of the instrument, and against the consent
of any State. would be 10 render null the entire
instrument, and resolve the States not consent
inc into independent sovereignties released from
allegiance TO any higher power. All parties
have agreed that secession is not recognized by
the Consttution-that government does not pro-
vide for it own suicide; but If the doctrine OF
the Republican party Is correct, that the right Of