Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1865-12-19
q he freem an,
Democratic Method of Governing Freedmen.


races We do not legislate for lrishmen, or
Dutchmen. or Scotchmen, or Eng lishmen, or
Americans, as such, bat we make general laws
to which we eSpec; they will conform. Our
naturalization laws Put all foreigners upon an
equality, and give no nationality the preference
in rights or privileges This is in accordance
which does not recognize or permit any class
privileges or any class mouopoiCs in the conn.
try, but treats the people Of the republic as
standing upon The same level, and equally en-
titled to the protection Of he constitution End
laws Of the land, III their rights Of person and
property. This is the true democratic interpre
tation OF our institutions, and it is only upon
this unders anding Of them that they can be
logically defended.
1t is nothing against this position that, in
practice, large majority of the people Of this
country have, until recently, denied these rights
to millions Of our people Upon whatever
ideas this denial was at fret based, it at las! re-
treated for its defense to theories Of Govern
ment which permit the few to rulo the many,
and which declare all democraces failure
1t did not rest for its justification upon the fact
tina, the oppressed was black while the opprts-
sor was white, but upon the doctrine that the
people, the Industrious laborers OF the country,
were unfit to govern themselves. While it hap
penct, however, that majority Of the slay
were black, il became u necessary defense OF the
institution OF narrowing, that prejudice
should be aroused against color; and therefore,
it happened, BY the cunning and persistent Of
forts of Shareholders in manufacturing public
opinion, that the denial Of rights to black men
was not regarded IS equal in enormity to the
denial of the same rights to white men. Al
now that slavery is At an end, it is still sngu
lar anomaly 10 our administration Of govern
ment, that we cannot get rid of this prejudic,
OF color, but insist in acting upon the theory
that black man iq not entitled TO the same
rights and the SINE privileges as white man
in other words, we are not yet prepared to do
what our fathers did and refuse t. inquire re-
,pecting the color OF the nationality Of those
for whom VIZ frame Constitutions and make
laws.
If emancipation, under our form Of govern
mont, means anything, it makes the person
emancipatcd equal before the law to every other
freeman and it cannot be fully accomplished
until all distinctions of color are swept from
the constitutions and the statute books of every
state in the Union. In democracies there can
be no privileged classes. We are, frCq uently told
that freedom means only liberty to. .work, and
to be paid for ones work. But Americans know
it means more than this, as they have used the
word for nearly century. Not one Of the
signers of the Declaration Of Independence was
slave, as the negroes have been slaves in the
South nor had Great Britain made any effort
30 enslsve a single citizen Of the colonies. Yet
the colonies rebelled to secure to themselves
liberty. They declared that it was slavery to
DO governed without their consent that govern.
ment was not the privilege of any class or body
Of men, but inherent in the people, aud all thu
people, over which the government extended it,
power. Ii was upon that corner stone they
built the liberties Of the New World, at th
same time sweeping away all the maxims anC
logic through which classes had attempted t
draw to themselves privileges which they denie
10 others.
In the new era upon which the republic
entering, it is necessary that we return to thes
fundamental principles of liberty and demoC
racy. Politicians tell US that par ticipation
the affairs of government is not the right of an
one-that it is only conventional right whic
may be limited or enlarged, as is agreeable
those whose privilege for the time being it is
in other words that there is such thing in
democracy as privileged class who have Il
right. to govern everybody else without the
consent. At the North we have not talk,
much about division Of the people into 20
erning and governed classes, but 10 every sta
in which black men have been excluded fro
the ballot-box, we have affirmed, in practic
that the people Of this country can be RICH
fully divided into classes, one of which shl
have the exlusive privilege Of government III
is hostile to every principle of genuine demo
racy; yet strangely enough, the sO-called dei
ocratic party have been tho 6rmest supportC
Of this.injustice. The question is now, ho
ever, presented to the people,more sharply tn
ever before, in the reorganization Of the Sout
where three millions of loyal people are int
ested in the decision Yet we do not see in I
Southern States the slightest disposition to :
knowledge that the freedmen are entitled to a
political rights whatever, but, on the contra
everywhere there is the assumption that tn,
blacks are to remain governed race, with
participation in any way in the affairs of q,
eminent. The legislation respecting them
everywhere special. They are put under di
bilties, but continually reminded that their ,
sition is one of inieiiorty, and that laws viii
are strict enough Tor white men are not str
gent enough for them. Every complaint viii
Our fathers made against the tyranny of Or,
Britain, can be made by these freedmen agail
the tyranny of the government under viii
they live, and yet the list of their grievances
not half complete Taey have a right to
nounee the white race of this republic as ms
ing boast of democracy while repudiatug
most Distinguishing feature, and as demandi
rights for themselves which they mcanly a
dangerously refuse to others.