Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1865-11-24

we are very glad TO see that Judge Red6eld
recognizes in This article Of the Contribution
plain grant Of power to the national govern
ment Of judging what is republican form
OF government 10 our own study of tho
reconstruction question we found precisely
here the solution Of the greatest difficulties in
the Gaze. Now, in judging Of the character
OF plan Of government. we take it that Con-
gtess has not only the right, but is bound. to
consider all parts Of it, and certainly tina,
which IS practically not only the motive pow.
er, but the guiding power, Of the machine
to wit, the voting power. We do not say
that every body must have the right Of suf-
rage, without regard to the fitness or the ne
cessities Of the case but we do insist that
the controlling voting power shall be lodged
10 loyal men in each state, and men who will
not abuse the power by injustice to any class
OF its people, black or white II we UNDER
stand Judge Redfeld, he would have the
freedmen vote for delegates to the convention
which is to forlu a constitution, and also vote
upon the adoption Of the constitution formed
II the National Government has the power to
require this, we do not see why it has not
equally the power to 60 farther 10 the same
direction. II it can give the negro the right
to vote on the highest and gravest question
that ever can be submitted to any people. il
would seem that it might also require the
power to be given on subordinate questions.
We speak now only Of the poirer Of the Ma
tional Government over the right of suffrage
which the Judge seems to admit in the for
nation Of constitutions, and to deny in the
working under them. II is a fact that Con-
gress, in several Of It's enabling acts, has re-
CURED anew state to come with a republican
constitution" and in other cases has declared
constitutions to be republican. This was a
practical assertion of its power, under the
constitution, to examine and pass judgment
upon state constitutions-to accept or reject.
Having the power, the discretion is necesssri-
ly in Senators and Representatives and we
do not believe they are bound to skip the
article on the right Of suffrage, or to accept an
article on that subject that is contrary 70 their
conception of true republicanism within the
meaning Of the constitution. On this part of
the case, and in conclusion, Judge Redield
says:
" If then there is any just aud proper mode
Of securing TO the blacks that agency and
voice in the government, which seems so de-
sifabe to their proper protection in their pres
ent defenseless position. we must look beyond
the general law Of the elective franchise in
the sta c and municipal elections, or even as
TO national elections, since this depends ex-
clnsiyely upon state authority. And in at
tempting to find some proper way Of escape
from the embarrassing dilemma, it has seemed
to us that It may be done through the organic
law Of the state, and the obligation imposed
upon the nation to guarantee to each of the
states a republican form Of government.
" This provision Of the national constitution
must imply the power in the nation Of iudQ-
ing what Is republican form Of government.
1t would be too unreasonable to be seriously
entertained by any one, to suppose that the
provision merely required the nation to guar
antee the maintenance of such form Of gov
eminent as the states might see fit to adopt
and call republican. The trainers of the ma
tional constitution too well knew that any
state degenersling from the republican form
Of government would be sure to lose the sub
stance Of the thirg long before they did the
name. Unless then this provision carries with
it the power Of judging and determining for
themselves what shall be d republican form Of
government, it would become both useless
and impracticable We must then conclude
that there is hereby reserved to the nation
the right OF deciding when the states have de-
parted from the republican form Of govern
ment, and to demand a return, in some way,
to that form Of government. And II they may
do this, when the change is fully consumated
they may with equal propriety, claim to inter-
iere when any such change is attempted OF
begun Principits obsta is a maxim which
must be conceded to all pc wers, made respon-
sible to remedy abuses. The nation may then
insist that all the states shall have and main
tain. inyiolate and unimpaired. republican
form Of government. This it may do, as we'll
for the security Of their own free form of gov
eminent, as that Of the states. The one is
dependent upon the other, and impossible to
be maintained without it. That is, unques-
tiona ily, the reason Of connecting this mpor-
tant Junction to the national government
And as it is one of great delicacy and ex-
tremely liable 10 abuse, it should not be reck-
lessly invoked in order to effect even the
most desirable ends, unless coming fairly
within its scope. This we feel in its full force.
" But still 1t hss seemed 10 us that this is
precisely the point, and the only point, where
the national authority could be invoked. in
favor Of the large masses Of colored popula-
ton at the south The war has already set
tied the point of the status OF these people,
as that of freedom, as indispensable to the
just operation of our system of free govern
ment. The nation may therefore not only
properly insist that slavery shall be abolished
by the states, but thst they shall give reason
able assurance and guaranty against its re-
establishment. The least which this implies
is that this large accession OF free and native
population which had in it's former dependent
state been represented through their superb
ors, the masters, but which. in its present
new state, is not represented in any form or
mode, in the organic law of the several states
should, in some way have fair and free OPP
portunity of being heard,li person or by their
Natt h.