Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1865-01-18
Remarks Of
HON. G- w SCOFIELD,
January s, 1865,

In the House Of Representatives, on the
Resolution proposing an amendment to the
Constitution of the United States for the
prohibition of slavery.
Mr.. SCoFIELD. Mr.. Speaker, | rise to
make some observations in reply 10 the very
remarkable criticism pronounced by the gen
tlemen from New York Mr.. BROOKsI on
the aHti-slavery portion OF the President
message.
IT the war should end now without di-
vision Of the Union, what would be the sta
tus OF slavery? 1t has been abolished IN
Maryland 10y the new constitution; but 1t Is
said the soldiers had no right to vote, and
without their votes the constitution was not
adopted West Virginia has provided Tor
grauual emancipation; but that State, 1t L,
alleged has no legal existence, and therefore
It's action is null and void. In the State OF
Virginia a new constitution prohibiting sia-
very has been adopted by the loyal people
within the Union lines but the constltu-
tiOnality Of this action has been much ques-
toned even by antI-siaVery men. Missouri
has partially abolished slavery, and the con
yention, soon to assemble there, 1t Is sup
posed. viii dispose Of what is left. In len
nessee, Louisiana, and Arkansas, slavery
has been prohibited by conventions repre-
sentihg the Union people OF those States
but it IS said that these conventions We're lr-
regularly called, and their action IS there
fore void. In Kentucky such slaves as en-
ter the United States Army are freed by
act of Congress but it Is alleged that the
act is unconstitutional Congress has abol-
ished slavery in the District of Columbia,
and prohibited it all in the Territories but
il is said the first act Is void, without the
assent OF Maryland and Virginia, and the
latter Is III conflict with the dIctum OF the
Supreme Court IN the case Of Dred Scott.
In all the remainder OF the States the slaves
were liberated by the President proclana-
tion a; but that Instrument, it Is said, Is too
just to be legal. Under these several enact
ments, however, the slaves, without waiting
to test their validity, are leaving their old
masters, forming new associations, seeking
education, earning nau homes. learning seIt-
rsiliIgIu,, and utiuS erecting barriers oif0
revival Of slavery stronger than legislation
itself. -
It Is apparent from this statement that if
the coufederacy should suddenly collapse,
Eberating our Union fellow w-citlzens that-are
believed TO exist III large numbers within It's
picket lines. we would still have the slavery
question, out Of which the whole trouble
grew, to be settled and disposed OF. 1t
ought to be equally apparent to all obsery,,
my DCfSOIlS ltidt IllClC - Dl%I oiLS h"g ~ tA
the strife Slavery in the end must die.
1t has cost the country too much suffering
and too much patriotic blood, and IS IL the
ory an institution too monstrous, to be per
mitted TO live The only question Isl shall
it die now, by a constitutional amendment
a single stroke of the aX-or shall 1t IInger
in party warfare through quarter or halt a
century Of acrimonious debate, patchwork
LEGISLATION, and conflicting adjudication ?
The people were consulted upon this ques-
ton last fall, and they have responded IN
favor Of emancipation. l respect their o.
pinion, not because | am POLITICIAN, the
motive hinted at in the message, but be-
cause experience has taught me to rely upon
the Judgment Of the unambItlous classes
I am reminded that there was large minor
itv. True, but the suffering consequent up
on this terrible war, and not love OF slavery,
made the minority so large. The people
suffered from the draft, from taxation, and
from a deprecated currency, and untruthtul
men told them that their own Government
imposed these hardships, not from the ne
cessiries created by the rebellion, but from
mere love Of despOtic cruelty. Consult your
/ Democratic constituency and you will lind
they are not so much infatuated with slavery
as many sunpose. | think / would not mis-
renresent the largest portion Of the Demo
crats in my own district II l say that now
ever much they have condemned antl-SiaV-
erv agitation prior to the rebellion, they
would now be glad to have the Institution
buried out of their sight forever Two clas-
ses alone would object: those who are 50
poorly endowed as TO be jealous OF negro
competition, and those who, being more
happily born, apprehend that their pride
and Importance might in some way be com
promised if the distance between themselves
and any portion of the laborlng class were
leSSened
The President, in obedience to the advice
of the people and the dictates OF his own
kind heart and unimpassiOned judgment, has
recommended that we should submit tins
amendment to the action Of the States.
Why should it not be done?
Because, says the gentleman from New
York, Mr. Brooks, we should not amend
the Constitution in the midst OF civil war.
| Why, then, did he, IN the close OF his
speech, propose to amend 1t through the
medium Of a convention, so as to give slave
rv an increased representation IN this House
and a protraction of its mischlevous hte,
and. further. to amend, in pursuit OF some
State sovereignty vagary, so as TO SINK the
Government OF the United States into g
mere agency for the collection OF customs
Do not take the medicine now, says the ten
der nurse to the sick man, wait till you are
well and able to bear it. If the gentleman
will examine his own heart he will probably
| find that it is the character OF the amend
ment that is offensive to him: and not It's
untimely presentation
Again, says the gentleman, some OF the
States are not represented here. lie seems
to forget that Congress does not make a
mendments to the Constitution, out 9nS
nronosas ,ban, They must be accepted by