New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1865-01-13
WIyRs AND CHILDREN.

Present time is always complacent. The shock
and the shame Of public selishness end cruelty
are rarely cOtcmporaneous, but como 10 us
mitgaed by tho judicial GOODNESS Of history
We sit in our easy chairs, and read with indig-
nant minds Of Piedmontese massacres and Of
Bartholomew butcheres, ana while thus anna
bly employed we take no note of the legacy Of
modification which we may be preparing for
our children. Let that man who wishes TO
know how African Slavery viii appear TO the
next generation, ak himself how tho worst
forms Of Middle Age serfdom appear TO hmnow.
When, hereafter. political philosophers shall
treat Of our cruel and fatal system OF labor, We
may be sure that while they dwell upon It's
wicked denial of liberty aud property, they VIII
not forget the wrong which 1t did TO the
natural impulse TO marriage, family, and OIL
spring, and the desire for their happiness and
safety. Is thero any iallacy in support a
which ingenious Congressman cannot frame
a good or at least voluble argument.
Just look at what they were discussing
in Washington the other day! We take man
it is true he IL a black man-we make
soldier Of him--we in manner compel him to
risk life and his latc-come liberty In defense OF
our lives and ibertes--we admit that by this
service he has fairly won enfranchsement, and
we concede it TO him. But the newly-created
man has a wife much dearcr TO him than many
Cong ressmen's wives appear TO be TO them, and
that wife is still chattel, liable at any moment
TO DC sold al auction, and the children Of the
freed father must follow tho condition Of the
ensaved mother. What IL the freedom which
You have given this man WORTH He can
not have a hOme-he cannot have sweet domes-
tic comfortable cannot share the gift with those
he loves and if he cannot share it, 1t is worth
less. "Well," says some honorable man, "givo
him his wife give him his children" where.
upon ensues well nigh interminable debate,
and great weighing of doubts, and infinite eta
tons of the Constitution, and bobbemcnt Of
State Rights, with such end as We have seen or
may see!
We only refer to this particular measure for
the sake of illustration. We have no doubt Of
final justice in the premises. The great heart
Of the Nation softcned by suffering, the great
brain of the Nation educated to nearer loyalty
TO logic by experience, tho National conscience
awakened by the sharp touch Of war, surely
will not permit us to 60 very far nstray. But
there is an afTectation Of policy and of states
manship developing itself in sapient hesitation
and ponderous doubts, which may sadly and
cruelty prolong qualification. Mr. Davis watches
the debates in our Congress quite as closely a.
he watches his own battalions. He knows that
his Confederacy is doomed to go upon the
rocks-he Is only asking now how much he
can save ont of the shipwreck. lilo catches
every word which is uttered in be-.
half of his darling Institutions and
he treasures 1t up to DO used when the hour OF
adjustment shall come. There will be no con.
cesSion too small for him to grasp at, for Slave
ry is of that nature that it needs only admis.
sion and liberation, in form however minute, to
strengthen again into vigor deadly and dan
gerous to our peace. 1t is not Slavery in its
original and muscular might that the Rebels
hope for nOw-it Is some seed Of future triunphs,
some acknowledgment however faint of former
rights-soms Little wedge WHICH, at fitting