Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1862-1865, 1865-01-12


hope, and yet unshaksp by uncertainty or despon.
deocy. No wonder that the war increases In atroc-
! ty; wonder that crimes are every day perpetra-
ted from which in the first months Of the struggle
both sides would have rocOied with horror. As the
tragedy dcepens fresh agencies of destruction are
brought 10 bear, the mutual hatred becomes keener
| and the abuse OF victory more outrageous. FROM
many symptoms, il seems evident that the South
| are about to add one more element of misery and
| destruction TO those already employed. The North
has long broadly admitted that without the 100000
negroes whom il has in its service, il would find it
impossible to continue the conflict. These negroes
| were obtained by the simple process of first manu-
uniting the slaves of disioyd Southern propretors,
Eand then, by way OF sample OF their newly acquired
freedom Undressing them INTO the ranks ofths North
en armies. The South has hitherto resisted the far
larger population ofthc Northern States, fed bya CON
tinua supply of German and Irish emigration we'll
| as considerable proportion ofther own population,
extracted from them by the Ingenious vice We have
| Just mentioned--the device 81 making them Tree i'll
order to plunge them intOthe Kerry worst OF slavery.
The peculiar tactics 6f General Grant who seems to
have derived his notion OF war from game Of chess,
and is always ready to clear the hoard by exchanges.
giving two or even three pieces fGr one, has natu
rally drawn the attention OF the Sonth TO the fact
that they may sink by exhaustion even in the very
ARDS of victory. A campaign in the hands of this
new MASTER in the art ofYar have Ceased Very much
To be mater'oE strategy; II is question OF Gtcu-
tlati0n of no very refined kind. The principle Of
| Federal warfare may be thus announced :AVGiyen
ItSQ numbers, the larger of which Is susceptible
Tot ipdeipe Increase, while the smaller one IS cou
sapt, to obtain the. utmost reduction possible lnthe-
smaller one By any reduction, however great Ia the
larger one: 1t is an auction of menr-twO FederalS,
hye|f ederals ten federals, COR single Confederate
he.'
Il We are not therefore, surprised to- find that the
! Aouth are seriously taking into consideration the
..piopTiety OF arinug position OF their population
which, though in general bearing towards them very
Iheatty good WILL has hitherto taken 40 part In the
Conflict. The matter Is not even yet settled, and
the proposal to employ negroes on the S0nthcrn side
| iy put forth with Obvious uncertainty aud trepda-
Irion. Nothing can moro strikingly illustrate the
l.strongly qrstocraHc spirit OF these sayeholdng
Stats, the pride Of race ana that uhopnded SELF
reliance which Is generated by the constant use of
Farms, 10y tho habit OF absolute command, aud, the
l. spectacle implicit OBEDIENCE, than l, reluctance
lto employ cXpedlcfit obvious in itself sand
plainly suggested by tile practice OF h6 adversary.
The GOveinoi OF Louisiafa, Mr. Allen writes to Nj.
Se,don, the Confederate Secretary OF War, prOpo-
sing once TO put into the army every able-boded
Inegro as soldier The South lac says, has learnt by
hitter experience that the negro can be taught 10
fight and that Ee Is not enlisted on the side OF the
South he is.ycry likely to nd himself forced into lhe
armies of ne NORTH. The Richmond Enquirer does
not presume to say what will be the decision the
fquestiOn but it opens it's columns to opponents as
I.Well to friends Of the propositivn and seems
i good deal hamperGd by the fear Of raising certain
questions which, doubtless, in other times, would
1
| At much painsi'to show that the proposition has
| IL it nothing vi Abohtiohsm. The negroes must,
indeed be freed, not rs concession to Northern
kopiniou but reward for the defence Of the
/ Southern cause. Nor does the Enquirer think the
South ought to be revolted by the notion of placing
the negro Oh an equality with themselves. Many Of
the soldiers in their childhood hove ksen ondled and
huSed by faithful negro nurses, and yet no question
LOT equality between the two races has ever been
raised. Many man has manumitted slaves without
al haiun m atlu
| would mrke slaves OF white and black alike. AT
such time the rights of property Should not be in
sisted on too strongly. ave have says the SOuth-.
ern paper, 'in our nidst half million of fighting
material, which is property. ShaIl We use that pro-
perry for the common cause W make conscript
OF the master and every other kind of property
eedt slaves The exception Oft1is kind Of property
/ ought not 10 continue"
These arguments are very singular and yery note.
worthy, they show tie difficulties that must be met
before Southern opinion can be brought round to the
NECESSITY OF saving its by means of arming the
slaves The argument is very curious, dealing as it
does with points which European community
i would think Of raising, and consequently ever
think Of arguing. The difficulties that would occur
to us would BIZ rather of practical than OF a specu.
lative nature We SboQ not, If we were 70 be tr6u
bled to decide the 9uaicn f2I Ill. South, make
solves ct all uneasy about the difference between
mgnumissiOn and abolition, as taught and preached
in the great cities Of the North, the right Of
property IN the nelp u negroes IOr
| the public service. On the question which really
appears to Us the important oIe-the safety of
putting arms into the hands OF the slayes-there
really seems to be no diiietenc: Q. ppi11u, What
ever might BE- the case II the mob OF New York,
were instructed in military discipline andfurnshed
with weapons of NyRr, whatever danger might result
| 10 the Government of Mr.. Lincoln from putting
arms into the hands Of the citizens OF Baltimore The
South has no reason TO doubt that the negro will
fight just as bTayeIy N support OF sae cpqse OF sa
very which rs the cause Of his master, as he will III
the cause OF liberty, aud that his fidelity MAJ just
as well be relied i'll the case in tls other.
We do expect that this unfortunate race, doomed
first to be the cause and afterwards The ggn iHstu.
meti Gt lhe var, VII; distinguish selt by prOdigies
of yaor n favor OF either side But We believe there
| is no reason whatever To think fha the negro will be
less faithful to those who manumt him the price
oI his military service than he IS to those who first
l'make him Aee, and then, as an unforeseen f,uit II
his freedom eund hlm iGffh TO die for boon the
sweets of which he has never been allowed to taste.
So far from wondering that this thing has been done
now, only express our surprise that il has
never been done before. The objection, We con.
eeivc must have been, after all he. 30 WH,h 10 the
| emHiGymcnt IT the negro IN Itself, the shock
to the rights of property which il involved. On
| this one kind of possession the South had con
centrated all its proprietary feeling, and the man
/ who would submit without murmpT to tho Impress
i ment of his horses his crops may very likely
shrink back with a species OF Supcrstitous horror
1 nom the attempt by his own Government TO deprive
Thin of those very slaves for whom he has already
fought long and desperate war, BHt iha ahyioU,
oxpedency OF recruiting BY any means the shrunken
battalions of the Southern armies the advantage of
possessing kind Of troops which if not to be trusted
in very arducus duty may yet relieve the veteran
white battalions from much labour that wears down
their strength ll thgs heis nttnbets, is SO manifest
that We are convinced the suggestion of Governor
Allen will before long be adopted andthat the South
/ viii confront the North with equal number of
| negroes, thus undoubtedly greatly Increasing Tho
horrors Gl WGg which needs 40 aggravaton but at
the same TING redressng in great degree the inc
quality between the two eontendng parties.
/ n,nnlI I,lIE IrNITEh SrE ATEs