Dayton daily empire. [volume] (Dayton [Ohio]) 1850-1865, 1865-03-03
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Sumter or into it that to-morrows brleze
when iI sweeps from the South will brilg L
as the echo OF the 6rst Lexington bat8e q
the new revolution. Well, what shall we sh,
OF such an hour2 My own feeling is a doabl,
one. 1t is like the triumph of sadnesaI re-
jocing aud sorrow.
cannot, indeed, congratulate enough on
the sublime spectacle of twenty Million OF
people, educated in a twelve1nonih, up 10 be
ing willing that their idollzed Union sbbuld
risk battle, should risk dissolution in otler,
at any risk, TO put down this rebellion Of saye
States. But am sorry that gun shout be
fred at Fort Sumter, or that u gun shoall be
fired from it, for this reason. The Admins.
tratiou at Washington does not know its dme.
There are a series of States girdling the rulf
who think that their peculiar institutions re-
qnire that they should have "a separate govetn-
ment. They have right to settle that au.s.
ton without appealing to You or me. A hrk9
| body OF people, sufficient to make Il nation
have come 80 the ooncluson that they Wi
have government Of certain form Who
| denies them the right2 Standing with DE
principle OF '76 behind us, who can deny thIm
the right2 What is the matter Of IA few nil.
hons of dollars or few iorts2 II Ia mere
drop in the bucket Of queNious Z IS theirs
Just as much as ours 1 maintain that on The
principle of '76, that Abraham has no right 10
a soldier in Fort Sumter. But the question
comes, secondly, suppose we had right to
interfere, what is tho good Of in You may
punish South Carolina for going out of The
Union. That does not bring her back. Yun
may subdue her by hundreds of thousands Df
soldiers, but that does not make her a State.
There is no longer a Union. 1t is nothing
but boys play. Mr. Jefferson Davis is angry
and Mr. Abraham Lincoln is mad, and they
agree to fight. One, two, three years hence,
If the news Of the afternoon is correct, we
shall have war; spent millions, required the
death OF hundred thousand men, aud be ex.
actly where we are n0w-two nations litue
more angry, a littlo poorer, and great dsnl
wiser and that will be the only difference. -
We may just as we'll settle It now az then.
You cannot go through Massachusetts aud
recruit men to lombard Charleston and Ngw
Orleans; the Northern mind will not Dear
a. You can Dever make such war popuhr
The hrst onset may be borne. The telegraph
may bring the news Of the Anderson bombard-
meat Of Charleston, and you may rejoice. But
the sober second thought of Massachusetts
will be- wasteful, unchristian, guilty. ThgI
North will never indorse such a war. Instead
Of conquering Charleston, yon create a
Charleston in New England. Yon stir up
sympathy for the South. Therefore il seems
10 me that the inauguration of war is not only
a violation Of principle, but violation ofex-
pediency. To be Tor disunion in Boston is TO
be an AboliIionst. To be aEainst disunion il
to be an Abolitionist to day in the streets OIL
Charleston Now, that very state Of thiugsl
shows that the civilization of the two cities il
utterly antagonistc. !
What is the use Of trying to join them2 Is
Abraham Lincoln capable OF making fire and
powder lie down in peace logether2 If he |
can, let him send hIs armies to Fort Sumter
and occupy it But understand me. I be- |
lieye in the Union as you believe in the Union
exactly as yon do in the future This is my |
proposition Go out, gentlemen you are wei .
come to your empire; take il. ...-.u
Let them try the experiment OF cheating |
with one hand and ideness with the other.-
| know that God has written bankruptcy |
over such an experiment. If you csnnonade |
South Carolina, you eannouAde her into the |
sympathy Of the world do not know now
but that there is majority on my side but
DO know this, that if the telegraph speaks true
tonight, that the guns are eehoing around
Fort. Sumter, that majority is against us,
or il will convert every man into a secession
st, Besides, there is another fearful element
IN the problem; another terrible considera-
ion. We can then no longer extend to the
black people of the South our best sympathes
md our aid We stand tonight at the begin
hing of an epoch, which may have the peace
,r the ruin Of a generation on its bosom -
naugurate war, we know not where il will
md, We are in no condition 10 fight the
.Cs,NA s.s.s 4 Z
nan can do twice the injury to the rich
nan that the rich man can do TO the poor
FOUR wealth rides softly on the bo.
Is millions aaoat The North whitens ey
ry sea with its wealth. The South has
10 commerce, but she can buy priVateers OF
very race 10 prey on yours 1t is a DANGER 4
us strife, when wealth quarrels with poverty. I
Driven to despair, the Southern States may {
% poorer aud bankrupt but the poorest man Z
an be a pirate, and as long as New Eng {
lnd's tonnage is a third OF that Of the civil T
zed world, the South can punish New Eng I
and more than New England can punish her. b
We provoke a strife in which we are defense ,
ass, II, on the contrary, we hold ourselves /
0 the strife OF ideas II we manifest that {
trength which despises insult aud bides is q
our, we are sure to conquer in the end. 2
islrust those guns at Fort Sumter | do not a
elieve that Abraham Lincoln means war
do not believe in the madness OF the cabinet. q
'othing bat madness can provoke war with L
be Cult States My suspicion is this that
he administration dares not compromise IL
-embles before the Eve hundred thousand
aaders OF the New York Tribaue' But there q
n safe way 10 compromise, il is this seem q
, provoke war, oannonade the forts. What
iill be the first result New York commerce Il
pale with bankruptcy The aArigbted sea c
oard seea grass growing in the streets. IL
III start up every man whose livelihood y
angs hnon Trade ';ntensi6ving IN, ;n,o a I,