Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1865-08-16
SHALL THE NEGRO voTE7

SHALL THE NEGRO VOTE7
The Cincinnati Gazette, which is supposed
to reflect the views of Chief Justice Chase
in the course of an article on the question OF
immediate negro suffrage in the South re-
marks
We admit that justice would remove the
disabilities of the black Americans, and
make them citizens in every respect. We
believe that equality before the law would
eventually be the most effective emollent TOR
the hospitality of race. But we have to
sonsider the means by which so great So
cial revolution can be carried, and to see
that the blacks are not crushed in the oper..
ation Under ordinary social and political
conditions even without the perpexlng ell
ement of pred djudice of race, 1t as doubtful n
many toOuld go for So saceeptng reform as
immediate coaterring of the franchise on the
man Of legal age an population Of four
millions, aoho had hitherto been kept IN sur
uiIe ignorance. The great majority of those
who advocate it in this case do so because
the current of political theories hold that
the rebel States can be governed only by
their own people, and this would put them
| back into the power of the disloyal, unless
the loyal blacks could be brought in with
votes to turn the scale in favor of the nation
! y
selves For our part, we do now, as we
have heretofore, protest against being plac-
| ed in any alternative in which we shall be
compelled TO call on the negro vote to save
US from the rebel vote. We have the right
to hold the State under subsection until
there is such condition of loyalty restored
in the inhabitants who before had the fran
chise, that we can trust the elections to them.
They seized the belleigerent rights we have
the right to held them to the fate OF war
until we have obtained satisfaction, and can
abolish beleigerent conditions consistently
with the safety of the nation If we are to
have the black vote, let us have it in addl-
ton to a loyal white vote, and because 1t is
right, not because our own precipitancy in
restoring power to hostile population
makes it necessary to call on the black Her
cules to save us.
Some writer's go further and are discus
sing the propriety of settling the question by
an amendment of the constitution of the u
nited States, which shall dispense with the
question of race, and prescribe uniform
rule of suffrage, applicable to all States, and
to all colors alike. On this subject the
Chicago Republican of late date, closes an
article as follows
The proper question for the people of
this day is not whether negroes shall or shall
not vote but whether we should have an
uniform rule by which free citizen of the
United States, native or naturallzed,
shall have the same right of voting
wherever he may take up his residence; and
whether that rule should be fixed IN the
Constitution. above reach of the-local ha-
treds and the local feelings of States and
communities. That rule should recognize
freedom as the fundamental condition for the
right of voting The additional qualifca-
ton of voter should be capacity to read
the Constitution and to write his name to
his oath of allegiance, Any freeman who
can do this should be admitted to the polls
any man with boundless opportunities Of
qualifying himself in this particular, refuses
to do so, may be xecluded from voting with
out injury to personal or public liberties
he be ignorant and incapable of being taught
his exclusion under this rule will be gener
al. If he thinks enough of his political free
dom to qualify himself to the extent of be
ing able to read the Constitution of hi
country, and thus elevate himself to tha
general political level, we do not see OF
. what principle of justice or reason he or an,
other freeman should be excluded IF th'
i white voters, who will De generally in tn,
t proportion of five to one, and IN all the
{ northern and most populous States, fifty tc
one, choose to vote with the negro, is th
responsibility of so dotng with the negro o
with themselves? and will it not be an argu
meht in favor of the discriminating capacit.
of the freedman in the exercise of his polit
: ical privileges ?
As matter of course, such an amedmen
of the Constitution could not be made to at
feet those who are voters at present. Its op
eraticn would only be prospective, ant
) hence no reasonable objection could be urg
!, ed against it.