The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1865-02-10

| / might content myself With submit
ting this question 10 you for action
without mourning the responsibility Of
any suggestions; but upon a matter OF
such vital importance 20 the people Of
| kentucky, involving, as / believe, their
welfare and security, such course
would not CompCr, with my views OF
constitutional obligation, and the du-
ties ard responsibilities Of the Office Of
Chief Executive of the Commonwealth
The views Of the present Executive
upon the subject Of the proposed
| ame ndment, as q national question
are known and Of record We have
20 new lights upon this subject which
could in the least modify or change
those views We still believe it was
not wise, as q national policy, pending
the rebellion, TO propose amendments
to the Constitution, which fx-irrevO
cably-an ultimatUm Of adjustment
that had better been held under the
control Of the Government. But our
views of national policy have been
Overruled by those having authority to
| determine; and the question now pre-
| scented, though national in its opera
| ton, is local for our consideration. We
| are not now called upon to consider the
| policy or impolicy Of national action,
| but the bearing which this measure is
have upon us az a State and people We
should therefore approach it Invested
Of all partisan ssperities and sectional
| passions and prejUdices, and meet it
with the dispassionate consideration
and judgment of statesmen charged
with the highest interests and most i'm
portant securities and trusts of brave,
manly patriotic people
No intelligent man, whatever may be
bis desires upon the subject, can hope
for the perpetuation of slavery in Ken
lucky.
Every State which surrounds us has
abolished slavery. The laws for rendi-
ton of fugitives are repealed, and there
is no possible hope of their re-enact-
ment. The most valuable slaves have
enlisted in the army or fled to other
States those that remain are hopeless.
" demoralized, and rendered not ONLY
galueless, but burdensOme These
facts are Of genera. nOtoriety and in
disputable.
Although much of this state Of affairs
has been brought about by what we
have deemed UnCalled-for aud unnec,
essary interference with the subject OF
slavery, yet It hiss been part Of the bill.
ter fruits Of rebellion; and the facts ez-
lat and cannot be changed By denying
them or closing our eyes TO their exist.
enc Whether the proposed amend /
mcut be ratified by You or not slavery
has been fore-doomed 10y rebellion, and
cannot be maintained
Il is not, therefore, a question for us |
to determine-shal slavery continue |
or not but how sh8ll it end. Though |
We may believe that the several States /
should have been left to adjust this |
question, yet will mere mode com Q lsate /
for the dangers, hazards, and expeudi- /
lures which we are likely to incur by /
refusing the mode proposed, and stand |
ing out for our own, which we deem |
better Ia word, if you agree that /
slavery cannot be continued, Is it not !
better TO accept practical and legiti- |
mate mode of Kidding our people OF al |
the dangers and harrsssments of its |
further continuance than risk the dan |
gerous ordeal through which we must /
pass in order to reach our own mode Of /
accomplishing the same end VIII
the difference in abolishing it. by !
amendment TO the Federal Constitu. |
ton, or by amendment to the State !
Constitution, justify the hazards Of The /
experiment?
The people of kentucky have nev (
or permitted the negro to intercept !
their loyalty to our Government They !
L - i
accept the negro as an issue Wehave !
steadily adhered TO our Government, |
regardless of the effect upon the status /
Of the negro. We have opposed in
cooperating the negro as an element of !
strife. Shall we now permit the negro /
to stand between US and our Govern |
ment7 If of any value, the negro is |
certainly of less value now than when /
we refused to accept him as an issue /
VIII we not by refusing, upon some /
reasonable terms, to accept the pro I
posed amendment, permit the negro to 1
inJerpOse between Us and our Govern /
mentl We are not 20 blame for such /
an issue, for we. ever opposed it; but |
will we not have cause to reproach our
selves, If, at this late period of our /
struggle, we accept such an issue I
These questions are suggestive, and /
viii not elaborate them.
But what have we q right under all
the circumstances, to demand as just
and reasonable, if we accept the pro
posed amendment
Our slave property wss assessed for
taxation in 1860, before the war began,
at SlO7 ,4e4, 527. In 1868, the effect of
the rebellion and unfriendly legislation
reduced the valuation 10 S57,5Il,77O:
and in 1864 to S34, I79 30.
In view of the sufieriugs of our peo-
pie, the loyal stand ever maintained by
our State, our losses by the direct and
indirect action of our Government
pending our struggle to maintain our
national life, may we not, with conf
denCe, demand, as q condition of our
acceptance of the proposed amendment,
that Congress shall appropriate the last
assessed value of slaves-$34, rs. DO
10 the use Of the State, to be used in
cooperating the owners for the slaves
50 emsncipated2 England, IN the act
Of 1883, aboli hing slavery, appropriated I
L-0,toU,eJO 10 compensate the owners.
II cannot be that our Government will
he less just if we accept the amend
ment upon condition that the assessed
value Of 1864 be paid 10 the State to
compensate owners who ara TO be aE-
fectcd by the proposed amendment;
the acceptance to be declared when no
tice of the appropriation is officially
given 10 the Chief Executive Of the
Commonwealth Those who believe ]
that the adoption of this amendment
viii have the effect to shorten our strug-
gle with rebellion cannot refuse to vote /
the aFpIopria ion, "a it viii upon their l
own Theory, be CO1omicaL Thos who ]
held 10 our views cannot refuse it, be- {
cause It is just and right {
The past is beyond our control the
present only IS ours; but, by wise and
prudent councils, the future NAV be
shaped by US Deprived Of all control L
over the past, shall we cheat ourselves Z
IF the future by inconsiderately OF o
'ashiy throwing away the present op-
Dortunity to shape our destiny? a
The good Of our'own people-securi- &
y 10 them of life, liberty, and the pur- {,
AIT of sppiness-should be our chief s
md great concern, in acting upon this
question To forfeit pres
mt benefit and imperiI future security, >,
BECAUSE Of disapprobatiOn Of the past, =
not the wisdom of the safe and prlI. OF