New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1865-12-16
pesl for union 10 appesse an outraged North. 7


giles to escape the Nations judgment OIL Lecompton
in his volume. He tells US that, as President, he
had no Constitutional resource but Lecompton.
Topeka was " Illegal" and because the freemen Oh
Topeka would not 60 to Leeompton and be con-
trolled by ruflians like tringfellow-because the
false and stupidity fraudulent returns from OXFORD
were not admitted-then the freemen OF Kansas
allowed the State to become slave by default, and
should bear the blame. Walker, and Stanton, and
Geary, ali attempted TO carry out his purpose; but
their honor rebelled, and they came home. The
President would not or could not yield. Dehnd
/ him were STEIN and cruel men like Davis and Sill
dell who had the old man in their power, and op-
pressed him. As they wiled, he spoke. They
wlled the degradation and infamy OF Kansas.
Then came the dissolution Of the Democratic
party. Mr.. Buchanan thinks the Wilmot Proviso
was the measure which "placed tho two sections Of
the Union in hostile array against each other"
We do not think so. That proviso was defensive
measure. The South had demanded Texas go stcrnly
and with 80 much fuTy-had at last gained Texas
by war, and was advancing across the Rio Grande
TO other merely to aggrandize Slaverythstt the
proviso became necessary rs protest. The De-
mocracy of the North-the Democracy Of Leggett
and Wilmot and Chase-could not be made the I'M
complaining car-captiye of Slavery, and hence the
protest. From that time, the spirit of resistance
became fixed, but it was only spirit OF resistance
In the end, by frightening the money-changers and
the timid cotton-buyers the South gained. 1t car
ried the Compromises, obtained Texas, won the
Fugitive Slave Law, opened the Territories TO
Slavery by the Nebraska bill, and, under the lead
of Mr. Buchanan, attempted 10 inject tho virus of
Slavery into the pure and fresh blood Of the virgin
territories. The attempted pollution of Kansas
aroused the North. Anti-Lecompton was the first
aggressive blow, and man from the Democracy, a
leader for Slavery in other days, came forward TO
champion il.
But for this man, Stephen A. Douglas, the anti
Lecompton controversy would have been merely
politicians brawl. lie made il national cause and
fought tito theend with so much energy and fire that
eyenhis wel-knt and sturdy frame gave way andhe
fell in the hour Of battle al time when large party
in the nation looked to him leader. The sorrow
for Douglas VAS soon lost in the din Of mighty
war; but We cannot justly review Mr. Buchanan's
book without noticing this remarkable man. lie
" az tHt i<dclAc- VI lnls Ntil
such a fight, dying in the contest, and taking the
Hamlet Of Democracy with him. Douglas was
man Of great nature. He was the most buoyant Of
Americans, full of life and aggressiveness and ami
mai vigor, man of the multitude, who would have
been a Broderick in California a Butler in Massa-
chusetts, Ioombs in Georgia. Illinoi, made him
q Douglas. The two mistakes in bis character
were his subseryiency to organization ard an in
sane ysarning for immediate success lie was no,
man of destiny. He could not afford 10 wait.
He went direct to his purpose and, in the fascina-
ton Of temporary trumphs, lost that moral strength
and maturity which made Lincoln nvnciblc in
politics and Grant inyincible in war. He became
public man with his manhood, Judge at ~,
a Congressman at 80, Senator at -, a candidate
for President at 10. He felt that the organization
called Democracy could elect President; and, 81
the South controlled that organization he became
the most subseIvent of all the Southern allies.
He rose to the moral elevation that saw
Slavery sin, and ell that profted by its strength
as sinners. These men Of sin were President
makers, and Douglas was too keen, too anxious,
too hungry, 10 evsde their fascinations. He was
the mos, gifted the most popular, the most strcnu-
GUS OF DtIHOClhtlC llc ulOst uNtohi-
pished debater in America quick, apt, ready, irres
pressible In the contest with Mr.. Lincoln, in
1858, he gained the temporary triumph. His keen
antagonist sustained by the moral principle Of his
cause, was the final victor. Cincinnati showed
Douglas that bis ideas Of advancement had failed
The South deserted him, and Pennsylvania poll
ticans holding stock il Mr.. Buchanan forced that
plausible investment upon the Southern market
Ii Douglas had been elected President in 1856, he
probably would have postponed the irrepressible
conflict twenty years. II he had been elected Pres-
dent in 1860, no might have been the Danton Of
revolutionists and ended il in two years. He died
too soon. The mistakes lit would be harsh to say
crimes Of his life nobly redeemed by its clos
ing months. The war might have dwarfed him as
it did his peers bat we think it would have deyel-
oped and strengthened his intense Americansm.
Itisknown that at the time Of his death he
TO take command in the army. Around him were
such men as David c. BIoderck Senator from
California; his friend, the pure-minded and gallant
Harris of Illinois then sinking rapidly into the
grave, John Il. Haskn Of New-York, and Robert
l. J. Walker Of Mississippi. David c. Broderick
was quaint type of the American charac'
ter. His life mad been a struggle. lie had
struggled with poverty, and gained limited educa-
ton, a knowledge of literature which rose to the
level Of Bulwer whom he considered superior
10 Shakespeare. Born in Washington in 1918,
where his father cut stone for the Capitol brought up
in New-York, in the school Of desperate and unscru-
pulous politicians that made Iammany Hall a
prize-ring, be became fireman, Ward manager,
and sought to reach Congress by these agencies.
Defeated by +. A. Talmsdge, he went to California
with the feverish multitude Of 1919. As he stood
talkina 10 some Of bis friends on the gangway Of