, 1865-05-19
"KEGR0 SUFFRAGE IN TIE
SOUTH"

I take occasion to reply briefly to your
"letder'' In the TR1BCNE Of the 17th Inst,
entitled "Ncgro Suffrage in the South"
And, US dissent from the course which you
Indicate, and the policy which you mark out
in that article, it Is but right TINT should
say that am no sympathtzer with the South
In The terrible commoticn which has convuls-
ed the land, but TINT have been firmly for
the Uu.on, for q vigorous prosecution Of the
war as the only Geans Of Its preservation, and
that I have no sickly scntimcntaltsm about
concl1iation.
What CONCERNS us chiefly now. is wise
policy; and that Is almost vital to the opera
tion Of the Government, and to Its permn-
ncncy. five succeed in this, our future will
be unclouded, and our security withou' dau-
ger. And you and and every good citizen
are reused TO do all that Te caa to create d
hcsltLiul public Sentiment out OF whca.shall
be eliminated sound policy Of government.
Ycu advocate negro sutItage-Tith limlta~
items 1t is trus.
At the very threshold you encounter the
difficulty Of power; the power to isnea1t the
right 0, sutiiagc; and OF this yuu seem to be
Conscious, as you distinctly claim that the
power Is With the general government; for
powers" BY which, Of course, you mean to
regulate the right ol suffrage, Or, lu other
words, that the genera'lsovernment may reg
plate it for them. Can you maintain this p3-
sstion? Clearly I think not. You remark
that We me bound to admit no rebel
Souttctn State into the Union under the coll
stitutifn, until We are satisfied that Its con-
stit:on is republican," Now, / supposed that
the almost universally admitted theory Is
that, legally speaking, the rebel States were
never out OF the Union. Mr.. Lincoln said they
we're only out Of political relations with the
-Union-by which, suppose, he meant that
when those States changed their course Of
any enactment Of law. were required to
bring them In. When, therefore, they do re-
rum, they will come with precisely the same
State constitutions and the same statute laws
that they had before, except lu 50 far as they
may be qualified in sumo particulars BY exec
utive proclamations. It Is true that Wh=n
The proposed amendment 10 the constitution
is adopted, abo1ishing slavery, all constitu-
t:oual provisions and laws holding slavery,
will be Of no force. But all the power regu.
latIng The right Of suffrage will remain ab-
solutely and without Infringement in the
States. There the constitution OF the Uni
ted States has clearly left 1t, even with regard
to oslection Of representatives in Congress and
Pr sident.
When you argue Tor power In the General
Government to requisite the right Of suffrage,
is II not clear invasion 81 5taia rights Why
u'Elt u0L tn0R1tsS JusL ~ "cA 0ettAA AA4!e
the qualifications for ot1ica In State as to
determine the qualifications Of those who
shall Tote 10 I'LL Office?
You remark that tmors thau one-half OF
the citzeIs Of the United States In South
Carolina arc negrces,'' as though 1t required
the action Of those negroes to bting back that
State into the Union. But that soy Icon
ceiye not. That State must be brought back
by the submission Of her people 10 the Gov
esDmcnt; and in that way sue will be brought
back. In other words, come back. It requires
no votes Of her black population to bring
her, and well 1t Is that 1t does not for there
is nc such power in them to vote, and there
even until the law gives that power, and that
law must bc enacted by the constitutional
law makers.
But as to your quali1catIo for the exercise
of the right, admit II wise In Itself provided
gour maln principle were correct, and yet II
adult males, whether white Or black, who can
| 1ead or write, and have not within. given
timc received cha dtatle reliel, vote. Lei all
vote Who have honoranly borne arms III de-
| tense Of the Union" This wonld work maui
| fest inequality, as the case now stands; for
u would exclude nom m 11eat 10 sose = ssesJ
| large class OF persons who have exefcis that
,Ip6t since the foundation Of the government.
| II You look at the census tables you will See
| that this is st1ikingly true In many Of the
! States, and especially In Tennessee. Wo1ld
you exclude The intensely loyal men Of East
! Tennessee from voting becausa tceT can not
| read and write. and put that portion Of the
black population over them who could read
and write? .,
This would create greater trouble than II
would cure.
But SHAH tho reception of charitable relief
! bar The privilege? That would make char
| ~ less than faith and hope, whereas tt Is
eaid to be gfeatest.
Shall The fact thatths negro has fought for
| his country .entitle him to voteEtt 90, 1t
| ought TO cntitle him to take aud hold Office,
| and to equality In social position at least
] that there should be no distinction on &C
| court Of diversity on account OF raco and
| blood. Admit this, and you enter upon a
| leld Of discussion, ltttle short Of dire as!ta-
ton establish it rs the rules and you do In
fInite mischief.
If The black mIn has fought for his country,
he receives as the reIard the 1ncstnnabie
boon Of freedom, with which he ought to pc
satisfied. The question IL not alone OF thc
greatest good to tho African race in th1a
country but 1t Is that In connection! With
the greatest good Of the whitc race. But !
will rot enter The field which opens here. II
ia too prolific. will merely say, thaNtn the
new condition Of things which opens before
ue, we ought to start with caution--pr01cc1
no nav and wild theories Which reason, law
mud uatute would forbid the realization o..
! LII,