Journal of freedom. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1865-186?, 1865-09-30
RvfDENCR OF rREEDMEN.

the. theory of government thatiall man
kind, from king to peasant, is equal be-
fore the legal tribunals of their country.
The guarantee which our government
givesto its citizens Of fair trial before
the law for all offences is the strongest
bond by which they are attached to it.
The strong may not impose upon the
weak, nor the rich Cypress the poor, for
the law equalizes all things. W
Such is the theory; but what is the
practice There is a certain class of the
inhabitants Of this community whose evil
dence before courts Of justice is worthless,
and men who pretend to be the represen-
tatives of the Democratic people openly
announce that they advocate the con-
tinuance of this oppressive prescription.
Ia other verbs they say that they will up
hold the pernicious and anti-republic an
doctrine Of not allowing the negro to
testify in our courts. They will give to
the white man unlimited power to grind
and Cypress the colored man, if he sees
ft, and to do it with the sanction Of that
authorityGwhich we are all bound to re-
spect. One white man may seek redress
from injury inflicted by another of the
same or of any other race but q black
man, should these outrageous doctrines
predominant, must grin and bear his in.
fictions no matter how aggrayating they
may be.
, Truth is to be found in the hut oftener
than in the palace, and does notleave a
man on account of his color. It is folly
to say that because a man is black, lie
cannot swear truly. Such q theory iS d
base ibel'on the religious teachers of the
blacks during their slavery, and that
class, if no other should be active in
proving it's falsity. Except the puerile
argument that she is a niger there is
no other reasons advanced against negro
evidence. CHOW would you like to have
a niger testify against you2" is a ques-
ton often asked of the advocates of equal
rights, and it is easily answered. If the
negro feared the law and respected his
oath, as a religious and political obliga-
ton, his testimony would be entitled to
as much confidence as a white mans, and
take them ~hap-hazzard, christian or no
christian, We think as much truth would
be averaged by a black tongue as by a
white one.
But the great injustice inflicted on the
tn Uue power
which it would give to unprincipled men
to abuse an ~unofending class of people.
We all know of instances where white
men have taken advantage of bubbles in
the law, to gain their points in business
dealings with other whites, but here the
door is opened wide for untold outrages.
The future of the freedmen, in the case
they are not protected. against encroach-
ment by being allowed to testify in o,fr
courts, 10 fearful to contemplate. They
will be the victims Of any scoundrel who
may choose to perjure. himself and will
be helpless. The State will lend her aid
to swindlers and perjurors in their nefa-
rious schemes to plunder innocent, law
citizens.
To avert such a sad condition OF affairs
be the object of every humane
man. In every State of the North color
ed men have the same rights in court. as
white men, aid justice demands laws of
the same kind in the South. Nor is it
alone on the grounds of doing justice to
Freedmen that the South should give
them this right: It will be found that,
a matter of conciliatory policy, it is
absolutely necessary. With pure and
honest men like Sumner, Wilson, Sher-
nan and others, leading in the control
# the afairs Of the nation, it is useless
expect that the constitution of any
will be considered Republican in
which does not guarantee to every
nan the right to defend himself and his
property before its legal tribunals. Such
expectations are preposterous, for the !
men who are the acknowledged leaders
the national Legislature are lovers of i
{
In every United States court, the testi- {
nony of colored mep is taken in the t
anne manner as that of white men. {
We commend this subject to the atten- i
ion of the State Convention which meets I
q this eitY next Monday. /.