Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, 1865-02-07

DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE.
The first volume only OF the diplomatic cor.
respondencs has been printed, making nine
hundred pages. 1t refers to our affairs with
Great Britain, but does not complete the record.
Another volume Is to follow under this head.
This corresponds nee, which affords new eyi.
dence, il that were needed, Of the mastery
manner in which Secretary Seward has steered
our ship OF State amidst the treacherous cur.
rents OF foreign complications, commences as
far back as November 81, 1863, with a letter
from Minister Adams to MIR. Seward With re.
gard to the Alexandra ease, the facts connect
ed with which are already familiar to the pub
lie. The document also shows what passed
on the subject Of the violation of neutrality as
TO the fitting out Of the Rappahannock and 9TH
er Southern privateers.
The correspondence in relation to the Lard's
iron. clads is given, and also, that i'll relation
to the Chesapeake.
MIR. Adams writes to Mr.. Seward, London,
hprli ;, leo4 "Slr Inc business of blockade.
nped acTffyS s fafsss press. form 'e OF agree
ment is to run the inward cargo on account OF
the o-called Confederate Government, on con.
dition of receiving cotton in exchange for it, or
tor bonds for the back trip. 1t is this plan
which has probably contributed to revive the
value of the Confederate loan. x l
beg to call your particular attention to the
reference to open ports for full supply OF the
tached are those OF persons heretofore we'll
known as rebel agents or sympathizers."
Mr.. Adams writes to Mr.. Seward, London,
Aplll :, 1861.
have returned from his visit to Rome, trans
nit a report in the Times of yesterday of the
decision of the House of Lords on the appeal
in the case of the Alexandra. 1t appears that
here, as in the courts below, there was differ
ence Of opinion. The case has thus, after
passing through the ordeal of ali the courts
haon vi tn1 sfNy ifad br d., Dol
locks summary instructions to the jury on the
first thearing-understood by them in different
sense from that which he claims to be the true
one. All the rest has been mere contest about
forms. The Government has been completely
ba ed in its honest endeayor to obtain a legal
base OF action against f1agrant violation OF
the neutrality of the kingdom, and is thrown
back upon the task OF commencing the work
all over again. There never was such a comedy
performed on grave subject ia the whole his
Mr.. Seward, in e letter to MIR. Adams dated
April 81. lS6i says
SRI have received your confidential des.
patch Of the Sd of April, No. 65l, together with
a copy of the London Times, which contains
the reason assigned by the law Lords for their
decision dismissing the appeal of the Alex.
andra. j have expressed in a letter re MIR.
Evarts, the view L have taken of the course to
be pursued on that snbject III London, and l
have transmitted to you copy OF that COM
municatiOn.
I have submitted 10 the President the refec-
tons upon the temper and disposition os the
British nation, as they are Affected by our civil
war, with which you have favored me. The
correctness of yOur yieWS'iS established by the
fact that the ins urgents manites!iy have bold,
vigorous and effective party in both Houses
Of Parliament, and i'll the British press, which
party is sontessedly influential IN the general
administration of public affairs, while the
United States seem TO have in the British I.egis.
lature and in the British press no ad vocates
or defenders except persons who, however
great their ability and worth, are, nevertheless,
practically excluded from the conduct OF ma
tional affairs. There is, moreover, marked
habit prevailing In Great Britain OF comparing
British resources and achievements with
American resources and achievements; and
TINS Is done SO unnecessarily ana often
i'll a spirit 50 illiberal as to indicate
sense OF rivalry. Our civil war has endured
Tor three years. 1t has necessarily brought up
many Irritating and perplexing questions be-
tween the two countries think it would be
safe 10 say that no belligerent State ever bore
lt9eif more forbearingiy toward q neutral
Power, whose subjects committed so many in
juries and provocations, than we have done
toward Great Britain. l think 1t equally clear
that no neutral power was ever more unyield-
ing and more exacting toward bellieerent
than Great Britain has been toward the United
States. Your inference from this condition Of
things is. that this Government must apply it.
self with the greatest possible energy to bring
the civil war TO a speedy and triumphant con-
clusiOH, or else 1t may have reason to expect
conflict with Great Britain and with her al
lies. While, however, we accept this wise
counsel. 1t would be unjust on my part toward
tne treasury, ar ana navy departments II
l were to withhold the expression of q thor
oBgh and deliberate conviction that the war is
conducted with all the energy and skill which
any administration of the Government Of the
United States In their circumstances could
command,
The conflict is indeed a great one, and the
ideas and interests which sustain the parties
engaged in il render it fierce and obstinate. We
must, therefore, accept the case as 1t is-a case
of severe domestic trial, with the continual
danger Of foreign inter rvention. We have before
1sra nf ia v1Q nf
perseverance,. It is the course we have pursued
hitherto 1t will save MS now, unless we are to
be lost. That this nation can be LOST, is q con.
clusicn that neither our virtue, nor our patriot.
ISM Ior even our reason can accept.
will a OF say how great our confidence In the
opening campaign is. Events are SO near that
we can more wisely wait for them than autici-
pate them. Nor can We prudently forget that of
all human tra asactions those Of war are in their
sequence the most uncertain and capricious,
although the ultimate results are q subject OF