North Branch democrat. [volume] (Tunkhannock, Pa.) 1854-1867, 1865-05-24

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how the constitution regards the alleged
right of secession (ienyins the right, but at
the same time noticing the absence oeauy
provision authorizing the use of force 10 pre-
vent, except in defence OF the public property
aud Of the functions Of the officers engaged
in the collection of the revenue) had con-
tanned the same language that ! have quoted
from MIR. Lincola's speech in Congress, and
from The Tribune. In that event, doubtless,
the patriotic Stanton's mob COURTS would
have had the venerable ex Prssdent's head
upon pole more than three years ago. But
what especlal sanctity does advocacy of se-
ccssion and revolution derive from the pen of
Greeley, or from the lips of men who created
''the party of great moral ideas" All =
There is mighty difference "twixt tweedle-
dun and tweedledee." Does not the writer
know that no statesman whose opinions are
regarded even in his own party as authority
upon questions of constitutional law has ever
yet undertaken, by an analysis Of that mes
sage, to show that Mr.. Buchanan's statements
therein, or his conclusions were wrong p
Does he not know that, until the lombard
ment Of Fort Sumpter Mr.. Lincoln and Mr..
Seward found Themselves in precisely the
same difficulty that Mr.. Buchanan had en-
countered, and tacilly, if not expressly, rec
ognzed the soundness of tho views he had
expressed? When political tricksters wax
so eloquent in their patriotic denupciaton of
that message, they uniformly ignore the fact
that it was sent to Congress some two
months before the attack upon Fort Sump,er,
which relieved the country of all embarass-
ment upon this question by throwing the
government upon the defensive.
In criticising the conduct of public men it
is st least fair to keep in view the state of
facts existing at the time of the acts complain
| ed of-and in this connection it is but just to
say, that ut the time of Mr.. Lincoln's speech,
he had no reason to believe that the people of
any section of the Union were then desirous
| of shaking off tho existing government and
| setting up another to suit them better" 1t
had been better, however, ifthat doctrine had
never formed part of his official record for
we have no right to ignore the fact that that
record, in connection with the plausible but
| fata advocacy of similar doctrines by leading
organs and leading men Of the party whose
advent to power was cotemporaneous with
secession, formed very important element in
southern estimate Of the chances of success in
that movement.
In common honesty, let me ask whether
the southern sec essionists had not a right to
infer that whatever Of power the then newly
elected President sustained by the T. ibune
o nd all the other influences to which | have
adverted, could exert upon this question
would be exerted n accordance with that re
cord aId with those influences Had they
not right TO infer that oil those men in the
North who believed in the Gospel according
| to Greeley-which, if understand it, de-
thrones Divinity aLd the Law, anj places ~
their stead great moral ideas''-wouId say
With their master, "if The cotton states shall
become satisfied that they can do better "ut
| OF the Union than in it, we insis, on letting
them go in peace" THE right to seceds
may be revolutionary une, but it exists nev
| ertheless." OF what avail to preach TO them
that "Mr. Lincoln had been consututionally
elected" when Mr.. Lincoln had ALREADY fur
n'shed them with the reply that 'any people
anywhere, being inclined and having the paw.
er, have right to rise up and shake off the
existing government and net up another TO
suit them better 2"
Unfortunately for them and for the coun
try, they accepted this bad logic, and acted
upon it, doubtless in the hope that its authors
would, in the language of the Tribune, "do
tn cir best 10 forward their views"
For the proof in reference to the action of
Senators, Seward, Chase and Hale upon the
celebrated New England petition to Congress
'toldevise some plan by which the Union may
be divided" would respectfully refer the
writer to the Congressional Globe Of that time
| should be happy to furnish him with tn
date, but have il not at hand. He can ready
satisfy his enquiriug mind by looking it I'D
or by enqulring as to the fact of any gentle
man of ordinary intelligence whose memory
has not an unfortunate habit of loosng track
of certain rather Objectionable points in the
records Of certain public men.
shall not follow the learned writer tbro
the remainder his rambling performance,
further than to express my modest regrets
that the Communication to which he takes
quite naturally, such violent exception, did
not come up to Tho level of his comprchen
sion. He says "when a man has committed
crime he should pay the penalty the law
exacts," and argues quite elaborately IL OF the
leading secessionsts should not be perm tied
to escape the penalty OF their crimes"
certainly stsll make no issue with him