The Cleveland leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1865-1865, 1865-06-23

The Stale Union Platform.
As We have said, we heartily endorse
every line end every word Of the resolu-
lions adopted by our State Union Conven-
ton. The tribute of respectto the memory.
and the endorsement of the policy, of our
murdered President Abraham Lincoln; the
expression Of confidence in Andrew John
son; the grateful recognition of the ser
vices of the army and navy, and the loyal
people st home; the denuncistion of SIS
very and its institutions the demand that
reconstruction shall be 80 conduc ed as 70
ensure peace and securi y not only to the
loyal people of the South but also to the
Union; the thanks proffered TO the three
War Governors of Ohio, Dennison, Tod
and Brough; the ressssrtion of the great
principle Of the Declaration of Iudepend-
ence, that all men are born free and equal;
sndthe pledge of suPPortin the Stateticket.
are all appropriate and essential We are
glsd to see these principles announced and
shall give them 8 hesrty and cordial sup
port
Our objection to the platform lies not in
what it says but in what it fails to say. We
looked for a bold and explicit declaration
from the Convention on the subject of ne
gro suffrage in the South and of equal suf-
frsge to whites and blacks in the State of
Ohio. We sre disappointed that it has
not SO declared. This question cannot be
lodged. It has been sprung upon the
people by the collapse of the rebellion, and
it must be met. State conventions may
ignore If, politicians may evade it, but
the people viii discuss and de-
eide it. It is irrepressible. It Gomez
up in the press, in the pulpit in
private conversation. It is the issue
almost the only issue-of the day. We
regret therefore, that the State Conven-
ton did not declare itself explicitly and
unmistskably upon it.
But the platform is framed, and we must
taks it as it iA It is q compromise docu-
ment and the nature of the compromise
may be inferred from the letters of Judge
Bishop and Of our special correspondent
in other parts of this paper. It will be seen
that the earnest efforts of the sntislavery
msmbers of the Committee on Resolutions
resulted in the admission into the platform
of some very significant resolutions. For
this result, our hearty thanks are due to
two or three loyal and radical members of
the COMMITTEES, among them the excellent
representative of this district. The reso-
luton extolling President Lincoln's eI-
ample in "wsiting for the solution of diff
culties to be furnished by the progress of
time and the Logic of events" recalls TO
mind how the people and the government
advanced step by step to the policy
of emsncipsting the slaves and then to
making them soldiers. 1t suggests
that the logic of events will speedily
solve, and solYe properly, the
great question of negro suffrage, as it has
the question ofslsvery. Meantime we de-
mand that reconstruction shall be "at such
time and upon such terms as shall give
1nquestiOned assurance of the peace and
security not only Of the loyal people Of the
South, (blsck loyslists as well SIS white)
but also Of TIE peace and prosperity of the
FEDERAL Union" The meaning of this res
O~lution, introduced in committee by men
who believe that the black mans ballot
is his only security sgainst abuse
and oppression, and the only
guarantee Of the "pesce and &C.
curity CT the Federal Uuion," is obvious.
And the eighth resolution, reafirmlDg the
CREST principles OF the Declaration Of 4R-
dependence that all men are born free
aud eguaJ-though liable 70 the charge Of
being 8 " glitterIng generality " is certain
ly 8 recognition Of the great principle
which lies at the basis of the argument for
manhood suffrage. 1t will thus be seen
that tho resolutions contain an implied re-
cognition Of the principle for which we
struggle. Let US see 70 it that this princi-
pie is kept before the people, and that the
issue be made fairly and fquarely in the
coming campaign.