Delaware State journal and statesman., 1865-08-04
RECONsTRUoTION.

ae to the Debt moue 10 auOpt TO fest0rethe robel-
lious States to the Federal Union. Ia this con.
nectiOn, the prOpricty OF enfrauchising the ne
groes enters largely into the discussion. At the
request Of number of leading citizens of Bos-
ton Hon, George s. Boutwell, delivered an ad-
dress in fremont Temple, on the evening of the
26lh ult., on the reconstruction Of the rebellous
States, in which he thoroughly discussed the
whole matter, and took ground ia favor Of con-
fsrring the right of suffrage on the negroes as a
means of preserving the existence of the gov
ernmsnt. Wo give below extracts from his
speech, which will serve to give our readers an
idea of the views Of the leading men of Massa
chusetts on this all.imporiant subject
1t ia well enough also for us to consider tho
subject Of voting with reference to the negroes
Of the South We have q constitutional prov-
zion in Massachusetts, that no man shall vote
unless he can read the Constitution and write
bls own name. very proper provision, but
consider that II was instituted with reference to
men about whose loyalty thera was no question /;
but only this question existed as to whether they
we're competent to judge of the administration
Of public affairs. In the ordinary course of
things, 1t 10 necessary that men should be able
to read and write, in order to decide ntelligeuty
upon questions Of public policy. We do not to-
day ask suffrage for the negroes because they
are competent to Judge of questions of public
policy, but we ask for suffrage for them because
they are in favor of this government, and the
white people of the South are against it. That
10 an issue already made up. Parties have Ia.
ken their stand. The whites, by majority, are
on one side, the blacks, unanimously, are on the
other They understand that question, and that
is the vital question to us. II il not whether in
South Carolina, judges shall be elected by the
people, or appointed by the governor that
question very likely would be better solved by
men who could read and write. But the ques,
tion in which we are concerned is not question
Of internal policy, not question of local or Of
State administration, but the question is, "Shall
this government exist 2" We know that tho ne.
gro s in favor of iH existence, and, therefore,
for all the purposes of voting, whether he can
read and write or not, he is safe dcpostary of
power; aud therefore am in favor Of allowing
him to vote, without going into any inquiry
whether he can read aud write, because his
power at the ballOt-bOx IL how essential TO us,
Just exactly as his power in the field with tho
bOyonet was essential to us during the war. In
this country there are but two means Of exor-
citing power. One ia by the bayonet, in time
Of war the other is by the ballot, in time Of
peace. We have taken the bayonet, in time Of
war, out Of tho hands of our rebel enemies
What are we invited to do 2 To put the ballot
which is the instrument of power in time OF
peace, into the hands of our enemies, and de-
priye our friends OF the privilege Of exercising
that power Was there ever any iniatuation
equal 10 this II these four million who have
been loyal to the flag and to the Union had been
Germans in the South, instead of negroes, not
man would have raised the question whether
these loyal Germans, upon the restoration Of the
government, should be allowed to vote. Every
man, with one voice, with one acclaim, would
have aaid, "They, Of course, are to vote. The
only question remaining is, whether the rebels
who have been in arms against this government
are to be permitted 10 vote or not" You thus
see, my friends, how far the country has been
drawn aside from the true question at issue by
that ancient prejudice, originating in slavery,
and which has been foHtered, embittered, and
spread by the influence of slavery throughout
this country. You ure not willing to allow to
patriot under black skin that which you would
readily concede to patriot under a white skin.
Are the people Of this country more disposed TO
put power into the hands of the rebels because
they are white, than into the hands Of patriots
who happen to be blaokf
~ \
by the Emancipation Proclamation we have
taken the initlatOry steps toWard the freedom of
the negro; but how are liberties secured Are
there aboring men here tonight What seou-
riiy have they for the integrity of their familiesf
What security have they for the benefit Of the
writ Of hdbsaS corpus What security have they
for the education OF their children at the public
expense What security have they that their
testimony shall be taken in a court Of justice
Their security is in the ballot. We say that
men possess certain 'inatural, essential and un-
aienable righis." How are those rights to be
defended Either by the bayonet or by the
ballot II the negroes are to protect themselves
in their rights, il is for the country to give them
the means by giving them the ballot. And it is
not less in favor Of the South than of the whole
country that we advocate negro suffrage. We
Of Massachusetts remember the difficulties
in Rhode Island, less than quarter Of a cen
tury ago, when men Of our own race, having
the political power Of the State in their own
hands exclusively, refused to recognize the
rights Of other men Of the same race, the same
blood, equally qualified with themselves, until
the concession was extOrted from them by revoa
luton and do you expect that the white men
Of the South, IL you allow them to institute
governments with political power In their own
hands, exclusively, will ever ooncede 1t to the
asgr0es until the negroes extort it from them
Of the point Of the bayonet These negroes are
four million to-day. They will increase through
decades and centuries until they are eight, ten.
twenty million, and if you do not give them the
fight Of suffrage now, at some future time they
Or their posterity will demand it and secure it
by force. Instead, therefore, Of being the en-
emies Of the South, when we demand negro suf-
frage, we arc its real friends, because we take
security in their behalf, at this enrly day, that
hereafter they shall be saved from intestine COM
motion, from civil and social wars.
Perversion and misrepresentation are power
less, and argument thus far has not been heard,
in behalf Of the monstrous proposition that !he
North should consent to such O reconstruction
of this government as will guarantee perpetual
iy to two white men in the South the political
power that is accorded to three white men IL
The North. Who ure they hnd what are they
If thpy exist at all within the limits of the loya
States, who are prepared to maintain the doc
tripe that Virginia, South Carolina, Florida aud
Texas have the same immediate and indisputa-
bic right Of representation as Is enjoyed bJ
New York, Illinois, PeDnsylvania and California
That they have not this right is conceded By all
or by nearly all among us. No one is prepared
10 accent South Carolina with her old c0nstltu-
ton, The veriest stIckler for State rights de-
mands some alteration. This demand, however
Slirbt it may seem in its practical application
is the equivalent in principle OF the demand
make. South Carolina is in the Union with he
constitution of 1860, or as political organiza-
tion known as 9 State she is not in the Union q
all and if she is not in the Union as State
her application for admission may be rejecte
until she appears with frame Of government i
substantial harmony with the policy Of the ma
ton. You must be just to the negro. Whei
you invited him to assume the uniform Of III
army of the republic, when you put the muskS
into bis hand, when you ask him TO jeopart
and If need be, to sacrifice his life in defence
the country, you did, 10 fact, if not In term
agree that if the cause-his cause as well :
your oWn-Was successful, he should have Il
same part in the government as yourselves an
therefore you cannot, without the basest ingra
itude, now reject him. am compelled to de