Litchfield enquirer., 1865-06-29
Negro Suffrage Again.

The question of Negro suffrage seems des
 tined to agitate the public mind for some time to come That the class of men who have, from the beginning, been opposed to the free dom of the colored race, should resist them in every step towards political equality, is not strange. The success of the pro-slavery party had, for years previous to the rebellion, been dependant upon the money and influence de- rived from slave labor. It's party campaigns both at the South and North. were c,ndu,ted in the interest of slave holders and with their money. Its elections were often secured by the representative vote of the slaves, in the hands of their ambitious owners Slavery had long been the corner stone" of their political organization, as it was afterward of their evan escent government. It is not to be expected that these men will look very kindly upon system of progress that threatens their over throw.
 Atthe South, hundreds of men who acquiesce in the abolition of Slavery, are stubborn in their opposition to negro enfranchisement. This has been ascribed to an old and deep seat ed prejudice against negro equality. It is hu. initiating to man-owner to think that the | thius whioh he hoo le.sht, and a-;uAn, and scourged, shall be clothed in the garments of manhood and be placed by his side as his peer But there is motive deeper than any such hollow pride, at the foundation of this anxious and determined resistance. Freeing the slave strips these men only of their property, enfran- chising him robs them of their political power
 He would vote every time. against the men who have always voted against him. He would guard, as long as he remembered his past slave
 ry, the portals of Freedoms temple against these enemies of liberty. But, if he is not per
 mitted to exercise this right, his partial liberty will but increase the power of his former mas
 ters. Section 2d, Article l, of the Constitution apportions Representatives in Congress. Il
 apportions them among the States according to their numbers-to be ascertained by adding to the free population, including apprentices |
 all other persons" These 'other persons wert slaves. By their becoming free they will al count on the apportionment, instead of Mree
 ft7hs as formerly. In this way, the Southern States gain fourteen new Congressman and as many electoral votes. So, it we deny these newly made freedmen the right to vote, and permit their former masters to retain theil rights of franchise, their freedom will become a political advantage to party of most doubt
 full loyalty. The question at the South then is
 whether these men just released from bondage
 in all their ignorance and simplicity, are more worthy of our trust than the more intelligent but naughty, deceitful and disloyal autocrats o the soil. r..s7.l a, s p- t-' That MT. Johnson intends to make this a subject for experiment, we do not believe. He has no power to dictate to any State its.iaws of franchise except to compel them to retain a republican form of government. The spirit oi his administration is as thoroughly anti,slavery as was Mir. nincoln's; and his regard for State Rights is no heresY, consisting only in allowing them the privilege of loyalty to the general government. The enemies of Liberty will soon find that the State governments in the South are being re-established, under his direction upon the basis of universal freedom, anG fa- ture, if not immediate, universal suffrage.