The Cleveland leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1865-1865, 1865-06-20
DAILY 2HEADER
TUEsoAY. JOE 2o. 80.
Two PIanLs for our Usisn iPlssfOTm,

4
The duty of our Ststes Union UOnven-,
tion, which meets tomorrow, Is in the man
neither difficult Of comprehension nor
hard Of performance. The path of duty
is plain and essy one. 0Brom the Few
bat excellent candidates for nominations
an excellent ticket can be made up with
ready unsnimity. The great principles
which have guided the party of the Union
during our long and successful contest with
the slavs-holders' rebellion Will be re-
affirmed with heartiness and enthusiasm,
and the administration of Andrew John
son will be endorsed cbeerfully and ener-
gsticslly. But there is one question, never
yet sgitated in our politics, which the close
of the war has suddenly evoked, and
which, ike the ghost of BABquo, will pos
down, even at the bidding of President
johnson. The subject of negro suffrage
has suddenly become one of vital import
ance and interest to the country, and upon
its right and proper decision, in the recon-
struction of the rebellious States, depends
in q great measure the future veal Of the
republic a question so momentous should
be approached with careful and thought
ful p-u1encs. It cannot be shirkedi it
csnnot be lodged; it must be met and de-
cided; and until it is rightfully solved all
schemes of reconstruction will bear no
fruit but anarchy and failure. 1t is of
great importance, then, thst our S ate
Convent n, one Of the first authoriz ID
ssssmblages of the Union party since the
issue was developed, should take decided
stand upon thequestion. The declarations
which we, in common with most loyal men,
desire to see made, are two They viii be
strong planks in q Union Platform. The
first is:
I. The right of franchise should Be s1-
tended to the coLoTed men of the South
How this should be done-through exactly |
what channel tho end should be effected !
it is perhaps too early for US to deter
mine-thst it must be done no true loyslist |
can doubt. Justice and national honor |
demand that the men who have been |
called on TO perform the highest duties of |
citzsns-to bear arms for the country
should be admitted to the right of ci.izsr- |
ship. Again, the measure is an essential one |
for protection to the freedmen themselves,
now hated and despised clsss, mora rniser- /
able in prosecuted feesdom thsn even in
the degradation of slavery. Again, the
safety of the Union itsef demands negro
Suffrage Without the blacks, there Is not
loyal msjorlty, fit to be entrusted with
the management of a state, throughout the
length and breadth of the late rebsllious
territory. But the ballot of the colored
man will prove the bulwsrk Of the Union.
1t creates power in the lsnd-s power,
which, united with that of ths 10y al whites,
is q guarantee of peace and Union every
where. To grant suffrage TO the coiored
man, will lie to save US the expense, the ir.
ritation, and the danger of standing
army of two hundred thousand men. Negro
suffrage in the rebellious states is thus at
once essential and wise. -t
But with what show or pretext Of justice
can the Unio0ists of Ohio demand the
ballot for the freedmen Of the sOuth, while
they refuse it to the comparatively edu-
Gated and colored men of their own Stste2
Our power TO interfere with southern suf-
frage msy be denied or doub:ed-our power
and right to regulate the franchise in Ohio
needs no demonstration. And whether I
Justly or not, the word white" in our
constitution will be used with terrible effect
by our opponents to demonstrate our in
sincerity and inconsistency in declaring for
negro suffrage in the South. The editor of
the Nashville Press and Times says:
1t does not seem To occur to many advo-
Gates of colored suffrage n the Northern
States that their censure of the Southern
States would have infnitely greater force
and p1int if the Northern states them
selves would set the example and teach by |
practice as well as by precePt.
There is force and truth in these words.
Let US pluck the beam out of our own eye /
before meddling with the mote in our
brothers. And this suggests our second
plank, viz:
II. The State Constitution must be so
amended as to grvs equal suffrage to iOhits
and black. Tne word "white must be /
stricken from Article 8, Section l, Of the
Constitution of Ohio. Unless this be done
our own example conlutes our arguments |
in favor of negro suffrage in the South. |
But the essential righteousness of the pro- |
posed amendment rests on higher ground |
that this. Shall the colored citizen Of |
Ohio, who went forth with his musket to |
do baitle for his country, denied commits |
sion, 1enied equal pay with the white SOL |
dier, denied bounty-meeting everywhere |
rebuff insult, discoursgement-who, in |
spite of these obstacles, forced himself into !
the army, and has fought, suffered, bled for |
| our Union-shsll this returning hero be |
hooted from the ballot. box, while the OBJ. |
sequious Judge receivess the ballot Of q
VHllandighsm or an Edison B. Olds2 Shall |
not the martyred patriot who fell at Wsg-
ner or Fort Pillow leave to his children
the priceless legacy, bought with his blood,
~M
of the citizens ballot? Shsllcthe eolofed
defenders of our government be refused a
right which Knights of the Golden Circle,
sympsthiz.rs with secession, conspirators
sgainst the country, exercise openly and
defsntiyf
Suffrage is 8 right which belongs to man
hood. Il priOri it Is the right OF every
.itizsn. Some definite disqualification
should exist in order to deprive =
man of his vote-and that dis
qualification should apply to him as an
individual and not as q member of a class
Is g certain person crininAl2 Exclude
him if you have law therefor. Is be de.
fective in intelligence or information
Exclude him if you have law therefor.
But to exclude man from the privilege of
suffrage because his skin is black is as un-
lust and arbitrary IS to exclude another