Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-01-06

confess the hardship of continuing them in,
slavery; but the question is asked, what
power has Congress to set the families free?
ms is the single point on which i shall ex-
press an opinion. My answer is, that Con-
gre5s has precisely the same power to en-
Jranchlse the families that it has to dis
franchise the colored soldiers. The two
powers are cOincident, and from the same
source. 1t has already been assumed
that Congress may enfranchise the colored
soldier. This has been done by solemn
stealth, without any reference to the con-
duct of his pretended owner. If we never
asked the reason for such cnfranchisement
it must be found, first, in practical nccessi-
ty, that we may secure the best services of
the slaves, and second, in its intrinsic JUS
lice and humanity. In brief the Govern
ment cannot be SO improvident and foolish
as to attempt to obtain the services of the
slave at the hazard of life. without securing
to him the boon of freedom. If Congress
can authorize the enlistment of slaves, it
unquestionably can, it may, at the same
time, authorize their enfranchisment and
by the same reason it may authorize the
enfranchisement of their families. An
English patriot, nearly two centuries ago,
exclaimed in memorable words, that she
would give his life to save his country, but
he would not do a mean thing to save it,
III there be any value in this declaration it
may well be invoked, when it is deliberate
ly argued that the National Government
can create an army, and in this service can
enfranchise the slave who enlists, but that
it is unfit to enfranchise his family
The case is too clear for argument.
cannot close what l have to say without
adding that, in my opinion, Congress, at
this moment is complete master of the
whnIn nf cl s,,
the United States. Even without any con-
stitutional amendment, it can sweep all out
OF existence precisely as it can remove any
other obstruction to national defense, and
all this by virtue of n power as indisput-
able as the power to raise armeis or to sus-
pend the habeas corpus. Future genera
tlons Will read with amazement that a great
people, when their national life was assailed,
hesitated to exercise power so simple and
beneficent, and this amaZement will know
no bounds as they learn Congress higgled
for months on the question whether the
wife and children of colored soldiers should
be admitted to freedom.
The question was then taken on the ref
erence of the resolution, and it was decided
in the negative-ycas 10, nays 10.
At the request of Mr.. Salisbury, who
wished to debate the proposition, further
consideration of this subject was postponed.
Mr.. Wilson called up a bill to permit
aliens who have served one year in the ar
my to become citizens of the United States.
Mr.. Sherman offered the following as an
amendment: That no alien who had re-
sided in the United States for five years
continuously before the 10Th of April 1861,
shall be naturalized under the laws of the
United States after the 1st day of April,
1865, anything in any act to the contrary
notwithstanding.
Mr.. Sherman explained the object of the
amendment.
Pending the consideration of this sub
JecT, the Senate adjourned.
HOUSE.
On motion of Mr.. Hubbard, of Conn.,, the
Secretary of the Navy was called upon TO
furnish all facts relative to tne utn So of
our guns in the recent attack on Whining
ton.
Mr.. Ambrose w. Clark introduced a Joint
resolution having in view the appointment
of disabled seamen and soldiers in the pub
lie departments. Referred to the Judiciary
committee.
Mr.. Cole, of CAL, offered q joint resolu-
ton of thanks to Major-General Sherman
and the officers and men under him, which
was referred to the committee on Military
Affairs.
Mr.. Stevens offered resolution instruct
ing the committee on Ways and Means to
inquire into the eXpediency of reporting
bill to prevent combinations being formed
to raise the price of coin and depreciate the
value of lawful money of the United States.
He made a speech, showing the action on
the part of Great Britain to correct similar
evils. Mr.. Stevens said he did not intend
to ask legislation on his own resolution.
MIR. Blair briefly replied to Mr.. Stevens,
saying the judgment of England was diff
ferent from that stated by the gentleman
from Pennsylvania, as to the effect of anti
specializing legislation.
Mr.. Brooks said the condition of England
was different from that of the United States,
and therefore the legislation ofGreat Britain
was not appropriate. He showed that the
high price of gold was the necessity of our
position, and that penal laws wuold only
aggravate the price of gold.
MIR. Stevens withdrew his resolution.
The House then went into committee of
the Whole on the Presidents Message.
Mr.. Cresswell. of Maryland, marle an
anti-slavery speech.
Mr.. Stevsns, of Pennsylvania, eulogiZed
President Lincoln's Message, avoiding the
of the Constitution so ms to
abolish slavery throughout the country
lie took the occasion to refer to what he
called the Copperheads at the Chicago Con-
venton, who proposed, he said, disgrace
full peace.
Mr.. Cox, of Ohio, thought it extremely
unkind in the gentleman from Pennsyl-
vania (Stevens) to abuse the Democratic
party for the very thing which Horace
Greedy yesterday proposed in the columns
of the New York Tribune-namely, an eff
fort to procure peace
Mr.. Pruyn, of N. Y, took issue with Mr..
Stevens, insisting that the latter had
his opinions, for at the last session
he (Stevens) was for treating the South as
a foreign country, but now, as simply reb-
els, to be put down,
The committee here rose, and at half past
three o'clock the House adjourned.