Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1865-10-03

nllulu tuu uhJb ulLbI Lut htTNCt VI buCu UOLlCe,
which notice may be served by a constable or
other officer. Qn case he refused to leave, be
was to be sold for life, to the highest bidder, and
the proceeds turned over to the county,
!! will be seen from these provisions that free
negro cannot be witness nor juror, as the
courts Of Mississippi hold with the bred Scott
decision, that person OF African descent is not
citizen Of the United States,) nor carry fire.
arms, nor keep grocery. And by the decisions
of the courts Of Mississippi, free negro, a resi-
dent Of another State, can not inherit nor take by
purchase any property, real or personal, in that
State, although II resident Of the State he might
De the owner Of personal property, and might
hold real estate, the title being, however, in a
white person for his benefit. 1t is thought that
the constitution just adopted which .njoins upon
the legislature to enact Jaws to ensure security
and protection to the persons and property Of the
freedmen" will lead to notifications Of the sx-
isting statutes SO that negroes may hold property
like other persons; though we are unable to
understand upon what phase or development Of
Southern character this expectation is based.
10 our apprehension, in view Of the wsll'knovn
disposition of the Shareholders to keep the negroes
in subordinate and degraded condition, the
action Of the Mississippi convention has come en-
tifely short of guaranteeing to the oolOred people
OF the State the full enjoyment Of their freedom
II it is urged that the white people Of the State
are disposed to do all that ought to be done in
this respect, and ought to be trusted, il is obvious
to reply, that it is guarantee which should bs n
sisted on in the fundamental law. II the con-
vention had intended honestly to secure to the
colored people Of Mississippi any rights it was
possible and easy, and the surest way 10 do it, to
provide in the constitution that security. A
clause declaring that no person IN Mississippi
should be excluded from the privilege Of being
witness, Of sitting on ures, Of holding property,
would have meant something in the present tense,
aud could have been understood. A better and
more honest declaration still, would have an
nouneed that there should be no discrimination
/ III Wv VI wv VI bho pNhio
any person by reason Of color. II the con,titu-
ton, instead Of prohibiting slavery at once, had
provided that the legislature should call con-
,titutiona convention when it pleased them, 10
consider the subject Of emancipation, every one
would have understood that it was dishonest
evasion Of the question: and why shall We APP
prove constitution which postpones all questions
OF protecting liberty and property any more
than we should approve constitution that post
poned liberty itself? Freedom i, valueless unless
the person to whom it is given has also given to
him the right to protect and maintain his free.
dom.
We can but look upon this conduct Of the Mis-
sissippl Convention as evidences that the security
and protection" which the negro will get in that
State is jus, the security aud protection which
: have been given to free negroes in that State
hitherto, which is just no protection at all. Their
right to be educated to be tried when their cause,
{ are brought into court bJs jury Of their peers
= to call witnesses without respect TO color to main
s tain the truth Of their cause, and to have iuds'
. msnt rendered in their litgations by those who
will be blind TO their color, 10 not only not Sc
cured 10 them, but Is thus far denied. How
II then eau it be said that the reorganization o
IF Mississippi is complete or safe How can any
y one who desires honestly to redeem the pledg
y made to the negroe, in ths emancipation procla
| L.. 10 xyk,el
" leaves the colored people entirely at the nero
re of the governing raoe"P How can anybOd
10 but Democrals-who s,ill believe tina, black me-
y have no rights which white men are bound Il
D. respect-haye faith in the promises Of a convsn
be ton whoh refuses to bind itself by au rrsvocabl
: bond? Whist can DO reasonably hoped from
legislature which will have no incentive butt ssn'
pt Of justice, in protecting coored people, when tn
" convention which felt obliged to do something
~ order 10 meet with any favor at Washington
as came 80 utterly short Of sfOrding any "prote'
10 ton or security to these people, but put them
W. by turning ihsm over to another body Of men
Io assemble at tome future time IL not this Il
ID. most UNCERTAIN assurance imaginable, the me
les shadow Of shade
t9y We have made no ausion to the fact that Il
Mississippi Convention not Only did not provi'
that the colored people might vote now or in Il
nlS iutufe but expressly nsgatived such an antcip
in ton, by limiting the suffrage, as ii ha, bssn her
10 toiote III the State, to the white RAGS. The deui
of the lesser rights which should everywhere
'se With freedom, would Of course be seoOmpani
va, With denial Of The greater right Of voting al
participating IN the management of public .tfsi
And his not worth white to offset that the co
&c. yenlion nd not acknowledge the right II ma
hood suffrage, when 1t refused TO recognize a
on rights as belonging 10 oolored person. 1t wou
ing be waste Of eor4' TO condemn q mao for
IN idsiag W pay debt Of a thousand dollsr., Of
be bad deliberately Iepudsted one Of hundf
lOs dollars. And whether Congress or the Preside
:. are inclined to insist tn IaiEera suffrage in ,
South or not, il is evident. II the example Of NJ