The state rights democrat. [volume] (Albany, Linn County, Oregon) 1865-1900, 1865-10-14

Ipeaceable separation of the races on thu
soil where they now are.
The essential point in the discussion
thus appears to be the actual relations o
the two races in the Southern States as
question of fact, and the probable future
consequences of those relations as a ques
ton of theory.
Upon the question of fact think may
with all modesty claim that my antecc
dents and my opportunities of observation
entitle my testimony to have some weight
even with the most radical anti-slapery
men of the North.
The antagonism of which have spoken
is not entirely one-sided. On the part ol
the former master it takes the form Of an
indon,itable pride, which utterly refuses
tesentertain the idea of political or social
Iequality, mingled with hatred intensified
/ by the circumstances and the results oi
frne var. This feeling is not confined IA
/ the slaye-owners alone, but the poor
whites share it fully, and often show il
more passiQnately
On the part of the freedmen, it is mani
tested in an utter distrust Of the dominant
race, and an cnmity which, although made
tby circumstances more passive and less
openly manifested, it is as real and impla-
cable as the other. They have the mutu-
i al attraction of race among themselves
and repulsion of the whites as another
people, developed to degree which sur
Iprised me. 1t is not as individuals OF d
nation common to US all, that they speak
of themselves, but, 10 use the language OF
one % them, speaking to myself. they feel
that they have long been an oppressed
and down-trodden poopic"
! Hildreth, in his ,,Despetism in Ameri-
ca, declared slavery to be in itself state
of war, and this character is inaelibly i'm
/ pressed upon both races in the South
The captive learns duplicity toward his
captor, and in the slave it has become .
marked characteristic. 1t IS a fair strata
gem for which he feels no guilt ! have
seen a master boastingof the fidelity fhis
servant, aud discussing the subject al
slavery in his presence, whilst the Negro
waited upon him with an impas=iYe humil
ity which would make you believe no in.
/ telligent idea of freedom had ever pene.
trated his brain. Yet have seen the
same negro afterward in camp. transform
/ ed into clear headed ally OF cur troops
leading them to his masters buried stores
or guiding them to the fanks Of the enc.
my's lines, with an intelligence and stead.
mess Of purpose which left no doubt as tc
his understanding Of the conflict between
himself and his master.
/ The daily and hourly repetition Of proof
of this fact many of them too subtle fo,
description, but none the less convincing
to the observer, has fully convinced me
Ithat never between the Norman and Sax.
on, nor between Gaul and Frank was
there more conscious hatred. or an an
tss-or-isr.a more likely to prove inr@.e-vzts
! than between black and white on oui
Southern soil. The negroes will have Ut
sense of security nor faith in their former
masters. even if they offer them politica
rights; they will fear them as Daaaoi
dona terentes.
! What does history teach US in regarf
to the permanence and durability of sucl
Iprejudices and enmities of race? Speak
ing on this subject, Augustin Thierry, il
his history of the Norman Conquest. says
l:fWhatever degree of territorial unity tn,
great modern States of Europe may ap
pear to have attained; whatever may b,
the community of manners, language anC
public feeling which the habit of livint
under the same government and in tn
same stage of civilization has introduced
among the inhabitants of each of thos
3 States, there is scarcely one of them whicl
does not even now present living traces o
the diversity of the races of men, whicl
lin course of time have come together il
it. This variety shows itself under differ
ent aspects, with features more or les
: marked Sometimes it is g complete sep
!, aration of idioms. of local traditions. o
! political sentiments. and a sort of instinct
i've enmity distinguishing from the grea
national mass the population of fey
small districts; and sometimes mer,
difference of dialect or even of accent
marks, though more feebly, the limit 0
the settlements of races of men, once thor
: oughly distinct, and hostile to each other
Il If fifteen centuries of common govern
ment and political union have not beei
J, able to obliterate tho distinctions an'
even the instructive enmity" of race
; (which were physiologically similar, wha
encouragement have we that success vii
: attend forced political fusion of bitterl,
i hostile races from the antipodes of the hu
? man family?
4 The process by which even the com
? parative unity of the English people wa
achieved, is described by the same philo
: sophie historian whom | have quoted
: near the close Of his great work, as
g complete amalgamation of the Norman
|. and Saxon idioms, and " mixture of tn
2 two races" which it took four centurie
: of sanguinary war to accomplish.
I just stepping as We are from the battle
5 field on which descendants Of common
ancestry, SO little removed from US tha
D 1--we can literally reach back our hand
: to grasp those of our common sires, hay
: of modern wars, it does not become US t
4 argue that peaceful discussion will quietl
settle differences which in former time
were settled by the sword; but the men
ory of the almost present as well as tn
t remote past calls upon us to build ou
E polity solidly upon principles which expe
5 rience as we'll as reason prove to be dura
7 bic, and more than ever to avoid deludin
. ourselves with the cry of "peace, peace
E when there is no peace!"
As, during these weary years of war,
y have pondered this problem in the intel
: walls of strife or by the camp fire q
!, night, [ have been more and more in
j pelled to the belief that the only basis {
$ permanent nationality is to be fonnd i
: complete honogeneity of people, Of MAJ
n ners and of laws The rapid fusion {
d the races of Western Europe as they hay
III met upon our shores has secured til