Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1865-12-07

uro which will efface the cad memery Of the
past; this is the measure which will most
certainly call population, and capital, and
security to those parts Of tho Union that
need them most Indeed, it is not too
much TO ask Of the States which are now
resuming their places in the family Of the
Union to give this pledge of perpetual 10y
atty and peace. Until il is done, the past,
however much we may desire it, will not be
forgotten. The adoption of the amend
ment reunites US beyond all power Of dis
ruption. 1t heals the wound that is still
imperfectly closed; it removes slavery, the
element which has so long perpcxed and
divided the country; it makes of US ouce
more a united people, renewed and
strengthened, bound more than ever to mu-
tual affection and support. I'D.
The amendment to the Constitution being
adopted, it would remain for the States,
whose powers have been so long in abey-
ance, to resume their places in the two
branches Of the National Legislature, and
thereby complete the work Of restoration.
Hero it is for you, fellow citizens Of the
Senate, and for you, fellow citizens Of the
House OF Representatives to judge, each Of
| you for yourselves, of the elections, returns,
and qualifications of your owu members.
The full assertion of the powers of the
General Government requires the holding
of Circuit Courts of the United States with
in the districts where their authority has
been interrupted. In the present posture
OF our public affairs, strong objections have
been urged to holding those courts 10 any
Of the States where the rebellion has exist
ed; and it was ascertained, by inquiry, that
the Circuit Court OF the United States
would not he held within the District Of
| o,,,,o -. Il.
nor until Congress should have ian oppor-
tunity. to cop>ider and act on the whole sub.
ject." To your deliberations the restora.
tion Of this braach OF the civil authority of
| the United States is, therefore, necessarily
referred, with the hope that early provision
! will be made for the resumption OF all its
functions. II is manifest that treason,
most fragrant in character, has been com
mitted. Persons who are charged with its
commission should have fair and impartial
trials in the highest civil tribunals Of the
country, in order that the Constitution and
the laws may be fully Wind cated; the truth
clearly established and affirmed that trea
son is crime that traitors should be punish
ed and the offense made Infamous; and, at
the Same time, that the question may be
judicaliy sottled, finally and forever, that
no State Of its own will has the right to re-
nounce its place in the Union.
The relations Of the general government
towards the four millions Of inhabitants
whom the war has called into freedom, have
engaged my most serious consideration On
the propricty of attempting to make the
freedmen electors by the Proclamation of
the Executive, toek for my counsel the
Constitution itself, the Interpretation of that
instrument by its authors and their coem-
| II IL l. 4
When, at the first movement towards inde-
peDdence, the Congress OF the United States
instructed the several States to institute
laws of their own, they left e,ch State to
decide FOR itselfthe conditions for the enjoy
ment of the elective franchise. During the
period Of the Confedcracy, there continued
to exist very great diversity in the qualli.
cations of electors Of the several States; and
even within State a-disinction Of qualii.
cations prevailed with regard to the officers
who we're to be chosen. The Constitution
OF the United States recognises these diver
stiles when it enj ,ins that, in he choice Of
members Of the House Of Representatives
of the United States, tho electors in each
State shall have the qualifications requisite
for electors Of the most numerous branch of
State Legislature" Alter the formation
OF the Constitution, it remained, IS before,
the uniform usage for each State to enlarge
| the body OF it's electors according tn its own
| Judgment. and underthis syatem, ono State
after another hns proceeded to increase the
number of its electors. ,intil nov universal
suffrage. or something very near it, is the
general rule. 50 fixed was this reservation
Of power in the habits OF the people, and so
unqr restioned has been the Interpretation
OF the Constitution, that during the civil
war tho late President never har6ored the
urpose--cortainly never avOwed the pur-
pose--of disregardng it and in the acts Of
Congress during that period, nothing can be
found which, during the CO ltinu,nce of hos
tilities, much less after the close, would have
sanctioned any departure by the Executive
from a policy which has 20 uniformly OBJ
tanned. Moreover, concession of the elec
tive franchise to the freedmen. by act of the
President Of the United States, must have
been extended to all colored men, wherever
found, and so must have established a
change of suffrage in tho Northern, Middle
and Western States, not less than in the
Southern and South western.--
Such an act would have been an assumption
OF power by the President which nothing in
the Constitution or laws of the United
States would have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger of con,
flct is avoided when the settlement of the
question is referred to the several States. -
They can, each for itself. decide on the
measure, and whether it is to be adopted at
once and absolutely, or introduced gradual
ly aud with conditions In my judgment.
the freedmen, If they show patience and
manly virtues, will sooner obtain partici-
patton in tho elective franchise through the
States than through the General Govern
ment, even if it had power to intervene. -
When the tumult Of emotions that have
been raised by the suddenuess of the social
change have subsided, it may prove that
they will receive the kindlieSt usage from
some Of those on whom they have hereto
fore most closely depended.
But while have no doubt that now, after
the close Of the war, il is not campetent for !
the General Government TO extend the |
elective franchise in the several States, IL is |
equally clear that good faith requires the |
security of the freedmen in their liberty |
and their property, their right to labor, and |
their right to claim the just return of their
labor. l cannot too strongly urge dspas-
sionate Treatment Of this suhject. which |
should be carefully kept aloof from party
strife. We must equally avoid hasty as.
sumptions of any natural impossibility for
the two races to live side by side, in state
Of mutual benefit and good will. The ex,
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