The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1865-10-22
Andy JOhhsOn s-The Host ImPudeni
White Man."
The President Three-Fourths Rebel.

] AMY aonnSOn zine most lmpuoen
White Man,
The President ThFee-FOurths Rebel
/ IReporied for the Boston Postl
Wendell Philips began the Fraternit,
Course Of Lectures at Music Hall last night
with an address 70 which be gave the titl,
The South Victorious" The subject and tn,
sSs25sr asons ssbd slbs Rg 9g' nySs5 ySs5 large audience
Hon. A. IT. Burlngame, Hon. A. II Rice
Judge Russell, ex-Gov. Boutwell,, William
Lloyd Garrison, and other prominent gen
tlemen.
/ Mr Phillips was introduced by John s
Rogers, aud spoke for an hour and thirty
five minutes He prefaced his remarks BY
expressing his thanks for the honor which
had been done him, in allowing him b open
this eighth course Of series Of lectures de-
voted not TO merely amusement, nor even tC
literature, but 10 the great vital issues Of the
hour, aiming TO instruct and rouse an audi
ence TO their civil and social duties. It was
his purpose TO use the hour allotted him in
looking at the present stage Of the conflict
through which the nation is passing, view
ing that thus far, and to-day, the South Is
victorious. In order TO compare opinions on
that point it was necessary to go back a few
years and consider briefly the circumstances
and the relations ofthe two radically different
political systems in full operation in the two
sections Of country, the one resting on
the bas Of seryile or slave labor, and the
other on the basis Of the voluntary labor OF
treemen. The principle of the first system,
which has been explained in detail BY Mr..
Seward in his speech at Rochester, known
as the irrepressible conflict speech, was that
labor in every society, by whomsoever per-
formed, Is necessarily unintelleetual, grow
elling and base, and that the laborer, equal
ly for his own good, and for the welfare OF
the State, ought to be enslavsd. The Con-
gress Of Montgomery had, at the commence
ment Of the rebellion, expressed its views
on the great events then taking place.
Their orator had used this language The
contest is not between the North and the
South, as geographical sections, for between
such there can be no contest nor between
the people Of the North and the people OF
the south--their relations are pleasant
The real contest lies between two forms OF
society" Mr.. Stephens, the Just released
Vice President, in his last speech congratu-
lated the new Government in its being
founded, as he said, upon the subordination
Of races. This was the theory Of the South.
The North had said, " Ny idea is, that every
child, born under my sky, shall have as fair
a chance SIS any other to develop his nature
snd enjoy life" And if cur working friends
help us gallantly, the speaker continued,
the time viii come when We shall touch the
goal Of that endesvor, and every child born
shall have not only as fair q chance, but an
equal chance with every other, to develop
his own nature and enjoy the blessings OF
God. lApplause.l Atthe close Of the eigh-
teenth century, despotism, driven TO the
necessity Of proving its usefulness and pre-
serving its caste, announced, by the lips Of
Napoleon, the maxim" Everything for the
people; nothing by the people" Our
! fathers shouted back across the Atlantic
the idea of American civilization
" Everything for the people; everything
by the people" With these two
antagonistie ideas the Republic started
As long as the South preserved the political
helm IN her own hands. she was eontented
the system was safe. The South hsd seer
the ballot slip from her, and had accept
ed the slender chance Of the bayonet, and
| in that battle had been, thank God, defeat
ed. Driven from the field Of battle, we had
! now 10 Ocontemplate the new attitude Of the
two combatants,i what the South had lost
and what the North had gained how did
their powers balaBce, the one against the
other? in order 10 answer that question, il
! was important to ask, Chow did the South
rsbel?" Mr.. Webster had pointed out in
his great reply to Hayne, ss tersely and as
eloquenuy a. sny American had done, that
principle Of Southern life, the peculiar sys-
lem Of labor, isolated within the circle ol
those States, binding them into unity on all
| political questions, as the basis of what is
| called "the South" Behind that the South
had another principle, which was "the in
] destructible sacredness Of the individual
| State sovereignty" When Lee sheathed
| his sword, it was at the bidding Of Virginia.
| which had a voice more potent than that
of the Federal Government There was Q
| third principle, which was the accepted
| dogma Of the South, that the two races
| could never live together as equals. The
] negro msy be a laborer, but he never can
/ exist with the white man on the plane OF
! equality. In order to content him on the
] plane II equality on which it ought 10 be
| contented naturally, if it were really natu-
/ raj law, the South must illogically deduee
/ an argument that he must be kept disfran-
| chised and ignorant because he could not be
/ trusted with equality. state sovereignty for
the pedestal, and ndthenegro slave ignorant in
| order that he might be conten3ed. The poor
| white necessarily ignorant. from the uni
versal principle that you cannot degrade la
/ Dor, and at the same time keep the laboring
| classes intelligent. The South, standing on
/ the pedestal Of State rights, ruled the coun-
| trv bv negroes and poor whites in one hand,
and, as john Randolph said, by white slaves
/ in the other-the Democratic party Of the
North. Caste, social aristocracy, mailed in
| State rights, fired that gun at Sumter, and
/ inaugurated the rebellion. Caste, mailed,
/ in state rights, with the three fold whip of
| the slave the poor white, and the Northern
| slave, ruled the Federal Union. With the
| idea Of the impossbility Of the two races
on the plane Of equality tho South started
| i'm 1861. Sherman has swept around the
| Gulf; Grant has pushed Lee down 10 Fred
| ericksburg. Whatof iU Where stands the
| south to-day? And where stands the North?
/ How much has the South sacrificed? What
one principle has she disoWned2 What one
| element OF strength has she parted with in
politieal affairs2 State rights untouched.
| From the President at Washington 10 the
/ last rebel convention that has ever assem-
| bled, no word has ever been uttered against
/ the indestructible nature Of State sover-
eiRnty There Is no crime in the decalogue
/ Of either national or international law that
can cripple the indestructible sovereignty
Of the States. That Is the normal line that
/ runs through every act and every address
/ Of President Johnson With one or two ex-
eepti0ns, 10 southern State has ventur-
/ ed 10 call she secession ordinance a null
/
pealed. They assert its validity by
/ the very act OF repeating it. They
come into the Union as they vent out OF the
| Union, an arist0cracy. No one single act OF
/ the return is submitted 10 the people No
one single act Of the secession was submit
ted to the people. The same olgarchy
| that broke I'D the Union c0ndescend 70 re
| enter it, with the same steps, with the same
| usage, under the flag Of the same principle.
| The negro, porh8ps-not eertainly nly-perhsPs
| they have parted with the chattel principle,
with the idea that the negro may os sold on
| the auction block There are favorable augu-
I ries that NAV be possible. Not yet achieved,
| not even insisted upon, BY nc means GER
tsintv but. putting that aside, edeeaticns
| labor, property, marriage, locomotlon, eiti-
| venship- suffrage. every single point that
dstsrmipes the condition Of the man, the
| state The sacred, iudestructible, unap-
| proac hable State. still Eeeps folded IN her
| bosom, denying, with the tull consentOf the
| Federal Government, that they have sny
| rigbt 10 touch ii. The negro, If he j. a
I wandefer, says ne olate ei 1iisalssiPpi' We
| seII him for the benefs Of the treasury Of
tbe gtste. Whsther he msy be married,
vvbAfler ne may work, whether he may be
| educated. whether be may move Tram place
I ~ riace. uhalher be NAV ovTn land, whether
I he nav lav up money, whether he is 90 5e
! : aifirsn whaihar De is 70 sit On q inrv,
v-bstbe- he $50 bea witness nhis own ease,
wbsther be can go 10 the polls, whether he
/ an have any rights or any protection, re-
main M the soaled purpose Of the oiigarehy
| I'D he south. STATE nights. subordinsiiou
/ Of labor. the impracticability Of the two
/ rsees living equally together,-the principles
rpou which the south went out, upon those
/ priu,ipIes she returus. Not one single rebel
! Stato tanveutcn has even uttered doubt
| fll note on any one Of these poiuts- The
/ same men. with the sans theories and with
the same elements % government are to Pus
I their hands on he helm o. Stale. Now
/ wherein and &, what eK;eat has the South