Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-02-13

however, the spirit of the Constitution Is
not to be regarded, the inexpediency of the
measurewil be sufficiently apparent.
Third, as to the Influence of the Execu-
tive upon the Legislature. The committee
state that the object OF the resolution is to
influence legislation by the Executive.
They would recognize that influence and
give 1t authority. Assuming that such an iu-
fiuence will, does, and must exist, they pro-
pose to make it topen, official, and honorable,
instead OF secret, iinrecognized, and liable
to abuse. This sort of argument wouldtiud
Its par value in an argument like the fol-
lowing: robbery in the shape of burglary
Will exist. lti all wrong, but it exists.
Let us recognize the fact, and by law make
1t open, honorable, and authoritative, in-
stead of secret, nocturnal, and liable to be
abused. Let us authorize highway robbery
as something bold and romantic or pros
titutIon exists, secret and dangerous; let
us license and legalize it; aud the practice,
SO deleterlous when secret, will lose its de-
formity when open. Executive influence
upon legislation is wrong, dangerous, and
subversive of freedom. 1t exists, but is
now covert and dangerous; let us make it
open, bold, and authoritative, and it will be
innoxious.
If the means were constitutional and it
would dignity and purify the executive in
huence, might vote for it. But Icannot see
that because you increase the opportunities
OF executive contact with the legislature
You diminish the contagiOn aud the fatal
corruption as its consequence. Because
you dcbar the Cabinet member from vote
do you prevent his influence in the House?
fyou require open dQbate do you stop Sc
cret intrigue? Did not Walpole debate
and corrupt the House? Did not the
younger Pitt defy Parliament even i'm de-
bate, and coerce the Commons? The whip
perrin on division, the manager of the
House, were not these incident to open and
authorized discussion? The Government felt
more interest in the result of the vote be-
seit had been called directly to the bar 1t
stoppcdat no means to secure its triumph.
The threats OF the third George again and
again TO leave the island and to place those
under the royal ban who voted against his
measures. was the accompaniment of the
fercest wrah giles of Parliament and the
most open arraignment of ministers. | ad-
nit that if the influence of the Executive is
desirable in our legislation, it should be
open, declared, and authorized, rather than
secret, concealed. and unauthorized. But
this resolution facilitates the secrecy and au-
thOrizes the Influence which we deprecate
and should prevent. 81
Fourthly, as to the information to be de-
rived from the admission of the Cabinet,
and the cases cited by the committee.
Two objects are sought by this measure,
say tue committee first, general debate;
second, information from Cabinet officers.
Both are included in the second specilica-
tion. III the object were only information,
we have the means provided already. Con-
ferences by committees with the Depart
ments furnish one medium. The citations
appended to the report of the committee
show that this is almost always prere-
quisite to the maturing of measures. In
the cases cited on pages IL, II, 13, et seq. of
the report, the complaints were, not that
the Departments would not furnish inform
alton or recommend measures, but that in
those particular instances the information
was not definite or the recommendation
made in writing. But the debates in those
cases showed that such information and
recommendation were easily obtained. In
the cases of the legal tender and gold bill,
the debate brought out the letters of the
Secretary of the Treasury. In the case of
the loan bill, the instance cited is most un-
fortunate as an argument for this measure.
The appearance of the Secretary and AS
sistant Secretary of the Treasury upon the
floor of the House had the effect of subvert-
ing the.judgment of the House. The gen
tleman from Pennsylvania had moved that
the interest of the bonds should be paid in
currency. 1t was carried by twenty-one
majority. When reported to the House, 10
it was defeated 80 to 81, change of forty
two on a question as to which the House
were informed of the facts, as to which the
Executive officers only expressed their
wish and opinion! What humiliation
No undue arguments were used no bribe
or corruption is charged. Simply their
presence on the floor turned the heads Of
forty-two statesmen If their casual visit
and the expression of wish without argu-
could work such wonders, what
sort of body would we become with the
presence of the Cabinet here twice week
for information and at all times for debate
and Influence? The other instance cited is
on the bounty question. The
only trouble in that case was that the chair
man OF the Military committee had missed
seeing the Secretary OF War, and failed to
possess himself of any authentic letter or
of the Department. No
one doubted but he might have received the
The points were, not that the
was not made, but as SEN
.tor Clark said, (page ~ the information
had not been asked for and, as Senator
Grimes said, there had been no action of
the administrator on the subject, or at
least no unity of action. Afterward, the
letter of MIR. Stanton was read, and the diff
Iiculty properly obviated.
So far, then, as the Congress require in
formation and advice from the Depart
nents, they can always obtain it, perhaps
In over-abundance. Ii it come not in the
graces of 0ratory it will come in the more
pithy, and, in this age, more useful, and, in
this House, indispensable, form of writing
and printing. If the ordinary reports of
the Departments and the answers to reso-
utions of inquiry are not sufficient, will
not these informal interviews of members
ind committees with the heads of Depart
meirts ans wer every purpose?
If the object of the measure is informa-
ton, we have the media now. Ifit be to in
fluence action, that influence must be for
good or evil. II for good, always and in
svitaby, Congress Is utterly tnconse-
luential and insigniiicant--a registering
body, contemplate and expensive nom
entity, worse than the fifth wheel to coach.
For what, sir, is the heed of Congress, If
al the recommendations Of the Executive
IRE to be invariably followed? Better dis
pense with all legislation, or make our sys-
tem conform to those cited by the committee
rom Europe and South America, where,
except in England, (owing to peculiar cir
hereafter considered), the Leg
is the tool of the ministry as the
ministry is too often the tool of the mon
lrchy. If the Cabinet influence is gener-
lily good and only exceptionally vicious,
We have the means already of reM'hiRg its
valuable suggestions, and do not propose
% enlarge its sphere of evil But ii the in
luence of the Executive is generally evil,
to both Cabinet and Congress,
unduly one department of