The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1865-01-13

clsration, because they have but the griev-
ance that they want to consolidate, per-
petuate and extend slavery"
Thus the occasion of the war has been
misunderstood and misrepresented, for its
causes and the righteous, noble object of
self. government, for which we are fighting,
kept out of view, and slavery perpetually
paraded before the world as the corner
stone of the Confederate States.
Can we any more than our forefathers
affect to disregard the opinion Of mankind.
The opinion of mankind as entertained in
France and England and throughout Eu.
rope, is that of anti.slayery and it was
to be expected that that opinion would
revolutionize itself merely to divide and
discover the United States.
The right of elf-government was as
much at stake in the denial of our equal
rights in the territories as that of our fore
fathers was in the tax on tea. But the
enlightened opinion of the world does not
80 understand our cause. The violent
anti-slavery discussion that has for thirty
years preceded the dissolution of the
Union, and which as often predicted civil
war, very naturally led the world to un-
derstand our war as solely undertaken for
the perpetuation and extension Of slavery.
Perhaps the time has passed for any
such declaration of grievances to be either
proper or profitable, but a manifesto of
objects and purposes, setting forth clearly
the reasons that induced US to resort to
war, the manner in which that war has
been conducted, the declaration and acts
of vengeance leveled against our persons
and property, the confscation of all estates,
the establishing Of negro superiority, over
our people by the enemy, the threat of
their Congress, through VIM. L. Chandler,
to wage the war for determination, and
the beginning of that determination as
evinced in the devastation ordered by
Lieutenant General Grant, and executed
by Major Generals Sheridan and Sherman,
together with an avowal that slavery shall
not be permitted to prejudice our recogni-
ton, and, perhaps, induce an Intervention.
If we should reap the rich blessings to
which our heroic struggle entities US, if we
would crystalline that admiration into acts
of aid and comfort, we must convince the
world that we are fighting for the SELF gov
eminent of the whites and not for the
slavery Of the blacks; that the war has
been forced upon US by our enemy, for the
purpose of spoliation and subjugation !;
that the freedom of the negro was no part
of the purpose of our enemy, but that COM
mercial vassalage and dependence prompt
ed and impelled this cruel war.
II it be necessary to convince the world
that we are fighting for the self-govern-
ment of the whites, that we should liberate
the negroes, and if that liberation can be
made to secure our recognition and the
guaranty of England and France to our
independence, we believe that the people
of these States would not hesitate to make
the sacrifice.
The consequences ofemancipation would
fall upon the unfortunate negro, and God
would hold responsible those who had
forced upon US the act. 1t is one of me-
cessity, not choice. An act taken against
our judgments and our convictions, but to
save us from the horrors of prolonged
war and the disgrace, ruin and destruction
involved in the success of our enemy.
If France and England will enter into a
treaty with these Confederate States, re-
cognizing our nationality and guaranteeing
our independence upon the abolition Of
slavery in all these States, rather than con-
tinue the war, we should be prepared to
urge the measure upon our readers. We
believe such proposition would be favor
ably received and acted upon by those ma
tons, and it ought to be made to them.