Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1865-12-23

obvious that for many years the South viii
not pay much under our internal revenu,
laws. The only article on whichwe can rails,
any considerable amount is cotton. II will
be grown largely at once. With ten cent
per pound export duty, it would be furnished
cheaper to foreign markets than they couIC
obtain 1t from any other part of the world
The late war has shown that. Two million.
of bales exported at five hundred pounds tC
the bale, would yield Sl00,O00.O00. Thi,
seems to be the chief revenue we shall ever
derive from the South. Besides, it would be
a protection to that amount to our domestic
manufactures. Other proposed amendments
to make all laws uniform, to prohibit the
assumption of the rebel debt-are of vital
Importance, and the only thing that can pre-
vent the combined forces of copperheads and
secessionists from legislating against the in
terests of the Union whenever they may at
tain an accidental majority. But this is not
all we ought TO do before these inveterate
! rebels are invited to participate in our legis-
lation. We have or are about to turn loose
| four millions of slaves without hut to shell
ter them or a cent in their pockets The in
ternal laws of slavery have prevented them
| from acquiring an education. or from under
| standing the commonest laws of contract. or
| from managing the ordinary business of life.
This Congress Is bound to provide for them
until they can provide for themselves. If
we do not furnish them with homesteads and
hedge them round with protective laws, if
We leave to the legislation of their late mas
tiers, we had better have left them in bondage.
Their condition would be worse than our
| prisoners at Andersonyille. If we fail in
this great duty now, and when we have the
| power, we shall deserve and receive the exc
cratlOns OF history and all future ages.
| Two things are of vital Importance: So to
establish principle that none of the rebel
States shall be counted in any of the amend
ments OF the constitution until thev are dulv
admitted into the family of States by the law
making power of their conGuerors. For
more than SIX months the amendment of the
| constitution abolishing sl~very has been rat
| lhed by the Legislatures of three-fourths Of
the States that acted on its passage by Con-
| gress, which had Legislatures or which were
States capable of acting or requiring to act
| on that question. take no account of the
aggregatlons of whitewashed rebels, who.
without any legal authority, have assembled
IN the capitals of the late rebel States and
simulated legislative bodies nor do re-
gard with any respect the cunning bv-plav
with which they deluded the Secretary of
State by frequent telegraphic announcements
that South Carolina had adopted the
amendment" Alabama has adopted the
amendment, being the twenty-seventh State"
DC. This was intended to delude the peo-
pie, and accustom Congress to hear the
names of these extinct States as if thev
were alive, when in truth they have no
more existence than the revolted cities of
Latium, two-thirds of whose people were
colonized, and their property confscated,
and their right of citizenship withdrawn by
conquering and avenging Rome 1t is equal
lv important to the stability of this republic
that it should now be solemnly decided what
power can revive, reCreate and reinstate
these provinces into tie family of states, and
invest them with the rights of American cit
izens. 1t is time that Congress should as
sert its sovereignty and assume something of
the dignity of a Roman Senate. 1t is fortu-
nate that the President invites Congress to
take this manly attitude. After stating with
great frankness in his able message his the
Ory, which, however, is found to be imprac-
ticable, and which | believe very few now
consider tenable, he refers the whole matter
to the judgment of Congress
If Congress should fail firmly and wisely
TO discharge that high duty it is not the
fault of the President. This Congress owes
it to its own character to set the seal of rep
rotation upon a doctrine which is becoming
too fashionable, and, unless rebuked. will be
the recognized principle of our government.
Gov. Perry and other Provisional Govern
ors and orators proclaim that this is the white
mans government. The whole copperhead
party, pandering to the lowest prejudices of
the ignorant, repeat the cuckoo cry" This
is the white mans government" Dema-
gogues of all parties, even some high in au-
thority, grovelling, shout "This is the white
mans government" What is implied by
this? That one race of men is to have the
exclusive right forever to rule this nation,
and to exercise all acts of sovereignty, while
all other races, and nations and colors are to
he their subjects and have no voice in making
the laws and choosing the rulers by whom
they are to be governed. Wherein does this
differ from slavery except in degree? Does
not this contradict all the principles of the
Declaration of Independence While the
great and good men promulgated that in
strument and pledged their lives and sacred
honors to defend it, it was supposed to form
an epoch in civil government. Before that
time it was held that the right to rule was
vested in families, dynasties of races, not be-
cause of superior intelligence or virtue, but
because of Divine right to enjoy exclusive
privileges. Our fathers repudiated the
whole doctrine of the legal superiority of
families or races and proclaimed the equali-
ty of all men before the law. Upon that they
created revolution and built the republic.
They were prevented by slavery from per-
fecting the superstructure whose foundation
they had thus broadly laid.
For the sake of the Union they consented
to wait but never relinquished the idea of its
final completion. The time to which they
looked forward with anxiety has come. 1t
is our duty to complete their work. If this
republic is not now made to stand on their |
great principles it has no honest foundation,
and the Father of all men will shake it to
its centre. If we have not been sufficiently
scourged for our national sin to teach us to
do justice to all Gods creatures without dis
tincton Of race or color, we must expect the |
still more heavy vengeance Of an offended |
Father, increasing his infections as He in
creased the severity of the plaques of Egypt |
until the tyrant consented to do Justice; and
when that tyrant reopened of his reluctant
consent, and attempted to re-enslave the |
people, as our Southern tyrants are attempt
ing to do now, he filled the Rea Sea with
broken chariots and drowned horses, and !
strewed the ahore with dead carcases. Mr..
Speaker, trust that the republican party
will not be alarmed at what | am saying. /
do not profess to speak their sentiments, nor
must they be held responsible for them. | |
speak for myself and take the responsibility,
and will settle with my intelligent consti- |
tuents. This is not a white mans govern
ment in the exclusive sense in which it is
used. To say so is political blasphemy, for it
violates fundamental principles ofour gospel
of liberty. This is mans government, the
government of all men alike Not that all |
men will have equal power and sway within
it-accidental circumstances, natural and
acquired endowment and ability will vary
their fortunes-but equal rights to all-the |
privileges of the government is innate in
every immortal being, no matter what the |
shape or color of the tabernacle which it |
inhabits
If equal privileges were granted to all / |
should not expect any but white men to be |
elected to office for long years to come. |
The prejudice engendered by slavery would |
not soon permit merit to be preferred to |
color. But it would still be beneficial to the |
weaker races. In country where political
divisions will always exist their power \
Joined with Just white men, would greatly |
modify, ifit did not entirely prevent the in !
Justice Of majorities without the right Of /
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