The daily phoenix. [volume] (Columbia, S.C.) 1865-1878, 1865-12-09

atitution Of the United States recognizes
&hese diversities whom It enioinr that, in
the choice of members Of the House Of
Representatives Of the United States, "the
electors in each State shall have the quail
fications requisite for electors Of the most
numerous branch Of the State Legisla-
ture." After the formation Of the Consti-
tuition, it remained, as BEFORE the uniform
usage for each State to enlarge the body Of
ats electors, according to it's own judgment;
and, under this system, one State after
another has proceeded to increase the
number Of its electors, until now universal
suffrage, or something very near it, is the
general rule. So fixed was this reservation
OF power in the habits of the people, and
so unquestioned has been the interprcta-
ton OF the Constitution, that during the
civil war the late President never harborcd
the purpose--ccrtainly never avowed the
Acts of Congress during that period, no
thing can be found which. during the con-
Sinnance of hostiities, much less after
their close, would have sanctioned any
departure by the Executive from policy
which has SO uniformly obtained. More
over, concession of the elective franchise
to tho freedmen, by act Of the President of
the United States, must have been extend
ed to all colored men, wherever found and
must so have established change of suf-
frage in the Northern, Middle and Western
States, not less than IN the Southern and
South western. Such an act would have
created new class of voters, and would
Nave been an assumption of power by the
President which nothing in the Constitu-
tion or laws of the United States would
have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger Of con-
flict is avoided when the settlement of the
question is referred to the several States.
They can, each for itself, decide on the
measure, and whether it is to be adopted
at once and absolutely, or introduced gra-
live Nd nth 1y, s,,I.
ment, the freedmen, if they show patience
and manly virtues, will sooner obtain
participation in the elective franchise
through the States than through the Gene
raj Government, even if it had power to
intervene. When the tumult of emotions
eu the social change shall have subsidized,
1T may prove that they will receive the
.kindhest usage from some of those on
whom they have heretofore most closely
depended.
after the close Of the war, it is not compe-
tent for the General Government to extend
the elective franchise in the several States,
it is equally clear that good faith requires
the security of the freedmen in their
liberty and their property, their right to
labor, and their right to claim the just
return Of their labor. 1 cannot too strong
1y urge dispassionate treatment of this
subject, which should be carefully kept
aloof from all party strife. We must
equally avoid hasty assumptions OF any
live side by side, in state Of mutual
benefit and good will. The experiment in
wolves us in no inconsistency; let us, then,
go on and make that experiment in good
faith, and not be too easily dishcartened.
The country is in need of labor, and the
freedmen are in need of employment, cul-
ture and protection. While their right of
voluntary migration and expatriation is
not to be questioned, / would not advise
their forced removal and colonization. Let
IFS rather encourage them to honorable
and useful industry, where it may be bcne-
9icial to themselves and to the country;
and, instead of hasty anticipations of the
certainty of failure, let there be nothing
wanting to the fair trial of the experiment.
The change in their condition is the sub
stitution of labor by contract for the status
of slavery. The freedman cannot fairly
be accused Of unwillingness to work, so
long as doubt remains about his freedom
of choice in his pursuits, and the certainty
of his recovering his stipulated wages. IN
this the interests Of the employer and the
employed coincide. The employer desires
in his workmen spirit and alacrity, and
these can be p"rnaa aently secured i'll no
othcr way. Aud if the one ought to be
able to enforce the contract, so ought the
other. The public interest will be best
promoted if the several States will pro-
sloC tdC'luatS PAotSStlpi dhi lCluColCS IOI
the freedmen. Until this is in some way
accomplished, there is no chance for the
advantageous use of their labor; and the
blame of ill-success Will not rest on them.
know that sincere philanthropy is earn
est for the immediate realization of its
remotest aims; but time is always an elc-
ment in reform. 1t is one Of the greatest
acts on record to have brought four mil
lions of people into freedom. The career
OF free industry must be fairly opened to
them; and then their future prosperity and
condition must, after ALL rest mainly on
themselves. If they fail, and so perish
away, let us be careful that the failure
shall not be attributable to any denial of