Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1865-07-21
Fhe Three-Fifth Principle in Aggrata-
ted Form.

! 10 THE PRESIDENT
SIR From the recollections, now twenty
years old, ofthe years when we were Con-
gressmen together, derive an abiding faith
In your probity, your patriotism and your
stern devotion to democratic principle. Suf-
fer me to address to you, and through you
to the People over whom you preside, a few
considerations touching great measure of
public policy know that it is your habit
kindly to receive, if even FROM private and
unofficial source, such ! onest suggestions as
areof a character involving sectional ha11no-
ny and the National safety
There- - asnect- of the neara. suffrage
question which has, think, arrested less at
tentiOn than it merits: not the aspect OF
right; not the question whether, In restoring
to a lowly and humble race, down trodden
for ages, their outraged liberty, we ought to
give them the ballot to defend it; but ques-
ton more selfish, relating to our own race
one not of sentiment but Of calculation; es-
sentially practical and OF imminent lmpor-
taBce.
Permit me, first, to recall to your notice a
few facts which any enc, by reference to the
census of $50 and to the Constitution can
verify.
The attuaI population of the States COM
posing the Union, and their representative
1 H.
ably: the actual population, in 1860, being
upward of thirty-one millions Isl, l4S, OH,
and the representative population about
twenty-nine millions and half only (29 :
553, 273j. The difference between the two
is nearly one million six hundred thousand
+ "a, ,594,774.l See Compendium of Census,
pages 13l, 1872
The reason of this Is apparent. In the
year SEQ there were, in round numbers,
four million of Slaves $780, ,53l] in these
States. These slaves were not estimated
in the representative population, man for
man. Five of thera were estimatedas three;
for bv the Constitutional provision rcgula-
ting the basis of representation Art. /, Sec.
,, 81, there was to be taken the whole
number Of free persons and three-ffths of
all other persons Two-fifths of the 'sother
persons were left out. But two-titths OF
four millions Is one million SIX hundred
thousand.
About two million four hundred thousand
of the slaves are to be regarded as having
entered, under the last Census, into the ba-
sis of representation In other words, the
white slave holding population of the South
obtained political advantage the same as
that which they would have reaped by actual
addition to their population of two million
four hundred thousand free persons As
under the last Census the ratio of Tepresen-
tation was fixed at one hundred and twenty
seven thousand Census, page 22l, the
South, in virtue Of that legal faction of two
million four hundred thousand additional
freemen, had eighteen members of Congress
added to her representation. Her total
number of representatives being eighty four,
she owed more than one-ifth of that num-
Der to her slave property Itfolows that if,
in a republican government, the lumber of
free persons be the proper basis OF represen-
tation, she had upwards Of fone-ffth more
political influence than her just share Each
one of her voters possessed "a power so far
as the election of the President and OF the
House of Representatives was conceTnedl }
greater by one-fifth than that of each North
ern voter
No man friendly to- equal rights, even if
/ fbeing white mani he restricts the princi-
ple to persons Of his own color will offer
a Justification Of partition of political pow.
+ cir 50 unfair as this 1t wasnot defended, ON
principle. By those who asseDted 10 it. Ii
was accepted as a necessity, or supposed ne
cessity. I'm the construction, out of discord-
ant materials. of the American Union.
We of the North have hitherto acted upon
it, as men under daress -our hands bound
| by the Gonstituticn--as it were under pro-
test. We preferred unequal division Of
power. as regards the two great sections OF
the Republics to the chance of anarchy.
That was in the past. Are we, in the flu
ture, hlving got rid, by terrible sacrifice, OF
the cause of that injustice, still to tolerate
the injustice itself, even in aggravated form?
Doubtless, now that our hands are free, we
have no such intention. Let rs take heed
lest we increase and perpetuate this abuse,
as men often do, without intention.
Seldom if ever, has there been imposed
on any ruler task more thiekly surrounded
with difficulties than that, now before you,
ofreeonstruction in the late insurrectionary
States Uncertain as we are Of the senti-
ments and intentions of men just emerging
frem humiliating defeat, little more can be
done than 10 institute an experiment and
then wait to see what comes oft II would
be premature to lay down any settled plan