New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1865-03-30
THE PRESIDENT AND PEACE.

such a time as this in quest merely OF pleasure,
or leisure or health even. We do not place
emphasis on the coincidence of his departure
with Gen. Singleton's return, and we are not
sure that his visit was prompted by an intima-
ton from Gen. Grant that be believed, or had
been confdentially advised that the time was
ripe for pacfication But that Mr.. Lincoln de-
parted for the James in the hope that nc might
bring peace with him on his return, we are as
well assured as if he had told us so; and that
his remaining with Gen. Grant after his CON-
panions had left for Washington was dictated
by public considerations, is too palpable TO be
doubted. We write uniformed Us to the
truth OF baselessness of the specific rumors OF
yesterday that conference was then proceed
ing between the President and Gen. Grant on
our side and Jefferson Davis and Gen. Lee on
the other and assume that it was premature if
not wholly unfounded. But that the President
will not return to Washington without having
satisfied himself no matter how informally,
that the master.spirits at Richmond are or are
not ready to accept Peace on the basis of re-
union, we hold beyond question.
Assuming that his effort will prove abortve-
that no terms can be proposed or devised that
can be acceded to alike by the President on onr
side and by Davis and Lee on the othcr-that
the President will return to Washington with
out having achieved any approximation to
Peace-we shall thereupon feel and urge that
the overture and appeal to the Southern people,
which we have hitherto suggested, will be still
more expedient, more urgently required, than it
, has been. And for these reasons:
/. 1t may be inevitable, but 1T is surely unfor-
tunate, that our Government il constrained TO
treat with the Rebellion through its fomenters
and leaders. These, of all men living, have the
strongest and most palpablc indictments to pro-
tract their resistance 20 the latest possible mo-
ment. They have far more than any Others to
gain by success, and less to hope from "recon-
structon." Many Of them. doubtless. would
far sooner see the universe shvered than the
Union restored. They want Peace, Of course;
but nothing is Peace to them which does not
involve Disunion. Hence it by no means fol-
lows from their rejection Of our overture that il
is unacceptable TO the mass of those who have
upheld the Rebellion. If the former reject
fair, just, generous overture, we would fam
appeal from the leaders 20 the followers.
i H. Thus far, the phases less acceptable Ito
insurgents) of the paci6cation desired by the
President have stood forth in clear and bold
outline, while their counterpart have been
vailed in shadow. For example: Mr.. Lincoln's
Niagara manifesto reads thus:
EXECUTIVE MANSION. WASHINGTON. July is. ls6i.
a To rhor It may concern
Apy proposition which embraces the restoration OF
Peace the integrity Of the whole Union and the aban-
donment Of Slavery, and which comes by and with an
authority which can control the armies now at war
against the United States will be received and con
sidered by the Executive Government Of the United
Il States and uiA be by liberal terms oth substantial
and collateral points and the bearer or bearers OF 1t shall
have Safe Conduct both ways ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
L so again, in his letter to Gov. Seward, giving
him instructions to govern his course at the
= Hampton Roads conference, the President says:
;. Three things are indispensable. to wit:
]. The restoration Of the National authority through
IS ont all the States.
2 No receding by the Executive of the United States
on the Slavery question from the position assumed
thereon in the late annual message to Congress and IN
u preceding documents.
d B. No cessation Of hostties short OF end Of the
War and the disbanding Of all forces hostile to the
Government
All propositions not inconsistent with the above will
be considered and passed upon spirit Of sincere lib
ratuy. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
1t was entirely proper that in opening a
negotiation, the President should thus clearly
indicate the main points on which he felt bound
to be nfexble, and, as to others. merely shadow
forth the spirit in which they would be regarded
and treated But what we now contemplate is
an appeal to the Southern people in case the
present effort to come to an understanding with
the Rebel Chiefs shall prove abortive-an appeal
from those chiefs, if so it must be, to the good
sense and right feeling of the Southern people.
Believing that large majority OF these never
inteligently lent themselves to the conspiracy
to divide and destroy our cOuntry-confdent
that they are sick of carnage and weary of being
made the puppets and victims OF unhallowed
1 ambition-we plead for al appeal by the Pres
f ident to Il cir Understandings and their hearts
an appeal so terse that it will surely be circu-
lated, and 30 lucid that it cannot be miscon-
strued or perverted. Such an appeal, setting
forth precisely what is to be gained by aequi-
cscence and what must be put at hazard by
further resistance-could not fail to be met in a
, kindred spirit by very large proportion of the
Southern people, rendering perseverance in the
Rebellion by the residue manifest and fool
hardy squandering Of property and life. The
intelligence from North Carolina, which We
print in another column, Of the disposition of the
North Carolina Legislature and of the people of