New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1865-12-16
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
vupe,nrNr nUCBANANs DEFENSE.


on THE REBELLION By JArss buc ls n y
fxrsprsr or THE UNITED STATES. New i''' -
pLsrsS L Co. 1856 IN:
~, Rnchan,n thus explains the tendencies OF his
~.nd g. thinker and statesman III ING NIT seh-
trpes OF bis remarkable and interesting Voiume'
-Thst the Constitution does not confer upon Con
s., mower TO interfere with Slavery in the States
IA. been admitted by all parties and confirmed by
IN ,ndieial decisions ever since the origin OF the
y.deraI Government" He further contends that,
~.sto, a careful review of the anti-Slavery party
tym its origin, the candid inquirer must adj
AIT that, up till this period (KansasNebraska
kall. it had acted on the aggressive against the
south" This is the arraignment of the loyal North
sy o. ez-Presdent of the United States. Only by
sueh AL srraignment, successfully made, can pro-
seed his yindicaton. Fit can beproved that we as
. people were entirely wrong, then Mr. Buchanan,
~ President, was entirely right lie takes pans 10
ki US that, as Senator thirty years age, ne con-
'snded that Slavery must be maintained oy ice
Union-for when the Union failed in task, tnen
Assunion did not " become question Of expedieney
bat OF selfpreserystion.' We can easily understand
low statesman who believed in slavery as q funda-
mental element Of our political eeonomy-"ho saw
sround him Constitutions, Senates, Supreme Courts,
"a, the sole purpose Of eternizng that institution
sicSt regard the events Of the past four years as
. vDdication of his career.
James Buchanan lie type OF the Pennsylvania
t may be seen in the beautiful valley Of the
mberland-s district bordering on Slavery and
sedon, and which was long known as kind Of
Pennsylvania Egypt, where the people were op-
pressed with a Of the divinity Of Slavery and
we're only visited by those enterpnsing antiSlavery
mon who never feared the bowling Of mob. He
A.s in his veins the Scotch-Irsh blood that has
gwen us Grant, and jackson, and Calhoun, and
nany Of our most eminent Americans. He was of
good family, and had-vhat was rare advantage
ct the close of the last oenturya classical eduea-
bon. he went into public life at the age of twenty
xhree he was seventy when he retired from the Pres
Lsncy. For nearly fifty years, he had been in office.
He knew the occult science Of Pennsylvania
Yohties, and Of ell the class Of tortuous, cold.
naeh-contriying wire-wOIkers who fourished in
sbst State, none greater or more sue
ssssful. He was safe man. He never fright
sued siaid and sober Pennsylvania with now
cities. There was nothing of Boston about him.
HI never worried his constituents with ideas,
al went on in his Flooding way, shrewd, secret,
. lent, notwithstanding rP from high to higher
--ominently conservstive-fun of compromises-
r7eidng dangerous issues, with the osnny Scotch
nature that came with his blood-until tho Presi-
aency was given him CT lsst-as q refuge from the
equatter Sovereignty Of Douglas and the Planta-
ton Democracy Of Pierce. Els mediocre safe.
ssss alone could meet the enthusiasm Of the
gallant Fremont and his followers. He met it, and
vent into power, partly as we fear by the frauds Of
desperate men of his school who managed Lis for
tunes in Pennsylvania andparly because there were
many who feared that Fremont might bring trouble,
while il was certain that Buchanan would not. How
w mistake destiny If John c. Fremonthad been
ai-cted in 1856, the Fifteenth President Of the
United States would lot have found it necessary TO
write yindicaton.
The philosophy that saw nothing grander in our
institutions than the eternity of Slavery sadly
sui Of place in the Presidential Chair IL 1857 The
Nation was suffering from the crime of the Kansas
Nebraska bill. Ii was low seen that the South
set only intended 10 protect Slavery but 10
extend it by bSsakiIg covenants sacred by
many years of successful and harmonious compact.
Slavery had been advancing and every advance was
triumph. Mr.. Buchanan thinks that Slavery was
more sinned against than shining" He is vel
some TO his opinion; and we admire the persis;ency
With which be clings 20 II. lie does not see the
srime of wantonly breaking g coyenant-whieh had
benefited the South by giving Missouri TO Slavery,
merely that new territories should be added 10 It's
ample and blighted domain. THIS was the sin Of the
Kansas Nebraska bill. The North justly regarded
tLst measure as a crime. At the same time it gave
MI Buchanan great opportunity The law Of prog
Mss had shown that, in any conestrequirng wealth,
snigraton, population, Thrift, the keen, why,
sIOw-.oving men Of New England were the masters
~ the dull, sluggish, sun-dried Southerners. The
k0uth knew that in a contest for the possession Of
Kansas it would fail, unless Northern enterprise
could he met with force andffaud. THERE'S use in
speating the history Of the crimes comm against
Kansas. They have gone into history with dread
snl expston, and We should not recall them did not
Dr.. Buchanan insist that during these troubes he
seted as the friend % freedom. He IL GIT have
made Kansas national triumph. He could not
Rndo the mischief generated by Douglas; bat he
sould sey that, if popular sovereignty was 10 pre-
vail, then the people must be- sovereign, snd no
eouthern rufans should mako Kansas b slaye-pen.
Mr.. Buchanan, unfortunately, no sooner entered the
Presidency than ne tel under the influence Of GER
ssin gifted men, base II purpose but refolrte in
sil. Slidell, and Davis, and Benjamin, and Wise,
surrounded him sud put rpon bis cold, queTulous,
anxious nature the pressure Of unyeldng authority
He ght have dealt honestly with Kansas, ard the
Nation would have stood By him. He failed and
sven the South, in the end, vent aganst him. When
abe hour Of agony came, the men for wnoIn he sac
Shced bis fame abandoned him aid treated his
r-eve-s with c0pfernr,-