Evansville daily journal. (Evansville, Ind.) 1863-1866, 1865-12-07

The full assertion of the powers of the
General Government sequires the hold
ing of Circuit Conrls of the United
States within sbe districts where their
has been interrupted. In the
present posture of our public affairs,
strong objections have been urged to
holding those Courts in any OF the
States where the rebellion has existed;
and it was ascertained, by inquiry, that
the Circuit Court of the Uniled States
would not be held within the District of
Virginia during the autumn or early
winter, nor anti Congress should have
an opportunity to consider and act on
the whole subject. ''ts To your delibera-
lions the restoration of this branch of
the civil authority of the United States
is therefore necessarily referred, with
the hope that early provision will be
made for the resumption Of all its func-
tons. Ii is manifest that treason, most
fragrant in character, has been COM
mitted. Persons who are charged with
its commission shonld have fair and i'm
partial trials in the highest civil tri-
bunals of the country, in order that the
Constitution and the laws may be fully
INDICATED, the truth clearly established
and affirmed that treason is crime
that traitors should be punished and the
offence madeinfamous; and, at the same
time that the question may be judiciallJ
settled, finally and forever, that no State
Of its own will has the right to renounce
It's place in the Union.
The relations of the General Govern
ment toward the four millions of inhabi
tants whom the war has called into free
dom, has engaged my most serious con
sideration. On the propriety of attempt
ing to make the freedmen electors by
the proclamation of the Executive,
took for my counsel the Constitution
itself, the interpretations of the instru-
ment by its authors and their contem-
poraries, and recent legislation by Con-
gress. When, at the first movement to
ward independence. the Congress of the
United States instructed the several
States to institute Governments or their
own, they left each State to decide for
itselfihe conditions for the enjoyment Of
the elective franchise. During the pc
riod of the confederacy, there continued
to exist a very grea: diversity in the
qualifications of electors in the several
States; and even within State distinc.
ton of qualifications prevailed with re-
gard to the officers who were chosen.
The Constitution of the United States
recognizes these diversities when it Ell
joins that, in the choice of members Of
the House. of Representatives of the
United States, The electors in each
State shall have the qualifications requi
site for electors of the most numerous
branch of the State Legislature. AT.
ter the formation of the Constitution, il
remained, as before, the uniform usage
for each State to enlarge the body Of
its electors, according to its own judg
meni; and, under this system, one State
after another has proceeded to increase
the number of its electors, until now
universal suffrage, or something very
near il, is the general rule. So fixed
was this reservation of power in the hab
its of the people, and so unquestioned
has been the Interpretation of the Con
stitution, that during the civil war the
late President never harbored the pur
pose--certainly never avowed the pur
pose-of disregarding it; and in the
acts of Congress, during that period
nothing can be found which, during the
continuance of hostilities, much less
after their close, would have sanctioned
any departure by the Executive from {
policy which has so uniformly obtained
Moreover, concession of the elective
franchise to the freedmen, by act of thu
President of the United States, mus
have been extended to all colored men
wherever found, and so must have estab
lished change of suffrage in the North
ern, Middle, and Western States, not les
than in the Southern and Southwestern
| Such act would have created neV
class of voters, and would have been al
assumption of power by the Presiden
(which nothing in the Constitution o
laws of the United States would havl
warranted.
| On the other hand, every danger o
conflict is avoided when the settlemen
of the question is referred to the severa
States. They can, each for itself, decid
on the measure, and whether it is to b.
adopted at once and absolutely, or intro
duced gradually and with conditions
In my Judgment, the freedmen, If the.
show patience and manly virtues, will
sooner obtain participation in the cleo
tive franchise through the States thar
through the General Government, ever
l.if it had power to intervene. When thu
tumult of emotions that have been rails
ed by the suddenness of the socia
III shall hove aubpsIad -
prove that they viii receive the kindes
usage from some of those on whom they
have heretofore most closely depended
/ But while l have no doubt that now
after the close of the war, it is no
com petent for the General Government
to extend the elective franchise in tb
severalStates, it is equally clear that goo
faith requires the security of the freed
men in their liberty and their property
| their right to labor, and their right L
claim the Just return of their labor
l cannot too strongly urge dispassionat
treatment of this subject, which should b
carefully kept aloof from ali party strife
We must equally avoid hasty assump
tons of any natural impossibility for tn
two races to live side By side, in stats
of mutual benefit and good will Thu
| experiment involves us in no iuconsist
ency; let us, then, go on and make tina
experiment in good faith, and not be to-
easily disheartened. The country is il
need of labor, aud the freedmen are ir
need of employment, culture and pro
lection. While their right of volun
tary migration and expatriation il
not to be questioned, would no
advise their forced removal an
colonization. Let us rather encourag
them to honorable and useful industry
where it may be beneficial to themselve
and to the couRtry; and, instead of hast
antieipations of the certainty of failure
let there be nothing wanting to the fai
4 trial of the experiment. The change il
their condition is the substitution of le
Dor by contract for the status of slavery
The freedmen cannot fairly be accuses
of unwillingEess to work, so long as |
| doubt remains about his freedom ofchoic,
in his pursuits, and the certainty of hi
recovering his stipulated wages. In thi
the interests of the employer and th'
employed coincide. The employer de
sires in his workmen spirit and alacrity
and these can be permanently secured
in no other way. And if the one ough
to be able to enforce the contract, sc
ought the other The public interes
will be bent promoted, if the seyera
States will provide adequate protection
and remedies for the freedmen. Until
this is in some way accomplish d, thert
is no chance for the adyanta geous ns'
of their labor; and the blame of i'll
success will not rest on them.
know that sincere philant hropy is earnest TO
the immediate realization Of its rsmotest aims
but time is always an element In reform. 1t ii
one of the greatest acts on record to have brough
four millions Of people into fr iedom. 7he careel
of free industry must be fairly opened to them
and then their future prosperity and condition