Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1865-03-08
tinue ths war successfully, we are obliged to have
the labor of most of them in the production OF pro-

tinue the war successfully, we are obliged to have
the labor of most Of them in the production OF pro-
visions. -
But if this difficulty were surqounted, we can:
not rely upon them as soldiers. They|a are now
quietly serving US at home, because they DO NOT
wish to 90 into the army, and they fear, il they
leave us, the enemy will put chem there. = we
compel them to take up arms, their whole feeling
and conduct wifi change, and they will leave us by
thousands. single proclamation by President
Lincoln-that all who will desert US after they are
forced into service and 60 over to him, snail nave
their freedom, be taken out of the army, and per-
mtted to go into the country in his possession ana
receive wages for their la5or-woald disband them
by brigades, Whatever may be- our opinion OF
their normal condition or their true interests, we
cannot expect th.m if they remain with US to per-
form deeds of heroic valor, when they are hgntlng
| to continue the ensavement of their wiSes and
children tits not reasonable for US to demand 1T
of them, and we have little cause to expect tue
blessings of Heaven upon our efforts II we compel
| them to perform such task. =
If we are right, and Providence designed them
for slavery He did not intend that they should be
a military people. Whenever we establish tne lasl
that they military race, we destroy onr Whoie
| theory that they unit to be tree
/ But it is said we should give them their freedom
in case of their fidelity to our cause IN the helo IN
other words that we should give up slavery as wen
as our personal liberty and State sovereignty, for
Independence and should set all our slaves 1ree u
they will aid us to achieve it. If we are ready 70
| give UP slavery, am satisfied we can make 1t the
Consideration for better trade than to give it for
the uncertain aid which they might afford US IN the
| military field. When arm the slaves, We ahaa-
don Slavery. We can neyer'again govern them as
slaves, and make the institution profitable 70 cur
selves TO them, after tens OF thousands OF them
have been taught the use Of arms, and spent years
j., tba ndnlont indnluencas of camn life
If the General Assembly should adopt my recon-
mendaton by the call of a Conyentiop,. would
suggest that this too would be subject deserving
its serious consideration and decided action.
| 1t can never be admitted by the State that the
Confederate government has any power directly %
indirectly to abolish slavery. The provision in the
Constitution which by implication authorizes the
| Confederate government to take private property
for public use only, authorizes the use of the pro-
perty during the existence of the emergency which
justfes the taking. To illustrate; In time OF war
it may be necessary for the government to take
from citizen business house to hold commlssary
stores. This it may do (if suitable one cannot be
had by contracD on payment-to the owner OF just
compensation for the, use of the house. But this
taking cannot change the title of the land, and vest
it in the government. Whenever the emergency
has passed, the government can no longer legally
| hold the house, but is bound TO: return it to the
owner. So the government may impress slaves to
do the labor of servants, as to forfy city, if it
cannot obtain them by contract and it Is bound to
pay the owner just hire for the time it uses theln-
But the inpressment can vest no title to the slave
in the government for longer period than the em
Urgency requires the labor. 1t has not the shadow
of right % impress and pay for slave to set him
free. The moment it ceases to need his labor the
use rever,S to the owner vino has the title. If We
admit the right of the government to impress and
pay for slaves to free them cohcede its power to
abolish slavery, and change our domestic inst;u.
tons at its pleasure and to x to raise the mon
ey for that purpose. l am not aware OF the advo.
cacy or such INDUSTRIOUS doctrine.
! OUR PRESENT AND PROSPECTIVE CONDITION.
As feel that should act the part of an unf,ith-
full sentinel upon the watch tower if | should fat
ter the country with delusve hopes, candor COM
pes me TO say, that all is not welt. That the PEG
pie may be aroused to the necessary effort to avert
calamity, it is important that they should know
and appreciate their true condition | tell them,
therefore, that the whole body polite is diseased,
and unless active remedies administered speed.
ly, that dissolution and death must be the inevlta-
BILE result.
Our constitution has been violated and trampled
under foot and the rights anil ssgeyeignty of the
States which had been dlsregarded BY the cover n
ment of the United States, which formed with slave
ry the very foundation of the movement that
brought into being the Confederate government,
have been Frustrated and almost destroyed by the
Confederate Congressional encroachment and ex.
ecutive usu-pation.
The resolutions of the General Assembly af this
State protesting against these usurpatons and
abuses have been UNDECIDED and laid aside without
even the courtesy of reply.
Direct taxes Of enormous burden have been lev
led by Congress, without the census of enumera
ton imperatively required by the constitution
which operate upon the peoDe of this and Other
States, but have no operation upon the people o.
Missouri or Kentucky, who are represented equal
I ly with Georgia in the Congress by which they arr
imposed. '.
Much of our most Objectionable legislation il
fastened upon us by the votes of representatives
who, however patriotic and true to our cause, ac
without responsibility to any constituency out o
the army who can be effected thereby, and who car
neither visit with safety, nor show themselves pub
cly among the people whom they profess to rep
resent, majority of whom have given the stronges
evidences of sympathy and support to the Govern
ment Of The United States, and have been constant
, Fly represented in the Congress of those States.
'lmpressments of private property for .blic use
| which are often necessary and proper, have beer
carried TO an extent which is tyrannical and op
pressiye in the extreme Instead of purchase a
the rule and impressment the exception. the who'll
property of our people is placed under the contra
| of Tapressment agents who refuse to pay .'ius
compensation" as required by the constitution,
even half the market value. and who pay in certii
Gates which the government refuses to receive i,
:. payment of public Dues,
;. BY a pretended CONSUMPTION not authoriz>d b
. the constitution, the government has placed on
agrculturalists under heavy bonds to sell it az tn
> impressment prices fixed by its agents and denie
to them the privilege to sell the fruits OF their labo
in open market, or to exchange them for oher CON
modities which sssary to the support q
: themselves and their families =.
> The government disregais that provision Of tn
Constitution which prohibits Congress from maxim
any appropriation Of money for a longer term tina
two years to support the armies of the Confederacy
and as q means of perpetuatns the war beyond II
period of theexisence of present Congress, witt
. out the assent of the people in the next elections
it proposes to pledge the tite Of the more valuab
annual productions of the agricultural class Of OF
people, who are selected for the burden, for veal