Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1865-03-01

T. No: Our property was as secure as the jewels
Of your Queen, and 10 complete was our enjoyment
Of it that not one man in fifty knew that he ever
paid . tax to the government for its protection.
P. Surely youw were fortunate people, and en-.
Dyed the manifold blessings of English liberty
You certaibly did otsdestroy such government
without some grsst cause? Deal frankly With ME-
and tell me the great secret which has not yet been
discovered by the world.
E. Our government denied US tho right of peace
able sseession!
P. This is certainly new doctrine wholly un.
known to English statesmen. have seen it set I
forth by some of your members Of Congress, but
regarded It as mere political clap. trap. As un-
derstand it, it is the right to break up govern
ment at will and, without cause. This is a. bad as |
the red-republicanism of the French revolutonists
and statesmen who desire the stability and perpe.
tnity of government can have no sympathy or con.
necten with such political jacobinism.
Such would be about the result of our diplomatic |
intercourse with the nations Of Europe, and it
would at least free US from delusivs hopes of for
eign Intervention:
Mr. Speaker, our rulers cannot conduct this war
to successful termination if they give up the vital
principle upon which the revolution WAS common
-ced. By SO DOING they will stu:tify themselves,
forfeit the respect of other nations and lose the
confidence of their own people If they destroy
the foundation stones of the Confederate govern.
ment, they can but expect that the edidce will
tumble into ruins.
MI. Speaker, Ihave hastily considered the. power
of the Confederate government to control the slave
property of its citizens I new propose to exam
inc the practical operations Of the measures propo
sed by the Executive and his peculiar friends and
see if they are consistent with wise military pol-
cy, and with the well established laws of political
economy. E. - = - g 2
1t is proposed by the President to take forty
k6osoo nd ole
country and put them in the military service as
cooks, teamsters, &c. Will this benefit our cause
and add to our chances of winning independence2
We are engaged in q long and wasting war which
has severely taxed the whole energies of our peo-
pie. 1t is conceded that need more men and sup.
plies to meet the emergencies of the times. We
must have brave and patriotic men in the field to
keep back the public enemy, and it is equally nec
essary that we should have efficient labor at home
to produce supplies, Can these wants be met BY
putting forty thousand negroes in the military SER
vicef The Executive does not propose to use them
as fighting men, but as cocks, Transfers, &c, The
practical question is, they in such employments
render more service than in the cornhelds of the
countryf If abundant ra:ions are furnished, our
soldiers will cheerfully cook for themselves, as
they have been doing for three years. If it
should be necessary ut any time to have detailed
cooks, there will always be found men enough for
| this duty, who arc incapable Of active service
This necessity might also be supplied by the free
negroes who have been conscripted l. have but
little knowledge of military operations, but itseems
to me that it would not be prudent safe to trust
our valuable wagon trains to the custody Of negro
teamsters. These trains are constantly in danger
! from raids Of the enemy, and the teamsbrs ought
to be capable and ready to assist in their defense
l Negroes would do all they could to assist their
Friends, the Yankees. In my opinion, slave cooks
| and teamsters would not earn their rati0ns and
| closhes but be positive nuisance to the army
! clog ITS eH1Gent operations; consume its scanty
supplies; and, they will pillage and plumber the
country through which the army may pass. They
will also constitute an immense body of spies who
will DO constantly escaping to the enemy with in
portant information. In no way can the strength
and efficiency Of our noble and gallant army Of free
born and patriotic white men, be increased by the
Femployment of slaves in the military service
Slaves might be employed with advantage in work.
ing upon the Notifications Of cities and other i'm
portant military posts; but this demand for labor
can be supplied BY acquisitions on the States and il
would be chserfully and promptly furnished I do
not object to the government taking negroes for
military purposes, because it might interfere with
my personal interests would gladly give up eve
~ negro own to secure the peace and liberty Of
the country. I love the freedom of the white man
more than the slavery of the negro. Iobect to the
employment ofsaves in any capscityin the army, be-
I W0oA
ness, and not of strength; and moreover, they are
all needed at home to produce the necessary sup
plies for the army and the country. These forty
thousand slaves now required by the President, il
left at home under judlcious management, can BY
their Iabors on the FARMS support an army of ar
hundred thousand men for year. Is it wise, there
FORE to destroy this certain source of supply by the
uncertain experiment of making negroes efficient il
| the armyP 80 "a
Mr.. Speakst, proposition has been made by on,
Of the leading newspaper organs Of the ADMINISTERS
ton, to enancipate the entreln ave population o.
the country for the purpose Of securing the sympa
thy and aid of foreign natisns The novelty Of this
proposition for time startled the country, but il
absurdity is so manifest thatit hardly requires 80
rious discussion. If foreign nations desire such
emancipation, their wishes can be accomplished BY
the success of the United States and they wei
know.that their unnecessary interference in thii
matter will involve them in bloody aud expensive,
war, and subject their now prosperous commerce t.
the dspredations of the most gigantic military ma
rine that ever sailed upon the ocean. Foreign ma
tons viii never become parties to this contest I'm
less it becomes their interest to do so,-and how
can the emancipation of slavery in the Qonfederat
States beneatsssemi The philanthropy Of th'
!, question may excite the. raving defamation 0
the fanatic, but it will not influence the action
statesmen. The emancipation Of our slaves would al
most entirely prevent the production of our grea
staples of cotton and tobacco and that certaini,
would not win US favor With the manufacturing an
commercial classes Of England and France W
can never buy the good will aud assistance ofahes
nations by an act which would destroy our grea
labor system and involve US in financial ruin an
social debasement There are some men, who ar
so anxious to obtain foreign assistance, that the
are willing to make any sacrifice to effect that pul
pose. They even 60 so far as to say that the
would prefer to divide our country between Emf
land and France rather than make any terms wit
the North. Ientertan no such feelings wi
never cons1ht for North. Carolina to become col,
ny Of Great Britain, the enemy and oppressor
our forefathers. honor still the memory of .ou
glorious ancestors, and will never assist m rive
ing the chains which were broken by their wisdol
end valor. What can we hope for in the future
our country, if We join her destiny with bloed
| and revolutionary Francei