Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-06-10
From The N. Y. Tribune, June 7th.l
10 Hang or MOI 10 Hang.


We cannot find time or space for an ex-
.posure of al the misapprehensiohs, mis-
statements and evidences of mental chaos,
which are daily sent us with regard to the |
proposed execution of certain, leaders of |
the late Rebellion; yet some of the. most
mischievous among them seem worthy of
serious consideration. For instance: Mr..
A. J. Smith, of Danville, Pa. taEOrs us
with an elaborate misconcepti0n of all we
have thought or said on this subject, whence |
we Gull the following points that seem
worthy of attention. Says he: ..H.. 4
"The leaders of the Rebellion, according
to the Constitution Gas shown by a leading
article in your paper a few days agol, are
guilty of treason, for which the law claims
that they should suffer death; and, If so,
why should not justice be administered 2"
AnS,oer. No, Mr.. Smith! the Constitu-
tion does not say that '5heledderS" especially
are guilty of treason, but that all of our
countrymen who have been concerned in
"levyingw war against the United States, adr
herring to their enemies, giving them add
and comfort" are thus guilty and the law
prescribes death as their punishment. Not
one less than TacO Millions of American men
and women have been thus guilty oftreasOn,
and are exposed to death by hanging as the
legal penalty of the crime. Now, y0u do
not propose actually to hang all these men,
women, boys and girls, any more than we
do; the'largest number that any of your
| school have ever estimated.to ustiat it was
| proper to hang was fifty thousand; which
is but one in forty of the guilty. Others
have reduced the number to five thousand,
one thousand, and even lower. Now, then,
what right have you, who propose to hang
a fortieth, or much smaller proportion, of
the guilty, to put on such airs 10 us, who
would treat ali the Rebels precisely as you
would treat the immense majority? Where
is the difference in principle between us?
And which of us evinces the greater con-
sistency? ....r -.......r.
Says Mr.. Smith again: -!
'1t is my opinion (and believe express
the feelings of thousands of your readers),
that if the leaders of the Rebellion have
committed no crime, it is unjust that they
! should be held for trial, particularly in
prison; but, if they have committed any
crime, it is equally unjust that they should
| 90 unpunished.p ... ....
Very well, Mr.. Smith 'the leaders"
have committed treason; and so have the
followers; yet you favor the non-punish-
ment of the latter, in clear violation Of
your own principle that, ".if they have COM
| mitted any crime, it is upJ ust that they
| should 60 unpunished." Justify yo,r o,sn
exemption of the immense majority from
punishment, andyou will have justified our
| POSITION as to the residue. 100 ".-. 'ln'
Let us hear Mr.. Smith once more:
"A few days ago, the Nation was shocked
| by the murder of our noble President but,
| very soon afterward, the people rejoiced to
know that the assassin had been Killed, and
| now look hopefully for the vindication of
| justice in the case of those connected with
him. And Yet will any one say they are
more deserving of death than those who
have been the catise of numbering hundreds,
OF thousands of the noblest and bravestmen
OF the land ?" ..-" .'''t .i'''~'lt "n
Yes, Mr.. Smith you say that very
thing! You demand the execution of all
theassassins without discrimination, while
you want only, 'the leaders, of the REBEL
! ion punished, z You therein proclaim your
| 0lcn clear conception Of q radical moral diff
ference between RebelIiong and Murder
| Having thus Fefuted your own, doctrine,
you have saved us the trouble, ,,t. -....
| Theciyilized world has long since deter
mined and agreed that, %hileto kill men In
order to overcome arebellion is perfectly
! justifable, to execute them as rebels after
| their has been utterly suppressed, is
i of very dubious policy and questionable
| humanity. Austria killed many thousands
4 of Hnngarians in putting down the upris-
ing under Kossuth, and no one demurred j;
she hung thirteen only of the Military lead
ers surrendered unconditionally by Gorgey
at Villages, and all Christendom cried shame
upon her. Suppose these had been sur
I rendered under capitalization like that of
Lee, or Johnston, or Dick Taylor, or Kirby
1 Smith, and she had proceeded thereafter to
ltry, convict, sentence and hang them, she
would have been execrated as perjured and
Infamous to the end of time. To this effect,
the verdict of History is emphatic and
overwhelming. (See what it says of the
execution of Marshal Ney under the Bour-
bons in 1916. Yet he. was precisely such a
forsworn traitor as Robert E. Lee, and not
half so well, shielded by terms of capitula-
ti0n.) III ''H2.l s'4 oHdl sE. 1rg 9lu
r. If we could see how the hanging of a
score or so of those Rebel chiefs, who are
4 not protected by Military capitulation
would benefit either the Blacks orthe Poor
Whites OF the South, we might be reconcil-
ed to it.; for we regard the enfranchisement
and elevation OF race as of more conse-
uuence, than any dozen lives. Butit seems
to us that hanging men in cold blood, for nc
other crime than defeated, broken-down re-
bellion, is calculated to enshrine them in
the memory of their followers, to embitter
the late Rebels against the Union, its sup
porters, and its sway, and to prompt them
. to wreak their hate and vengeance on. that
!. class of Unionists who are still exposed to
ltheir wrath-thats is, the just emapcipated
: Blacks. In our iudgment, the, hanging ol
r six Rebels, merely as Rebelsg will cause the
!, ,Edeath byipriVation, famine iogi violence, Of
MANY thousandseof Freedmen, and inter
pose formidable barriertO the elevation oi
their class to citizenship and a voice in the
government, of their respective States;
hence (and for other reaSons) we are infiex-
IDLY opposed to it. ~ {. ',n q
Il To put our idea more completely withir
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