Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1865-11-28

ernment to dictate what their ac-
ton shall be, but on the contrary tOsim-
ply and kindly advise q policy that IS
beneficial and Will result IN restoring all
the relations which should exist between
the States comprising the Federal Union.
Il is hoped that they viii feel and appre-
ciate the suggestions herein made, for
they are done in the spirit that should
perVade the bosom OfaH whodesire peace
and harmony, and Of thorough restora-
ton OF the Union. There must be a con-
fdence between Government and States,
which the Government confides in the
people. The people must have faith In
the Government. This must be mutual
and reciprocal or all that has been done
will be thrown way
ANDREW JOHNSON, President.
GOVERNORS MESSAGE.
EXECUTIVE OFFICE.
JACKSON, Miss, Nov. -. 1865.
Gentlemen Of he Senate and House Of Represent-
0hUsS.
In view of your resolution to take, at
an early day, a recess until after the hol-
days, 1 deem it proper TO call your m
mediate attention to a few subjects Of
vital Importance 10 the welfare Of the
State.
By the sudden emancipation Of over
three hundred thousand slaves, Missi5-
sippi has imposed upon her a problem
of vast magnitude, upon the proper So
luton of which depends the hopes and
future prosperity and welfare ofourseIves
and u children.
Under the pressure of Federal bayOnets,
urged on by the misdirected sympathies
of the world, in behalf Of the enslaved'
African, the people of Mississippi have
abolished the institution Of slavery, and
have solemnly declared in their State
0 E---+s~-+E-, +hn# IS Fha anfsIafrrra ahorrId
provide by law for the protection and Sc
curity of the person and property Of the
freedmen of the State against any evils
that may arise from their sudden eman-
cipation.n How this important provision
and requirement of the Constitution is
u be carried into effect is the question
now presented for our solution. We
must now meet the question as it is, and
not as we would like TO have it. The
rule must be Justice. The negro is free,
whether we like it or not; we must re-
alize that fact now and forever. To
be free, however, does not make him a
citizen, or entitle him to political or so
cial equality with the white man. But
the Constitution and justice do entitle
him to protection and security in his
person and property, both real and
personal
In my humble judgment, no person.
bond or free, under any form Of govern
menr, can be assured of protection or Sc
curity, either IN person or property, ex-
cept through an independe ndeulight-
ened judiciary. The courts, then, should
beOpen TO the negro. But Of what avail
is IL TO open the courts and invite the ne
gro to "sue and be sued,1 if he is not
permitted to testify himself, and intro
dUce such testimony as he orhis attorney
80 LH-aA. ..-..#s-N Wa.-A-LTe.L a. 81
and justice of his case Whether the
witness be white or black, it is Incidental
of the most common privilege of free
dom, an uumeaning delusion, the merest
mOckery.
As a measure of domestic policy,
whether for the protection Of the person
or property of the freedman or for the
protection of society, the negro should
be allowed and required to testify for or
against the white and black according to
the truth. There are few men living in
the South who have not known
many white criminals to 90 "un-
whipped Of Justice" because negro
testimony was not permitted in the
courts. And now that the negro is no
longer under the restraints or care Of his
master, he will become the dupe and
"cat's-paw" Of the vile and vicious
white man who seeks bis association, and
viii plumber our land with entire security
from punishment, unless he can be
reached through negro testimony. It is
an insult 20 the intelligence and virtue OF
our courts, and jurics Of white men, TO
say or suspect that they cannot or will
not protect the innocent, whether white
or black, against the falsehood and per-
jury Of black witnesses.
The question of admitting negro testi-
mOny for the protection Of their persons
and property sinks into snsignilicence by
the side of the other great question ofJ
guarding them 7d the State against the
evils that may arise from their sudden
emancipation. What are the evils that
have already arisen against which we
are TO guard the negro and the State ?
The answe Is patent to all-vagrancy
and pauperism, and their inevitable con-
comitant crime and misery, hang like a
dark pail over a once prosperous and
happy, but now desolated land.
To the guardian care of the Freed
mems Bureau has been intrusted the
emancipated slaves. The civil law, and
the white man outside Of the Bureau. has
been deprived Of all jurisdiction over
them. Look around you and see the
result. Idleness and vagrancy have been
tie rule. Our rich and productive fields I
ntNE BtGA AtoEA lEAT AOA Alt AhLtlN EaAFeNh .
and sickly cellars of Il towns and cities.
From producers they are converted
into consumers, and as winter
approaches, their only salvation from
starvation and want is, Federal
%rations, plumber and pillage. -Four years
Of cruel war, conducted upon PRINCIPLES
OF vandalism disgraceful to the civiliza-
ton of the age was scarcely more blight
ing and destructive to the homes of the
white man, and impoverishing and de-
grading 70 the negro, than has resulted
in the last six OF eight months from the
administration of this black incubus.
Many Of the officers connected with that
Bureau are gentlemen of honor and in
tegrity, but they seem incapable Of pro-
tecting the rights and property Of the
white man against the v~illanies of the
vile and villains with whom they are
associated.
How long this hideous curse, permitted
Of Heaven, is to be allowed 10 rule and
ruin our unhappy people, Iregret it is not
in my power TO give any assurance, fur
ther than can be gathered from thepublic
and private declarations of President
Johnson, that "the troops will all be
withdrawn from Mississippi, when, in
the opinion of the Government, the
peace and order and civil authority
At- tNNA AAHNAAA4 ailA AAAA nc LlllI- .
tanned without them" In this uncer-
tainty as TO what will satisfy the
Government OF our loyalty and ability 10
MAINTAIN order and peace and civil gov
ernmenti our duty under the Constitution
70 guard the negro and the State from
the evils arising from sudden emancipa-
ton, must not be neglected. Our duty
to the State and 20 the freedmen seems
70 me to be clear, and ! respectfully
recommend, First, That negro testimony
should be admitted to our courts not only
for the protection Of the person andprop-
erty of the freedmen, but for the Drotee- {
ton Of society against the crimes Of botb ,
races. Second, That the freedman he !
encouraged at once 10 enter in some
pursuit OF industry for the support of his ;
family and the education Of his children. :
by laws assuring him of friendship and {
protection. s
Tax the freedman for the support of the
INDECENT and helpless freedmen, and then }
with an iron viii and the strong hand OF :
power take hold Of the idier and the
vagrant and force him to some profitable T
employment. Third. Pass a militia law
h a VIII enable a militia to protect Our
people against Instruction, or any posi.
bic combination Of vicious white men I
and negroes. !
l deem the passage of these measures. /
before you take a recess, Of vital impor- o
By them We may secure the I,
withdrawal Of the Federal troops. and Z
again inspire Our people with hone :
and confidence in the future, and encour- :
ace them to engage again in agricultural i
upon which our all depends. II p
we fail to pass them the future is all I'M 7
certainty, gloom and dependency. I
BENZ. HUMPHREYS. u
Governor OF Mississippi. 81
Ii
pSE The Albany Argss assumes that Z