Staunton vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1860-1896, 1865-12-15

gushing principle of the recognition of the
rights Of man. The ancient republics alb
sorbed the individual in the State, prescribed
his religion, and controlled his activity
The American system rests OF the assertion
of the equal right of every man to life, liber-
ty, and the pursuit of happiness; to freedom
of conscience, to the culture and exercise OF
all his faculties. AS consequence, the
State Government is limited, as to the Gen
eral Government in the interest Of Union, as
to the individual citizen in the interest OF
freedom
States, with proper limitations Of power,
are essential to the existence Of the Constitu-
ton of the United States At the very COM
mencement, when we assumed place among
the Powers of the earth, the Declaration OF
independence was adopted by States ; SO also
were the articles of Confederation and when
"the People of the United States" ordained
and established the Constitution, it was the
assent of the States, one by one, which gave
it vitality In the event, too, of any amend
mcnt to the Constitution, the proposition Of
Congress need the confirmation Of States.
Without States, one great branch Of the leg
islative government would be wanting. And,
if we look beyond the letter of the Constitu-
ton to the character of our country, its ca
pacity for comprehending within its jurisdic-
ton vast continental empire is due to the
system of States. The best security for the
perpetual existence of the States is the 'ssu-
premc authority Of the Constitution Of the
United States The pcrpetuity Of the Consti-
tuition brings with it the perpetuity Of the
States their mutual relation make us what
we are, and in our political system their con-
nexion is indissoluble. The whole cannot
exist without the parts, nor the parts without
the whole So long as the Constitution of
the United States endures, the States will en-
dure; the destruction Of the one is the de-
the one is the preservation of the other.
I have thus explained my views OF the
mutual relations of the Constitution and the
States, because they unfold the principles on
which | have sought to solve the moinentous
questions and overcome the appalling diff
culties that met me at the very commence
ment of my administration. 1t has been my
steadfast object to escape from the sway Of
momentary passions, and to derive a healing
policy from the fundamental and unchanging
principles Of the Constitution.
MILITARY GOVERNMENT.
| found the States suffering from the effects
Of civil war Resistance to the General
Government appeared to have exhausted
itself. The United States had recovered pos
session of their forts and arsenals and their
armies were in the occupation Of every State
which had attempted to secede. Whether
the territocy within the limits of those States
should be held as conquered territory, under
military authority emanating from the Pres
ident, as the head of the army, was the first
question that presented itself for decision
Now, military governments, established
for an indefinite period, would have offered no
security for the early suppression of discon-
tent (; would have divided the people into the
vanquishers and the vanquishcd; and would
have envenomed hatred, rather than have re-
stored affection. Once established, no pre-
else limit to their continuance was conceiva-
bic. They would have occasioned an meal
culable and exhausting expense. Peaceful
emigration to and from that portion of the
country is one of the best means that can be
thought of for the restoration of harmony
and that emigration would have been pre-
vented for what emigrant from abroad,
what industrious citizen at home, would place
himself willingly under military rule? The
chief persons who would have followed in the
train Of the army would have been depend
ents on the General Government, Or men
who expected profit from the miseries of their
erring fellow citizens. The powers Of pat
ronage and rule which would have been ex-
ercised, under the President, overa vast, and
populous and naturally wealthy region, are
greater than, unless under extreme necessity,
| should be willing to entrust to any one
man they are such as, for myself, | could
never, unless on occasions Of great energen-
cy, consent to exercise. The wilful use of
such powers, if continued through period of
years, would have endangered the purity of
the general administration and the liberties
of the States which remained loyal.
Besides, the policy Of military rule over
conquered territory would have implied that
the States whose inhabitants may have taken
part in the rebellion had, by the act Of those
ceased to exist But the true
theory is, that all pretended acts of secession
were, from the beginning, null and void
The States cannot commit treason, nor screen
the individual citizens who may have COM
mitted teason, any more than they can make
valid treaties or engage in lawful commerce
with any foreign Power The States attempt
ing to secede placed themselves in a condi-
ton where their vitality was impaired, but
not extinguished their functions suspended,
but not destroyed.
RECONSTRUCTION.
But if any State neglects or refuses to per-
form it's Offices, there is the more need that
the General Government should maintain all
its authority, and, as soon as practicable, re-
sumo the exercise Of all it's functions. On
this principle have acted, and have gradu-
ally and quietly, and by almost impercepti-
Bile steps, sought to restore the rightful
energy Of the General Government and of
the States. To that end, Provisional Gov
errors have been appointed for the States,
Conventions called, Governors elected, Leg
islatures assembled, and Senators and Repre-
sentatives chosen to the Congress of the
United States. At the same time, the Courts
of the United States, as far as could be done,
have been reopencd, so that the laws Of the
United States may be enforced through their