Ellsworth American. [volume] (Ellsworth, Me.) 1855-current, 1865-05-12

away WIZ SouHeiJ 10 e"ss INV "ho'hSA
mould, and the gigantic system Of wrong.
which had been the work, Of more than
two centuries, is dashed down, we hope
forever. And as to himself personally; +;
he was then scofTed at by the proud as
unfit for the station, and new, against the
usage of later years, and in spite Of
numerous competitors, he was the unbiass-
ed and the undoubtcd choice OF the Amer
ican people for second term of service.
Through all the mad business of treason
he retained the sweetness of most placa-
BILE disposition and the slaughter Of my
riads Of the best on the battlefield, and
the more terrible destruction Of our men
in captivity by the slow torture of ex-
posure and starvation, had never been
able to provoke him into harboring one
rcvengcful feeling Or one purpose Of cruel.
ty.
How shall the nation most completely
show its sorrow at Mr.. Lincoln's death
How shall it best honor his memory :?
There can be but one answer. He was
struck down when he was highest in its
service, and in strict conformity with
duty was engaged in carrying out princi-
Piles affecting its life, its good name, and
its relations to the cause of freedom and
; the progress of mankind. Grief must
take the character of action, and breathe
itself forth in the assertion of the policy
to which he fell sacrifice. The stand
ard which he held in his hand must be
uplifted again, higher and more firmly
than before, and must be carried on to
triumph. Above everything else. his
proclamation Of the 6rst day of January,
1868, declaring throughout the parts Of
the country in rebellion the freedom OF
all persons who had been held as slaves,
; must be affirmed and maintained.
Events. as they rolled onward, have re-
moved every doubt Of the legality and
binding force of that proclamation. The
country and the rebel government have
each laid claim to the public service of
the slave, and yet but one Of the two can
have rightfu claim to such service
That rightful claim belongs to the Uuited
States, because every one born on their
soil. with the few exceptions Of the
"
dents, owes them a primary allegiance.
Every one so born has been counted
among those represented in Congress !;
every slave has ever been represented in
Congress -imporfoctly and wrongly it
may bc-but still has been counted and
represented. The slave born on our soil
always owed allegiance to the general
government. IL may in time past have
been a qualified allegiance, manifested
through his master, as the allegiance of a
ward through its guardian or Of an in
fant through its parent. But when the
master became false to his allegiance the
slave stood face to face with his country,
and his allegiance, which may before have
been qualified one, became direct and
immediate. His chains fell off, and he
stood at once in the presence Of the ma
tion, bound, like tho rest Of us, to its
public defence. Mr.. Lncoln's procIama-
tion did but take notice OF the already
existing right of the bondman to freedom.
The treason Of the master made it pub
lie crime fer the slave to continue his
obedience the treason Of state set free
the collective bondmen of that state.
This doctrine is supported by the an.
alogy of preccdents. In the times Of
feudalism the treason of the lord of the
manor deprived him of his serfs the
spurious fcudalism that existed among
us differs in many respects from the
feudalism of the middle ages but so far
the precedent runs parallel with the pre-
sent case; for treason the master then,
for treason the master now, loses his
slaves.
In middle ages the sovereign appointed
another lord over the serls and the land
which they cultivated; in our day, the
sovereign makes them masters Of their
own persons, lords over themselves.
1t has been said that we are at war,
and that emancipation is not beligercnt
right. The objection disappears before
analysis. In war between independent
powers the invading foreigner invites to
his standard all who will give him aid,
whether bond or free, ,and he rewards them
according to his ability and his pleasure
with gifts or freedom; but when at a
peace he withdraws from the invaded
country lie must take his aiders and com.
forters with him. or if he leaves them
behind, where he has no court to enforce
his DEGREES, he can give them no security,
unless it be by the stipulations of a
treaty. In a civil war it is altogether
different. There, when rebellion is crush.
ed, the old government is restored, and
its courts resume their juris fiction. So
it is with us; the United States have
courts of their own, that must punish the
guilt of treason and vindicate the free
dom of persons whom the fact Of rebellion
has set free.
Nor may it be said, that because
slavery existed in most OF the states when
the Union was formed, it cannot rightfully
be intsrfered with now. A change has
taken place, such as Madison foIesaw,
and for which he pointed out the remedy,
The constitutions Of States had been
transformed before the plotters of treason
carried them away into rebellion. When
the federal Constitution was formed,
general emancipation was thought to be
near; and everywhere the respective
legislatures had authority, in the exercise
Of their ordinary functions, to do away
with slavery since that time the attempt
has been made in what are called slave
states to make the condition Of slavery
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