Marshall County Republican. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1856-1878, 1865-12-14


the qualifications of electors in the several States
and even within State a distinction Of qualifica-
tions prevailed with regard to the officers WHO
were to be chosen. The Constitution ofthe Uni
ted Ssates recognizes these Giversities when il
joins that, in the choice Of members of the House
Of Representatives of the United States, "the elec
tors IN each State shall have the qualifications
requisite for electors of the most numerous branch
of the State hegisIatnre.' After the formation OF
the Constitution il remained as before, the uni
form usage for each State to enlarge the body OF
its electors, according to its own judgment; and
under this system, one State after another has
proceeded to increase the number of its electors
until now universal suffrage, or something very
near il, is the general rule. SO fixed was this
reservation of power in the habits of the people
and unqucstioncd has been the Interpretation OF
the Constitution that during the civil war the late
PRECEDENT never harbored the purpose-certany y
never avowcd the pnrpose-of disregarding it; and
in the acts OF Congress, during that period, moth
ing can be found which, during the continuance oi
hostilities, much less after their close, would
have sanctioned any departure by the Executive
from policy which has so uniformly obtained
Moreover. concession Of the elective franchise
! to the freedmen, by act Of the President Of the
United States, must have been extended 10 all
colored men, wherever foun1 and must have
established a change OF suffrage in the Northern,
Middle, and Western States, not less than in the
Southern and Southwestern. Such nm act would
have created new class of voters, and would
have been an assumption Of power by the Presi-
dent which nothing in the Constitution or laws OF
| the United States would have warranted.
! On the other hand. every danger OF conflict is
avoided when the settlement Of the question is
referred to the several States They can, each for
itself, decide on the measure, and whether il is to
be adopted at once and absolutely, or introduced
gradually and with conditions. In my judgment
the freedmen, if they show patience and manly
virtues, will sooner obtain participation in the
elective franchise through the States than through
the General Government, even If had power to
intervene. When the tumut OF emotions that
have been raised by the suddenness of the social
change shall have subsded, it may prove that they
will receive the kindliest usage from some of
those on whom they have heretofore most closely
depended.
But while | have no doubt that Tow. after the
close OF the war, it is not competent for the
General Government to extend the elective fran
chse in the several States, il is equally clear that
good faith requires the security of the freedmen
in their liberty and their property, their right to
labor, and their right to claim the just return CT
their labor. | cannot too strongly urge dispas-
sonatc treatment of this subject, which should be
carefully kept aloof from all party strife. We
Irust equally avoid hasty assumption OF any natu
raj impossiblity for the two to live side by
side, in a state of mutual benefit and good will.
4
let us then, go on and make that experiment in
good faith, aud not be too easily disheartcned.
The country is in need Of labor, and the freedmen
are in need OF employment, culture and protection.
While their right of voluntary migration and
expatriation ls not to be questioned, would not
advise their forced removal and colonization.
Let us rather encourage them TO honorable and
useful industry, where it may be beneficial to
| themselves and TO the country; and instead OF
hasty anticpatons of the certainty Of failure, let
| there be nothing wanting to the fair trial of the
experiment. The change in their condition is the
substitution OF labor by contract for the status Of
slavery. The freedmen cannot fairly be accused
Of unwllingness to work, so long as doubt re-
mains about his freedom Of choice in his pursuits,
and the certainty cf his recovering his stipulated
< wages. In this the interests OF the employer and
the employed coincide. The employer desires in
his workmcn spirit and slacrity, and these be
permanently secured in no other way. And if the
one ought TO be able to enforce the contract, 30
ought the other. The public interest will be best
promoted if the several States will provide
adequate protection and remedies for the freed,
men. Until this is in some way accomplished,
there is no chance for the. advantageous use of
their labor; and the blame OF ill-success will not
rest on them.
| know that sincere philanthropy is earnest for
the immediate realization Off remo,cst aims; but
time is always an element in reform. Ii is one Of
| the greatest acts on record to have brought four
millions Of people into freedom. The career Of
free industry must be fRrly opened to them; and
then their future prosperity and condition must,
after all, rest mainly themselves. IL they fail,
and so perish away, let Us be careful that the fail
! urc sha not be attributable to any denial of JUS
| tice. In all that relates 10 the destiny Of the
J freedmen, we need not be too anxious TO read the
future many incidents which, from a speculative
point Of view, might rai.e alarm, willquiety settle
themselves.
Now that slavery is at an end, or near its end +,
the greatness of its evil, in the point of view of
public economy, become more and more apparent.
Slavery was essentially a monopoly of labor, and
rs such locked the States where prevailed against
the incoming Of free industry. Where labor was
the property of the capitalist, the white was
excluded from employment, or had but the second
best chance of finding 1t, and the foreign pmgrant
turned away from the region where his condition
would be so precarious. With the destruction of
the monopoly, free labor will hasten from oil parts
Of the civilized world to assist in developing vari
| GUS and innumerablc resources which have hither-
to lain dormant. The eight or nine States nearest
the Gull of Mexico have soil Of exuberant fer
tity, n climate friendly to long life, and can
tain a denser population than is found yet in any
part Of our country. And the future influx Of
population TO them will be mainly from the North,
or from tEe. most cultivated nations in Europe
J From the sufferings that have attended them du
ring our late struggle, let us look away to the fu
ture which is to be laden for them with great
er prosperity tn an has ever before been known
/, The removal OF the monopoly OF slave labor is q
pledge that those regions will be peopled by nu
merous and enterprising population, which will vie
with any in the Union for compactness, inventive
genius, wealth and industry.
| Our G. overnment springs from and was made for
the peoplc-not the people for the Government
To them it owes allegiance; from them it must de-
rive its courage, strength and wisdom. But, while
the Government is thus bound to defer to the
people, from whom it derives its existence, it
should, from the very consideration of its origin,
be strong in its power Of resistance 10 the estab
lishments Of inequalities. Monopolies, pcrpetui
ties, and clas. legislation, contrary 10 the ge
MUS of free government, and ought not to be al
lowed. Here, there is no room for favored classes
or moropoes; the principle of our Government is
that of equal laws and freedom of industry
Wherever monopoly attains foothold, it is sure to
be n source Of danger, discord, and trouble. We
shall but fulfill our duties as legislators 10y accord
ing "cqua. aud exact justice to all men," special
privileges to none. The Government is subordi
nate to the people; but, the agent and represen-
tative Of the people, it must be held superior to
mohopolies, which, in themselves. ought never to
be granted, and which, where they exist, must be
subordinate and yield to the Government
The Constitution confcrs on Congress the right
70 regulate commerce among size several States
y is of the first necessity, for the maintenance of
the Union, that that commerce should be free and
unobstructed. No State can be justified in any
device totax the transit Of travel and commerce be-
tween States. The position Of many States is such
that, il they were allow ed to take advantage OF il