The Norfolk post. [volume] (Norfolk, Va.) 1865-1866, 1865-10-19
SPEECH OF SENATOR D0oLITTLE
MILWAUKEE, WISCONSIN.
THE SUFFRAGE QUESTION DISCUSSED
from the Daily Wisconsin.l

tie, upon the important issues of the
day. On being introduced, Senator
DoOlittle said: #Ui u,3
Z Mr.. President and felioaO-cifisens: I
was never struck more with the 9pecu-
liar character of President Lincoln than
upon one occasion when | called upon
him ut the White House, and had very
free and interesting conversation on the
subject of the denunciations which at
one period of his administration were
freely indulged in by those whoclaimed
to be his friends. 1t was about the time
that he withdrew the proclamation of
emancipation of General Fremont; an
act which was very much criticised
There were many who believed, and
honestly believed, that Mr.. Lincoln had
made mistate in not sustaining this
act of General Fremont; but the truth
is, that Mr.. Lincoln, from his position,
looking over the whole field, with all
his advantages Of observation, saw much
more clearly the real state of the case
than those gentlemen did who were so
freely denOuncing him.
STORY OF THE UNIVERSAL SOLVENT.
Under these circumstances it was that
he had this conversation with ME,
w IINIl ttltl tDOuO W ICltbCs
of those denunciations, he said i'm sub
stance There is always n class of per-
sons in every political organization, i'm
every church organization, in every So
ciety, whose natural tendencies are to
disintegration, to finding fault. 1t Is in
their natural disposition. Said he:--
There is Wendell Phillips, for example.
He is the leader of great school, or
CLASS, of men whose natural inclination
is always to be dissatisfied with beingin
the majority. They seem to be perfect
ly at home when in minority, but feel
no conjunction when leading majori-
| tyr into u minority. Their own pc
culiar views can have full scope in a
| minority. In all kinds of asso-
sal SOLVENT" and, said he, "they re-
mind me of something" He then pro-
ceeded with one of those happy illustra-
tons, which he would make in his own
inimitable manner, more forcibly, !
think, than any man | ever saw, rela-
ting this anecdOte: He said that man
once, passing along the road near the
woods, saw a little house built of logs,
that looked something like hermit S
cell; and he had the curiosity to look in
| There was man at work, who had a
forge and bellows, crucibles, retorts, and
various chemical preparations, and Inc
was preparing and compromising, and
mixing and melting, and blowing. In
short, he had a regular laboratory. Sale
the man: "What are you doing here
my friend?o and he answered: 81 an
after a great principle. l wish to dis
cover that principle in nature, or thai
property in nature, whichhas the chem.
ical power to dissolve everything il
touches, the instant it touches it,
"Well," said he, after a thoughtful
pause, and doubling shake of the head
"when you have discovered. it, what
will you keep it in ?" Laughter.
universal solvent. Laughter. Now
men possess-they are not to blame for
it--that no society, no church, and nc
party can hold them long. They are a
| kind of universal soIuent. If, for a time,
they are in majority, they are always
| for dissolving it. They will do very
we'll in the minority, which has no re.
sponsibility; has nothing to do but to
oppose everything and to propose no.
| thing; nothing but to find fault with
the leaders of the party in power. They
| may be, and sometimes are, of service
to u party in power. They are active,
energetic, enterprising, and make first
rate scouts to be sent out in advance of
the grand army itself. But tell you,
| fellow-citizens, that an administration
party, governing great country, in q
great crisis, has no right to be governed
by such men or by any such considera-
tiOns as these, Such party has other
work to do. ~ n 4
NEGRO SUFFRAGE AT THE SOUTH
Now, my friends, let me assure YOU
| that this right OF suffrage, il it were
given to them in q mass, as they pro-
pose, would effect no such result. IL
the condition is--as you allow it to be-,
! that the white men in the mass are dis
posed to Cypress and crush them, if you
were to give this right Of suffrage to the
mass of negroes as they now are, it
| would afford them no more security
| than if given into the hands of chill
dren. That right may be finally given
to them, but it must be given by the
States themselves: first, by extending
| it to those that have borne arms, and
have shown themselves capable of dis
| charging the duty-it may be one in
five, or one in ten-but to give it now to
| the mass, in the present condition of
| things, would be no security, and no
protection whatever. They have for
| two hundred years been subject to the
domination of the white race, and al
though the war has broken the chains
of slavery, and has set them free, vet
that freedom is comparatively nomi-
nal freedom. For if, at this day, they
went to the polls to vote, if they did not
vote to please the dominant race, they
Mould not come there at all.
CONFLICT OF RACES
But, fellow-citizens, let me tell you
there is another thing connected with
this proposition, one far more serious,
and which you may not fully have con-
sidered in all its bearings. | do not
speak or assume to speak upon this mo-
mentous question, involving, it may be,
the very existence of that people, upon
my own authority alone. / shall quote
to you the authority of those who know
of what they speak, and whose warning
voice no reasonable man can disregard.
First of all, quote to you the authority
of Thomas Jefferson himself, the man
who drew the Declaration of Indepen-
| dence, who gave utterance to those ever
memorable words, "all men are created
equals.n The same pen which drew
| that declaration also declared, "nothing
is more certainly written in the book Of
| fate than that these men are to be free /:
and it is equally certain that the two
Il