New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1865-12-09
AN EASY WAY.

We have read carefully many of the bills in
troduced by good friends in both Houses of Con-
gress for the purpose Of obtaining justice for the
negro and assuring him his rights, both natural
and political. Some propose topunish by extreme
measures of Imprisonment and fine all who OBJ
ject to a negro's right to yote-io grant the
right in Washington without regard to color
to make all juries in the South partly white and
black-to make equal suffrage prevail in the
territories-to punish all who endcavor TO re-
duce to slavery any negroes made free-tO main
tain the freedom Of all men in the South made
free by emancipation-bu all look to doing the
greatest good to our downtrOdden and suffering
brethren. We appreciate and commend tho anx-
icty of those noble-hearted statesmen who
strive to reconstruct the Union upon basis of
love, prosperity and peace-all rights to all. We
can understand why they should strive for the
honor OF being the first to give the final blow
to the revving carcass Of Slavery. In legisla-
ton, however, We want unity of purpose. When
great principle is dissected and scattered over
many resolutions and bills and ordinances, 1t
becomes weak. The remedy loses its power
We do not, at this time, want q remedy oil no.
meopathic strength. If we have all these bills
considered, there will be &c rnd 10 discussion,
for every bill will be sustained aud attacked.
and amended--and passed with difficulty through
its various stages, until It reaches maturity.
We shall have the same discussion over and
over again, and in the end so much chafiy de-
bate that it will be impossible TO find the corn.
Too much legislation always defeats It's pur-
pose. When every man has pet bill he
thinks all the Others incomplete and his the
only true one Unless he has something more
than the strength Of human nature, at least as
We see it in Washin yton, he will mos, likely see
every other bill sacrificed rather than that his
own should fail. Then think Of time wasted.
While justice 10 the negro may be OF first i'm
portancc. there are other matters that must re-
ceive immediate and careful attention. The
tariff must be revised, the national currency
regenerated, the question of resumption and CON
tract0n considered, the laws Of internal rev
enue revised, the army and navy reduced 10 a
permanent basis, the mining interests, COM
merce, labor and protection mutual. Con-
gress cannot neglect these duties. They
have an Importance collaterally great.
If we proceed TO debate twenty bills
all on the same subject, involving the same
principle, and only TO he considered Oh the same
line of argument, We shall have more time
O.. NJ T..
suffrage question and every other issue that We
have named.
There is an easy way TO do all that the
twenty bills now lying on the desks of Congress
men propose to do. Let us have one simple,
comprehensive bill, specifying in ten lines that
hereafter, in no part of the United States, shall
the word white" or any word expressing
color-black, green, pink or brown-be made
a civil distinction. Lot there be as many dis
tnctions as legislation wishes--age, aGcnage,
crime, education. residence, property-for it is
proper that such should be made-but none of
color. All other distinctions may be overcome.
Men grow in years, they become natlualzed,
learn to read, observe the law, and obtain
property, and any man may do the same. SO
that, if any such distinctions are made, il is
merely saying to the citizen "Come up higher.
The prize is yours, reach for it," But when
color is so made and an arbitrary color at best,
no man can reach it, IL is forever removed
from him. Ten lines, properly wordcd, will
remove this disability. These ten lines should
embrace every principle in the bills now before
Congress, and will be adopted just as easily
as any one Of them. When we can take the
whole cherry, why waste time nibblng at it