Charles City intelligencer., 1865-12-14

dlspasslOnate treatment OF this subject,
which should be carefully kept aloof
from all party strife. We mist equal
ly avoid hasty assumptions of any nat
nral impossibility for the two races to
live side by side, in state of mutual
benefit and good will. The experiment
involves us in no inconsistency let
us then go on and make that expert
Iient in good faith, and not be too easi.
lyc cdisheartened. The country is in
need of labor, and the freedmen are in
need OF employment, culture and pro-
lection. While their right of volunta-
ry migration and expatriation is net
to be questioned, would not advise
their forced removal and colonization.
Let us rather encourage them to hon.
orable and useful industry, where it
may be beneficial to themselves and
to the country and, instead of hasty
anticipations of the certainty of fail
nre, let there be nothing wanting to
the fair trial of the experiment. The
change in their condition is the substi-
tuition Of labor by contract for the sta
tus of slavery. The freedmen cannot
fairly be accused of unwillingness to
work, so long as doubt remains about
his freedom of choice in his pursuits
and the certainty of his recovering his
stipulated wages. In this the inter-
ests of the employer and the employed
coincide. The employer desires in his
workmen spirit and alacrity, and these
can be permanently secured in no 9TH
er way And If the one ought to be
able to enforce the contract, SO ought
the other. The public interest will be
best promoted, if the several States
will provide adequate protection and
remedies for the freedmen. Until this
is in some way accomplished, there is
no chance for the advantageous use Of
their labor; and the blame of ilEsuc-
cess will not rest on them. ~Eas
know that sincere philanthropy is
earnest for the immediate realization
OF its remotest. aims; but time is al
ways an element in reform. It is one
Of the greatest acts on record to have
brought four millions Of people into
freedom. The career of free industry
must be fairly opened to them; and
then their future prosperity and con-
dition must, after all, rest mainly on
themselves. If they fail, and so per-
ish away, let us be careful that the
failure shall not be attributable to any
denial Of justice. In all that relates
to the destiny of the freedmen, we
need not be too anxious to read the fu-
tnre many incidents which, from a
speculative point of view, might raise
alarm, will quietly settle themselves.
Now that slavery is at an end, or
near it's end, the greatness of its evil,
In the point OF view of public econo-
my, becomes more and more apparent.
Slavery was essentially monopoly of
labor, and as such locked the States
where it prevailed against the incom-
ing of free industry. Where labor
was the property Of the capitalist, the
white man was excluded from employ
ment, or had but the second best chance
of finding it and the foreign emf.
grant turned away from the region
where his condition would be so preca-
rious. With the destruction of the
monopoly, free labor will hasten from
all parts of the civilized world to as
sist in developing various and immeas-
urable resources which have hitherto
lain dormant. The eight or nine States
nearest the Gulf of Mexico have soil
of cxuberant fertility, climate friend
1 ly to long life, and can sustain den
ser population than is found as yet in
any part Of our country And the fu-
ture influx of population to them will
be mainly from the North, or from the
most cultivated nations in Europe.
From the suflerings that have attended
them during our late struggle, let US
look away to the future, which is sure
to be laden for them with greater pros.
4 perity than has ever before been known.
The removal of the monopoly of slave
labor is pledge that those regions
will be peopled by numerous and en-
terprising population, which will vie
with any in the Union in compactness,
inventive genius, wealth, and industry.
Our Government springs from and
was made for the people-not the peo-
pie for the Government. To them it
owes allegiance from them it must
derive its courage, strength, and wis
dom. But, while the Government is
thus bound to defer to the people, from
whom it derives its existence, it should,
from the very consideration Of its orr
gin, be strong in its power Of resistance
to the establishment of inequalities.
Monopolies. perpctuities, and class leg
islation, are contrary to the genius of
free government, and ought not to be
allowed. Here, there is no room for
favored classes or monopolies, the prin-
ciple of our Government is that Of
equal laws and freedom Of industry
4 Wherever monopoly attains foothold,
it is sure to be source Of danger, dis
cord, and trouble. We shall but fulfill
our duties as Legislators by according
"equal and exact justice to all men, y
special privileges to none. The Gov
ernment is subordinate to the people
but, as the agent and representative
of the people, it must be held superior
to monopolies, which, in themselves,
ought never to be granted, and which,
where they exist, must be subordinate
and yield to the Government.
The Constitution confers on Con-
gress the right to regulate commerce
among the several States. 1t 10 OF
the first necessity. for the maintenance
of the Union, that that commerce
should be free and unobstructed. No
State can be justified in any device to
tax the transit OF travel and commerce
between States. The position Of many
States is such that. il they were al.
lowed to take advantage Of it for pur-
poses Of local revenue, the commerce
between States might be injuriously
burdened, or even virtually prohibited.
It is best, while the country 10 still
young, and while the tendency to dan
gerous monopolies of this kind is still
feeble, to use the power Of Congress
so as to prevent any selfish impedi.
ment to tho free circulation Of men aud