Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1865-07-06
Letter from R0bt. Dale Owen.
Negro Suffrage and Representa-
tive Population.

Negro Suffrage and Representa-
tive Population.
The Three Fifth Principle IN Aggra-
waited Form.
To THE PRESIDENT.
SIR: From the recolections now twenty
years old of the years when we were Son
grsssmen togcther, derive an abiding laltn
10 your prsbity, your PATRIOTISM anu your
stern deyotion to Democratic principle
Suffer me to address to you, aud through
YOU to the People over whom you preside,
a few considerations touching great meas
ure Of public policy: | know that It is
your hshit kindly to receive, II even from
private and uu ,fficial sources, such honest
suggestions as are of a character lnVoiD'hg
sectional harmony and th" National safety
There is an aspect OF the negro suffrage
question which has, I think, arrested less
attention than il merits: not the aspect OF
right, not the question whether, IN restor-
inp 10 a lowly and humble race, down-trod-
den for ages their outraged liberty, we
ought to give them the ballot to defend III
but question more selfish, relating to our
own race; one not of sentiment but OF caIcu-
lation; essentially practical and OF imminent
importance. .-...,:
Permit me, first, to recall to your notice a
few facts which any one, by reference to the
census of 1860 aud to the Constitution can
verify.
The actual population Of States compos-
ins the Union, and their representdtioe pep
ulation, have hitherto differed conslderaoly;
the actual population, in 1860, beng up
ward of thirty-one millions (3i, ,l4o'V4hl
and the representative population ABOUT
twenty-nins millions and half only w.
553273I The difference between the two
is NEARLY one million six hundred thousand
Il .594,f74.) See Compendium Of Census,
pages l3l 1872.
The reason of this is apparent. In the
year 1860 there were, in round numbers,
four million of Slaves e. 950,53 in these
States. These slaves were not estimated
in the representative population, man TOR
man. Five of them were estimated as three;
for by the Constitutional provision regula-
ting the basis OF representation Art. |,
Sec. 2T 3.) there was to be taken the whole
number of free persons Two-ffths OF the
iother persons were left cut. But two
fifths of four millens is one million six hun
dred thousand. ,
About two million four hundred thousand
of the slaves are to be regarded as having
entered under the last Census, into the ba-
sis of representation. re In other words, the
white slave4holding population OF the South
obtained political advantage the same as
that which they would have reaped by &C.
tual addition to their population OF two NIL
lion four hundred thousand free persons, -
As under the last Census the ratio OF rep,
resentation was fixed at one hundred and
twenty-seven thousand tGensus, page 22i
-. ~ hat lagal t3pfIOD al
two million four hundred thousand addl
tional freemen, had eighteen member. OF
Congress added to her representation, Hei
total number of Representatives being elgh,
; tv four, she owed mere than one fifth Of
that number to her slave property. 1t fol
lows that if, in republican government
the number of free persons be the prepel
basis Of representation, she had upward o
one fifth more Political influence than he
lust share. Each one Of her voters possess
ed power ESQ far as the election OF the
President and of the House OF Representa-
: tives was copcerned) greater by enc NTH
than that of each Northern voter.
No man friendly to equal rights even ]
(being A white man) he restricts the prlncl
ple to persons of his own color, will offer
justification Of partition Of political ,powe
40 unfair as this. 1t was not defended o.
principle by those who assentod to 1t. l
was accepted as necessity, or supposed
!. necessity, in the construction, out OF diseor
dant materials, of the American Union,
We of the North have hitherto acted up
on it, as men under duress--our hand
bound by the Constitution-as 1t were ur
!. der protest. We preferred unequal diVis
ID ion of power, as regards the two great sec
ton, Of the Republic, TO the chance OF ar
= archy.
That was in the past. Are we, in tn
future, having got rid, by terrible sacrifice
= of the cause of that injustice, still to tele
ate the injustice itself, even in aggravate
form? Doubtless, now that our hands al
free, we have no such intention. Let I
take heed lest we increase and perpetual
q this abuse, as men often do, without lnte
), ton.
seldom, if ever, has there been impose
:. on any ruler task mere thickly surrount
, ed with difficulties than that, now beto
I' YOU, of reconstruction in the late insure
tionary States. Uncertain as we are OF Il
= sentiments and intentions of men just emer
ing from humiliating defeat, little mo
can be done than to institute an experlme
sH and then wait to see what comes OF 1t.
,s would be premature to lay dewn any sett
plan from which, let events turn as tn
A. will, there is to be no departure. We
traversing unknown and ,treacherous seeG
and must take soundings as we go. N
should we omit the precaution et sha
q look out for breakers ahead. 1t seems
| me that we may expect such on the coui
i We are pursuing.
The present experiment appears to be,
leave the work Of recnnstrucing Cove
mept in the late Rebel South to the ~.
whites; or, more accurately stated, to [
whites who shall have purged themsel
.e\ frem the crime of treason (actual or impiiC
.I,. .no 80 far as an oath, taken from whate'
hort hort motive can effect such purcatiou. "
'RD this experiment, if it proceed unimped
flee result in the permanent exclusion OF
negro from suffrage?
In proof that it WILL it might suffice
- remember that these men have grown ul
H. The belief-have been indoctrnated fr
!, tho cradle in the conviction--that the
~ can is degraded race. Add that the,
has brought the blacks and whites OF
South into sntagonistic relations, exasl
re atins against the former alike the
\ planters, from whose mastership they I
'e5 and the ''poor whites" who always h'
them, and to whom emancipation trai
!. despised ones to their level) is . pers
juH sHrnnt