The state rights democrat. [volume] (Albany, Linn County, Oregon) 1865-1900, 1865-10-14
LETTER OF J. ID. cox.
The Abolition Candidate for Gov
ernOr OrOhiO on Negro Suffrage
lie Rcpudiafes it---EHiS Manifest
HmcOmSiSfency.


Gen. j. D. Cox for Governor. The Con
vention choked off some Negro sufFrag,
resolutions offered by the Radicals, anC
subsequently they appointed Committee
to address an inquiry TO the candidate a.
to his views upon that subject The chiei
part of his response is copied below. ",
call the attention of readers to the glarine
Inconsistency of his position 1t will b
seen that Gen. Cox, like other Abolition.
lists who have all along clamored for the
most perfect equality and freedom of ne
groes, has begun to experience the diiR-
culties and impracticability of his past
views. and now seeks to back out from the
Negro Suffrage platform. The thing is
certain to divide and overthrow their party
and they dread it for this reason. The
Radicals have at least the virtue of con.
sistency IF negroes are fitted for perfect
equality with the whites and entitled tc
full freedom, it must follow that they ought
to be permitted to vote, hold office, and
possess all other rights or privileges with
which white citizens are invested. But
Gen. Cox actually argues against his own
postulate and declared doctrines In his
reply to the Committee of Radicals he says
To eondense still more. the essence OF
the position of the party may be said IL
be, the determination of the political re-
suits of the war by the united and harmo-
nious action of truly loyal men, actuated
by a spirit at once cautious and controlled
by da earnest belief IN the broddest doc
trine Of humaa rights.
To those principles have given my
public and sincere adhesion.
The -broadest doctrine of human rights
must certainly include the right Of suf
frage. Yet he argues thus:
am now prepared Il
state my private views upon reeonstrue-
ton. and the claim of the freedmen to po
iitieal privileges IN the Southern States
leaving to you the responsibility of yeul
action in regard thereto.
presume we shall agree in regarding
the four general principles asserted in the
+. Faneuil Hall Address as those which
should guide the determination of our re-
lati6hs to both whites and blacks in the
rebel States. That there may be no mis-
take in reference to this, | quote them:
First The principle must be put be-
yond all question, that the Republic has a
direct claim upon the allegiance of every
citizen, from which no State can absoIye
him. and to his obedience to the laws OF
the Republic, anything in the Constitution
or laws of any State to the contrary not
withstandipg.
Second. The public faith is pledged
to every person of color in the rebel States
to secure to them and to their posterits
forever, complete and veritable freedom
Having provided them this freedom, Sc
cured their aid on the faith Of this prom
ise, and by a successful war and actua
military occupation Of the country, havin.
obtained the power to secure the result
we are dishonored if we fail to make i
good to them.
:. Third. The system of slavery must b.
abolished and prohibited by paramount
and irreversible law. Throughout tn,
rebel States there must be, In the word
of Webster, Impressed upon the soil itsel
an inability to bear up anything but tre'
men.
Fourth. The system of States must b
truly republican. !"
The application made of the last princi
pie in the address, LIDO not regard as sound
but | shall perhaps agree more fully Will
you. than you do with the address, whei
II assert that in a republican communit,
political privileges of any kind can neve
be rightly or safely based upon heredita
ry caste.
How then, it viii naturally be asked
can there be any practical difference be
tween us as to the mode Of carrying ou
these principles? Tits found in the view
we take of the mutual relations of the tw,
races in the South You, judging from
this distance. say Delicer the tfour8dliosl
Eof freed people into the hands Of their for
iner oppressors, noao eat6stteyed 6y thcai
/ defeat, and they will make their conditioI
worse than before" starting from til
same principle, and after four gears 0
close and flsoatghtful observation Of III
races zcl,ere they are, say | am unacilting
/. ". forced to the conUiction that the aod
has not been stmplyto "enabttter" their re
totions, bit to degelop a rooted antogo
aisns aelich makes their permanent fusiol
an one political community an dbsotatt
impossi;bi1ity. The sole difference be
|. tween us then is in the degree Of hostilit
we find existing between the races, and it
probable permanence. You assume tha
1 the extension of the right of suffrage t
the blacks, Tearing them d1atermired aeit
the aoEates, will cure all the trouble I6t
tseve that It acosttd rather be like tie az
efsions IN that outer darkness of whic
Milton speaks, where
/ ssChaos umpire sits,
And by decision more embroils the fray"
i Yet, as | affirm with you, that the righ
to life and liberty are inalienable, and NOR
than admit the danger of leaving clas
at the entire mercy of those who formerl
owned them as slaves, you viii say / an
bound to furnish some solution Of I'll
problem qcissch shall not deny the right 0
iucar tie peril. So I am, and the onl
real solution aebsch I can sec IS the PEACE
ABLE SEPARATION OF THE RACES. Blu
you will reply, foreign colonization wi
break down hopelessly under the yastnes
of the labor, even if it were not tyrann
cal to expeI these unfortunate people frol
the land of their birth. | grant the fu
weight of the objection, and therefore sa
the solution is thus narrowed down to