New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1865-07-11

recognize 1t to be of necessity aud Of right
Let us fellow citizens. turn our afternoon 10 our
rights and duties. Having eueceeded IN TINS war, hnu
holding the Rebel States IN military occupation
IL our right and duty secure whatever the puDic
safety and the public faith require
First: The principle ID1st be put beyond al question,
that the republic has direct claim upon the allegiance
Of every citizen from which no state can apsoe hin
and to his obedience TO the laws OF the repnonc,
thing in the constitution or laws OF any ota'e u 'e
contrary notwithstanding"
Second The public faith Is pledged TO every person
of color in the Rebel States to secure TO them ahu
posterity forever complete and verltab.e iieeooin
Having promised them this freedom. received teir aio
on the faith of this promise and by successful val
and actual military occupation Of the country hs,ins
obtained the power 10 secure the result We uio u''"'
orea if we fail to make il good 10 them:
Third. The system of Slavery must be noonshou nIu
prohibited by paramount and M ,S nrJs "a
out the Rebel States there must be. IN tne wolus ~
Webster Impressed upon the SOIL lteeH an hinDiny
to bear up any but free men," ..,,r .r.
Fonya iTke systems of tie State must De truly re
Unless these points are secured the public iaith WI
be broken and there will be no safety FOR INC puo"o
peace or the preservation Of our institutions 49, -.
II must be remembered that under the CONSTITUTION
most of these subjects entirely matters OF state r
diction Once withdraw the powers OF war ara AUNT
State TO its full functions. and the authority OF le ma
ton over these subjects is gone. II Is state function
10 determine who shall hold land, who snail testiy III
State courts, who shall be educated. and howi VINO
shall labor, md how. and under what contracts oD'
legations and how enforced and who shall vote In ma,
tional well State elections. we nave ALREADY sals,
that all these points stand in the constitutions ana
laws Of the Rebel States decided against the freedmen
Action is necessary TO put them tight. So great a
change u.s. doubt fundamental, and goes 10 the DOT
tom of their social and political SYSTEM ~ u Is nol
made now. before civil society becomes settled, peore
the States are restored the exercise of oil Their pow
ers it will never be made, in all human probability by
peaceful means. -,
The question now occurs, how these results TO be
secured before those States are permitted TO resume
their unctionss agree that these results ought TO
he secured in conformity with what may be caed ire
American sysem-ihat upon which ana Tor ~nien our
States each with separate functions. constituted by
the people Of each and segovcrning within It's sphere
with central State constituted 9y tne peops 81 al su
and functions The President recognizes tie import
ance of proceeding In accordance with this system lie
aims at a restoration OF the States by the people
sovereign legislative jurisdiction over them by the
General Government. In this we offer 10 MIN our
sympathy We ask for him an intelligent nup
port But inasmuch once restored, the State VIII DC
beyond orr reach. the utmost care must be taken 70
avoid hasty and unsatisfactory restoration. we ac
knowledge that there may be dangers in Pro,iactea
and extensive military occupation But we bcheve thal
fine peope ARE willing 10 incur their share OF those
pers We believe that the people feel that the great
est hazard is in premature restoration, halgbt WIN
future danger. Any restoration would Dc dangerous
which did not secure, beyond all rcasonable peril We
abolition of Slavery actual freedom, jest right. to The
free and within each State, "a republican form OF
government"
The President and his Cabinet we have every reason
TO believe have these results in view. We cannot
doubt that Congress will refuse TO receive any State
upon any other terms If there are any members OF
Congress whose fidelity these points is doubtful We
impore Won exercise over them all the just authority
and influence Of constituents.
We advance no extreme refined theory as to what
may be included within the term republican form OF
IN the exercise OF the extraordinary
Of the General Government TO determine
whether q State Constitution Is republican,, there
must be practical wisdom and no refined theories II
the Constitutions with which the Rrbel States now
come are not republican" in such reasonable and
practicable nations act upon II they are 80 fnr
az TO endaDger public peace and the
biity of institutions, then may treat q EN- as not
republican" in the American sense OF the term.
What, then, is the character OF their present oonsi-
tuiions, assuming that Slavery is prohibited Here
presents Itself question of mere principle or theory
but facts Of an ovcruling and decisive character For
third to half of their population are absolutely
and forever not only DISTINGUISHED. but deprived Of all
the usual rights Of citizens III republic Not ony SO,
but this dsfronchlsement is perpetual hereditary and
nsurmOnnublc 1t is deeply seated than Oriental
caste 1t clings 10 each and his posterity forever
if there be traceabe thread Of African descent. No
achievements in or peace no acquisitions Of prop
erty education, no mental power or culture. no
merits, can overcome IL. To make the case worse.
people only dsfrancDised. batthe temper
spirit and habits of the ruling class paraking If civil
authority VIII keep them not only dsfranchised bni
uneducated without land without the night 10 testify.
and without the Of protecting their formal free
dom The result has been. and must ever be. that the
system is essentially and practically oligareical IN
such actually ard seriously 10 eDianger
The public peace and the success u republican nsiitu
lions.
Attempts ore made TO embsass the subject by refer
ring to several of the free States wbore constitutions
restrict free blacks in the exercise Of some of the usual
rights Of citizens But these are not practical ques
tions before the country The General Government
has no present cognzanee Of those questions in those
States Besides. haye said, the exercise Of this
extraordinary authority must be upon practical and
reasonable grounds and not on mere theory Ihe par
regard Of the subtitle effects Of the slave pow
in our politics. which hope TO pass away with its
cause. The number Of persons whom beans upon is
state Of society and the habits and feeling Of the people
that the substantial character Of those States as
republican" is not sensb'y affected. Depart
ures from principle, however small must always be re.
gretted but in the vast and critical affairs Of Nations
slight alterations from exact principles are constantly
occurring. and are constantly submitted 70 ard al
lowed for In fundamental Institutions well as In
casional practise. The case Of the Rebel States is
vastly and absolutely different. II presents question
of false principle organized and brought into action
with vast dimensions. having already created one
and e but destroyed the Republic and even threaten
ing danger hereafter. We can hardly think it in good
fah that the effort is made to deter the Nation from
and necessary Jurisdiction, by invoking these slight
cases found remaining In loyal States over which the
Nation has present cognizance and from which 1t
has nothing TO fear.
We do not ask Eat the nation shall insist on ar IN
conditional universal suffrage. We admit that States
determine for themselves the principles upon wDlch
tbey will act in the restrictions and conditions they
place upon suffrage. All the States make restrictions
of age ard residence and often annex other con
dtions operating in substance equally upon ALL and
attanable by ALL Those matters lie within
tional authority We speak only to the point whore
the natiopal authority comes In. We cannot require
the Rebel States if treat them States to adopt
system for the sole thst we think 1t right Or
that each State, acting Stete must be the in1ie
But in the situation In which the Rebel States are
the nation insist upon what is necessary to public
safety and peace.
And we declare II 10 bo our belief that II nation
admifs rehe State 10 its fuM functions Mith cOnsti