Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1865-04-19
.Tno Character OF mr.. Lincoln.

we'll as Nberalty ana sense OF JuSuce IN us
discussions of American afflirs, has, in the
number of March %. en- elaborate sppre-
citation of the public character of Mr.. Lin.
coin. 1t does not scruple to compare him
to Washington in some respects. or to pro.
nounce that, with more difficult task, be
has reached no less honorable success
Here Is the substance of what it says:
We all remember the animated eulogium
on General Washington which Lord Mac
auley passed parenthetically in his essay
on Hampden. ait was when to the suIlen
tyranny of Laud and Charles had succeed
ed the fierce conflict of sects and factions
ambitious of HsCendency or burning for
revenge; it was when the vices and igno-
rance which the old tyrrany had ergend-
| cred threatened the new freedom with de-
struction, that England missed the sobriety
the self command, the perfect Rouudness
Of judgement, the perfect rectitude oi
intention TO which the history of revolution:
furnishes no parallel, or furnishes paral.
lei in Washington alone" If that high
eulogium lWsR, fully earned, as it was, BY
the first grete L~'dent of the United States
we doubt it'd 'as pa, been as we'll earned
by the Illinois feasaI .Pproprietor and "vil
lage lawyer" WIN, by some ADiviue iuspi
ration or providlce, the Repu bllican eau
Gus of 1860, s.osrtuted for Mn Seward a
their nominee tor IT, Presidents y ,r,air.-
No doubt he has II -mspy- ways haS a
lighter tssk than Washington, for he bad
not al least TO produce a government out
@: chaos but only to express and execute
the purposes of a people far more highly
organized for political life than that with
which WashiOgton had TO deal. But with
cut the advantages of Washiugton's educa-
Iion or training, Mr.. Lincoln was called
tom an humble station at the opening of q
mighty civil war TO form government out
OF party IN which size habits AID tradi-
tions OF official life did not exist. Find
ing himself the object of Southern abuse SO
nerce and so foul, that in any man less
passlonIess it would long ego have stirred
up an implacable auimosity, Knocked at for
his chcisl awkWsrdness, and denoUEced
for his steadfsst policy IS all
the Democratic section of the loyal
States, tried by years of failure be-
fore that policy achieved single grea,
success, further tried by series of sue
cesses 80 rapid and brilliant that they
would have pulled Up smaller mind and
oVerset its balance, embarrassed by the
0oastfulness Of his people aud OF his sub
ordinstes no less than by his own inexperi
ence in his relations with foreign States,
oeset by fanatics of principle OF one side
who would pay no attention to bis ObIIga-
tlous as constitutional ruler, and by ia
natic5 of caste on the other, who were not
only deaf to the claims of Justice, bat
would hear of no policy large enough for
a revolutionary emergency Mr.. Lincoln
has persevered through all without ever
giving way to anger or dependency, or
e1uItation, or popular arrogance, or sec
tartan tanaticism, or caste prejudice, Wis
IDLY growing in force of character, in self.
possession, and in maguanimity, til! il his
last shsrt message to Congress on the '4,h
OF March we can detect 10 longer the rude
and iiliterate mould of a village lawyers
thought, but find it replaced by grasp of
principle, dignity OF maOner, and a sol
emnity IF purpose which would have been
unworthy neither of Hampden nor OF
Cromwell, While his gentleness aud cen
erosiLy of feeling toward his foes are al.
most greater than We should expect from
either Of them.
HIS ANTI sLAYERY GROWTH.
As to the growth of his mind on the
subject of slavery, from the time of his
debate with Douglas to the breaking ont
VI LuC "hLg lue writer says
He could not, Mr.. Lincoln said, look on
slavery as Mr.. Douglas did, rs a local mai
ter of no more importance than "ihe oyster
laws of Virginia or the cranberry laws Of
Indiana" He thought the slave laws had
more of aggressiveness and natural prose-
lytism about them than either oyster laws
or cranberry laws; still that was only his
own opinion as a political weather prophet
a 81
ing the advance and growth of a force
whose power he feared as maliru for the
whole Union. In its then dimensions he
would protect and sanction it, and accord
it every constitutional guaranty, but he did
not believe it would be content 10 keen
| within its then dimensions. He looked
at it as an Arctic navigator would look
| on pack ice, not ss an EbElieh politician
looks atthe principles OF the opposite party.
Two years later, when so uuexpectedIv
| summoned to assume the Presidency of
the UOited States, he reasons with the
Secessionists in the same tone, appealino
to the great verdict of political experiment,
not asking them 10 give up slavery, but. if
| they bad real confidence in it, to show ,hs :
confidence by leaving II to its natural nor.
suasiveness over the mind of the ueonIe
to the natural strength which /, would de.
rive from the proVldeutldl care of God -
why should there not be patient conf j..
dence in the ultimate justice Of the people?
1s there any better or equal hope in the
world? In our present differences ia either
party without faith of being in the right?
If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with His
eternal truth ard justice be on your side
OF the North, or on yours of the Soush, that
truth and that justice will surely prevail
by the judgment OF this gria. tri6uoaI the
American people" The plea was no m
real pretence of argument. Mr.. Lincoln
was speaking from faith so deep iu him.
SELF that had he been in the minority IA.
be was two years before) be would have
accepted the test. If this thing be not
of God it will come to naught." he had
said with profound aincerity in explaining
bis own disapprobation of slavery; and he
Thought his opponents might have faith
enough to cay it too. And for him.
self, though be had now accepted the most
of pilot to the State, be was almost ludic.
rousIy willing to sbide by his own slow.
patient, natnralistic habit of waiting for
solution. All he could make up hi9 mini