Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1865-12-09

so-called Confederate States of America, and
report whether they or any of them are enti-
tied to be represented in either House of Con-
gress." In the meantime "no member shall
be received into either House from any of
the so-called Confederate States, and all pa
pers relating TO the representatives of said
States shall be referred to said Committee
,citkom deLdte'
What could be more revolutionary than
such action as this? Where can they find
the shadow of authority for dominant ma
jority to seize the reins of government and
sit in judgment upon what States are, and
what are not entitled to be represented IN
the Congress" of government OF which, ac-
cording to their own theory, as well as our
present concessions all are equally members?
As citizens of States within the Union we
have been held ameinable TO Federal laws
As offenders against that Union, in our In
dividual capacity, we have been held to &C
count, and required to so alter our State
Constitutions as to remove all difficulties
to future harmony. As part and parcel of
that Union we are required to pay taxes and
perform all other duties to the government
in the same manner that the States Of
the North are required. Ii is not pretended
by this Congress that we are out Of the
the pale. Of the Union. 1t is not admitted
that we have ever been. 1t is not pretended
that we are any thing less than States.
When and where then, We ask, has there
been bolder, more fragrant, more def
ant usurpation of power? Where an act
more revolutionary in its character?
The withdrawal Of the Southern States,
even in the light Of those who view it from
a Northern standpoint, was not so gross
usurpation Of power; since in the one in
stance the act was based upon theories long in
dispute; whilst in the other it is but an
open usurpation, in direct conflict with their
own theory, and with nothing to support it
but the naked MIGHT of tyrannical ma
iority, hooking and buffeting a disarmed
and powerless minority.
Surprising all that is charged against the
action of the Southern States in seeking to
separate from the Federal government be
true; true, that they acted without warrant
in the Constitution; true, that they sought
to dissolve the Union. And suppose that it
was a crime Does that justify the very
States who opposed it and who put it down,
in turning around and committing greater
crime? Are we to have no Constitution in
future because, perchance, one section, in the
opinion of the other section, went counter to
that instrument in their desire to have a
separate government?
The Southern people are tired of strife.
They want peace, and if they cannot have
the old government restored they would vel
come any sort of government that their rul-
ers may choose to give them, so that it is
definite and tangible, in preference to the
mere loose unbridled whims and p; ssions of
a cold, selfish, cruel and tyranical party.
We cannot believe that the President with
his antecedents, his sense of justice, his
avowed determination to uphold the Consti-
tuition, the rights of the States and the rights
OF the citizen under them, can fail to be
aroused to the importance of the crisis, and
the necessity for bold effort to protect the
government against conspiracy more trea-
sanable to free institutions in America than
the revolutionary effort ofthe Southern States
to secure n separate nationality.