Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1865-12-08

l.
can system rests on the assertion of th,
equal right of every man to life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness; to freedom o
conscience, to the culture and exercise o
all his facalties. As a consequence, tn,
State Government is limited, as to the
General Government in the interests of the
Union, as to-the individual citizen in the
interest of freedom f3/
States with proper limitations of power
are essential to the existence of the Con
stitution of the United States. AT the
very commencement, when we assumed g
place among the power Of the earth, the
Declaration of Independence was adopted
by States; so also were the articles of Con
federatian; and when ''the People of the
United States" ordained and established
Constitution, it was the assent of the
States, Ione by one, which gave it vitality.
In the event, too, of any amendment to
the Constitution, the proposition of Con
gress needs the confirmation of States
Without States one great Branch of the
legislative government would be waiting.
And, if we look beyond the letter of the
Constitution to the character of our coun-
try its capacity for comprehending within
in its jurisdiction vast continental empire
is due to system Of States. The best
security for the perpetual existence of the
State is the supreme authority" of the
Constitution of the United States The
perpetuity of the Constitution which brings
with it the perpetuity Of the States; their
mutual relation makes us what we are, and
in our political system their connection is
indissoluble. The whole cannot exist
without the parts, nor the parts without
the whole. So long as the Constitution
of the United States endures, the States
will endure; the destruction of one is the
| destruction of the other; the preservation
of tneone is the preservation of the other.
have thus explained my views of the
mutual relations of the Constitution and
the States, because they unfold the princi-
pies on which have sought to solve the
momentous questions and overcome the
appalling difficulties that met me at the
very commencement of my administration.
1t has been my steadfast object to escape
from the sway of momentary passions, and
to derive healing policy from the funda-
mental and unchanging principles of the
Constitution.
l found the States suffering from the effects
af civil war. Resistance to the General Gov
eminent appeared tn have exhausted ITSELF
The United States had recovered possession of
their forts and arsenals; and their armies were
in the occupation of every State which had at
tempted to secede. Whether the territory
within the limits of those states should be held
| as conquered territory, under military authority
emanating from the President at the head of the
| army, was the first question that presented it.
self for decision.
Now, military governments, established for
an indefinite period, would have offered no Sc
curity for the early suppression of discomfort;
would have divided the people inte the van
| quishers and the vanquished; and would have
envemoned hatred, rather than have restored
affection. Once established, no precise limits
| to their continuance was conceivable They
would have Occasioned an incalculable and ex-
bausaing expense. Peaceful emigration to and
from that portion of the country is one of the
best means that can be thought of for the restor-
alton of harmony; and that emigration would
have been prevented; for what emigrant from
abroad, what industrious citizen at home. would
plaCc HluioSl WlllliSll uDQef mlllJarY
The chief persons whe would have followed in
the train of the army would have been depend
emit on the General Government, or men who
expected profit from the miseries Oftheir erring
fellow citizens. The powers of patronage and
rule which would have been exercised, under
the President; over a vast, and pOpulOus, and
naturally wealthy region, greater than, uu-
less under extreme necessity, should be will
inP to entrust to any one man, they are such
OF great emergency, consent to exercise. The
wilful use of such powers, if continued through
period of years would have endangered the
purity of the general administration and the
liberties of the States which remained loyal
Besides, the policy of military rule over
conquered territory would have implied that
the States whose inhabitants may have taken
part in the rebellion had, by the act of those in
habitants, ceased to exist. But the true theory
is, that all pretended acts of secession were,
from the beginning, null and void. The states
cannot commit treason, nor scream the iDdivid-
ual citizens who may have committed treason,
any more than they can make valid treaties or
engage In lawful commerce with any foreign
Power. The States attempting to secede plac-
ed themselves in condition where their vital
ity was impaired, but not extiuguished; their
functions suspended, but not destroyed.
But if any State neglects or refuses to per-
form its Offices there is the more need that the
General Government should maintain all its au-
thority, and, as soon as practicable, resume the
exercise of all its functions On this principle
have acted, and have gradually and quietly,
and by almost imperceptible steps, sought to
restore the rightful energy of the General Gov
ernment and of the States. To that end Pro-
visiOnal Governors have been appointed for the
States, Conventions called, Governors elected.
Legislatures assembled, and Senators and Rep
resentatives chosen to the Congress of the Uni
ted States. At the same time, the Courts of
the United States, as far as could be done, have
been reopened, so that the laws of the United
States may be enforced through their agency
The blockade has been removed and the Gust
tom-houses re-established in ports of entry, so
that the revenue of the United States may be
collected. The Post Office Department renews
its ceaseless activity, and the General Govern
ment is thereby enabled to communicate
promptly with its officers and agents The
courts bring security to persons and property;
the opening of the ports invites the restoration
of industry and commerce; the post office re-
news the facilities of social intercourse and
business. And is it not happy for us all, that
the restoration of each one of these functions
of the General Government brings with it a
blessing to the States over which they are ex-
tendedf Is it not sure promise of harmony
and renewed attachment 70 the Union, that af-
ter all that has happe ned, the return of the
General Government is known only as a bene-
fcence3
l know very well that this policy is attend
ed with some risk; that for its success it re-
quires at least the acquesence of the States
which it concerns; that it implies an invitation
to those States by renewing their allegiance to
the United States, TO resume their functions as
States of the Union. But it is a risk that must
be taken; in the choice of difficulties, it is the
smallest risk; and to diminish, and if possible
to remove all danger, / have felt it incumbent
on me to assert one other power of the General
Government-tbe power of pardon. As no
State can throw defence over the crime of
treason, the power of pardon is exclusively YES
ted in the Executive Government of the United
States In exercising that power, I have ta-
ken every precautiOn to connect it with the
clearest recognition of the building force of the
laws of the United States and an unqualified
acknowledgement of the great social change of
condition in regard to slavery which has grown
out of the war.
The next step which ] have taken TO restore
the constitutional relations of the States, has
been an invitation to them TO participate in the
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