Charles City intelligencer., 1865-12-14

~ ieh1oVeS slavery, the element which
has so long perplexed and divided the
country it makes Of us once more q
united people, renewed and strength
ened, bound more than ever to mutual
affection and support.
The amendment to the Constitution
being adopted, it would remain for the
States, whose powers have been &c
long in allegiance, to resume their pla:
ces in the two branches of the Nation.
al Legislature, and thereby complete
the work of restoration. Here it ia
tor. You, fellow-citiEcns of the Senate
and for you, feilow-citizens Of the
House of Representatives., to Judge
each of You for yourselves, of the elec
tions, returns and qualifications of your
own members.
The full assertion of the powers ol
the General Government requires the
holding of Circuit Courts of the Uni.
ted States within the districts where
their authority has been interrupted.
In the present posture of our public
affairs, strong objections have been
urged to holding those courts in any
OF the States where the rebellion has
existed and it was ascertained, by
inquiry, that the Circuit Court of the
United States would not be held with.
in the district of Virginia during the
autumn or early winter, nor until Con.
gress should have "an opportunity to
consider and act on the whole subject"
To your deliberations the restoration
OF this branch of the civil authority of
the United States is therefore necessa-
rily referred, with the hope that early
provision will be made for the resump.
tion Of all ies functions. 1t is manifest
that treason, most fragrant in charac.
ter, has been committed. Persons
who are charged with it's commission
should have fair and impartial trials
in the highest civil tribunals of the
country, in order that the Constitution
and the laws may be fully yindicated
the truth clearly established and affirm.
ed that treason is crime, that traitors
should be punished. and the oflense
made infamous and, at the same time,
that the question may be judicially set
tied, finally and forever, that no State
of it's own will has the right to re.
nounce its place in the Union.
j. The relations of the General Gov
ernment towards the four millions Of
inhabitants whom the war has called
into freedom, have engaged my most
serious consideration. On the proprie-
ty OF attempting to make the freedmen
electors by the proclamation of the Ex-
ecutiyc, took for my counsel the Con-
stitntion itself, the interpretations of
that instrument by its authors and
their cotemporaries, and recent legis.
lation by Congress. When, at the
first movement towards independence
the Congress of the United States in
structed the several States to institute
governments of their own, they left
each State to decide for itself the con.
ditions for the enjoyment of the cleo.
tive franchise. During the period OF
the Confederacy, there continued to ex.
ist very great diversity in the quail
hcations Of electors in the several
States and even within State dis.
tinction Of qualifications prevailed with
regard to the officers who were to be
chosen. The Constitution of the Uni.
ted States recognizes these diversities
when it enioins that, in the choice OF
members Of the House of Representa-
tives of the United States, "the elec
tors in each State shall have the quail
!ications requisite for electors Of the
most numerous branch of the Stat.
Legislature After the formation O
the Constitution, it remained, as before
the uniform usage for each State to en-
large the body Of its electors, accord
ing to its own Judgment; and, under
this system, one State after another
has proceeded to increase the number
OF its electors, until now universal sui
frage, or something very near it, is tn,
general rule. So fixed was this reser
walton of power in the habits of tn,
people, and so unqucstioned has beer
the Interpretation of the Constitution
. that during the civil war the late Pres
ident never harbored the purposc-cer
tainly never avowed the pnrpose-o
disregarding it I; and in the acts o
Congress, during that period, nothing
can be found which, during the contin
uance Of hostilities, much less afte,
their close, would have sanctioned any
departure by the Executive from poll
cy which has so uniformly obtained
Moreover, concession of the electiv,
franchise to the freedmen, by the ac
Of the President of the United States
must have been extended to all coloret
men, wherever found, and so must hav,
established change Of suffrage in tn,
Northern, Middle, and Western States
not less than in the Southern anG
Southwestern. Such an act would
have created a new class of voters
and would have been an assumption
Of power by the President which moth
ing in the Constitution or laws of tn,
United States would have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger o
conflict is avoided when the settlement
of the question is referred to the sew
eral States. They can, each for itself
decide on the measure, and whether i
is to be adopted at once and absolute
ly, or introduced gradually and witt
conditions. In my judgment, the freed
men, il they show patience and mani,
virtues, viii sooner obtain participa
ton in the elective franchise through
the States than through the Genera
Government, even if it had power Il
intervene. When the tumult of emo
tions that have been raised by the sud
denness of the social change shal
have snbsided, it may prove that the.
will receive the kindlicst usage fron
some of those on whom they have here
tofore most closely depended.
But while | have no doubt that now
4 after the close of the war, it is no
competent for the General Government
to extend the elective franchise in tn
several States, it is equally clear tha
good faith requires the security Of tn
freedmen in their liberty and thei
property, their right to labor, and thei
right to claim the just return Of thei