Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-05-18
tFrum The Cincinnati Gazette. May III
Teuuessee Black Code.

A bill has passed the Lower House OF
the Tennessee Legislature TO enact black
code, which looksvery mach like meas
ure to retain slavery under another name,
or as II it was designed to vent the spite OF
the masters against the freedmen. In few
features the bill provides for making oper-
alive on free people of color certain laws
enacted for whites, such as the poor laws
giving them, however, separate poor
house, and with provision for returning
them to other States, which looks like 1ll-
gitve slave law-the laws of marriage, di-
vorce and bastardy; but in most OF the
regulations of society 1t makes separate
caste of the free blacks, providing various
exclusions and disabilities, and different
criminal code for their punishment:
Among these, 1t disqualifes blacks from
bearing witness against whites--a provision
which can have no other rational purpose
than to permit whites to outrage blacks
with impunity. To secure this gratifica-s
tion OF otnegrophobia, it deprives whites OF
Justice in eases where black Is the only
witness. We know of no feature of the
white hostility to the blacks sosenseless as
this. Others are merely brutal and oppres-
sive to the blacks. They give vent to a
mean and tyrannical disposition. This, to
show spite at the negroes, deprives ..the
whites of the benefit of the evidence OF
blacks who may be the only witnesses. OF
the wrong.
There are many persons who are not
credible witnesses; as many, we presume,
among the whites as the blacks. The only
rational way is to leave the question of their
credibility to the jury, and to the test of ex-
animation. Distinctions OF witnesses by
color are absurd, and they violate the very
fundamental principles OF justice.
The crime of rape by black person Is
made punishable with death, while when
committed by white there Is lighter
penalty. Therei is no reason for this distinc-
tion. The blacks have been the victims, not
the perpetrators OF this crime, and on the
part of whites it was not thought crime.
Let extraordinary severity be applied where
it is needed. 'r ..... ....,'' .r, g, <. .....,4h
The blacks are made subject to suryeil-
lance which regards them as priDld Jdcte va
grants with no rights that white man is
bound to respect Itordains fine, imprison-'
ment and sale for term, for thisindetinable
status. 1t provides penalties tor white per
sons who harbor negroes. 1t requires all
blacks to have themselves registered, paying
the county clerk fee for registering-a re-
quirement more necessary TO the whites IN
Tennessee than to those people whose color
has been the infallble' test of loyalty.
Through all the fifteen enacting sections OF
this bill, the term "free persons OF color'is
repeated, as if to recognize the existence OF
slavery in Tennessee, although the people
have decreed that there shall be no slaves
in the State. -s y5fl .fv
But the section which gives additional
color to all the rest, is one giving county
courts the power to bind out the children OF
free persons of coloras apprentices to white
masters. There is no specified limit to the
time of this apprenticeship. Tennessee had
better go back to slavery at once, than to
mock the blacks with liberty, and then set
up the power to take their children from
them. ... -.r.f.. ....1
If the persons who voted for this bill are
not part of the malignant pro-slavery class,
seeking to make themselves amends for
emancipation against their will, and to take
vengeance on the blacks, they have been
unfortunate in the evidence which their
work has placed before the country. Such
a course cannot bring the tranquility that
Tennessee needs. We believe, then, there
can be no settled tranquility without an
honest acquiescence in the freedom of the
blacks, and in securing to them the equal
protection of law.