Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-06-01
Gen. sherman Explains his NegO-
1inIiOna with lsam. .Lnh m SnAn.


plains his negotiations with Gen. Johnston
in his official report as follows. 1t is sub
stantially the same as given before the COM
mittee on the Conduct of the War:
He met Johnston April 18th, as arranged.
The interview was frank and soldier-like.
Gen. Johnston gave him to understand that
further war on the part of the Confederate
troops was folly; that the cause was lost
and that every life sacrificed after the sur
render of Lees army was the highest pos
sible crime. Johnston admitted that the
terms conceded to Gen. Lee were magnani-
nous, and all he could ask, but wanted some
cot cession that would enable him to allay
the natural fears and anxieties of his fol-
lowers and enable him to maintain his con-
troll over them until they could be got back
to their homes. He also wanted to embrace
in the same general proposition the fate of
all the Confederate armies that remained
in existence. never made any concession
as to his own army, or assumed to deal
finally and authoritatively in regard to any
other; but it did seem to me that there was
presented chance for peace that might be
deemed valuable to the Government of the
United States and was at least worth the
few days there would be consumed in re-
ference thereto. To push an army whose
commander had so frankly and honestly
confessed his inability to cope with me,
were cowardly and unworthy the brave
men led.
They met.again on the 18th, and renewed
the conversation. lie says: Inasmuch as
Gen. Johnston did not feel authorized to
pledge his power over the armies in Texas,
we adjourned to meet the next day at noon.
l returned to Raleigh and conferred freely
with all my General officers, every one of
whom urged me to conclude terms that
might accomplish so complete and desirable
an end. All dreaded the wearisome and
laborious march after a fugitive and
dissOlving army backwards to Geor-
gia, almost over the very country where
we had toiled so long. There was but
one opinion expressed, and if contrary
ones were entertained they were withheld
or INDUCED in only by that class who shun
the fight and the march, but are loudest,
bravest and fiercest when danger is past
| again met Gen. Johnston on the 18th, and
resumed the conversation. He satisfied me
then of his power to disband the rebel ar
mics in Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana
and Texas, as well as those in his immedi-
ate command, namely, North Carolina,
South Carolina, Florida and Georgia. The
points on which he expressed especial solic-
itude were that those, States were to be dis
ihC"bClCu anu uClllCu III
Congress, or any separate political exist
ence whatever, and that the absolute dis
arming of his men would leave the South
poweress and exposed to depredations by
wicked bands of assassins and robbers.
President LincolnS message of 1864, his
amnesty proclamation and General Grants
terms to Gen. Lee substantially extending
the benefits of that proclamation to all Off
GERS above the rank of Colonel, and the in
vitation to the Virginia Legislature to reas-
semble in Richmond by Gen. Weitzel, with
the approval of Mr.. Lincoln and Gen. Grant,
then on the spot; firm belief that had
been fighting to re-establish the Constitution
of the United States, and last and not least,
the general and universal desire to close
war any longer without organized resist
ance. were the leading facts that induced me
to pen the memorandum of April 18th.
signed by myself and Gen. Johnston. 1t
was designed to be, and so expressed on its
face, mere basis for reference to the Presi-
dent of the United States and constitutional
Commander-in-C Chief, to enable him, if he
chose, at one blow to dissipate the military
power of the Confederacy, which had threat
ened the National safety for years. 1t adj
mitted of modification, alteration and
change. Ithad no appearance of an ultima
tum, and by no false reasoning can it be con-
strued into usurpation of power on my
part. have my opinions on the questions
involved, and will stand by the memoran-
DUN, but this forms no part of q military
report.
The news of President Lincoln's assassi-
nation on the 18th of April, wrongly re-
ported to me by telegraph as having occur
red on the 11th, reached me the 18th, and was
annouced to my command the same day in
Special Field Orders No. 56. / was duly
impressed with its atrocity and probable
effect upon the country, but when the prop
erty and interests of millions still living
were involved, l saw no good reason to
change my course, but thought rather to
manifest real respect for his memory by fol-
lowing, after his death, that policy which,
if living, | felt certain he would have ap-
proved, or at least not rejected with dis
dain. ., ..
Up to that hour / had never received one
word of instructions, advice or counsel as
to the plan or policy of the Government,
looking to restoration of peace on the
part of the rebel States of the South.
Whenever asked for an opinion on the
points involved, | had always evaded the
subject. My letter to the Mayor of Atlanta
has been published to the world, and | was
not rebuked by the War Department for it..
Gen. Sherman then gives his ideas upon
reconstruction, and refers to interviews
with Mr.. Stanton, in which the latter ap-
peared to approve his sentiments, and had
urged upon him the importance of bring
ing the war to close for financial reasons.
On the Oath Gen. Hitchcock returned,
accompanied by Gen. Grant and member
of his staff, bringing information that the
memorandum was disapproved and orders
kr .ssx oko Nl,A
resume hostilities at the close of that time.