The Caledonian. [volume] (St. Johnsbury, Vt.) 1837-1867, 1865-12-15

that traitors should be punished and tn
otien>e made infamous: and, at the s,m
time, that the question may be judicially
settled, finally and forever, that no stat,
of its own will has the right to renounc,
Its place in the Union.
The relations of the general government
toward the four millions of inhabitants
whom the war has called into freedom
have engaged my most serious cOnSldera-
ton. On the propriety of attempting to
make the freedmen electors by the proc
lamation of the Executive, took for my
counsel the Constitution itself. the inter-
pretatlons of that instrument by its auth
ors and their contemporaries, and recent
legislation by Congress. When, at the
first movement toward independence. the
congress of the United States instructed
the several states to institute governments
: vi their own. they left each state to de-
ci,ie for itself the conditions for the enjoy
ment of the elective franchise During
the period of the contrdcracy there con-
timed 10 exist Il very great diversity in
/ the qualifications of electors in the several
states: and even within State li>tinc-
tion OF qualifications prevailed with re-
g;ird 10 the officers who We're to be chosen.
The Constitution Of the United States re-
cognizcS these diversitieS when it cnjoins
that iii the choice of members of the
house OF representatives. of the United
States. 1.-The electors in each state shall
have the qualifications requisite for cleo
tors OF the most numerous branch of the
state legislature
After the formation of the constitution.
ii remained. as before. the uniform usage
for each state 10 enlarge the body of It's
electors. according to lis own lul amcnt
AMI. under this system. one state after an
other las procec ted to increase the num-
Der OF it> electors, until now universal suf-
ir.i.c. or something very near it. Is the
general rule ~ fixed WAS thi> re>erva-
ton of power i'll the habits Of tn people,
AMI - un'il ,>iinncd has been the inter
prctat;on o;' the constitution. that during
the civil war the late President never har-
bored the purpOsc-ccrialnly. never avow
Ell the purpo>c-of di>rcgar,ling it and
in tic ;,ci> oi congress. during that period
nothing can be found which. during the
continuance OF hoStilitieS. much less after
their close would have sanctioned anv de
parture by the executive from Il policy
which has - uniformly obtained. More
over, Il concession si' the elective franchise
IA the freedmen hy act at the President
of the intel STATES. must have been ex-
tended To ;il colorci men. wherever found.
AMI ~ must nave established Il change of
>utll'a.,' III the northern. middle and west
rrm states not less than In the southern and
southwestern. Such an act would have
: created II new class oi voters. AMI would
have h''cm an assumption OF power bv tie
President which nothing in the constiiu-
tion or laws of the United States would
have warranted.
On The other hanl every danger of con-
tlict * avoided when the settlement of the
question Is referred to the several states
TIIrv can. each ior itself. decile on the
measure, and whether ii Is 10 b. adopted
1T once and absolutely. or introduced
gradually and with conditions In INV
Judgment, the freedmen, ii they show pa
iicncc and manly virtues. will sooner Oh
tain participation in the elective franchise
tlrou.li the states than through the zen
cr.lI government. even if ii hid power 10
inter, When the tumult of emotions
that have been raised by the slldienneSS of
the social change shall have subsidized, il
may prove that they will receive the kind
lic-t usage from some of those on whom
they have heretofore most clo>cly depended
i;ut while have no doubt that now,
after the Close of the war. ii Is not COM
potent for the general government 10 ex-
tcn,l the elective franchise IN the several
states. ii i equally clear that gooI faith
requires thc security of the freedmen in
their liberty ami their property. their
ri.ht To labor. and their right 10 claim the
Just return OF their labor. | cannot too
strongly urge Il dispas>ionate treatment of
this subject. which should he carefully
kept aicof from all party strife, We
must avoid ha>ty assumptions of any nat
ural impoSSibilitv for the two races 10 live
side bv side. III state of mutual benefit
and coed will. The experiment involves
us in no Inconsistency; let us, then, 20
on AMI make that experiment in good
faith. and no: be TOO easily diShearien.pl.
The country l. in need OF labor. and the
freedmen are in need OF employment, cul-
tr.e AMI protection. While their right of
voluntary nj grafton and expatriiion is not
10 bc questioned. | would not advise their
forced removal and colonization. Let us
rather encourage them to honorable and
useful industry. where it may be beneii-
cial 10 themselves and TO the country
and, ir>,c;,d of ha>iy anticipaiion> of the
certainty of failure let there he nothing
wanting TO the fair trial of the expert
ment. The change in their condition is
the substitution OF labor 10y contract for
the status of slavery. The freedman can
not fairly be accused of unwillingness 10
work. SO LONG as a doubt remains about
his freedom OF choice in his pursuits, and
the certainty of his recovering his stipu-
lated wages. In this the interests OF the
employer and the employed coincide
The employ desires spirit and alacrily,
and these can be permanently secured in no
other way. And il the one ought TO be
able 10 enforce the contract. SO ought the