Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-06-07


meaning, no reason, apart from this. South
ern pulpit, rostrum and legislative forum
were unanimous In declaring Northern IA
naticism, with regard to the rights and the
enslavement OF negroes, the fundamental
cause of secession. On this ground they
have fought us four years; on this ground
they are beaten, Hnd own It. They submit
to the Union, because they can no longer
resist its power; but they do not pretend
to love It. If they could dissolve It they
would; but they can't, and so submit 10 lts
authority. (They will think better OF TINS
In time; but we are dealing with exstlng
facts, and would. fain deal with them IN a
practical manner.)
Now. side by side and intermingled with
these three millions of beaten rebels in the
South live two millions OF loyal whites and
three and half millions of devotedly 10y
al blacks. (We have made diligent inquiry
of returned prisoners for any 'Secesh mig
ger'' whom they encountered, in their,
Southern travels, but can bear OF neer a
one). Now, then, TO enfdnchiSe the Southern
blacks is 10 make their seueral States prepond-
erantly lovdl. To ledre them disfrdnchtSed Is TO
leare all their political poacer in the hands Of a
caste trepondeTdntly DIsloydl.l The issue Is
| now Imminent. On one basis or the other,
those States must soon be reorganized. ana
must elect third of our present Congress.
| In the name of all that Is rational, what
question could be "opportune," if this of
negro suffrage is not? And when could
| this be s'opportune" if not at this momenS
| We are asked to let the enemies of the
| Union In ten States choose representatives
| of those States In our Congress; and when
we say "Let the friends of the Union In
| those States vote also," we are accused OF
| "extravagant devotion to the negro" and
of starting question ''most inopportune.Y
WHY, when could this question be "oppor-
| tune' If not now? .. 4r,s
The Neo York Euening Post expresses this
opinion: .hoqsiq =,
Mr.. Wendell Phillips and other promi-
nent men in the Free States are much
alarmed at the political prospect in the
South, and do not hesitate to express their
fears. They assert that without universal
suffrage the South and the Union are not
safe--and we agree with them that equal
rights for all men before the law is the only
security for us all. But their arguments,
however sound, and able they may be, do
not have the effect they ought to have, be-
cause they are delivered in the wrong place,
and to the wrong people. These gentlemen
speak in Boston--but they. ought to speak
| In New Orleans. They write in New York
but they ought to write in Charleston, or
Mobile, or Richmond. They lecture In New
England towns and villages-but their elo-
auence would find as ready listeners, and
meet with far greater success, If they would
address the Southren people in their homes
Col. FoRNEY, under date of June 2, wrote
his Press thus: ,.-.-' -a.,.. .g.n. u
This Is world of facts. not fancies.-
Slavery has not been abolished by speech
es, but by bullets. 1t never would have
been seriously touched; nay. it would to-
day stand dominant and defiant power If
the war upon it had been conducted by
such philosophers as Wendell Phillips. Nor
is suffrage to be secured to the negro by the
dissemination of revolutionary ideas,
whether they come from Mr.. Phillips or
from others. That it will be secured, and
that, in my opinion, it ought to be secured,
by some process, which will not end in in
| Jury to the blacks and in damage to the
Government, | have not doubt. can
we'll appreciate the eager desire of earnest
| men to counteract the influence OF the re-
| turning rebels atvfuture elections in the
Southern States, and know that this is one
| of their main reasons for insisting that the
| colored men of that section should be secured
the right of suffrage as the surest set-off to
that influence. But you cannot force the
matter. Indeed, it may be grayely ques-
toned whether any action OF the President
would give the blacks their rights at once;
and whether, if SO given, it might not be
the cause of serious troubles among the
Southern loyal whites, who, left TO them
selves. would opportunely confer it accord
ing to the mode suggested by the President,
if in their Judgment it would seem to be
| necessary -
| Whenever Congress can act on this ques-
| tion they ought to act. do not think they
should refuse to admit Senators and Repre-
sentatives from North Carolina because the
| colored men of that State have not voted in
the prior elections. But I am clear that the
Intelligent colored men Of the District OF Colum-
bia should be made Uoters BY the nert Congress.
| AS body | do not know more useful,
| faithful and Industrious class of citizens,
and they would prove to be an element OF
strength and security to the National Cap
ilal in many respects. Congress can do this
great work legitimately and properly, and
the people will applaud it; and in good
season the whole country will come under
| the same system, till the once difficult prob
lem of enlightened freedom is forever settled
and solved. ~
The Cincinnati Commercial on Monday de-
voted an editorial to "Negro Suffrage in the
South" 1t is not quite prepared for the
question, because it does not think the
slaves are in such condition that sit would
be safe to arm them with the ballot" and
because we have not yet "shown ourselves
educated up to that point" In conclusion
1t says: ,s ast IN @rs,-7 irJoner
The teachings of the war are tolerably
| conclusive, as, indeed, is the history of all
stirring times, to the effect that we must moi
expect to accomplish great results without
the employment of adequate means; that
the working out of the destiny of people
| is not phenomenal but logical; that to genius
must be added patience; that we must "learn
10 labor and to watt" 1t was that waiting
for public sentiment, and the gift of know
ing when the times grew ripe for action,
that in Mr.. Lincoln proved of inestimable
public service; and perhaps we may safely
say that to his qualities OF prudence, demon.
strated in waiting until the hour was aus
picious, we owe the present safety of the
country. Will the radicals do themselves
the Justice to recollect how indignantly
and with what bitterness they opposed him
In the very policy upon which time has sci
the seal OF almost universal public appro.
baton, and of which the events explicitly
declare the wisdom? If Mr.. Lincoln haC
been so rash as to issue his Proclamation o.
Emancipation along with his first call fol
troops, and had armed negroes in the frs
months of the war, he might have lost a
once much more than he could have gained
and the chances are he would have lost thu
cause OF the nation. Great work must bt
done gradually. A tower that will stant
the rude tests of storm and earthquake i
not built In day. The President must b
allowed to make haste slowly" with thu