The spirit of democracy. [volume] (Woodsfield, Ohio) 1844-1994, 1865-12-13


for each State to enlarge the body of its
electors according to its own judgment;
and, under this system, one State after
another has proceeded to increase the
number Of its electors, until now univer-
sal suffrage, or something very near it, is
the general rule. So fixed was this res
ervation of power in the habits of the
people, and SO unquestiened has been the
Interpretation of the Constitution, that
during the civil war the late President
never harbored the purpose-certainly
never avowed the purpose-of disregard
ing 1T; and in the acts of Congress during
that period, nothing can be found which,
during the continuance of hostilities,-
much less after the close, would have
sanctioned any departure by the Execu
tive from policy which has so uniformly
! obtained. Moreover, concession Of the
elective franchise to the freedmen, by act
of the President of the United States,
must have been extended to all colored
men, wherever found, and so must have
established change of suffrage in the
Northern, Middle and Western States, mot
less than in the Southern and Southwest
ern. Such an act would have been an as
sumption of power by the President which
| nothing in the Constitution or laws of
the United States would have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger OF
i conflict is avoided when the settlement OF
the question is referred to the several
States. They can, each for itself, decide
on the measure, and whether it is to be
adopted at once and absolutely, or intro
duced gradually and with conditions. In
my judgment, the freedmen, if they show
patience and manly virtues, will sooner
J obtain a participation in the elective fran
chise through the States tahn through
!; the General Government, even if it had
power to intervene. When the tumult of
emotions that have been raised by the
suddenness of the social change have
subsidized, it may prove that they will re-
ceive the kindliest usage from some of
} those on whom they have heretofore most
: closely depended.
) But while | have no doubt that now
/ after the close of the war, it is not com
petent for the General Government to ex.
5 tend the elective franchise in the severa
States, it is equally clear that good faith
, requires the security of the freedmen in
E their liberty and their property, thei'
right to labor, and their right to claim the
: just return of their labor. I cannot toe
5 strongly urge dispassionate treatment o
this subject, which should be carefully
) kept aloof from all party strife. We mus
: equally avoid hasty assumptions of any
natural impossibility for the two races tt
3 live side by side,in state of mutual ben
7 eft and good will. The experiment in
wolves us in no inconsistency; let us, then
: 60 on and make that experiment in goot
, faith, and not be too easily disheartened
t The country is in need of labor, and tn,
/ freedmen are in need Of employment, ,cul
: ture, and protection. While their right
of voluntary emigration and expatriatiol
5 is net to be questioned, I would not ad
: wise their forced removal and coloniza
: ton. Let us rather encourage them tt
honorable and useful industry, where i
g may be beneficial to themselves and t
t the country; and instead of hasty antici
5 pations of the certainty of failure, lie
: there be nothing wanting to the fair tria
! of the experiment. The change in thei
! condition is the substitution of labor b,
1 contract for the status of slavery. The
/
: willingness to work, so long as doub
remains about his freedom of choice il
g his pursuits, and the certainty of his re
e covering his stipulated wages. In thi
!, the interests of the employer and the em
: ployed coincide. The employer desire
: in his workmen spirit and. alacrity, an,
v these can be permanently secured in n
!, othe, way. And if the one ought to b
f able to enforce the contract, so ought tn
s other. The public interest will be bes
promoted, if the several States will pro
G vide adequate protection and remedies 70
9 the freedmen. Until this is in some va
s accomplished, there is no chance for tn
y advantageous use of their labor; and th
t blame Of ill-success viii! not rest on then
i I know that sincere philanthropy j
e earnest for the immediate realization 0
: its remotest aims; but time. is always a
|, element of reform. It is one Of tn
c greatest acts on record to have brough
q four millions of people into freedom. Th
r career of free industry must be fairl
opened to them; and their futnre condi
It tion and prosperity must, after all, res
= mainly on themselves. IF they fail, an
fl so perish away, let us be careful that tn
$ failure shall not be attributable to an,
e denial of justice. In all that relates t
e the destiny of the freeemen, We need no
= be too anxious to read the future; man
It incidents which, from speculative poin
: Of view, might raise alarm, will quietl
n settle themselves.
n Now that slavery is at an end or nea
: its end, the greatness of its evil, in th
q point of view of public economy, become
g more and more apparent. Slavery wa
It essentially monopoly of labor. and a
e such locked the States where it prevaile
>; against the incoming of free industry
n Where labor was the property of the cap
: italist, the white man was excluded fror
IS emp loyment, or had but the second bes
e chance of finding it, and the foreign em
igrant turned away from the region wher
i his condition would be SO precarious.
i. With the destruction of the monopoly
! free labor will hasten from all parts of tn
l. civilized world to assist in developing th
: various and immeasurable resources whic
Q have hitherto lain dormant. The eigh
K or nine States nearest the Gulf of Mexic
houa coil &C ovxbarapf fortilitu ol;