Litchfield enquirer., 1865-12-14

,tn Iknoxsyeryow oweh that this policy is, s,attende, with some risk that for it's success it requires
 Fat least the acqniescence of the States witt bich itconc4rhs; that it implies an invitatio, sbao thssaI SyateSeby renewing allegiance t asthe United States, to sesuile theirfunctions a ] Slates. .of the Union; But itisa risk ihatimus bd taken :; in the choice of difficulties, 1t is th 5itshfalest risk and to. 4iminish and. if possibl 1 toneaaoye all daager Ibave felt itaineunban
 on me to assert ene Q thert tpowerEof tbeD Gener
 al Goyernment-- the power of pardon As D' ! State can throw a defence over the crime o
 treason. ihs power of pardon is iexcinsiyei,
 vested iu the Executive 9evernment9 of tht
 yppited, States h exercising that power, vhaye taken; every precaution to connect 1t witl
 the dearest recognition of the binding force ol fftbe lswssof the United States, and an unqual fled acknowledgement of aths great socia
 change of condition in regard to slayer, h~liich has agrownI out of the war .sia8oh e ssiqmos sTHE FRERDaEN AND SUFFRAGE. as $ 1 l sg'fle relatieas Of the General Government to wsrdssthes fournmilions sot4inhabitantsg whom the war has called into freedom, have engaged l my most serious consideratien. On the pro priety of attempting to make the freedmen cleo. tors bY the proclamation Of the Executive took for Thy counsel the Constitution itself, the interpretations eof that ainstrument by it's au. thorss and their contemporaries and recent leg lrislatioH by Congress. When, at the first move. ment towards Independence, the Congress oi the United States instructed the several States Ito1insfitute governments oftheir own, they Jeff
 each State tou decide for Itself the conditions for the enjoyment, of the elective franchise. .- During the period of the Confederacy there
 coDtinued to exist very great diversity i1 the Iquali6 6catioas of electors inthe several States
 aud even within aoStateia distinction4ofi quali-
 cations prevailed, with, regard to the, officers who were to be. chosen. The Constitution of the United States recognizes these diyersities Pwheh it eHjoihs tliat ii the choice Of members in the House of Representatives of the Uuitsd States, The, electors in each State shall have
 the qualifications required for electors, .of the
 most Il dmerons branch of the State Legisla.
 ture. After the formation of the O0nstitution
 it remained, as before, the uniform usage for
 each State to enlarge the body of it's electors,
 according to its. own judgment and understhia system, one State after another has proceeded
 to increase fffe number of it's electors, until now
 universal suffrage, or something very near it, is
 IS. the general rnle.4 So fixed was thts resarya-
 ton of power in the habits of the penpIe,, ,,xIifl ESQ unqnes.ioned has been the interpretations of
 the Constitution, that during the civil war the
 late President never Aarbereds the purpose =
 certainly never avowed the tpurpose-of disre-. garlipg it; and in the acts of Congress, during
 that period, nothing tanl be found which, dur. ing the continuance of hostilities, much less after their close; would hava sanctioned ar5y departure by the Executive from policy which aas SO uniformly, obtained. Moreover, cons cession of the elective franchise to the freed men, by act of the President of the United
 States, must have been extended to all colored
 men. wherever, found, and so must have estab. lisbed a change of suffrage in the Northern, l Middle and Wester. States, not less in the Southern and Southwestern. Such an act would have created anew class of voters, and would have. been an assumption dof power by the ,Presidant, which nothing in the Constitu-
 tion or laws of the United States esa wouldl, have warranted.. s9' p''N s'' 7 x Ss'sS'e's v = izo On other hand, every danger Of conflict when the settlement of the question lisFeferred to the several States.o They can, each of them. decide. on the measure, 7 and whether it is to be, adopted at once and abso- Iatefy, or introduced gradually and with condi-
 tionsa In my judgment, the freedmen, if they ] show patience and omanly girtuesp will sooner obtain participation in the elective franchise
 through the States than through the. General Government, even it had the power to inter. I vene. When the tumuit of emotions that have ! been raised by thea ,suddenness Of the social
 change shall have .subsideds it may prove that
 they will receive the kindliest usage from some I of those on whom they have heretofore mos, I closely deperded.. $ 7''o' ss0' t''''' "'1'
 | TREATMENT OF THE BLACKS.
 r But wfiles have no doubt that nov, aftel
 the closeEo the war, it isffot competent for tho fGeuasal rGdYefnments to extend the elective
 franehise in the several States it is equally lclear that good faith requires the security O the freedmen in their liberty and ip their, prop
 efty, their right tos labor, and their right te 'fclaith the just fstdrfi of their labor. cannot too strpngBiurga ai dispassionate treatmeat oi
 this subject, which, should be carefully kepi | aloof from all party strife, We must equally
 avoid hasty assumptions of any natural impos 1sibifity for the two faces to live side by side
 in state offmutuaa benefit and good wfll.-- The experiment iavelyeseus in nd incensisten kcy; let ps then, go Qn; and make that experl
 ment in good taith, and not be too easily dis. fheartened. The country is in need Of labor d aud the freedmena are in sueed of employment Iealturs and protection. While their right o
 Voluntary migration and expatriation IS, not t ! be questioned, would no. advise their forced removal and colonization. Let us rather en
 courage them to honorable and useful industry
 where It may be beneficial to themselves and to the coHntty; and, instead of nasty anticipa l tens of the certainty of failure, let there bs
 nothing wanting to the fair trial oi the experl
 Fment. The change in their condition is ths
 tsubstitation of labor bg gcontract for the statui ,I!of kayery.a Tbesfreedmen. cannot fairly be ac
 cqsed of unyillingness to work so long as doubt remains about his freedom ot choice ir his pursuits, and the certainty of recovering hi
 fsipoiatad Ragess Hs In tbis the interests of thl
 employer and employed coin lde. The em lploysr desires in his workmen spirit and alac frity. and these can be secured in no other way
 EAndift the one onght to be able to enforce the ! jcenssaet. ses ought the, other. The public in terest will be best promoted. Ii the seYera
 States will provide adequate protection an'
 remedies for the freedmen. Until this is il
 some way accomplished. there is no chance fo the advantageous Ise of their labor and th blame of ifEsnccess will not rest on them.
 q !, - coxaxEEsscssE stE BETWEEN THE STATES. < Er The Constitution confers on Congress Ith [right to regulate commerce among the severa Statass aH is Of the first necessity. for th sfmainfenanca of the Union, thatthat commerc shenlds be free and spnobstrncted. No Stat Hsa De justified in any device to tax the srans pf travel end commerce between States. TEi position ofmahy States is sasach that if the