Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1865-03-23
DAILY SENTINEL
RECO.g-STRTCTFON:
SPEECH or HON. ]. K. s0sEnI0h,
OF INDIANA,
IL THE House OF REPRESENTATIVES,,
FeLru0rV goth 1865

eS' "'t ~~~', hS'~-
The House having under consideration the
special order, being the bill entitled "A bill to
guarantee 10 certain states whose governments
have been usurped or overthrown, Q republican
form Of government with amendments thereto,
Mr.. Edgerton said
Mr. Speaker The bill before the House is
one of pre-eminent importance, whether we re-
gard its principles or its practical consequences.
If it becomes a law il viii establish dangerous
theory in our federal system, and its consequen.
ces will be TO change the union hitherto really
federatiye into a consolidated union, republican
for time in form, but monarchical in substance.
Legislative and executive action and judicial in
depreciation, and if need be constitutional amend
ment will hereafter, in the last four years, al
be brought to bear 10 cOnsummate and establish
this result. What the remote consequences in
the future may be upon the liberty and welfare
of the people, on whom ever fall the evils OF mis-
rule, history will reveal; we can only conjecture
II is easier to pull down than to build up; il Is
easier TO make changes than to make improve
ments. STATE sovereignty, once honored of the
people, and which is the true conservator Of the
principles of democratic liberty and of our fed
eral system, has fallen into the sere and yellow
leaf and goes tottering TO an unhonored grave
Destroyers quite as much as creators and build
erS, have had fame in history. The men of this
administration, the John Browns of this day and
generation, have more honor even here In this
legislative hall, than the master spirits who made
our system of government and gave it TO us as q
priceless inheritance. We ore but verifying tht
satire Of the poet:
The as stirilg youth that fred tie Ephe.iau come,
o4tliyes in fame the pi Us foui that r. q ed IL.
Mr.. Speaker, there are two questions which
should test every measure of legislation proposed
in this House. These are: First. i 1t cOnstitu
tionall Second, is it politic or expedicnt! Tried
by these tests the bill before the House, in any OF
the forms in which il has been presented, wholly
fails 10 commend itself to my approval.
do not oppose this bill, sir, because If IS PEI
s. an slavery measure, as il clearly is for /
am and ever have been an anti-slavery man; and
il were to follow merely my antislavery sym-
pathies, and not my judgment and convictions OF
dutv a a citizen and aS a representative, mlghs
not oppose the bill. If its object was b. federal
power TO impose slavery constitutions instead OF
anli-slavery constitutions, upon the southern
states l would oppose it for the same reasons
that now command my opposition. IL would be
sufficient reason for my opposition that in either
case the bill would be a direct and revolutionary
invasion of the reserved rights q the states. AnG
here, sir, once for all, in my own behalf and in
behalf of the great political organization witt
which have the honor to act, if do but utter
one of its humblest voices, | deny that II Is o.
ever has been party in the interests OF slavery
or that its opposition TO anti-Sayery Legislation
BY the federal government hes been based upon
desire to extend or perpetuate slavery II has
sir. been eminently party for democratic pro
gress in all things. and as the best and surcsi
means to achieve that progress ii has been par
ty for and in the interest ofthe federal union and
constitution. To their preservation IL has sub
ordinated the question Of negro slavery and al
kindred questions. Its purpose has been Il
stand By and maintain, in letter and in spirit
the bond of federal union, which granted 10 tht
federal government control over national affairs
and left the states, their reserved, inherent
sovereign right control over their own domesti,
affairs; and of these negro slavery is one
Such has been from the beginning, and is now,
the posi- ion of the democratic party, and 1t Ill
becomes those of its opponents who, whether un-
der the name of whig or democrat in other years
and, may say, in recent months, held opinion,
Identical with those of the democratic party up
on the policy and constitutional power of federal
Intervention with negro slavery, TO inpugn
as they do, the motives of democrats who remain
true to their principles, or to charge them will
intidelity to their country because they have
higher standard of duty, surer anchorage fol
their political opinions than in the hope of Office
and popular applause, or in tie changeful results
Of popular elections. l rejoice 10 know, sir
that there are still on this floor faithful represen
tatives of the one million eight hundi od thou
sand democratic voters of the United States,
such representatives, sir, as can neither be pur
chased nor seduced, nor intimidated by the pow
er of corrupt administration, swayed by
popular clamor. am thankful that when th,
constitution of my country, under the form of
constitutional amendment was stricken down by
the strong hand of n revolutionary majority n
this hall on the 3lst of January last, the deed
was not done by representative men OF the dem
ocratic party of the United States. The demo-
cratic party stands by the constitution, il stands
by the bond of the union, it stands by the rights
of the states, and it will not be found consentine
TO their death and when that great party shall
pass away as living political organization, il
will be because the constitution has also passed
away.
Before considering the leading provisions and
character of this bill, propose TO look briefly a
its history.
The forerunner of this measure of legislation.
so far as the House Is concerned, may be found
in the territorial bill reported by the gentleman
from Ohio Mr. Ashley fom the committee on
territories in the thirtv-Seyenth congress, ii
March, 1862. Il was aptly termed at the Time
by the gentleman's colleague, a bill 10 dis
solve the union and 70 abolish the constitution
oil the Onlteu StaIts. L ne Oil lNa> suulHldIliN
if not Indignantly. rejected by the House withou
a second reading. But, sir, men and events hay,
since changed. if the constitution of the United
States has not changed, and the stone of revolu
tionary reconstruction then i-ctcd by The mas
ter-buiders in this House bids fair to become
the head of the corner. Then the constitution
was not altogether repudiated as the foundation
of our legislation; now revolutionary opinions
and plans override il a. thing of the past No,
many are there in this congress, and fewer there
win be in the next, fear, 10 do reverence 70 the
constitution and obey it. commands.
Early in the last session OF congress this House
on a resolution of the gentleman fsom MARY land
Mr. Henry Winter Davis, authorized the ap-
poiniment Of a special committee OF nine. called
the committee on the rebellious states, 70 con-
slider and report BY bill upon the reconstruction
OF the states. The oStenSible OF declared pur
pose of the committee was to carry out the con
stitutional guarantee OF republican government
TO states in which such governments hal been
usurped OF overthrown.
The president, by his amnesty proclamation OF
December s, 1868, accompanying his annual
mes sage TO congress Of that date with character
isiic oblivion OF the truc character and limita-
tions OF his executive powers, had assumed TO
take the subject Of reconstruction pretty much
into bis own hands. He had assumed % am
plifv the power 10 pardon offc nders against the
laws into n power 70 reconstruct states. 10 die
tate state constitutions and TO determine the
conditions upon which sovereign state OF the
union should or should not be recognized and