The daily clarion. [volume] (Meridian, Miss.) 1863-1866, 1865-11-15

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> we ratify one article and reject another
.nls section Is to our liking and this. W,
e .nro" aside No, sir, tney must take
one proposition as whole, and adopt it
VI rtJect II. as they please Refer to the
"olioh OF our own st tie in 1854, in refer
Tnce 10 the Chancery Court amendments
mere We're two propositions involved
one 10 abolish the Courts another. II
transfer unfinished business. These prom
usltlons came under the ordinary par.
liisaInentary rule of divisibIlity. And vet
oId the people have to vote upon them
separately No sir The vote was
chancery amendment" or "no amend
ment.'
we are but the mouth pieces of the
people They, through US, are called on
% fatliy what? A proposed amend
ment, Article -" to be added to the
artlcieS now IN the United States Con-
stltutlon. We can 60 no further, Mr..
speaker, than the authority given US. In
Sl constitutional amendments, where no
convention of the States has been held
congress can propose by constitutional
vote what it pleases and the Legisla-
lures OF the States can ratify or reject as
they please. Congress is omnipotent as
TO proposing; the Legislatures of the
states are omnipotent as to ratifying Or
refusing to ratify. We have no more
right to say, we approve a section or a
paragraph, when an article IS submitted
oy Congress for our consideration, than
me people have 10 take up chapter, sec.
ton and article distinctly, when Con
vention submits a whole Constitution to
them for ratification or rejection. The
| people can ratify or reject SO can we
but neither they nor we can divide or
separate and say here we agree. and
here we dissent. We are usurping DOW
ers when as Legislature, we pass upon
any amendment to the United States
Constitution, except in the manner pro
posed to us. Our whole and only prov
lnce Is to consider ito ratify it, if we
deem it expedient TO refuse TO do so. if
we deem it inexpedient. We cannot
propose amendments cannot shape
them in any other way than as Congress
dictates. As presented, and only as
presented, can we act upon them.
Mr.. Speaker, are we obliged to sepa-
rate the proposed amendment into sec
tons If not so obliged, is it not best
for the sake of unity among ourselves, to |
pass upon it as whole? We are shrink
ing no responsibility; we are refusing to
meet no obligation or duty. Congress-
has presented the amendment to US as a
whole. If so, why divide it: and thereby
invite discord and difference of opinion
But Sir, it will be asked, why will tax
ing the vote upon this proposed amend
ment as a whole, produce entire
unanimity? My answer is, no man in
Mississippi, can give his assent to the
second section of the proposed article
have power to enforce this article by ap-
h.
Mississippi has always been opposed to Civ
ing Congress more lower 1t has been
our whole.policy, not to give the central
government power. The powers not given
it, were reserved to the States and the
people. With the powers entrusted to
it, what has not the United States Gov.
eminent already done, under color of
title? What has it not usurped? If we
consent to further REIMBURSEMENT, we
will be like Issachar of old, ''a strong ass
COUGHING between two burdens" What
will be the fruits of this amendment, If
Incorporated into our organic law ? We
deny, possibly, the right of the negro to
testify. Congress considers that the duty
of testifying is''part Of the status of freed
man, and Congress will enforce it over
our legislation. We deny him seat in
the jury-box; Congresssays that freedman
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our legislation is overrdden. We say lie
shall not vote; Congress says that being
a freedman, the elective franchise is ex-
tended to him, and that body must en-
force his rights by appropriate legislation.
We say he shall not hold real estate; that
not merely he is an alien, but further
removed from US, with reference to those
rights than an alien, and that what we
deny to the white alien, we cannot give
to the freedmen; and Congress will reply
that the possession of property, real and
personal, is an incident Of freedom; and
it will enforce his claim.
Let us not, Mr.. Speaker, voluntarily
yield this power! And to whom should
we yield it? To the prying spirit and
meddling interference of New England
Puritanism. Let us not play foolish 0thel
los while people at the North play the
"bonest Iago." What cares the North
for US, save what little of trade or pro
ducts they can extort? There is large
party there, and influential leaders, that
would enjoy, with demonac gladness,
such state of things as the adoption of
this amendment would produce. They
care not what will be the result, if we
only suffer.
tNow VIII .ther he ill Cassie
Or Cassie him, each do kill the other,
Every way makes my gain"
Why, sir, help them on in this work
If they are strong, and we are weak let
them wreak vengeance and use power;
but let US not help them do it. If we
must die, politically and socially, let
them commit the murder, and not we
commit suicide. Let them despoil us of
our pittance of property; if necessary, by
elevating the negro to a social equality
with us, carry away to their Babylon the
remnant that escaped the sword but let
us not be consenting to it ourselves. If
we have not sacrificed enough, if the
smoke still ascending from the altar is