The daily clarion. [volume] (Meridian, Miss.) 1863-1866, 1865-07-19

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'Tbey would see themselves reducea 10
the condition of mere serfs ana yass1s
their liberties destroyed, their FeIeonS
DEGRADED. Under such clrcums1a,noeo
nothing could be expected from .nem
but feelings of the bitterest hatred Ia anu
revenge toward your government;
wonld no longer recognize mlId irater-
nj Government which could forgive
them their past offenses, and look after
,heir fntnre interests, but an iron despot7
ism. breathing the spirit of opp nn
and vengeance; governme
would not cease to curse
earliest and their latest
every motive which could
souls of men would urge the
resistance to its authority.
would no longer be whetht
not. find their interest IN -
glance. but whether they col Ussloly
be worse off by continued Uppositicn.
Under such circumstances it would pc
come necessary to garrison, and hold oy
arms. indefinitely, the seeding STATES
And this it would be found Impossible 10
do. The country to be thus held lnden-
nitely is too extensive; the population
too great the expense too enormous
The idea of holding by arms, IN this way
the Southern States is flat absurdlty:
Faom the time in which such policy
shall be adopted, the whole issue between
the government and the rebels VIII De
changed. The question will no longer be
whether the rebels shall submit to the
government of the United States, but
Whether they shall continue to be the
victims of an insufferable oppression.
The humane, the intelligent, and the
| ;1et everywhere, would pity their nus
| tor,nnes. Peace would be impossible.
| The syrapathies of the nations, hitherto
unnaoyed. would now be enlisted warmly
| in their favor; and contest, new In all
its features, and just in its pretensions'
would spring up from the ashes Oh
proundless and Infamous rebellion.
Those who advocate Mr.. Ashley's policy
| commit only one error, but that IS tre-
mendous error for Americans to make.
They deny the only principle on which
rests the system of American liberty :
that principle THAT NAN IS GAIA
| PILE OF SELF-GOVE VERNMENT. That
though he may 20 astTay, his intelligence
and virtue will lead him back to the
light path. That on the whole he can
discern in what direction his real interest
lies. and that before the great bar OF hu-
man reason, "error is harmless when
reason is left free to combat it."
The genius of republican institutions
does not teach us that citizens Will ever
forget their duty, will never from prompt
ings of ambition, or more unpremeolCa-
ted transports of passion, rebel ag'lnst
good government. Nor Gil The * u lders
of the government of the United states
look for such perfection, either IN their
work or the peoples who were to 1--we
under it. They looked tor the very re-
, verse. They knew that the reverse
would take place;
The history of the confederation the
call for the convention at ANNAPOLIS, the
, circumstances which led to the conven
ton of 1889, the debates of that conVen
, ton, the Constitution itself, all prove
that the probability of rebellion was con
) tinually before their eyes.
In no one instance did the great ano
GOOD men who laid the foundation of oul
: Government intimate that it should ever
be proper to disfranchise large masses o
the people. 1t was their especial busi
ness to provide against that very thing
, In that consisted the bane of all the ar
! bitrary governments in the wOrld-th'
disfranchisement of the popular masses
, 1t was their special mission to see that i
I never took place here. They, therefore
{ prefaced the Constitution they made will
3 this plain declaration:
| "We, the people OF the United States
in order to form more special Union
2 establish justice, insure domestic equal
= itv. provide for the common defense
5 promote the general welfare, and secur
Y The blessings of liberty to ourselves anC
: posterity, do ordain and establish thi
Y Constitution for the United States Q
D America"
| When that declaration was put forth
!, there was not single American constitu
q tion which did not declare, as the funds
t mental principle of liberty, that the pei
t y,Ie are the source of all political power
J. There is no ! DOM to doubt a proposit o
{ in 1889, or any time since, prior 10 thes
: troubles, to authorize the majority of tn
/ naople to distranchise the minority 10
. rebellion or any other offense, woul
Q have been received with unmixed astor
g ishment by the whole American people
If ANYTHING is certain it is that tn
q statesmen of 1889 would have considere
I. such a measure at war with every featur
v of their system. 1t is quite as reasonabl
$ to believe that they contemplated, in tn
q event of any wicked insurrection tina
Il might arise, the creation of a king an
e queen and hereditary nobility. The
i? did, indeed, provide guards against popr
f lar faction, and they deemed them suft
$ cient. They required the people to dele
l. gate the law making power to their rel
Il resentatives. They created two separat
If branches of the Legislature, and imite
them by different tenures of Office, thf
It they might operate as checks on eac
n other. They appointed one executiv
=? department, whose negative was salutal
y in controlling inconsiderable legislation
1t they set up a judiciary to dispense iu
If tice according to lac, and to nullify uncor
D. stitutional enactments. They inculcate
d the duty of spreading knowledge anon
1T the people. They endued the govern
1t ment they made with the awful prerog
!? tive of arms to repress when needful tn
20 spirit of insurrection. But never ente
l, tanned the idea that the goVernmer
2, thus made was the peculiar property
ir any party, loyal or disloyal, or that larg
masses of the people of large sections
n the country were to be excluded from i
n blessings tor any offense they should con
.s nit. The liberty which they set up the
+ intended to be perpetual. They declare
At ii absolutely unalienable.
Il j. r