The Wyandot pioneer. (Upper Sandusky, Ohio) 1853-1868, 1865-05-03

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the severe Muse Of History, it is one Of
the contemporary rewards OF virtue that
we may anticipate her verdict. 1t has
not been customary among the admirers
of the late President to call him great
man, but when we consider his history,
his principles, his sound, practical good
sense, and the Municipalities of head and
heart, which drew to him The affections
of the people, we can scarce deny him
the possession of true greatness. His
life, the simple story Of his unayentful
career before his elevation to the Chief
Magistrscy. is a noble, never to be for
gotten commentary upon our free insti-
tutions, bright example Of the capabil-
ties of the Republic. He was emphati-
cally child, a man Of the people. The
son of obscure parents. with advantages
far inferior to those now within the reach
of every honest mans son, without wealth
or patronage, by his own quiet and
persistent labor. by honesty. scbriety
and industry, he made himself the intel
lectual, as well as the political, equal Of
the first men Of the nation. 1t is a life
of which the American people may be
proud, an example to be emulated as long
as the Republi, exists.
His later public career is the fruit OF
the we'll grounded requirements Of his
early life, and this sketch would be in
complete without some brief reference to
his political creed, the controlling policy
of his craftsmanship. His birth and
training. his Eabits and sympathies made
him pertorce, in the best and largest
sense Of the term Democrat. He be-
lieved in the people, he had. as ho has
himself expressed it, unlimited confidence
in " Government of the people, by the
people, for the people," 1t is this con.
fdence, this entire faith In the untram-
meled judgment of the people, which,
better than transcendaut genius or the
most subtle policy, has begotten conf
dence and trust in return, and been a
tower of strength to the national cause.
This faith never forsakes him, it con-
trolls his conduct. it pervades all his pub
lie utterances. Addressing the citizens
of Indianapolis. in February. 1861, he
says: "Of the people, when they rise
in mass in behalf Of the Union, and of the
liberties of their country, truly may it be
said, { the gates of hell can not prevail
against them" Again he says alt
is with you, the people, to advance the
great cause OF the Union and the Consti-
tuition" 1t is the leading idea in his
first inaugural. "This country with It's
institutions belongs to the people who 10.
habit it," "Why should there not be a
patient confidence in the ultimate justice
Of the people? Is there any better or
equal hope in the world?" And this was
the leading article of his political creed.
Connected with this, and growing out
Of it. was his love for political equality,
or, to use his own expressive language,
for "a free government, where every
man has right to be equal with every
other man."
With these principles it is not greatly
to be wondered at that he was always
an anli-slavery man, that he regarded
slavery as an inconsistency, an anomaly,
as wholly incompatible with free institu.
tions, as a poison which, if it did not
prove Immediately fatal, must ultimately
destroy the national life unless removed
from our system. He. sooner than most
others, saw and foretold the irrepressible
conflict. the necessary antagonism be-
tween freedom and slavery. In June,
1858, he said 4" A house divided against
itself can not stand. believe this gov.
ernnent can not permanently endure
half slave and half free. ] do not expect
the Union to be dissolved, do not expect
the house to fall, but I do expect that it
will cease to be divided. 1t will become
all one thing, or all the other" s51
Yet. entertaining these convictions. he
assumed no right to interfere with the
institution, and, in common with almost
the entire North, was willing to guaran-
tee its protection and continuance within
existing limits. He only struck at slavery
when, in the progress Of the fearful strug-
gle. it became necessary to amputate the
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