Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1865-12-10

{ has the right TO renounce its place in the
: Union.
. NEGRO SUFFRAGE.
The relations of the General Govern
J ment toward the four million Of in
habitants whom the war has called into
: freedom, have engaged my most serious
consideration. on the prOpriety of at
tempting 10 make the freedmen, electors
/ by the proclamation Of the Executive,
took for my counsel the Constitution
. itself the interpretations Of that instTu-
, ment by its authors and their cOntempO-
raries, and recent legislation by Congress.
When, at the first movement toward
Independence, the Congress of the
UIi ed States instructed the sew
eral States 10 institute COVE IN
ments Of their own, they left each State
90 decide for itself the conditions for the
enjoyment of the elective franchise.
During the period of the Confederaey,
there continued to exist "a very great di-
versity in the qualifications of electors
in the several States; and even within
State a distinction Of qualifications pre-
vailed with regard TO the officers who
4 were 10 be chosen. The Constitution Of
the United States recognizes these diver
/ sites when il enjOins that, i'm the choice
Of members Of the House of Representa-
I tives Of the United States, ''the electors
| in each State shall have the qualiti-
! cations requisite for electors of the most
/ numerous branch of the State Legisla-
/ turpn After the formation of the
] Constitution, it remained a. before, the
uniform usage for each State 10 enlarge
/ the body of its electors according to rs
! own Judgment; and, under this system,
/ one State after another has proceeded 10
/ increase the number of its electors, until
now universal suffrage, or something
/ very near il, is the general rule. So fixed
I was this reservation Of power in the
| habits of the people, and so unquestloned
/ has been the Interpretation of the Con- /
stituti0n, that during the civil war the F.
late President never harbOred the purpose I
certainly never avOwed the purpose
of disregarding it; and i'm the acts of
Congress, during that period, nothing /
scan be found, which, during the cOntinu- I
ance of hostilities, much less after their /
close, would have sanctioned any dcpar-
ture by the executive from policy which .
has so informally obtained. Moreover, /
a concession of the elective franchise to
the freedmen, by act of the President of
the United States, must have been ez-
tended 10 all cOlOred men, wherever
found, and 50 must have esJab-
lished a change Of suiierage i'm the
Northern, Middle and Western States,
not less in the Southern and
Southwestern. Such an act woHld have
created a new class of voters, and would
have been an assumption of power by
the President which nothing in the Con-
stitution OF laws of the United States
would have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger Of
conflict is avoided when the settlement
OF the question is referred to the several
states They can, each for itself, decide
on the measure, and whether il is to
be adopted at once and absolutely, or
introduced gradually, and with condt-
tiOns. In my judgment the freedmen, II
they show patience and manly virtues,
viii sooner obtain participation in the
elective franchise through the states
than through the General Government,
even if il had power to intervene,
When the tlmult of emotions that have
been raised by the suddenness Of the
social change shall have subsidized, il may
prove that they viii receive the kindliest
usage from some of those on whom they
have heretofore most closely depended.
PROTECTION AND SECURITY OF FREED
MEN.
But while I have no doubt that now,
after the close of The war, it is moi COM
petent for the General Government to
extend the elective franchise in the sew
eral States, it is equally clear that good
faith requires the security of the freed
men i'm their liberty and their property I
their right to labor and their right to ,
claim Just return Of their labor. lcannOt
too strongly urge a dispassionate treat
ment of this subject, which should be- care
fully kept alonf from all party strife.
We must equally avoid hasty assump-
tons Of any natural impOssibility for the 9
~. al u !
N mutual benefit and good viii. The /
experiment. involves lis in no incOnsis- g
feDcv. Let US then 90 ON and make that !
experiment in good faith, and not be too .
easily dsheurtened. The country is i'm !
need of labor. and the freedmen are in ,
need of employment culture and prOtec- }
lion. While their right of voluntary d
migration and eXpatriatiOn il not TO be
questioned, ] would not advise their D.
forced removal and colonization. Let u g
rather encourage them TO honorable and q
useful industry, where it may be bene-
ticial 10 themselves and % the country;
and instead Of hasty anticipation
Of the certainty of failure, let 9
there be nothing wanting 70 a c
fair trial Of the experiment The change s
I'M their condition is the substitution Of g
labor by contract for the status of slavery. q
The freedman cannot fairly De accused of il
tO.work 50 long As a doubt {
remains of his freedom of choice i'm his \
pursuits, and the certainty Of his recOv- q
ering his stipulated wages. In this, the q
interests of The employer and the em- 2
Dloyed coincide. The employer desires b
IN his wOrkmen spirit and alacrity, and q
.hese can be permanently secured in no {
ltherway. And iftheone Oughtto be able q
.8 enforce the contract 50 ought the other. Z
The public interest will be best promoted S
If the several States will provide ade- {
luate protection and remedies for the (
freedmen.
Until this Is in some way accomplished, 9
there Is no chance for the advantageous d
use of their labor, and the blame ui III d
-uCce -s viii not rest on them. / know {
.haU sincere philanthropy Is earnest for q
the immediate re;diZatiun Of its rem0test q
aims; but time is always an element in {
reform. It is one Of the greatest acts ON d
record, to have brought four millions OF I
people into freedom. The career of free @
industry must be fairly opened 10 hom, J
and then their future prosperity and con- ;
ditiOn, must after all, rest mainly on them {
selves. Ifthey fail and so perish away, I
let us be careful that the future shall not Z
be attTibuable toany denial Of Justice. In ]
all that relates 10 the destiny of the freed Z
men, we need not be too anxious to read
the future Many incidents which, from ]
"a speculative point of view, migkt raise
alarm, will quietly settle themselves.
ADVANTAGES OF FREE LABOR.
Now that slavery is at amend, or nearits
end. the greatness of itse in hepomt of
view, public economy, becomes more ]
and more apparent Slavery was essen
TALLY a monopoly Of labor, and as such
locked the States where 1t prevailed
against the incoming Of free industry.
When labor was the property of the
capitalist the white man was excluded, F,
from employment OF had but the second
best chanceof finding i, and the foreign
cmigrant turned away from the region
where his condition would be so
Drecarious. With Uhe destruction of
the monopoly, free labor viii has
ten from AZ p3rfs Of tho civilized
world to assist in developing various and
immeasurable resources which have hith-
eric LAIN dormant.
The eight or nine STATES nearest the
Gulf Of Mexico have n soil Of eNhu-
bergnt fertility, a climate friendly To
long life, ana caH sgstain denser popu-
Iatiun than is found as yet ln any part of
our country. And the future iutiuN OF
population TO them viii be mainly nom
the North GP fFOHt tho most cultivated
that have attended them during our late
Struggle. let US look away 10 the future,
which is sure 10 d. laden for them with
greater prosperity than has ever before
been known. The removal Of the monop-
oily OF -ihsp iGkQr Is apledge, that thosere-
gi0ns viii be peopled by "a numerous and
enteTprising population which will vie
with anv in the Union in cOmpactness,
inventive genius, 90 - ~ and industry. /
oT-Rs A GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE,
Our Government springs from, and was
made for tne people. pot the people for /
+he Government. To them lt owes allf- J
giance: from them it must derive its /
courage. strength and wisdom. But while /
tbe tlovefnAeutis thus b0undtO defer TO I
the people. from whom itderives its exist !
ence. II should, from the very considera- /
ton Of its origin, be strong in lis power .
of resistance 10 the establishment Of inc /
qualities, No4ogolies, perpetmties and (
eIass legislation are contrary % Inc se-
MUS Of free government, and ought not to
be allowed. Here, there isno roomfQr IA
v6tei Lllssos or rmonOpolies; theprinciple .
Of our Government - iilat N egual laws
and freedom of industry. Wherever mo-
.,s..1rr aff.fr,g for,fa hold n ig SIRE 10 hl q