The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1865-11-27


ventiiate the proposition we originated, and
have urged from time 10 time, for Congress Of
the great Powers to settle the questions Of
neutrals, maritime law and other important
international questions which have been
brought prominently forward by the war. Our
remarks that the Law at present on these sub
jects is very unsettled and undetermined are
reiterated, with the declaration that the Tex
pertinent Of . Congress would be worth trying.
and that 1t would be well II some more strin-
gent code could DO agreed upon which would
prevent such unquestionable violations Of neu-
trslity a. took place during the past war;"
It is far more important to the European
Powers, and particularly TO England and
France, than to US, to have these questions de-
fnitely settled by Congress. We can afford
to wait Within brief period We shall be
able to make law for ourselves and for the
world. The statesmen Of Europe ought to
know that the wonderful growth Of the United
States, our unboundsd and varied resources
and our geographical position will make US the
greatest Power and the first maritime nation of
the globe. Let us suppose the law to remain
in its present undetermined state when Eng
land or France may be at war, and that we
should follow the example set US by them, and
what would be the consequence Suppose, in
the case Of civil war, we should SYM
pathize with the rebels, and violate the
principle of international comfy, as they
have done, what would become Of their
commerce. What would become of their ex-
listing governments! By exercising no more
vigilance than England did hundreds Of Ala
bamas and Steamboats, could escape from our
immense coast line and sweep British COM
merce from the ocean. How, too, would the
the example he gave us when he seized an OPP
portunity in the day Of our trial and weakness
to endeavor to humiliate us and to assail our
form of government? We have as good a
right-nay, much better right to send an
armed force to sustain the republican Presi-
dent of Mexico than he has to aid Macmillan.
We recognize only Juarez rs the rightfnl ruler
of Mexico. His Minister only holds relations
with the government at Washington. If France
had the right to make war on the republic for
injuries sustained or for indemnity, it gave her
no right to change the form of government and
to foist foreign prince upon the people.
When we made war on Mexico we neither held
the country nor changed the government But
the question has broader scope than this. It
has an International bearing, and one that is
well understood by European Powers. The
neighb0ring and c0terminOus State Of any
Power is regarded as under special relations
with that Power Suppose there were . civil
war in Belgium, and the United States were to
send fleets and armies, under pretence of
having claims against the country to abolish
the monarchy and establish a republic, would
the Emperor of the French take no notice Of
it? Would he not denounce such an act as
presumptuous-as hostile to his own imperial
government and to the principle of royalty
generally? He would bring the questions Of
national integrity, the balance of power, his
own safety, the safety of his dynasty, the prin-
ciple Of royalty and many others to bear, and
would doubtless support his argument by the
sword. And yet what is the difference
between the real case with us and the supposed
one with him. In the same way that France
or any other Power would treat such matter
as especially affecting itself we must regard
this affair of Mexico. We are the great and
controlling Power of the American continent,
and the form of government and welfare Of
our neighbors is Of great importance to us.
We would be willing to forget the motive
that prompted such insulting interference with
our American affairs, out of the ancient friend
-: xt..k l. .,l he
United States but we want security for the
future. The proposition we make, therefore,
for Congress of the great Powers is with
view, first to settle, definitely the law regard
ing ncutrals and maritime rights, and next, to
have the principle universally recognized that
the American system is one in itself and en-
tirely Independent of European interference.
This would settle the difficulties that now
exist, both with regard to maritime law and
the present and future affairs of this continent.
In this way both the Emperor Napoleon and
England may avoid complications, and posi-
bly, hostilities, with the United States. 1t
would give the Emperor an excellent oppor-
tunity Of getting out of his Mexican dilemma
gracefully Whatever might have been thought
at the commencement of the war, or while it
continued, with regard to the future Of this
republic, there can be little doubt now. II
must be apparent to the statesmen Of the Old
World that the time will soon come when we
shall be able to enforce our own policy. But
we want peace-continued peace-and the
most extended friendship and commerce with
England, France and all other nations. II is
on that account, therefore, that we proposed q
Congress Of the great Powers to settle existing
difficulties, and that We are pleased TO see .
response from the press Of Europe.
JUDGE BusrEED LOOMING Ur.-Of the where
abouts Of that distinguished politician fami-
liarly known in this city in times past as "Glor-
GUS Dick Busteedo we have had no know