The Iowa transcript. (Toledo, Tama County, Iowa) 1858-1866, 1865-12-13

| uU6 1O loDS PcfpleHeu ana ulVlucV Inc cOuN
try; II makes of us once more united PEG
pie, renewed and strengthened, bound NOR,
than ever to mutual affection and support
The amendment to the constitution be.
ing adopted, it would remain for the states
whose powers have so long been in abey
ance, to resume their places in the two
branches Of the national legislature, ant
thereby compleet the work Of restoration
Here it is for you, fellow-citizens Of tht
senate, and for you, fcllow-citizens Of thu
house Of representatives, to judge, each o
you for yourselves, Of the elections, return.
and qualifications Of your own members.
The full assertion of the powers of the
general government require the holding o.
the circuit courts of the United States with
in the district where their authority has
been interrupted. In the present posture
of our public affairs, strong objections have
been made to holding these courts in any Of
the states where the rebellion has existed
and it was ascertainea on inquiry that the
circuit courts Of the United States would
not be held within the districts of Virginia
during the autumn or early winter, Tor un-
til congress should have ian opportunity to
consider and act on the whole subject
To your deliberations the restoration OF
this branch of the civil authority is there
fore necessarily referred, with the hope tina,
early provisions will be made for the re-
sumption of all its functions.
1t is manifest that treason Of the most
fragrant character has been committed
Persons who are charged with its commits
sion should have fair and impartial trials in
the highest civil tribunals of the country,
| in order that the constitution and the laws
| may be fully vindicated: the truth clearly
! established and affirmed that treason is d
crime. that traitors should be punished and
1 the offence made Infamous: and at the same
| time the question may be judicially settled
/ finally and forever, that no state of its own
will has the right to reuounce its place in
/ the Union
The relations Of the general government,
towards the four millions of inhabitants
whom the war has called into freedom, have
! engaged my most serious consideration. On
the propriety Of attempting to make the
| freedmen electors by proclamation of the
executive, | took for my counsel the consti-
| tuition itself, the interpretations Of that in
strument by its authors, and their contem-
poraries, and recent legislation by Con.
| gress. When, at the first movement toward
independence, the Congress of the United
States instructed the seyera! states to in
stitute governments of their own, they left
each state to decide for itself the condition
of the enjoyment Of the elective franchise
During the period of the confederacy there
appeared to exist very great diversity in
the quality Of electors in the several states:
and even within state, distinction Of
qualifications prevailed in regard to the off
GERS who were TO be chosen. The constitu-
ton Of the United States recognizes these
diversities, when it enjoins that in the
choice of members of the house Of repre-
sentatives of the United States, ''the elect
ors in each state shall have the qualifications
requisite for electors Of the most numerous
branch of the State Legislature"
| After the formation Of the constitution. it
remained as before the uniform usage for
each state to enlarge the body of its electors
according to their own judgment; and I'M.
der this system, one state after another has
proceeded to increase the number Of its
electors, until now universal suffrage, or
something very near it, is the general rule.
So fixed was this reservation Of power in
the habits of the people, and so unauestion-
ed has been the Interpretation Of the con-
stitution, that during the civil war. the late
president never harborcd the thou ht-ccr-
never avowed the purpose-of disregarding
1t; and in the acts of Congress which were
passed during that period, nothing can be
found which, during the continuance oil
| hostilities, much less at their close, would
have sanctioned any departure by the Exec
utive from policy which has SO uniformly
obtained Moreover concession of the
elective franchise 10 the freedmen by act OF
| the President Of the United States. must
have been extended to all colored men
wherever found, and so must have estab-
lished a change of suffrage in the Northern,
Middle and Western states, not less than in
| the Southern and Southwestern. Such an
act would have created a new class of vot-
| ers, and would have been an assumption OF
power by the President which nothing in
the constitution or laws OF the United
States would have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger of con-
hict is avoided when the settlement of the
question is referred to the several States
They can, each for ITSELF decide on the
measure, and whether it is to be adopted
at once and absolutely, or introduced grad
ually and with conditions In my judy
ment, the freedmen, if they show patience
and manly virtues, will sooner obtain par
ticipation in the elective franchise through
the States than through the general govern
ment, even if it had power to intervene
| When the tumult of emotions that have
been raised by the suddennest of the social
change shall have subsidized, it may prove
that they will receive the kindliest usage
from some Of those on whom they have
heretofore most closely depended.
But while have no doubt that now, after
the close of the war, it is not competent
for the general government to extend the
elective franchise in the several States, it is
equally clear that good faith requires the
security of the freedmen in their liberty
and their property, their right to labor, and
their right to claim the just return of their
labor. l cannot too strongly urge a dis
!! passionate treatment Of this subject. which
should be carefully kept aloof from all
party strife. We must equally avoid hasty
assumptions of any natural impossibility TO,
the two races to live side by side in a state
of mutual benefit and good will The ex-
! pertinent involves us in no inconsistency
let us. then, go on. and make that expert
ment in good faith, and not be too easily
disheartened. The country is in need OF
labor and the freedmen are in need of EN-
ployment, culture and protection While
their right of voluntary migration and ex-
| patriation is not be questioned, would not
advise their forced removal and colonial
ton. Let lis rather encourage them to hon
orable and useful industry, where il may
be useful and beneficial to the country; and,
instead Of hasty anticipa,ions of the cer-
tainty of failure. let there be nothing want
ing to the fair tria. q the experiment. The
change in their condition is the substitution
of labor by contract for the status of slavery.
The freedmen cannot fairly be accused Of
unwillingness to work, so long as doubt