The West Virginia journal. [volume] (Charleston, W. Va.) 1864-1877, 1865-12-13

regarding it; and in the acts Of Congress,
during that period, nothing can be found
which, during the continuance Of hostilitics,
much less after their close, would have sane
toned any departure by the Executive from
policy which has 80 uniformly obtained.
Moreover, o concession Of tue elective fran.
chise to the freedmen, by oct Of the President
Of the United States, mu1t-hare been extended
10 oil coored men, wherever found, and so
must have established n change Of suffrage in
the Northern, Middle, and Western States, not
less than in the Southern and Southwestern.
Such nm act would have created q new class
Of voters, md would have been an assumption
Of power by the President which nothing in
the Constitution or laws Of the United States
would have warranted.
On the other ha nd, every danger Of conflict
i, avoided when the settlement Of the question
is referred to the several States. They can,
each for ITSELF decide on the measure, and
whether il is to be adopted Mt once and abso.
lutely, or introduced gradually and with con.
diiions. In my judgment, the freedmen II II
they show patient and manly virtues, VIII
sooner obtain q participation in The elective
franchise through the States than through the
General Government, even If It had power 10
intervene. When the tumult OF emotions that
have been raised by the snddenness OF the
social change shall have subsided: it may
provo that they will receive the kindliesi
usage from some Of those on whom they have
heretofore most closely depended.
But while | have no doubt that now, after
the close Of the war, it is not competent for the
General Government 10 extend the elective
! franchise in the several States, it is equally
clear that good faith requires the security OF
the freedmen in their liberty and their prop.
crty, their right 10 labor, and their right TO
claim the lust return OF their labor. can not
loo strongly urge q dispassionate treatment O.
this subject, which should be carefully kept
aloof from all party strife. We must equally
avoid hasty assumptions ofany natural inpos'
sibility for the Two races 10 live side by side,
in n state of mutual benefit hnd good will.
The experiment involves US in no inconsisten'
cy: let us then 60 on and make that eSperl'
mcnt in good faith, and not be Too easily DIS
hcar,encd. The country is in need OF labor,
and the freedmen arc in need Of employment,
culture. md protection. While their righ: ol
voluntary migration and repatriation is not
to be questioned, would not advisc their
forced removal or colonization. Let us rather
encourage them 10 honorable aud useful in
Iustry. where it muy be beneficial 10 them
selves and to the country; aud, instead oi
hnsty anticipatons Of the certainly 0! failure
let there be nothing wanting TO inc iHir tr'u'
Of the experiment. The change IN their con-
dition is the substitution Of labor BY CONTRACT
for the status Of slavery. The freedmen car
not fairly be accused Of ofunwillingness 70 Work
10 long as n doubt remains about his freedom
Of choice in his pursuits, and the certainty O
his recovering his stipulated wages. In thi'
tho interests Of the employer and the employee
coincide. The employer desires in his work
men spirit and n!ucrity, md these can noe per
monen,ly secured in no other way. And
the one ought to be able to enforce the coh'rac
% ourLt the other. The public interest wi
be best promoted if the several states WI
provide adequate protection and remedies 10
the freedmen. Until this is IN some way ae
complished. there is no chance for the advat
tu geous use of their labor, md the blame 0: III
success will not rest on them.
know that sincere philanthropy is carnes
for the immediate realization Of its rcmo,cs
aims; but time is always IN element in re
form. 1t is one Of the creates: acts on rccor
TO have brought four millions Of people int
freedom. The career Of free industry must
rairy opened TO them; and then their fusur
prospcrity and condition must, after all. res
mainly on themselves. If they fnil, and
perish away, let us be careful that the fnilur
shall not be attributable to any denial Of jus
lice. in NIL that relates 10 the destiny Of th
freedmen, We need not he too anxious TO rca
the future; many incidents which, from
spccuative point Of view, might raise alarm
! will ouietlv settle themselves.
Now that slavery is nt an end or near il
end, the greatness Of its evil, in the point o
Wow of public economy, becomes more AM
more apparent. Slavery was cssentia!iy
monopoly Of labor, and as such looked th
States where it prevailed against the incoming
Of free industry. Where lnbor was the prop
erty Of the capitalist, the white man "as cx
cluled frorc employment or had but the SC
cond best chance Of finding ii; and Tue ior
eign emiGraut turned nwny from the reS'or
where his condition would be 80 prccnrious
With the destruction Of the monopoly, free 10
bor will hasten from all parts OF the ciSilIzc'
world TO assist in developing various and I'm
measurable resources which have hitherto laiI
lprm,nt. The eight or nine States ncares
the Gulf Of Mexico have soil Of exubcran
fertility, climate friendly TO long life, an'
can sustain o dcnscr population than is !oun'
ns yet in my part Of our country. And tn
future influx Of population 10 thcm will b'
mainly from the North, or from the most cnl
tiyated nations in Europe. From the snfl'r
incs that have attended them during our Int'
struggle, lc: II. look awayio the future, whicl
il sure 10 Jc laden for them with greater pros
pcrity than has ever before been known. ih'
removal Of the monopoly Of slave labor IS
pledge that those regions will he pcopled by
numerous md cntcrprising population, which
will vie with any in the Union in compaeshesS
inventive genius, wealth ond industry.
Our Government springs from, and wn'
made for, the pcoplc-not the people Tor tD'
Government. To them it owes allegiance
from them it must derive it, courage, strength
nnd wisdom. But, while the Government il
thus bound 10 defer TO the people, from whom
il derives its existence, IL should, from The
very consideration Of its origin, be strong in
its power Of resistance to the establishment o
inequalities. Mouopolies, pcrpetuities, and
class legislation, nre contrary 10 the genius o.
free government, and ought not 10 be allowed
| Here, there is no room allowed for favored
classes or monopolies: the principle Of ou'
Government is that Of equal laws and free
dom Of Industry. Wherever monopoly at.ain'
Ia foothold, it is sure 10 be q source Of danger
| discord, and trouble. We shall but fulfil our
duties as Legislators by according "eqnal anu
| ...n nririIfUcS tC