Fayetteville observer. [volume] (Fayetteville, Tenn.) 1850-1966, 1865-12-14

distinction of qualifications pre-
vailed with regard to the officers
who were to be chosen. The Con-
stitution of the United States rec
ognized these Universities when it
epjoins that, in the choice of
members of the House of Repre-
sentatives of the United States,
"the electors in each State shall
have the qualifications requisite
for electors Of the most numerous
branch of the State Legislature
After the formation of the Consti-
tuition, it remained, as before, the
uniform usage for each State to en-
large the body of its electors, &C
cording to its own Judgment ; and,
under this system, one State after
another has proceeded to increase
the number of its electors, until
now universal suffrage, or some-
thing very near it, is the general
rule. So fixed was this reserva-
ton of power in the habits of the
people, and so unquestioned has
been the Interpretation of the Con-
stitution, that during the civil
war the late President never har-
bored the purpose-certaInly nev-
er avowed the purpose : of disre-
garding it; and in the acts of Con-
gress, during that Period, nothing
can be. found, which, during the
continuance of hostilities, much
less after their close, would have
sanctioned any departure by the
Executive from a policy which
has SO uniformly Obtained
Moreover, concession of the
elective franchise to the freedmen,
by act of the President of the Uni
ted States, must have been extern
ded to all colored men, wherever
found, and SO must have estab.
lished change of suffrage in the
| Northern, Middle, and Western
States, not less than in the South
lern and Southwestern. Such al
act would have created new elias.
of voters, and would have been al
} assumption of power by the Pres
ident which nothing in the Consti
tuition or laws of tie United
States would have warranted.
On the other hand, every dan
ger of conflict is avoided when tn,
, settlement of the question is re
Iterred to the several States
They can, each for itself, decide Oh
tie measure, and whether it is te
be adopted at once and absolutely
or introduced gradually and with
/, conditions. In my judgment, the
freedmen, if they show patience
and manly virtues, will sooner OBJ
lain participation in the elect
i've franchise through the State:
. than through the General Govern
ment, even if it had power to in
tervene. When the tumult of
emotions that have been raised by
the suddenness of the social change
shall have subsidized, it may prove
that they will receive the kindes
, usage from some Of those on whom
they have heretofore most closely
depended.
PROTECTION AND SECURITY OF FREED
MEN.
But while l have no doubt tha
now, after the close of the war, i
is not competent for the Genera
Government to extend the elect
i've franchise in the several States
it is equally clear that good faitl
: requires the security of the freed
men in their liberty and theil
property, their right to labor, ant
!. their right to claim the just re
turn of their labor. I cannot too
; strongly urge dispassionate treat
: ment of this subject, which should
be carefully kept aloof from al
party strife. We must equally
avoid hasty assumptions of any
natural impossibility for the two
races to live side by side, in state
of mutual benefit and good will.
The experiment involves us in nc
inconsistency; let us, then, go on
and make that experiment in good
faith, and not be too easily dis
heartened. The country is in
need of labor, and the freedmen
are in need of employment, cul-
ture, and protection. While their
right of voluntary migration and
repatriation is not to be questioned,
would not advise their forced re-
moval and colonization. Let us
rather encourage them to honora-
BILE and usefill induStrv ypbora -