Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1865-12-30
THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
The Continental Policy of the United
States. Letter from Jefferson TO
President Monroe.

| MoNTICELLo, October "a, 1928
| DEAR STR-The question presented by the
letters you have sent me, is the most momen-
! tous which has ever been offered to my con-
| temptation since that of independence. That
made us a nation; this sets out our compass
| and points the course which we are to steer
| through the ocean of time opening on us.
| And never could we embark on it under
circumstances more auspicious. Our first
and fundamental maxim should be never to
| entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe.
Our second, never to suffer Europe to inter
meddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America,
North and South, has a set of interests dis
tinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly
her own. She should therefore have sys-
TEN of her own, separate and apart from that
of Europe. While the last is labOring to
become the domicil of despotism, our en-
deavor should surely be, to make our hem
isphere that of freedom. One nation, mo- {
of all, could disturb US in this pursuit. she
now offers TO lead, aid, and accompany us in
it. By acceding to her proposition we de-
tach her from the bands, bring her mighty
weight into the scale of free government,
and emancipate continent at one stroke,
which might otherwise linger long in doubt
and difficulty. Great Britain is the nation
which can do us the most harm of any one,
orall on earth; and with her on our side we need
not fear the whole world. With her then, we
should most sedulOusly cherish cordial
friendship; and nothing would tend more to
knit our affections than to be fighting once
more, side by side, in the same cause Not
that would purchase even her amity at The
price of taking part in her wars. But the
war in which the present position might en-
gage u.s. should that be its consequence. is
not her war, but ours. Its object is to intro
duce and establish the American system, of
keeping out of our land all foreign powers.
of never permitting those of Europe to inter
meddle with the affairs of our nations 1t is
to maintain our own principle, not to depart
from it. And if, to facilitate this we can ef-
feet a division in the body of the European
powers, and draw over to our side its most
powerful member, surely we should do it.
But l am clearly of Mr.. Cannings opinion,
that it will prevent instead of provoking
war. With Great Britain Withdrawn from
their scale, and shifted into that of our two
continents, all Europe combined would not
undertake such war. For how would they
propose to get at either enemy without supe-
rior fleets? Nor is the occasion to be
sighted which this proposition offers, of de-
claring our protest against the atrocious vio-
lations of the rights of nations, by the inter-
ference of any one in the internal affairs of
another, so flagitiously begun by Bonaparte,
and now continued by the equally lawless
Alliance calling itself Holy.
But we have first to ask ourselves a dues-
tion. Do we wish to acquire to our own
confederacy any one or more of the Spanish
provinces? / candidly confess, that | have
ever looked on Cuba as the most interesting
addition which could ever be made TO our
system of States. The control which. with
Florida Point, this island would give us
over the Gulf of Mexico, and the countries
and isthmus bordering on it, as well rs all
those whose waters flow into it, would fill
up the measure Of our political well-being
Yet, as | am sensible that this can never be
obtained, even with her own consent, but by
war; and it's independence, which is our
second interest Especially its independence
of England), can be secured without it. |
have no hesitation in abandoning my first
wish to future chances, and accepting its in
dependence, with peace and the friendship
of England, rather than its association, at
the expense of war and her enmitv.
| could honestly, therefore, join in the
declaration proposed, that we aim not at the
acquisition of any of those possessions, that |
we will not stand in the way of any AMIGA |
bic arrangement between them and the |
mother country; but that we will oppose,
with all our means, the forcible interposi-
ton of any other power, "a auxiliary, |
stipendiary, or under any other form or pre- !
text, and most especially, their transfer to |
any other power by conquest, ccssion, or |
acquisition in any other way. / should think /
IT, therefore, advisable that the Executive |
should encourage the British Government to !
n continuance in the disposition expressed in |
these letters, by an assurance Of his concur |
renee with them as far as his authority goes |
and that as 1t may lead to war, the declara-
ton OF which requires an act of Congress, the
case shall be laid before them for considera-
ton at their first meeting and under the
reasonable aspect in which it is seen by
himself
have been so long weaned from political
subjects, and have so long ceased to take any
interest in them, that / am sensible am
not qualified to offer opinions on them
worthy Of any attention. But the question
now proposed involves consequences so last
ing, and effects so decisive Of our future des-
hnies, as to re-kindle all the interest have
heretofore felt on such occasions, and in
1uce me TO the hazard Of opinions, which
Will prove only my wish TO contribute still
my mite towards anything which may be
useful to our country. And praying you to
accept il at only what il is worth, / add the
assurance of my constant and afiectionate
riendship and respect.
Tr-r-r- 4