The Jeffersonian. [volume] (Stroudsburg, Pa.) 1853-1911, 1865-12-14

alter the close OF the war, III is not com
S tetent for the General Government to ex
| tend the elective franchise to the severa
r States, it is equally clear that good faitl
requires the security of the freedmen il
: their liberty and their property, thci
, right to labor, and their right to claim ;
just return of their labor. cannot too
, strongly urge dspassiouate treatment Of
this su Iject, which should be carefully
kept aloof from all party strife. We must
equally avoid hasty assumptions Of any
natural impossibilit5 for the two races to
live side by side in state Of mutual ben
eft and good will.
The experime t involves in no incon-
sistency; let us then, go on and make that
experiment in good faith, and not be too
easily djsheartened. The country is in
need of labor. and the freedmen are in need
Of employme::t, culture. aud protection.
While their right Of voluntary migration
and expatration is not questioned, FwoUld
not advise their forced removal and col
onization.
Let us rather encourage them to hon
orable and useful industry, where it may
be beneficial to themselves and to the
country and, instead of hasty anticipa-
tions of the certainty of failure, let there
be nothing wanting to the fair trial Of the
experiment. Tie change in their con-
dtion is the substitution of labor by con-
tract for the status of slavery. The freed
man cannot fairly be accused Of unw;ll
ingness to work, so long as doubt re-
mains about his freedom Of choice in his
pursuits, and the certainty of his recover
Ing his stipulated wages In this inter
ests Of employer and the employed coin
eide
The employed desires in his workmen
spirit and alacrity, and these can be per-
manently secured in no other way. And
is the one ought to be able to enforce the
other. The public interest will be best
promoted if the several States will pro-
vide adequate protection and remedies for
the freedmen Until this is in some way
accomplished, there is no chance for the
advantageous use of their labor, and the
blame of i'll success will not rest on them
| know that sincere philanthropy Is
earnest for the Immediate realization Of
its remotest aims; but time is always an
element in form. 1t is one Of the great
est acts ca record to have brought four
millions of people into freedom. The
career of free industry must be fairly
opened to them aud then their future
prosperity and condition must, after all,
rest mainly on themselves.
If they fail, and SO perish away, let US
be careful that the failure shall not be
attributable to any denial Of justice. In
all that relates to the destiny of the freed
men, we need not be too anxious to read
the future many incidents which, from
speculative point of view, might raise
alarm, will quickly settle themselves.
! Now that slavery is at an end or near its
end, he greatness of its evil, In the point OF
public economy, becomes more and more ap-
parent. Slavery was essentially monop-
| oily of labor, and as such locked the States
where it prevailed against the incoming of
free industry. Where labor was the prop
erty of the capitalist, the white man was ex-
cluded from employment, or had but the sec
ond best chance of finding it, and the for
| eIgn emigrant turned away from the region
where his condition would be so precarlous.
With the destruction of the monopoly, free
labor Will hasten from all parts Of the civil
lied world to assist in developing various
and immcasurablc resources which have
! hitherto lain dormant. The eight or nine
States nearest the Gulf o! Mexico have a soil
of exuberant fertility. climate friendly to
long life. and can sustain denser population
than is founl as yet in any part OF our coun-
try
And the, future influx Of population to
them will be mainly from the North, or from
the most cultivated nations of Europe. From
the sufferings that have attended them during
our late struggle, let us ook away to the
future, which is sure 10 laden tor them
with greater prosperity than has ever be1ore
been known. The removal of the monopoly
of slave labor is pledge that those regions
will be peopled by numerous and enterpri-
sing population, which will vie with any IN
the Union in compactness, inventive genius,
wealth aud industry.
Our Government springs from and was
made for the peope--not the people for the
Government To them it owes allegiance !;
from them 1t must derive its courage, strength
and wisdom. But, while the Government
is thus bound to defer to the people from
whom it derives its existence, 1t should, from
The very considerat on of It's gin, be strong
be strong in its power OF resistance TO the
establishment of Inequalities
Monopolies, perpptuities, and class legis-
lation, are CONTRARY TO the genius OF free gov
ernment, and ought not to be allowed. Here.
there is no room for favored classes of monop-
olies the principle of our Government is
that Of equal laws and freedom OF industry.
Wherever monopoly attains toothnld' 1t IS
sure to be source of danger, dlscofd, and
trouble We shall but fulfil our duties as
: legislators by according "equal and exact
Justice to all men," special privileges TO
none.
The Government is subordinate to the peo-
pie ; but, as the agent and representative oI
the peop,e, it must be held superior TO mo-
nopoIies, which in themselves, ought neve
to be granted, and which, where they exIsI
must be granted, must be subordinate anC
Weld 10 the Government.