Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1865-07-21

agree that these results ought TO be secured
in conformity with what may be called the
American System.-thAt upon which and for
which our constitution was made. This is a
system Of separate states, each with separate
functions, constituted by the people OF each,
and self-governing within it's sphere, with a
central state constituted by the people OF all,
supreme within its sphere, aud the final judge
Of its sphere and functions The President
recognizes tue importance Of proceeding in
accordance with this system. He aims at a
restoration Of the states, by the people Of the
states, without resort to the exercise of SOW
ereign legislative jurisdiction over them by
the general government. In this we offer to
him our sympathy, az we ask for him an in
telligent support. But, inasmuch as once
restored, the state will be beyond our reach,
the utmost care be taken to avoid hasty and
unsatis factory restoration. We acknowledge
that there may be dangers in ptotracted and
extensive military occupation. But we believe
that the people are willing to incur their
share Of these perils. We believe the peo-
pie feel that the greatest hazard is in prema-
ture restoration fraught with future danger
Any restoration would be dangerous which
did not secure, beyond all reasonable peril,
the abolition of slavery, actual freedom, just
rights to the free, and. within each state. a
republican form of government"
The President and his cabinet. we have
every reason to believe, have these results in
view. We cannot doubt that Congress will
refuse to receive any state upon any other
terms. If there are any members Of Con-
gress whose fidelity on these points is doubt
ful, we implore you to exercise over them all
the Just authority and influence Of eonsti-
tuents.
We advance no extreme or refined theory
as to what may be included within the term
"a republican form Of government" In the
exercise Of the extraordinary prerogative of
the general government to determine whether
state constitution is republican" there
must be practical wisdom aud no refined theo-
res. If the constitutions with which the
rebel states now come are not " repu u5lican,
in such reasonable and practical sense as
nations act upon-if they are so far unre-
publican as to endanger public peace and the
stability Of our Institutions, then we may
treat them as not republican" in the Amer
lean sense of the term.
What, then, is the character Of their pres
ent constitutions, assuming that slavery Is
prohibited Here presents itself ques-
tion of mere principle or theory, but facts Of
an overruling and decisive character From
oue-third to one-hslf of their free population
are absolutely and forever not only disfrsn-
chised, but deprived of all the usual rights
of citizens in a republic. Not only so. but
this disfranchisemen is perpetual, hereditary
ana insurmountable. 1t is more deeply seat
ed than Oriental caste.- 1t clings to each man
and his posterity forever, if there be trace
able thread of African descent No achieve
ments in war or peace, no acquisitions OF pro-
perty, no education. no mental power or cul-
ture, no merits. can overcome it. To make
the case worse, these peo pie are not only dis
franchised, but the temper, spirit and habits
of the ruling cl ,ss, the only class partsking
Of civil authority, will keep them not only
disfranchlsed but uneduoated, without land,
without the right to testify, and without the
means Of protecting their formal freedom.-
The result has been and must ever be, that
the system is essentially and practically oil
garchal in such sense as actually and seri-
ously TO endanger the public peace aud the
success of our republican Institutions.
Attempts are made to embarass the subject
by referring to several of the free States, hose
constitutions restrict free blacks in the exsr-
else of some of the usual rights Of citizens
But these are not practical questions before
the country. The general government has no
present cOgnizance OF those Questions in those
States. Besides, as we have said, the exer-
else of this extraordinary authority must be
upon practical and reasonable grounds, and
not on mere theory. The partial disisnohise-
ment of people OF color in those States we re-
gard as one Of the subtle effects Of the slave
power ia our politics, which we hope to see
pass away with it's cause. The number OF
persons whom il bears upon is 80 small, the
effect upon hem so slight, and such the state
OF society, and the habits Nod feelings of the
people, that the substantial character of those
States as a. republican is not senslbly affect
ed. Departures from principle, however small
must always be regretted but in the vast
and critical affairs OF nations, slight aberra-
uons rom exact principles are constantly oc-
curing, and are constantly submitted to and
allowed for, in fundamental institutions, as
we'll as in occasional practice. The case oi
the rebel States is vastly and absolutely diff
ferent. 1t presents a question OF false prin-
ciple organized aud brought into action, with
vast dimensions, having already created one
war, and all but destroyed the Republic, and
ever threatening danger hereafter. We can
hardly think it in good faith that the effort Is
made to deter the nation from confronting
this vast peril, over which it has present and
necessary jurisdiction. by invoking these slight
cases found remaining in loyal States, over
which the nation has no present cognizanee,
and from which it has nothing to fear.
We do not ask that the nation shall insist
on an unconditional, universal suffrage. We
admit that States determine for themselves
the principles upon which they will act, in
| the restrictions and conditions they place up
on suffrage. All the States make restrictions
of age, sex, and residence, and often annex
other conditions operating in substance equ-
ally upon all, and reasonably attainable by all
Those matters lie within the region Of advice
] from neighbors, and not Of national authority
( We speak only to the point where the nation
| al authority comes 10. We cannot require
the rebel States, if we treat them as States
| to adopt system, for the sole reason that We
( think il right. OF that, each State. acting a.
State, must be the judge But in the stu
alton in which the rebel states now are, the
nation can insist upon what is necessary t'
/ public safety and peace. And we declare i
| TO be our belief that If the nation admits {
| rebel State to its full functions with consti