The Cleveland leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1865-1865, 1865-08-04

EEce IEaOes
n-AL o. a H.

AbstrActly, the doctrine of Free Trade
~zsszesVdingiy plausible. Indeed, Che idea
of opening all lands 70 the commerce of
She world, is one Of the most splendid
theories in political economy; while its al
legged cOnsequent4he perfect reciprocity
Of ali hations-strikes the fancy IS one of
Che sublimest aims of civil government.
b But We respectfully submit that Che real
~izAtion Of hopes founded on this theory,
depends upon an adjustment of facts as
yet unseen IN the history of the world
The beneficial workings of Free Trade in
volyea not only q state of profound peace,
but An equality among nations as to their
respective development of internal re-
sources. Otherwise the maturer countries
assume the leadership own the largest
manufactures, and control the greatest
capital. Without cost Of transportation,
they sttract the raw material Of other q
tries 70 their wi workshops, and sand
back the manufactured article, free ofduty,
TO be consumed by its original producer
They are thus enabled to absorb the sur
plus productions regulate the market
tone the currency, and largely govern the
financial systems of their less fortunate
neighbers. The simple statement of such a
policy betrays IFS injustice and wrong.
Now, what are the international relations
and present condition ofthe United States2
Wars are being waged, controversies are
yet unsettled, the wealth of the Old World
is almost entirely brought TO light and
adapted 10 trade, while ours is yet n
developed TO an extent beyond even ap.
proximAse computation. While we are
We are great in hidden treasures the war
has left US burdened with debt and groan-
ing under the pressure of taxation and ifs
cal arrangement. It is our first duty to
discharges our obligations and restore our
financial security. To do this we must
cherish every department of industry. We
must erect foundries and mills at home,
and save the cost of transportation and the
profits Of Eastern jobbers and British man,
ufacturers, which Free Trade has SO long
and cruelty flched from the West. We
must I'm cur labor with the strength of
capital, and adopt 8 system of competition
thst shall give US q foothold OF equality
among the manufacturing powers of the
earth.
In the light of these obvious facts, why
sre we asked 70 open u ports and our
markets to be flooded by the psuper-labor
productions Of hostile countries2 Great
Britain is thoroughly protected-for the
proof Of which we refer to statistical his.
tory. Why are we to invite her commerce
70 swamp our manufacturers and deaden
our industry. Is it because we are dszzled
BY the beauties of Free Trade True, we
should have absolute principles, and work
up 70 them as rapidly as facts will permit
But blind psrtizanshipto a theory, while
great interests are at stake upon facts at
variance with the theory-a folly among
Individuals a crime among nations.
Away, then, with the discussion of mere
abstractions- We are dealing with prsc-
teal and immediate issues. The dictate of
wisdom is to grasp and fulfil the necessity,
not speculate upon schemes of perfection
with circumstances which do not and can.
not exist. ag g;
The p-oatPonement of Free Trade until
e appropriate period-that of universal
'eace and Prosperity-seems, therefore, to
sden,, sndedbyeVerytrue interest of the ma
In our prescs2t state Of diplomacy and
nance we hesitate not to say that a large
1uufctoas increase Of our PrOsSSA'o
srif would send a new thrill into every
Sa4MonCan enGerprlse. We Should
hen have the courage to mine and she
pirit 70 Manufacture. We should be freed
the ShyIoeks of England and
augh at the fancy traders of Paris. We
6onId prevent the exrortasion Of gOld-that
Imperative need of the Treasury. We
hould create q home msrket-thss most
desirable stimulus to agriculture. In short, !
We believe that tho early promotion and
protection of home industry,
would restore the stability of trade, and
peedfy effect our fnsneisl independence.
Il