Journal of freedom. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1865-186?, 1865-10-07

" o mtAFu OpMlnuulIy IL WAlcn lNqj
who have been corrupted by
institutions will be neutralized
by black citizens and white emigrants
from the North ?
And what is the hindrance to this in
the minds of the President and his Cahi-
net? is it scruples about legality To
be scrupulous about exceeding his lawful
powers well becomes the first magistrate
If a free people. But in this case the
>cruple seems wholly out Of place. We
are told that the rebel States must be as
summed never to have, been out of the
Union, and therefore to be uncondition-I
ally entitled TO all their original liberties
and powers the moment TREY condescend
to accept them. Reason would say, on
the contrary, that by declaring them
selves independent OF the Union they
could not, indeed, divest themselves of
its obligations, but certainly forfeited it's
privileges. A state of civil war suspende-
all legal rights and all social compacts
between the combatants. Except under
the terms of a capitulation, defeated reb-.
els have no rights but the univeI sal ones
of humanity. The Southern people,
their lives, bodies and estates, were, by
the issue Of the war, placed at the dis
cretiun of their cOnquerOrs /; but of con-
querors whom both the general law of
right, and the special principles Of their
own social and political institutions, for
bid to exercise permanent dominion over
any human beings as subjects, or on any
footing than that of equal citizenship
1t would, however, be on the part of the
Tree States a generosity partaking of sill
illness were they to give back to their
bitter enemies not only power to govern
themselves and the negroes within their
limits, but (thruugh representatives in
C"ngress) to govern the free States too,
without first exacting such changes in
the structure of Southern society az will
render such u rel alton between them and
the free States rational and safe. If you
ave not a right to do this, you had NOT
the right to impose the abolition of slave
ry. Consider what an element you are
going Unce more to admit into the SUI
preme government Of the Union. Think
of this One thing-it is but one of many.
Every Southern member of Congress
elected without negro suffrage is a. sure
vote for that blacklist and most disgrace.
full breach of faith, which would brand
American democracy and popular gov
eminent itself with 6" mark that would
endure for generations-the reputation
OF the war debt. The Southern repre-
sentatives, in fact, would be the only
members of Congress who could honest
ly vote for this since, to their minds.
unless the Confederate debt is recognized
too, it would seem only equal justice -
This is of itself a sufficient reason why
no community, composed exclusively or
principally Of those who have been en-
gagged In the rebellion, is fit to have a
voice in Congress. Of course, the States
have to he readmitted +; to keep them out
and govern them as subjects, would be
IN contradiction to all the principles of
the American or any other free cOnstitu-
ton. But the future hin tory of Ameri-
ca, perhaps for e to come, depends q
cannot but think upon your requiring
them, before admission, to give guaran-
tees to freedom. by admixture with fel
lOw-citize:.s Whose interests and feelings
are in unison with justice, and with the
principles of the free States Migration
from the North will do this in time and
in part, but only negro suffrage can do it
sufficiently.
| have nc objection to requiring, as a
condition OF the suffrage, education up
to the point of reading and writing /; hut
upon condition that this shall be required
equally from the whites. The poor whites
of the South are understood to need edu-
cation quite as much as the negroes; and
are certainly quite as unfit for the .exer-
else of the suffrage without it.
/ am, dear sir, yours, very sincerely,
j. Is. MILL.
Hon. Judge Dickson, 60.