The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1865-11-24
5@ashnlle 2aniuu.
WIN. CAMERON a co., Publishers.
FR5DAl EovEmRER .. lsss
The Power Given TO Congress by
the eCousfffurfuuaf $500.


slaye-hoiding States TO the Constitutional
Amendment Is directly agzirst the second
| section, which reads thus: "Coneress shsll
have power J enforce this article bv an
propriate legislation II is said there s
danger that under this, Congress vii a.
sumo the full Guardianship Of the freed
men, and that perpetual discard must come
II there be any such danger, that Second
section IS not Its cause. Congress would
nave Just az much power if that second see
tion id not exist. There is no articl il
| the constitution, whether mandatory or pro
hlbitory, which Congress has not The bow
| er 10 iegislate upoD, 90 that il shall be
/ MAINTAIN ed inviolsts. The constitution for
bids the States 70 enter into any treaty; to
grant letters Of marqne; 10 coin money; 10
pass any law impairsng the obligation Of
echtractsi TO do divers other things speci-
NED Nobody ever doubted that Con. ress
has power 70 enforce these prohibitions s.bv
appiopriato legislation" whenever ueedfuf.
though there Is no express provision 40
that-eieet The same power must i,sierent-
y exist TO enforce this new inhibition Of
slavery and Involuntary servltude. This
second section was appended to the BODY of
the Amendment in an excessive ANXIETY h
shield it from sophistry and bubble.
The prohibition OF slavery snd involunta-
~ seryitude 10 the Constitution Of the United |
states necessarily imposes upon the Govern
ment OF the United States an obligation 10
take care that 40 such system exists, and /
upon the legislative branch Of that Govern /
ment 10 enact laws, with appropriate ueD /
slues, against it. The State that opposes /
that Congressional power really opposes The
prohibition itself; for Il would have that /
prohibition nothing but a dead letter. The
Tact that this power may be abused is DO ar
gument against IL. There never yet was 8
elvii power, OF any character Whatever, that
was not liable to be perverted. Men are not
always faithful in the discharge Of public
duty. But for all that. public duty must be
imposed upon That public duty which
relates TO slavery and involuntary servitude
eau De no exception. Congress must be
trusted Tor appropriate legislation" on III S
subject, IS well as all others within It's con
sutuuonal sphere. 1t may come hard 70
the south to see such WORK done over the
remains Of their old idol, but there Is no
possible help for it. Whatever else hap
pens, IN no form shall this abom nation be
set up again.
Few IN the South, We suppose, are 50 de-
mented as 70 believe IN the possibility of
restoring slavery as it was. Even without |
any national law upon the subject, there |
would be as little likelihood Of q return OF
the south 20 barbarism outright, IS 20 |
social coalition wherein One-third of IFS !
population answered % the definition given
an the Black Code of Louisiana. "a slave is (
one who is ia the power Of a master 10 I
whom he belongs The master may sell ]
MN, dispose Of has person, his industry and
hls labor be can do nothing, possess moth
ing, nor acquire anything, but what must
oelohg 70 his mastef- The great object is I
n ne q r.. u H--N. I
type Of seryitude. The colored man was g
made an absolute chattle BY the old slave b
law nom that, there is every Eradation Of .
involuntary Bervitude, up to The very light j.
sst system Of apprenticeship. We're the
; uthern states left entirely 10 their own | I
control, 1t would be not only possible, but y
probable, that the weaker race would be ;
ublected by law 10 some of the less severe
Kinds Of bondage. The temptation to such 5
! resort would be very strong, in lace OF n
ne dnheulues which must attend the get
ing into successful operation a self-regula- y
ing system Of absolutely free labor. The d
irnest friends OF this system admit that
lme and effort are necessary 70 make 10 eff | 9
ectual. Il is intended that this end shall | >
lot be thwarted by any weakness OF faith, v
v any undue greed, 10 the South This =
,ons itutlonal Amendment will hold the <
'outh, as probably nothing else could, not Z
My to the remuneration OF chattled slavery, j
Jut 10 the maintenance OF the full and. per ! =
ect right Of the culOred man 10 bargain. as | 1
lie best can, for his labor, He must be no
more subject 20 any legal disabilities in this .
aspect than is the colored man n the >
Worth in other words, he must be subject a
0 no such disabilities whatever. .
II viii be the duty Of Congress, under this o
amendment, 20 see that this freedom Of d
abor is preserved but further than that. 8
congress viii have no cognizance. The | y
question Of giving suffrage 20 the freedmen =
Will remain as much beyond is sphere as | =
'eiore. So VIII the question OF admitting | =
b, II testimony into The State coAtts The p
Amendments relalss TO no form OF legal OBJ, | !,
'ressiou, but that pertaining to labor The .
ear expressed in some OF the Southern v
that the Amendments Will be .
made the preieXt for an assumption Of the :
ntiTe control Of The colOrsd race Of the 3
'outh by Congress is aitogether groundless q
{ is true that prior TO the r, admission Of y
he Southern States 10 the enjoyment Of {
heir full constitutional rights, The Frss- y
ent and Congress viii ask to be satisfied 7
hat there is an honest purpose to secure y
he freedmen every natural right but when I.
he readmission has been actually consum- Oh
mated, the treatment Of the freedmen out
ide Of the range OF this Amendment, must 7
e left entirely TO the good faith and Justice 9,
nd enlightened interests Of the States in y
which they live
We consider that the great safeguard is :
ecured, in making free ON Of labor consti y
utionally inviolable For years 20 come. ! 7
be want of labor will be the greatest Of all p
outhern wants. The restoration Of the =
outh from its des0lation, and the further | !"
development ofits immeas urable resources, | q,
an come only from hard work. The de- :,
naod for this will, at best, far exceed the =
upply. The guarantee 20 the freedmen Of | -
ier ect liberty 70 make their own bargains | -
or their work, Of itself gives them an i'm :,
aense power. It MAKES 1t the direct inter :,
It of tue stronger race 70 deal iairly by the | a
-eaker. II readers necessary policy Of =
onciliation, of inspiring confidence, Of cup "a
living moral as well as material motives "
hat shall encourage snd stimulate. Preserve | =
his independence Of labor inviolate, aud, -
3 the South is situated, it will, We believe, | =
lsure the freedmen the gradual gain Of all | a
Their rights. We're labor a drug in the | n
outh as in the Old Word, no such result | -
-ould follow. But being the foremost Of "
Il needs, the race upon whose 70 iti0n 1t =
lainly depends has a complete power Of II
alf-protection and a key, that, rightly used, p
M open the way to any future advance -