Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1865-02-24

RulHlL the pfOpflety OF That gentlemHn'S
determination to resign, he says that he
cannot acknowledge "the existence of
power or right in the Legislative Depart
ment of the government, or any part or
branch of it, to control the continuance in.
Office of those principal officers in each Of
the Executive Departments" the choice
of whom the Constitution has vested in
the Chief Magistrate, he entirely misstates
the question, and argues from point
which has no relevancy to the subject
!. No one fas been stupid enough to assert
. that Congress, or any portion OF Congress,
: has any power to dismiss Cabinet officer.
, No one has been absurd enough to deny
that the right to choose those officers is,
by the Constitution, vested in the Chief
Magistrate-6y and aoitA the ADVICE and
consent Of the Senate !; an important modi-
tication which, doubtless, in the hurry of
. writing, escaped the Presidents memory.
The President, therefore, in his letter to
Mr.. Seldom, took great deal of pains TO
prove Il proposition which no one disputed,
and to disprove point which no one as
serted. The letter of Mr.. Boo. ok, OH be-
half of the delegation from Virginia, indi
> Gates the exact nature of the issue which
. the President has raised but which they
had no thought of making. They intend
ed no interference much less by dicta-
ton. Nothing WAS further from their
thoughts :han an attack on the dearly
cherished and desperately defended Exc
cutive prerogative of appointment. They
found the country in Il condition of ex-
treme dependency and gloom. They OBJ
served symptoms, which they considered
alarming, and which indeed had excited
the apprehensions of all thoughtful men.
They attributed the gloom and despon-
dency and the concomitant alarming SYM
toms to prevailing diStrust of the capaci-
ty of the various Executive agents to whom
the management of the different depart.
ments of the government was contided.
This distrust was so plainly pronounced
and So widely extended that it constituted
the indisputable public opinion of the
country-that very public opinion to
which the President declares himself at
all times willing to defer. To be sure he
speaks of a well-informed and enlightened
public opinion as that to which he would
yield respect; but if he means that he is
to be sole and supreme judge of the de-
gree of information and enlightenment
necessary to form such opinion, he might
just as well have said that he would re-
gard nobody's wishes but lis own, and
that the desires of the country were to be
at all times subordinate to his views. OF
course he did not mean this. OF course
the delegation from Virginia could not
suppose that he would regard as officious
and untimely the Suggestions of wise
prudence, and the counsels of the repre-
sentatiVes of one of the sovereign States
of this Contederacy.' These gentlemen
hint that more than once the advice OF
the Executive has been rendered OH sub
jects within the Legislative province and
such advice has always been received with
due consideration and respect. They had
a right to expect at least fair reciprocity
of courtesy. 1t is not known, We believe,
that they ever refused to vote for mea-
sure simply because it had the Executive
endorsement; or that they rejected tho
Executive advice simply because it was
rendered to them i'll an indirect and moi
fetal mode. Yet, when they intimate that
changes in the Administration might BIZ
expedient, and when Cabinet officer,
presenting allusion to be made to himself, 8:
tenders his resignation, the President al IT,
most refuses to accept it; not, primarily, '
because the change might not be benefi-
cial, but because somebody had asked that ,
it might be-. This seems to DO the mean
ing of all that he has said or the .aDjeet,
although he argues on those other and
totally irrelevant grounds, to which We
have referred. If the President had re-
solved not to yield anything to the voice
of the country simply because it is the
voice of the country, and to reject good
advice simply because it is given rs ad-
vice, he ought to have said so without cir
cumfocution, and spared rs the elaborate
but inapplicable disquisition on the nature
of the British Constitution with which he
has favored ms. The people of this Con-
federacy care very little about the powers
of the British Ministry or the Constitution
of the British Parliament; but they do
care very much to SEQ our own govern
ment properly administered, and our re-
sources faithfully and energetically EN-
ployed. They have no luminosity against
Mr.. Seldom, or, for naught We know,
against any of the heads of departments.
They, questionless, regard with profound
admiration the gentle interchange Of SYM
pathy in the courteous struggle between
the President and the late Secretary OF
War. They are glad that the President
was pleased with Mr.. Seddoa, and that Mr.
Seldom reveres the President. These arr.
sentiments honorable alike to both Of the
distinguished gentlemen. But this does
not alter the only important fact, that pub
@ic opinion desired and even demanded
certain changes which were deemed ne
cessary to the safety of the country and
the successful prosecution of the war. Ii
the President had met the question fairly
and squarely, he would either have denied
the existence of such public opinion, or he
would have fatty refused to be guided by
it. He does neither Of these things. He
only tells US that Congress nor, a fortiori,
the Virginia delegation has any right to