The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1865-08-25
CFrom the Age, of Aug 2lst.
An Anti-Republioan Doctrine.


of this city, under the title Of ''TgE NATIONAL
PoucY-THE STATES Nor Our OF TIE USIoN,
But THE TRAfToRs ARE"
Now that the doctrine is nowhere directly
controverted that secession did not take q sin-
gle State out Of the Union, we may meet on 4
satisfactory and solid platform. as we come to
consider the question Of admitting the Senators
and Representatives from such States. Con-
gress may, and in our opinion should, insist
upon such publication of the several SOathern
State Constitutions as would free them Of the
poison of slavery; but even when this condition
is fulfilled, no impeniient traitor, and 40 leader
Of the rebellion should be permitted to take his
seat in either House, at least not for a long
period of time. Suppose the inhuman guerrilla,
Mostly, should be elected to Congress from the
Alexandria IVA distrct--if Virginia were as
sacredly and as strongly a member Ot the Un-
ion as Pennsylvania, re should deny his right to
a seat, and enforce lis exclusion Nay, if
Pennsylvania or New York, iog instance were
TO elect such a man, it would DC the duty III
the majority to refuse him admission. Last
year President Lincoln was most dgsl,ou5 gog
the admission Of the Louisiana claimants 1t
the pres.,,t Congress, doubtless President Joha
son will expect to sec Tennessee represented;
bat ii does NOT follo,s that claimants OF doubt
fol loyalty, or elected BY rebel votes, viii be
permitted TO take or hold th"'r seats Doas
any one suppose that Etheridge wo2id be al
lowed to enter the Capitol as mGm1c'. no
matter how great The majority that returned
hin? Undoubtedly not. We hold the power
of Congress over this subject to be unqaastion-
abe established not alone in the law and the
4 I,,tb !
cedent Il is with them to say who shal! be
Senators and Representatives They can de-
eide as to The .SQpaiiications' Of the claimants,
and they can exclude them for short time or
for whole Congress. This, it seems 10 u,
clears the way Of many of the difficulties sgE-
gested in the course Of the Discussions on this
important subject"
It mast be apparent to ell that if the deg
trine set forth in this article be adopted. ii viii
change our whole form of government as com
pescly as did the coup detat Of Louis Nap5-
leou that e France. The power is here claim
ed for Congress- mere legislative body, with
lis d4:ias and the boundaries Of its power clear
IL SET forth in the Constitution to s4y rhd,
kind OF : Constitution tLa people Of = s5ver-
cign State shall adopt aul to dictate IL the
electors who shall and vino shail not repr2seT
them iu Congress TIE eject If his would be
10 render the UnioG OF tic States Mt a.t times
dependent upon partisan majority. Tie cues
t:oa to-day upon which puriscalioa ot the 50
aral State Constitutions IS demanded is sayrrv.
But issues change, as do the minds Of mon: ta"
sentiments of eniue communities ara snblac. u
like revolutions; and now would this Gac-riac
apply to different issue? Suppose prolec. -
or free trace or the currency question aAouI5
bo the dividing line between parties, would It ue
constitutional, fair or Just for a partisan majer
ity in Congress 20 refuse the admission Of
State into the Union unless its Constitution
greed with their ideas upon these queslionsI
Would the people sanction such a course? We
need not stop here tC urge the point that the
late revolted States never were out OF the Ia
ion, and that as matter Of course Congress
has nolhing to do viii! their Constitutions. It
is sufficient for our present purpose TO show
that if Congress had a right 10 say that the peo-
pe of State shall exclude slavery by : cen
sIitutional provision on pain OF non-aamssoa
TO the Union, they would have the same right
to demand similar action upon the tariff, or
banking, or any other question that may decide
the country, How long would the Union last
what indeed would it be worh--under the
practical operation OF such principle?
But, look at this doctrine as q means of per-
petuating the life Of any political party or fac
lion that should happen to obtain the ascendan
cv in the Legislature of the nation. Because
the Houses of Congress have a right to decide
as to the ''qualiGcatiOns" of their members re
spectively, it is now claimed that this right ex-
tends to questions Of ''loubtfui loyalty" and
others of kindred character, the interpreta-
tion and understanding of which rest not on
law, precedent or reason, out upon partisan
feeling and political opinion. 1t Is boldly sta
ted that II Pennsylvania or New York elect
men to Congress vino do not agree with lhe rad
icals upon the issues which they nave declared
to be essential to the welfare Of the nation, it
would be the duty Of the majority 20 refuse
them admission This is going to the fall ex-
tent Of the doctrine at O2S6s aud telling the
paopie that no matter h5N may chang.
their opinions andtindicate tIS1 change by the
election Of members of Congress, the radicals
mean to hold on to power, and exclude any
member elect, North or South, who they think
wal be troublesome to them in their exercise
SfNsurped authority. 1t will be seen by the
extract given that there are 40 qualifications
SUGGESTED in the exercise Of this revolutionary
and anti-republican doctrine. Even if men be
elected to Congress vino are eligible under laws
passed by radical Congress, and by voters
qualified in the manner pointed out in the same
enactments, still if each individual member
does not come fully up to the requirements Of
the majority he "wiIl not be permitted 70 take
his seat IN either House" This is the pro-
claimed decision of the radicals; and the Presi-
dent is notified that no exception will be made
in the case of Tennessee, notwithstanding his
desire to see that State represented in the COM
ing Congress.
This is certainly most dangerous position
to be occupied by political party in free
country. Bot it il the old doctrine of New
England. That section has always clamored