Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-06-23
THE RECORD.
Platferm o. one CleveIand Leader.

platform OF the, Cleveland Leader.
Nlst.>>.The right Of suffrage should be ertend-
ed 90 the colored men of the South"
I'd. ''The State Constitution must be so
amended as to giue equal suffrage to tohtte and
black. Theword w HITE' must be stricken
from Arttcle 5, section !, Of the Coastttattono Of
Ohio" ~
The Cleveland Herald on Negro Suf-
frage.
"We would give the suffrage at once to
four classes OF Southern negroes. First
and emphatically, to every negro who mas
borne arms in the cause OF the United
States; second, toevery negro who owns real
estate; third, to every negro who can read
and write; and, fourth, to every negro who
had belonged to any religious organization
orchurch rive years before the war. These
points would cover every one that ought TO
vote, and they would insure in every negro
voter spirit of manhood as well as dis
cipline, some practical shrewdness, intel
lectual development, and moral copscious-
ness and culture. 1t is well worth the con-
sideration of the President whether some
thing like this should not be included In
the scheme of reconstruction" "a
The above is from The Neto York Herald.
The classification of cOlored men who shall
be entitled to vote, as given by The Herald,
Is, perhaps, as near right as 1t can be. 1t
Is questionable-more than questionable
whether the church member test is judi
cious, but as it applies to previous mem
bership. and not to future, no premium is
offered for hypocrites.
The question Of negro suffrage Is one that must
| demand attention. The negro, since the time
whereof the memory of man runneth not
to the contrary, has been the sensation
feature, politically, of this country, and
still bids fair to continue so. 1t would be
well could politics be diverted to some 9TH
er channel; at least for tchae. But we
| must take matters as they are, not as we
would have them; consequently, we must
| look this question of negro suffrage In the
| face and take sides in the determination OF
| 1t.
But 10 scould seem as i the question acdS
soluable only through. some sort Of compromise,
some meeting half way; some splitting the
difference plan. While all will admit that
| property is no test of mans intelligence
or worth, it does seem as II, so far as the ne
gro is concerned, it is the best qualification
that can be adopted.
We speak of the late slave States, for SC
| far as the free States are concerned there is
not an objection to negro ballot that does
not apply to large minority OF our pres
ent voters. In intelligence, t0ydtty ana properly
interest in the Government, the cOiOred jDopuld-
ton are the Equals Of the great mass Of tegd'
roters. The ,Cdr has determined the moral right
as to negro ballot. We haze called upon the
black man 10 fight for our liberties, and he
has right to demand the lriutlege Of rotsn9 IN
| return.
But in the late slave States the question
is entangled. Is the negro, as race, fit, in
| thaca Statae Tn pxprciSp the RIGHT of DallOtI
II not some test must be applied. What
test better, everything considered. than the
property qualification? True, while many
who have no property are intelligent
enough to exercise the right of suffrage.
yet every one who can acquire and retain
property-thus making himself dou6ly in-
terested in the Government-w ould BIZ a fit
person to have voice in electing his rulers
Is not the property qualification, in absence
of any directly just rule, the best rule that
can be adopted?