Baltimore daily commercial. [volume] (Baltimore, Md.) 1865-1867, 1865-10-23
sohnson's Dcianitton Of Liberty

as something negative-as ''thc right to work
:al enjoy the fruits of labor" Mr. Phillips
tells us, that ''never. from Grotus down To
Iicbcr, has there been so ungracous defni-
ion Of what republican liberty means. " This
Is uttered with the speakers usual cXrava-
gance OF assertion and recklessncSs as to facts.
We presume that the late DR.. Claiming Ia
venerable and illustrous namei. will be adj
mitted by Mr.. Phillips as rather respectable
authority on this subject Of liberty. Now it
happens that DR.. Channing's definition, pub
liShed in 1929 corresponds precisely in spirit,
If not in letter, with that of President Johnson.
Or. Claiming, writcS:-
"0f all Governments We may say that the
good which they promote is chiefly neg
"ativc, and thi is especially true of the Fed
G cral institutions which bind these States to-
gether. Their highest function is to avert
evil. Nor let their efficiency ON this ac-
& count be disparaged. THE highest political
"g00d, liberty, is aegdiite. # is the removal
" Of distractions. 1t is security from wrong.
4" conters no poSiticc happiness but opens
I" field in which the individual may achieve
" his happiness By his or" "ntficred Po~els.
In other words, by his work, and by enjoy
ment Of the ''tiuits of his labor.
Any candid reader will admit that this sound
and philosophical statement, by Charming, is
simply an amplifcation Of the Presidents
concise definition. If the definition is ''nn-
gracious, it is the fault Of the truth and not
of the uttcrer. The Red Republicans of
France. in thcir first blind groupings after lib
crty, imagined it to exist in Government
that should not only leave them free to work,
but should fHd them in work, thus practically
constituting itself their employer. Mr. Phil
lips appears to have some such vague notion
of liberty But in France society saw that a
wild iallacy like this would lead to social dis
lnption and ruin. and so intelligent citizens
were well content 10 acquicscc in the Empire
when it came. as it soon did. and as ii always
must where such absurditics get lodged in the
brains Of any large number Of the people.
1t is an 'ungracious fact that we must. in
all civilized communities giyc up portion of
our liberties in order to preserve the rest: but
II ID AZ l''tt ltl'HA anu oil vi HiliIlN
acolding and we freely give him credit for
powers OF oklurgaton rarely eNcciled) cannot
alter this incyorablc social law
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who haEm ng been lG praised for bndcrs oath affect
saucy roughness.
Mr., Phillips says: 1.-The President of the
mted States looks INTO the faces OF the sol
uerS, entitled to have liberty Of the coSfliest
mint, and can only assure them of liberty 10
work. Not 50. Under the President 5 def
milton of liberty. men have the same right to
7'tag that they have to po1k; for he distinctly
includes under liberty the right to ''cnjoy the
fruits of ones labor. What more would we
have? II would be difficult to compress into
,he same space so true and practical defni-
ton of liberty as that which the President has
given us. His notion of liberty is the Hberty
Of doing for yoHTSelf; whereas, Mr. Phillips
elderly of the costliest mint is the liberty of
having Others do for you-a liberty which. rs
all history proves, is very apt to end in having
Others do for you rather more than is agree
able.
Liberty of the costliest mint! This is
one OF those gilded phrases which, thrown out
by fluent orator and hastily fourished before
all audience having no time for reflection,
seem to mean something, but which, pricked