Bradford reporter. [volume] (Towanda, Pa.) 1844-1884, 1865-12-07

lation by Congress When. at the first
toward independence, the Con-
gress Of the United States instructed the
several States to institute governments of
their own, they left each State to decide
for itself the conditions for the enjoyment
Of the elective franchise During the pc
riod OF the Confederacy there continued to
exist very great diversity in the quallii-
cations If electors in the several States
aud even within State IA distraction Of
qualification prevailed with regard to the
officers who were to be chosen The Con
stituton Of the United States recognizes
these diverstieS when it enjoins that, IN
the choice Of members of the House Of Rep
resentatves of the United States, the
electors in each State shall have the quail
tications requisite for electors Of the most
numerous branch of the State Legislature"
After the formation Of the Constitution. it
remained, as before, the uniform usage for
each State to enlarge the body of its cleo
tors, according tn itS"Dwn Judgment ; and,
under this system, one State after another
has proceeded to increase the number OF
its electors, until now universal suffrage,
or something very near IT, is the general
rule So fixed was this reservation of
power in the habits of the people, and so
unquestioned has been the Interpretation OF
the constitution that during the civil war
the late President never harbOred the pur-
pose certainly never avowed the purpose
of disregardng it; and in the acts Of
Congress, during that period, nothing can
be found which, during the continuance OF
hostilities, much less after their close,
l.nnr+1rn hX,
the Executive from policy which has so
uniformly obtained Moreover a conces-
sion of the elective franchise to the freed
men, bY act of the President of the United
States, must have been extended to all
colored men, wherever found, and so must
have established change of suffrage III
the Northern, Middle and Western States,
not less than in .he Southern and South
western Such an act would have created
a new class of voters, and would have been
an assumption OF power by the President
which nothing in the constitution or laws
Of the United States would have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger of con-
tlct is avoided when the settlement of the
question is referred to the several States
They can, each for itself, decide on the
measure, and whether it is to be adopted at
once and absolutely or introduced grad
ually and with conditions In my iudg-
ment, the freedmen, if they show patience
and manly virtues, will sooner obtain a
participation in the elective franchise
throng the States than through the Cen
eral Government, even if it had power to
intervene. When the tumuIt of emotions
that have been raised by the suddenness of
Il l,,ll ,l,fI InI
may prove that they will receive the kind
liest usage from some Of those on whom
they have heretofore most closely depen-
dcd.
But while have no doubt that now, af-
ter the close of the war, it is not COmpe-
tent for the General Government to extend
the elective franchise in the several States,
it is equally clear that good faith requires
the security of the freedmen in their liberty
and their property, their right to labor, and
their right to claim the just return OF their
labor cannot too strongly urg dlspas-
sionate treatment Of this subject which
should be carefully kept aloDf from all par
ty strife. We must equally avoid hasty
assumptions OF any natural impossbility
for the two races to live side by side in a
state Of mutual benefit and good will. The
experiment involves Us in no inconsistency
let us, then. 20 on and make that expert
mcnt in good faith, and not be too easily
dishcaItcned The country is in need Of
labor. and the freedmen are i'll need Of en-
ploymrnt. culture, and protection. While
their right Of voluntary migration and eX-
patriation is not to be questioned, | would
not advise their forced removal and colon
ization lie, us rather encourage them to
honorable and useful industry, where it
may be beneficial to themselves and to the
country aud. instead of hHSly autCipa-
tiOns 0f the certainty of failure, let there be
nothing wanting Ia the fair trial OF the eX-
pertinent The change in their condition is
the substitution OF labor by contract for
the status of slavery. The freedman can
not fairly be accused OF unwillingnesS to
work, so long as a doubt remains about his
freedom of choice in his pursuits, and the
certainty of his recovering his stipulated
wages In this the interest of the employer
and the employed coincide. The employer
desires in his workmen spirit and alacrity,
and these can be permanently ly secured III no
other way And if the one ought to be
able to enforce the contract, so ought the
other. The public interest will be best
promoted il the several States will provide
adequate protection and remedies for the
freedmen. Until this is in some way ac
complished, there is no chance for the ad-
vantageOus use of their labor and the
Glame OF ill-success will not rest on them.
know that sincere philanthropy is ear
nest for the immediate realization Of its re-
motest aims but time is always an ele-
ment in reform. 1t is one of the greatest acts
on record to have brought four millions OF
people into freedom. The career of free in
duslry must be fairly opened to them ; and
then their future prosperity and condition,
must, after all rest mainly on themselves.
If they fail. and 50 perish away, let us be
careful that the failure shall not be attrib-
utable to ano denial Of Justice. In all that
relates to the destiny of the freedmen, we
need not be too anxious to read the future ::
many incidents which, from speculative
point Of view, might raise alarm, will quiet
ly settle themselves
Now that slavery is at an end or near its
end, the greatness Of it's evil, in the point
Of view Of public economy, becomes more
and more apparent Slavery was essen
TALLY Il monopoly Of LABOR, and as such
locked the States where ii prevailed against
the incoming Of free industry. Where Ia
bor was the property Of capitalists, the