Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1865-04-21
WAR WITH ENGLAND.

ness. Is now trying 10 persuade lts puOnc tnht
we mean to make war on England as soon as
the present war is closed. By incessant re-
iterations Of warnings and threats, it has sue
ceeded in persusding several of the liberal
journals to discuss the subject seriously. and
has even provoked a brief debate in Psrlia-
ment, which we are glad to say was also
moderate. What the Times aims At is to
produce the belief that fixed resolution
prevails at Washington to fasten some quar-
rel upon the imperial government, knowing
that when the antici patton Of war becomes
general, the fact Of war is likely to follow.
That apprehensions Of war from this side
Of the Atlantic should prevail in certain cir
elesfn England, is not surprising. When
they reflect upon the course which the ruling
classes have pursued since the outbreak Of
the slaveholders' conspiracy, III natural that
they should expect some kind Of retaliation.
But they have yet to learn that democracy,
while 1t educates men into jealous sensi-
uveness OF their rights, eduostes them also
in intelligence, in justice, and in moderation.
We eel the offences Of British opinion, but
we know them 10 be mostly moral offences,
that are never Just grounds Of war Even
the damages inflicted by the piratical crafts
built in English shipyards and manned by
British tsrs, though we might make them
properly the occasion for an instant demand
Of reparadon, are yet Of a kid best adjusted
by negotiation or by reference to an impartial
arbitrator Much as we have been outraged,
we shall not allow our prejudices or our pas
sions to dictate our conduct towards foreign
nations In the case Of Great Britain, espe-
cially, we shall be cautious not to play into
the hands Of the aristocfscy and of the small
band of secessionsts stlnding behind it, who
would both be likely to profit by involving
as n war with strong foreign nation.
No true American, whatever may be his
feelings towards the arstocrscy Of England,
will forget that the great body Of the people,
that the large majority Of the midd e ana
nearly all the working classes that the many
liberal statesmen, and the fearless radical
leaders-in short, that the honest, manly,
sdisinterested sentiment Of the nation, has
been warmly on the side of the North. 1t
was seen from the outset, by the poor, starv-
sing laborers Of the manufacturing districts,
\ no less clearly thsn by the Mills, the Bright,
4 the Cobdens, the Forsters, and others Of cul-
stivated judgment and insight, that the battle
{ in the United States was a struggle for free
I institutional government, for the rights Of
sthe people against an upstart slave oligarchy,
I and for the civilization Of liberty against the
I bar barism of bondage and they have never
swerved in their devotion to the just cause.
\ In the midst of poverty, suffering and death,
Ethey preserved their fidelity TO their own con-
Evictions, thus giving to mankind grand ex-
Fample of heroic virtue while the superior
iclasses, as they are called-the merchants il
atbeir sel6shness and the mobiles in their nsr-
Erowness and srTogsnce-were he ping for
sward, by arms, money and applause, the ac-
Ecursed cause of the STAKEHOLDER and trying
gto embroil the two foremost nations Of the
scivilzed world in bloody and destructive
swar. For this we owe the people not only
-Four admiration, but our gratitude, and in the
kpractical sphere, such shaping of our ma
stional policy as will best promote their ad-
svancement ana inttrests, rather than the ad-
4vancement and and interests Of our common
Senemies.
i AT the present time, we conceive that the
best revenge that can be inflicted upon he
spriyileged classes of Great Britain, is to leave
ethe example Of our success in the civil war to
Sits uninterrupted and natural effects upon
spopular opinion. We have so demonstrated
The power of the republic in asserting its in
Ftegrty, that henceiorlh republican principles
Il have acquired new impetus and a new vigoI.
aThe fond predictions of the minions Of des-
Spotism and privilege have come to nAught.
HThe great republic is not dead nor dying
6the experiment of self-government has not
smiscarried the stupendous bubble of de-
imocracy," as the Times called it, has not
sburst; sheir hopes and sayings and ominou'
Scutgivings have failed but we SHALL com,
out OF the trial-the heaviest and reverest tC
lin power and more lustrous in glory than evei
before. The strength, the stability, the elias
Sticity, the virtue of popular rule will have
+, been proved in the hottest fires of civil con
4 fict, before which other institutions less vita
than ours, would have melted away
D This fact cannot be concealed from th'
masses OF England it will become mighty
, kweapon in the hands of the popular leaders
eit must settle the question of an extended
Efranchise, for which the working classes hav'
so long contended ; it must undermine th'
| Hascendsncy of the aristocraoy, both in legisla
D ktion and opinion and it must give com
kplete aud hnal victory, sooner or later, to th
sopponents of the hereditary system, to tn
Hadvocates OF universal liberty and justice. Ii
our view, that result would be more certain
a Eand glorious one than any that could be &C
= acomplished by wal, and to that result, we be
Nlieve the great body Of our people are willinl
Ito leave it, as the best yindication of thel
hresentments, and as the noblest triumph O
Htheir cause abroad.-N. Y Evening Pos
March 27,