Cleveland daily leader. [volume] ([Cleveland, Ohio]) 1865-1873, 1865-10-25
GEORGE L. STEARNs.
The President of the United States.

with President johnson, in which b
talked for an hour on the process of recon
struction of Rebel States. His name
was as cordial, and his conversation a
free, as in 1863, when 1 met him daily il
] Nashville.
His countenance is healthy, even NOR
so than when l first knew him.
l remarked that the peopleOfthe Nortl
were anxious that the process of recon
struction should be thorough, and the,
wished to support him in the arduou
work, but their ideas were confused by tn
conflicting reports constantly circulated
and especially by the present position o
the Democratic party. 1t is industriousl,
circulated in the Democratic Clubs that h
was going over to them. He laughingl!
replied, "Major, have you never known
man who for many years had differed from
your views because you were in advanc
of him, claim them as his own when h
came up to your standpoint ?"
1 replied, 1 have often. Hesaid, So hav,
1, and went n The Democratic part
finds its old position untenable, and i
coming to ours; if it has come up to on
position l am glad of it. You and 1 neeC
no preparation for this conversation; W,
can talk freely on this subject, for tn
thoughts are familiar to us; we can b,
perfectly frank with each other. He theI
commenced with saying that the States arr
in the Union, which is whole and indivis
IDLE.
individuals tired to carry them out, but
did not succeed, as a man may try to Gu
his throat and be prevented by the by.
ISLANDERS; and you cannot say he cut hi
throat because he tried to do it.
individuals may commit treason, and
be punished, and a large number of indi
viduals may constitute a rebellion and be
punished as traitors. Some States tried tC
get out of the Union, and we opposed it
honestly, because we believed it to be
wrong; and we have succeeded in putting
down the Rebellion. The power of those
persons who made the attempt has been
crushed, and now we want to reconstruct
the State Governments and have the
power to do it. The State institutions are
Frustrated, laid out on the ground, and
they must be taken up and adapted to the
progress of events this cannot be done in
a moment. We are making very rapid
progress, so rapid 1 sometimes cannot
realize it, it appears like a dream.
We must not be in too much of a hurry
it is better to let them reconstruct them
selves than to force them to it for if they
go wrong, tho power is in our hands and
we can check them at any stage, to the
end and obligethem to correct their errors ;
we must be patient with them. I did not
expect to keep out all who were excluded
from the Amnesty, or even a large number
of them, but 1 intended they should sue
for pardon, and so realize the enormity of
the crime they had committed.
You could not have preached the sub
ject of equal suffrage, at the North, seven
years ago, and we must remember that the
changes at the South have been more
rapid, and they have been obliged to ac-
cept more unpalatable truth than the North
has; we must give them time to digest a
part, for we cannot expect such large
affairs will be comprehended and digested
at once. We must give them time to I'M
derstand their new position.
/ have nothing to conceal in these mat
tiers, and have no desire or willingness to
take indirect courses to obtain what we
want.
Our government is a grand and lofty
structure; in searching for its foundation
we find it rests on the broad basis of popu-
lar rights. The elective franchise is not a
natural right, but a political right. 1 am
opposed to giving the States too much
power, and also to a great consolidation of
power in the Central Government.
If 1 interfered with the vote in the
Rebel States, to dictate that the negro
shall vote, I might do the same thing for
my own purposes in Pennsylvania. Our
only safety lies in allowing each State to
the right of voting by its own
laws, and we haye the power to control
Rebel States if they go wrong. If
rebel, we have the army and can
them by it, and, if necessary, by
legislation also. If the General Govern
controls the right to vote in the
States, it may establish such rules as will
restrict the vote to a small number of
and thus create q central despot-
SIN.
My position here is different from what
t would be if 1 wa in Tennessee.
There l should try to introduce negro
gradually first those who had
erved in the army; those who could read
md write,and perhaps aproperty qualifca-
ion for others, say 5000 or $3.50.
1t would not do to let the negroes have
Universal suffrage now; it would breed a
var of races.
There was a time in the Southern States
7hen the slaves of large owners looked
own upon non-slaVe owners because they
id not W slaves; the lFager the number
f slaves their masters owned, the prouder
hey were, and this has produced hostility
the mass of the whites and the
egroes. The outrages are mostly from
on-slaveholding whites against the ne
70, and from the negro upon the nom
aveholding whites.
The negro will vote with the late mas
II whom he does not hate, rather than
18th the non-slaveholding white, whom
does hate. Universal suffrage would
cate another war, not against US, but a
ar of races.
Another thing. This Government is
freest and best on the earth, and I feel I
re is destined to last; but to secure this, {
e mus elevate and purify the ballot. l J
r many years commended at the South
at Slavery was a political weakness, but {
hers said it was political strength; they I
we gained three-ffths representa- t
IN by it; 1 contended that we lost two ]
tbs. ]
If we had no slaves, we should have had '
Telve Representatives more according to
e then ratio of representation. Congress e
portions representation by States, not q
s
Many years ago, 1 moved in the Legis- !
ture that the apportionment of Repre- '
natives to Congress, in Tennessee, t
ould be by qualified voters. !
The apportionment is now fixed until :,
y; before that time we might change L
basis of representation from population I
qualified voters, North as well as South. =
in due course of time, the States, :
thout regard to color, might extend. the y
franchise to all who possessed GER .
mental, moral or such other qualiica- z
as might be determined by an en- .
htened public judgment. y
Boston, Oct. Is, 1865. Il
The above report was returned to me by
esident johnson with the following in
rsement. GEORGE L. STEARNs. 3
I hare read the qoithin communication e,
1 find it Substantially correct. d
! hare made ONE verbal alterations. if
1 AgHgRGI -