Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1865-10-27
JOHNSON ON SUFFRAGE.

The question of suffrage is an intricate
and delicate one. The chief difficulty in the
way of an impartial discussion and intelli-
gent decision by the American people, is the
prejudice against color, engendered by the
Institution OF slavery in our country. 1t is
undoubtedly the true spirit of Republican
institutions to extend the right of suffrage
as nearly as possible to all citizens without
regard to race or color who have arrived at
the yearsof discretion andare notdisquali6ed
by crime, idiocy, lunacy, or restrictions upon
their liberty and independence. That this
point Of ideal republican perfection is to be
reached at single stride has never been adj
yocated, and it is generally conceded that it
is only to be reached by gradual approaches,
and that the rapidity of this approximation
should always be proportioned to the circum-
stances and necessities of the case to which
it is about to be applied. President John
son seems to have hit this point exactly
when in his conversation with G.. L. Steams
he said that universal negro suffrage would
breed war of races, yet declared that as
citizen he would advocate its gradual intro
duction, by giving it, first to those who had
served in the army then to those who could
read and write and afterward to those pos
sessing certain amount of property. The
condition Of our southern states is an anom-
alous one. The sudden elevation of four
millions of human beings, from a condition
of ahject slavery, to that of freedom and per-
sonal responsibility, has had no precedent in
history. While many of them were extremely
ignorant and many more possessed only the
first rudiments ef the most elementOry edu-
cation there were large number possessed
OF fair amount of intelligence. Under or
binary circumstances the constant assimila-
ton of small numberof uneducated voters
has been accomplished by US without danger
and perhaps with positive benefit, byexciting
spirit of emulation, where virtue and in
telhgence were seen to be the road to honor
and preferment, an example ofthisis seen in
the naturalization of foreigners with no otbaT
qualification than certain term Of 9f residence
and the oa3hs Of llegiance and naturalization
The same process might possibly answer in
the present case if the freedmen were dis
tributed over the whole country instead of
being in a group in one section. The ne
groes of New York, Ohio, and several other
states were enfranchised, not only without
danger but with absolute benefit. But in
the present case we are again met by an
anomalous condition of affairs. Instead of
being small proportion, they are not only
large proportion, but in some cases an alb
solute majority of the people. Again, in
some of the northern states the negroes have
been disfranchised without any serious det-
riment to the state, but also because they
were a very small proportion of the popula-
ton. The negroes of the Southern States
though to large extent ignorant and simple
hearted as children, and having no idea be-
yond the win of their masters, before the
war, since the Inauguration of the rebel
lion have been both apt and willing scholars
and many Of them to-day exhibit much great
er eagerness to acquire an education than
their white compeers. They too have been
in the school of adversely and have rapidly
learned to act and think for themselves as
well as to handle the musket and bayonet.
These facts must be considered when discuss
ing the question of suffrage at the South.
IF the immediate introduction of universal
suffrage in those states would be likely to
breed a war of races, would not the entire
exclusion of whole race constituting from
one third to one half of the entire popula-
ton, from all hope of participation in max
ingthe laws by which they are to be governed,
also breed war Of races. Is not the policy
Of gradual enfranchisement the very KEY to
the solution Of thisknotty problem9 Would
not the judicious enfranchisement of such
as possess certain degree of intelligence
and of those who have served in the union
army, together with the Acknowledgement,
at least for certain length Of time, of GER
tain classes of rebels, answer the two fold
purpose Of enabling the truly loyal and well
meaning men in those states to control their
reorganization and at the same time secure
tne Heedmen rom oppression, nay more
would it not, not only secure the country
from war Of races, but also be an incentive
to the freedmen to greater industry and
higher degree of intelligence and thereby
in tWofold degree promote the prosperity
Of the country? 1t may be objected to this
view Of the question of suffrage that it is
matter over which, according TO the Presi-
dents policy, wehave no control. Wedo not
propose to discuss the presidents theory
upon the status of the rebel statesa at present,
yet We wo1ldanswer, that whether our views
as here expressed are in accordance with the
theory of the President ornot, they are most
certainly in accordance with his practice,
and what we believe the true policy of re-
RGrWe call the special attention of our
readers TO the communications in our local