Prescott journal. [volume] (Prescott, Wis.) 1861-1871, 1865-12-16

aDSOlifctt Jue luulNluudl III Lie
State, prescribed his religion, and con-
trolled his activity. The American sys
tenn rests on the assertion of the equal
rights of every man to life. liberty and
the pursuit of happiness; to freedom
of conscience, to the culture and exer-
else of all his faculties. As cOnse-
quence, the State Government is limit |
ed, as to the Gene al Government in the |
interests of the Union, as to the individ- |
uaI citizen i'm the interest of freedom.
States, with proper limitations of
power, are essential to the existence OF
the Constitution of the United States.
At the very commencement, when we
assumed place among the powers OF
the earth, the Declaration of Independ-
ence was adopted by States so also
were the Articles of Confederation and
when s'the People of the United States"
ordained and established the Constitu-
ton, 1t was the assent of the States, one
by one, which gave it vitality. In the
event, too. of any amendment to the
Constitution, the proposition of Con-
gress needs the confirmation OF States.
Without States, one great branch OF the
| gislative government would be want
ing. And, If we look beyond the letter
of the Constitution to the character of
our country, its capacity for compre-
hending within its jurisdiction a vast
continental empire is due to the system
of States. The best security for the
peIpetual existence OF the States IL the
supreme authority" of the Constitu-
ton of the United States. The perpe-
tuity of the Constitution brings with it
the perpetuity of the States their mn-
| fnal relation makes us what We are, and
In our political system their c0nneXion
/ is Indissoluble. The whole cannot ex-
ist without the parts, nor the parts with
ont the whole. So Icing as the Consti-
tuition of the United States endures, the
States will endure the destruction Of
the one Is the destruction of the other;
| the preservation of the one is the pres
ervatiOn of the other.
1 have thus explained my views of the
mutual relations of the Constitution and
the States, because they unfold the
principles on which / have sought to
solve the momentOus questions and
overcome the appalling difficulties that
met me Mt the very commencement OF
nav administration. 1t has been my
steadlast object to escape from the sway
of momehtary passions, and to derive a
healing policy from the fundamental
aud unchanging principles of the Con
stitntiOn.
| / found the States suffering from the
effects of civil war Resistance to the
General Government appeared to have
exhausted itself The United States
4 A. af fnr
and arsenals, and their armies were in
the occupation OF every State which had
attempted To secede. Whether the ter
ritory within the limits of those States
shonld be held rs conquered territory,
under military authority emanating from
the President as the head of the army,
was the first question that presented
itself for decision.
Now, military governments. estab-
lisled for an indefinite period, would
have offered no security for the early
suppression of discomfort I; would have
divided the people into the vanquishers
md the vanquished /; and wonld have
envcnomed hatred, rather than have
restored affection. Once established.
no precise limit to their continuance
was conceivable. They would have &c.
casioned an incalculuble and exhansting
expense. Peaceful emigration to and
from that portion of the country is one
of the best means that can be thought
of for the restoration of harmony /; and
that emigration would have been pre-
vented for what emigrant from abroad,
what industrious citizen at home. would
place himself willingly under military
II. - II
have followed in the tram of the army
would have been dependents on the Gen
erll Government, or men who expected
profit from the miseries of their erring
fellow-citiZens. The powers of patron
age and rule which would have been
exercised, under the President, over a
vast and populous, and naturally wealthy
regioa, are greater than, unless un-
der extreme necessity, 1 shonld he will
ling to entFust to any one man ; they
are such as, for myself, / conld never,
unless on occasions of great emergency,
consent to exercise. The wilful use of
such powers, If continued through "A
period Of years, would have endangered
the purity of The General Administra-
ton and the liberties of the States which
remained loyal.
Besides the policy of military rule
over a conquered territory, would have
implied that the States whose inhab-
itants may have taken part in the re-
bellion had, by the act of those inhab-
itants, ceased to exist. But the true
theory is. that all pretended acts of Sc
cesSion were, from the beginning, null
and void. The States cannot commit
treason. nor screen the individual citi-
zens who may have committed treason,
any more than they can make valid
treaties to engage in lawful commerce
with any foreign Power. The States
attempting to secede placed themselves
in a condition where their vitality was
impaired, but not extinguished-their
functions suspended, but not de-
stroyed.
But if any State neglects or refuses
to perform its offices, there is the more
need that the General Government
should maintain all its authority, and
as soon as practicable, resume the exer-
else OF all it's functions. On this prin-
ciple 4 have acted. and have gradually
and quietly, and 10y almost impercepti-
BILE steps, sought to restore the rightful
energy of the General Government and
of the States. To that end, Provisional
Governors have been appointed for the
States, Conventions called, Governors
elected, Legislatures assembled, and
Senators and Representatives chosen to
the Congress of the United States. At
the same time, the Conrts of the Uni