Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1865-12-28
Union and American.
II T. G o n s 7 Ts e CTIO
THE DEBATES.
SUMMERS sCRAP-BOOK SPEECH.
Mr.. Summers Speech.

OF Ine reDel states, ana 10 throw the mantle
of official oblivion over sickening and heart
rending outrages, where human rights are
sacrificed and rebel barbarism receives a
new letter of license | feel that | ought to
speak of nothing else. | stood here years
ago, in the days of Kansas, when a small
community was surrendered to the machin-
ations Of slaye-masters. | now stand here
again, when, alas an immense region, with
millions Of people, has been surrendered TO
the Vaccinations of slave-masters. Sir, it is
the duty of Congress to arrest this fatal
fury. Congress must dare to be brave. But
| shall not be diverted from the question
before the Senate, although, in unfolding the
necessity of present legislation for the pro-
lection Of the freedmen, | shall be led ne
cessarily and logically to speak of the con-
| dition Of the rebel States.
OF the bill introduced by his colleague, the
Hon. Henry Wilson, to maintain the freedom
of the inhabitants in the States declared in
instruction and rebellion by the proclama-
ton of the President of the 1st of January,
1862, Mr.. Sumner said:
"All must admit that the bill of my col
league is excellent in purpose. 1t proposes
nothing less than to establish equality before
the law, at least so far as civil rights are
concerned, in the rebel States. This is done
simply to carry out and maintain the Procla-
nation of Emancipation, by which this Re
public is solemnly pledged to maintain the
emancipated slave in his freedom. Such is
our pledge; and the Executive Government
of the United States, including the military
and naval authority thereof, will recognize
and maintain the freedom of such pcrsons.'
This piedgei is without any limitation in space
or time 1t is as extended and as immortal
as the Republic itself Does anybody call it
vain words? | trust not. To that pledge
we are solemnly bound. Wherever our flag
floats as long as time endures, we must see
that it is sacredly observed.
''But the performance of that pledge can
not be entrusted to another; least of all, can
it be intrusted to the old slaYe-masters, en-
| bittered against their slaves. 1t must be
| performed by the National Government.
| The power that gave freedom must see that
| this freedom is maintained. Thisis according
to reason. 1t is also according to the exam
pies Of history. In the British West Indies
we find this teaching. Three of England's
! greatest orators and statesmen, Burke, Can
| ming and Brougham at successive periods,
united in declaring from the experience in
| the British West Indies, that whatever the
| slave-masters undertook to do for their slaves
was always 'arrant tritling' and that what
ever might be its plausible form, it always
wanted the executive principle.' More re-
| Gently the Emperor Of Russia, when order
| ing emancipation, declared that all efforts OF
| his predecessors in this direction, had failed
| because they had been left to the sponta-
neous initiative of the proprietors.' might
say much more on this head, but this Is
| enough. ! assume that no such blunder will
! be made on our part; that we shall not
! leave to the old prOprietOrS the maintenance
of that freedom to which we are pledged
and thus break our own promises and sacri-
fee race.
81 have already alluded to Emancipation
in Russia. But this example is worthy oul
deepest study, unless we purpOsely rejec
| history All know that in 1861, the Emper
or, by solemn proclamation, gave freedom tC
upward of twenty-three million serfs but i
| is not generally known by what supplement
tary provisions this freedom was secured.
have in my hands an official copy o
this great act published at ST. Petersburg
by which it is declared that the serfs, afte
an interval of two years, are "entirely Ell
franchised." Under this proclamation, ;
new set of local magistrates was constituted
with Especial court" and "justices of tn,
peace" in each district, to superintend tn,
working of the proclamation and to examin
on the spot all questions arising from eman
cipation. This provision was not unlike on
Bureau of Freedmen, which is thus vindi
Gated by this example.
| put no croO1 xuOrly IiI not ,+on bo-1
The Emperor did not leave the freedmen
without protection, handed over to the ten
der mercies of their former owners. BY
careful series of regulations accompany
ing the proclamation, prepared with infinit
care, and divided into chapters and section;
the rights of the freedmen are secured be
yond question. l hold a copy of this re
markable document in ms hand. Here
is, model for our imitation.
These regulations begin with tn
formal declaration that the freedmen, by tn
act of emancipation, acquire the rights be
longing to free farmers The language
general. 1t is the rights of free farmers
not in certain particulars, but in all particU
lars not merely in exemption from the AT
thority of their masters, but in complete Ell
franchisement. Surely, here is an exampl
for us.
"The regulations then proceed,
formal words, to fix and assure these right
civil and political. These rights are NJ
left to inference or to future discussion; br
they are positively declared with all poss
bic detail"
Here Mr.. Sumner quoted literally fror
the Russian regulations, saying, after til
recitation of each passage, " Surely, here
an example for u.s."
"Thus does Russia, by careful provision
supplementary to the act of emancipation
secure her freedmen in all their rights, frs
in tire right of family and the right Of COZ
tract; secondly, in the right of property, il
cluding a homestead; thirdly, in compile
equality in the courts; fourthIy, in cqualit
in political rights; filthy, in equality
schools and in education; and, finally, a
these safeguards are crowned by declarin
that they cannot lose their rights, or be pul
ished except after judgment according
; fixed rules; thus completely fulfilling tn
requirement Of our fathers, that gover
ment should be government of laws, al
not of men,
| trust that this example is none the le
worthy of imitation because it is that of ;
empire, which is not supposed to symp
thize with liberal ideas. Surely a republ
cannot in this respect lag behind an empir
Besides, all that we hear shows that the G
pertinent has been successful Clearly,
: experiment inspired so completely by {
: spirit Of justice cannot fail.
My colleague is clearly right in intr
ducing his bill and pressing it to vo
The argument for it is irresistible. 1t is
sential to complete emancipation. Witho
it emancipation will be only half done. II
our duty to see that it is wholly done Slay
~ must be abolished not in form only, l
in substance, so that there shall be no bla
code, but all shall be equal before the Ia
D "As 10 the power of Congress over Il
! question, | can not doubt it. Ny colleag
assumes the power without protesting
= trace 1t 10 any particular source. 1t may
military power precisely as the proclan
E tion Of emancipation, and here the author
\ is As clear and absolute rs in the District
y Columbia, or it may be in pursuance Of
Constitutional Amendment, which proyi'
that Congress may enforce the amendm,
- by appropriate legislation > or il may he
carry out the guarantee Of republican 70
of government"
Mr.. Sumner proceeded to quote his o
Il measures introduced on the first day of t
session Of Congress, especially the " bill ST
plying appropriate legislation to enforce
amendment of the Constitution" And
"bill in part execution Of the guarantee
a republican form of Government in