, 1865-08-25
Edmund Burke's Politics.

tDer6IrOm IOr lCS6II anu lLS party
''When bad men combine, the good men must
associate; else they will fall one by one, an un-
pitied sacrifice in a contemplate struggle"
'"Party,"' says the same master we have
quoted, sis a body of men united for promoting
by their just endeavors the national integrity,
upon some particular principle in which they
are all agreed"
At glance, taking these paragraphs by them
selves, superficial observer might be led to be-
Heve that Burkes political views coincided
with those now held by the dominant party in
the United States; but any one who will take
the time to peruse the authors works will find
that be was no "loyal leaguer;" that in fact he
denounced during the American Revolution,
the extreme war party of the English govern
ment, and was himself one of the foremost ad-
vocates among the British statesmen who favor
ed the adoption of a conciliatory policy in deal
ing with the American colonies. We will here
make single quotation from Burke on a certain
kind of"party," since he is good authority with
the Oregonian, in that line
IA constitution formed so as to enable par
ty to oVerrule its very government, and to over
neither of government nor of freedom. 1t COM
pels that power, which ought, and often would
be disposed equally to protect the subjects, to
fail in its trust, to cOunteract its purposes, and
TO become no better than the instrument of the
wrongs of a faction. Some degree of influence
must exist in all governments. But govern
ment which has no interest to please the body of
the people, and can neither support them, nor
with safety call for their support, nor is of pow
4oc +nnd dOy MI
ist by corruption; and taught by that monopo-
lizing party which usurps the title and qualities
of the public, to consider the body of the peo-
pie out of the constitution, they will consider
those who are in it in the light in which they
choose to consider themselves. The whole re-
lation of government and of freedom will be
battle or traffic"
We will now quote briefly from Burke's great
"speech on concilation with America" and it
will be observed that he was in favor of deal
ing with our revolutionary forefathers very
much upon the plan that the conservative men
of the United States would have adopted du-
ring the late war for the pacifcation of the reb-
els of the Southern States:
~ mean to give peace. Peace implies recon
ciliation; and where there has been a material
QlSpuI6, RECOMMENDATION uOeS IN II manner Always
imply concession on the one part or on the 9TH
In this state of things l make no difficulty
in affirming, that the proposal ought to origi-
nate from us. Great and acknowledged force is
not impaired, either in effect or in opinion, by
an unwillingness to exert itself. The superior
power may offer peace with honor and with
safety. Such an offer from such power will be
attributed to magnanimity But the conces-
sions of the weak are the concessions of fear
10 bo ia ubo11
the mercy of his superior; and he loses forever
that time and those chances, which, as they
happen to all men, are the strength and resour-
ces of all inferior power"
"America, gentlemen say, is a noble object
1t is an object well worth fighting for. Ger
tainly it Isl if fighting people be the best way
of gaining them. Gentlemen in this respect will
be led to their choice of means by their COM
plexons and their habits. Those who under
stand the military art, will of course have some
prediction for it. Those who WELD the thun-
der of the state, may have more confidence in
the efficacy ofarms. But confess, possibly for
want of this knowledge, my opinion is much
more in favor of prudent management, than of
force; considering force not as odious, but
feeble instrument, for preserving a people so
numerous, so active, so growing, so spirited as
this, in profitable and subordinate connection
with us
First, Sir, permit me to observe, chat the use
of force alone is but temporary. 1t may subdue
for a moment; but it does not remove the neces-
sity of subduing again: and a nation is not gov
erned, which is perpetually to be conquered
My next objection is its uncertainty Terror
is not always the effect of force; and an aTma-
ment is not victory If you do not succeed,
you are without resource; for, conciliation fail
ing, force remains; but, force falling no further
hope of reconciliation is left.
A further objection to force is that Won i'm
pair the object by your very endeavors to pre-
serve it, The thing you fought for is not the
thing which you recover; but deprecated, sunk
wasted, and consumed in the contest. Nothing
less will content me, than whole America l do
not choose to consume its strength along with
our own; because in all parts it is the British
strength that | consume l do not choose to be
caught by foreign enemy at the end of this ex-
hausting conflict; and still less in the midst of
it. may escape; but can make no insurance
against such event. Let me add, that do
not choose wholly to break the American spirit
because it is the spirit that has made the coun-
try"
Burke proceeds at great length with all the
logic and argument which his great mind could
bring to bear, to fortify the correctness of his
positions. He dwells upon the character, tenn
per and the indomitable spirit of the American
people, and says of them, "a love of freedom is
the predominating feature which characterizes
the whole" But even this trait of character he
said predominated to a greater extent in the
Southern mind than in the Northern. Upon
this point we quote his own words:
"Ihere is however circumstance attending
these colonies, which, in roy opinion, fully coun-
terbaances this difference, and makes the spirit
of liberty still more high and naughty than in
those to the northward. 1t is that in Virginia
and the Carolinas, they have a multitude of
slaves. Where this is the case in any part of
the world those who are free, are by far the
most'proud and jealous of their freedom. Free
dom is to them not only an enjoyment, but
kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing there,
that freedom, as in countries where it is COM
mon blessing, and as broad and general as the
air, may be united with much abject toll, with
great misery, with all the exterior of servtude,
liberty looks, among themy like something that
is more noble and liberal. do not mean, Sir,
to commend the superior morality of this senti-
ment, which has at least as much pride as virtue
in it, but cannot alter the nature of man. The
fact is so; and these people of the southern colo
nies are much more strongly, and with an high
er and more stubborn spirit, attached to liberty
than those to the northward Such were all
the ancient commonwealth; such were our
Gothic ancestors; such in our days were the
oh bo oil c1o