Bedford inquirer. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1857-1884, 1865-11-03

ality of the government, ana to the spirit
and genius Of our institutions. The ques-
ton as to which party to the contest was
right or wrong, or as to whether both were
partly right or wrong in stalking all on the
fate of battle, were discussed before the
war commenced, and were decided by each
party for itself, and, failing to agree, they
made their appeal to the dread arbitrament
of arms 1t was precisely because the two
parties could not agree a. to the issues be-
tween them that they went to war, to settle
them in that way. Why should we think of
reopening the discussion et these questions2
What good could come Of doing so? Wis
dom requires us to accept the decision Of
battle upon the issues involved, and to be
thankful that no more has been demanded
by the conquerers, and to unite frankly, and
as cheerfully as we can, Rth the government
in carrying out the f0iiegesSs has prenofad-
ed Some of our people seem still to think
they can retain their property in slaves,
under the authority of the Constitution and
laws of the United States If the question
had been originally submitted to the courts
of the country, instead of to the trial of
battle, this might have been the case. But
we are not now permitted to claim the pro-
lection of the government which we repudi-
ated and fought against, unless by its con-
sent. 1t says to the great mass of our peo-
pie you may retain your property, except
your slaves They are now free And un-
less you agree to this you can neither get
back into the government as citizens, nor
into its courts to assert your claim to slaves,
or any other property. The only wise and
safe course for you to pursue is to accept
promptly, unreservedly, and in good faith,
the terms and and policy offered, and to go
forward in the work of reorganization and
restoration to the Union. This requires
your assent to great pecuniary sacrifices,
momentous changes In your social and in
dustrial system, and surrender of your
opinions and prejudices on most important
questions. 1t Is humbling to our self-es-
TEEN, humiHating to our pride, and cannot
be more unwelcOme to you than it is painful
to Inc to feel that duty requires me to give
and you to accept this advice. 1t is not that
sort Of advice which persons sometimes give
but do not accept for themselves. 1t is for
me and mine as well as for you and yours.
To the comforting of the elective franchise
on your former slaves / anticipate a stub
born and sincere opposition, based upon the
ignorance of a great mass Of them, and on
their total want of information and expert
ence in matters of legislation, administra-
ton, and everything that pertains to the
science of government, and upon the pride
Of race And this objection may be sus-
tanned by pointing to the examples of Mex
leo, and of the Central American and South
American States; where, by the enfranchise-
ment of the Indians and negroes and all
others, without reference to race, or mental
or moral fitness for the exercise of these re-
sponsible rights, they have been deprived Of
the blessings OF peace, order and good gov
ernment, and involved in an almost uninter-
rupted series of war and revolutions, otter
of the most cruel and barbarous character
for more than half century, with nc pres
ent prospect of an amelioration or improve
ment of their condition. But these Gifficul
ties are not insuperable, if you meet then
with patience and reason. have no doubt
| you can adopt plan which will fully meet
the demands of justice and fairness, and
satisfy the Northern mind, and the require
ments of the government, without endan
| gering good government and the repose Of
| society, This can be done by:
First-Extending the privileges and pro
| lection of the laws over the negroes as they
are over the whites, and allowing them tC
! testify In the courts on the same conditions;
| leaving their testimony subject to the rules
relating to its eredibility; but not objecting
to its admissibility. And in this you viii
conform with the wise current of modern
| legislation, and the tendency of judicial de
cisions in all enlightened countries.
! And, Secondly fixing an intellectual
and moral, and, if thought necessary prop
erty test, for the admission of all persons tC
the exercise of the elective franchise, with
out reference to race OF color, which would
secure its intelligent exercise
My own view would be:
First-That no person now entitled to the
/ privilege of voting should be deprived of il
! because of any new test | would recog-
nize in this the difference between taking
away right heretofore enjoyed, and the
eonferring of a right not heretofore exer-
cised
,Second-That to authorize the admission
of persons hereafter to the exercise of the
elective franchise, they should be, first
males; second, twenty one years of age
third, citizens of the United States; fourth,
should have resided in the State one year
and in the district, county or precinct SIX
months next preceding any election, a
which they propose to vote; fifth, shoulC
be able to read in the English language un
derstandingly; sixth, and must have palC
taxes for the last year proceeding for which
such taxes were due and payable, subject t.
any disqualification for crime, of which tht
person may have been duly convicted, which
may be prescribed by law.
The adoption of these measures, in addi
ton to those before mentioned, would, IL
my Judgment, meet the ends of justice ant
fairness, secure the re-establishmeDt of thi
State Government, the admission of he
Senators and Representatives in Congress
the suspension of military rule, and the re
storation Of civil, constitutional and loca
self government. And it would do more
1t would secure your protection against 9th
er great and pending evils; and be, | an
persuaded, of the greatest consequence t
your future peace, prosperity and happiness
Fast-It would remove all Just ground
of antagonism and hostility between tn
white and black races Unless this is don
endless strife and bitterness of feeling mus
characterize their relations. And all histor
and human experience teach us must, soon
or or later, result in war of races. w
now know, from sad experience, what wa
is, between equals and enlightened people
But of all wars, social war of races is th
most relentless and cruel The extermi
? nation, or expulsion from the country, or en-
slavement of the one or the other being it
: inevitable end where they are left to then
selves or the loss of liberty to both races
where they are all subject to the control {
superior power which would be our situs
ton | speak, of'eourse, of the legal right
and status of the two races Their socl;
relations are matters of taste and choice, an
not subject to Legislative regulation.
Seco,,d -Tbis c0fIrse would disaru an