The western Democrat. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1852-1870, 1865-12-12

populous countries that border the Mediterranean
sea, may be largely increased. Nothing will be
wanting on the part of this Government TO extend
the protection OF our flag the enterprise of our
fellow-ciuzens We receive from the Powers in thai
region assurances OF good will and IL is worthy of
note that special envoy has brought us messages
of coincidence on the death of our late Chief Maeis
istrate from The Bey Of Tuuis whose rule inclpdes
the old domnions OF Carthage, the African coast
Our domestic contest, now happily ended, has left
some traces in relations with one at least of tho
great maritime Powers. The formal accordance ~
begerent rights 10 the insurgent States was un-
precedented and has not been justified by the issue
But in the systems OF neutrality pursued by the
Powers which made that concession, there wasa
marked difference. The materials of war for the
insurgent States were furnished in great measure
from the workshops of Great Britain; and British
ships manned b. British subjects and prepared for
receiving British sailed from the mort.
of Great Britain to make on American com.
merce, under the shelter of &C commission from the
insurgent States These ships having on ce escaped
from British ports, afterwards entered them in
every part of the world, to reft, and 10 renew
their depredatonS- The consequences o! this con-
duct were most disastrous to the States then in re-
bellion increasing their desolation and misery by
the prolongaton of our civil contest 1t had more
over, the effect, to great extent to drive the
American flag from the sea- and to transfer much of
our shipping and our commerce to the very Power
whose subjects had created the necessity for such
change. These events took place before was called
to the administration of the Government. The sim
cere desire for peace by which am animated led
| 10 approve the proposal, already made to submit
I the question which had thus arisen between The
countries to arbitration. These questions are of
| such moment that they must have commanded the
attention of the great Powers and so interviewer
with the peace and interests of every one of them
| as to have ensured an impartial decision regret
to inform you that Great Britain declined the arbi
trament but, on the other hand, invited TO the
formation of a joint commission to settle, mutual
claims between the two countries from which those
for the depredao9s before mentioned should be ex-
cuded The proposition, in that very unsutsfac-
tory form, has been declined
The United States did not present the subject as
an impeachment of the good faith of Power which
was protesting the most friendly disposition but
involving questions of public law, of which the set
Element is essential to- the peace of nations; and
though peculiarly reparaLon their injured ciIi-
zens would have followed incidentally a decision
against Great Britain, such compensation was not
| their primary object They had higher motive,
and ii was in the interests Of peace and Justice to
establish important principles of international law.
The correspondence will be placed before you. The
ground on which the British Minister rests his JUS
LITIGATION is, substantially that the municipal law OF
nation, and the domestic interpretations Of that
law, are the measure of its duty neutral; and
feel bound to declare my opinion before you and
before the world, that that justification cannot be
sustained before the tribunal of nations. At the
time do not advise to any present attempt at
redress by acts of legislation. For the future
friendship between the two countries must rest on
the basis of mutual Justice.
From the moment of the establishment of our free
Constitution, the civilized world hasbcen convulsed
by revolutions in the interests Of democracy mon
archy; but through all those revolutions the United
States have wisely aad firmly refused to become
propagandists of republication. 1t Is the only
government suited to our condition; but have
never sought ts impose it on others; and we have
consistently followed, the advice of Washington TO
recommend it only by the careful pr, ration and
prudent use of the blessing. During all the inter-
vening period the policy of European Powers and OF
the United States has, on The whole been harmo-
nous. Twice, indeed, rumors of the invasion Of
some parts ofAmerica, in The interest Of monarchy
have prevailed; twice my predecessors have had oc
casion to announce the view of this nation IN
spect to such interference. On both occasions the
remonstrance Of the United States Was respected,
from a deep conviction, on the part of European
Governments, that the system Of non. Interference
and mutual abstinence from pT)Pagandism was the
true rule for the two hemispheres. Since those
times we have advanced in wealth and power; but
we retain the same purpose to leave the nations OF
Europe TO choose their dynasies and form their
own systems of government. THE consisteui mod
Grafton may justly demand corresponding moder
alton We should regard il as great calamity TO
ourselves to the cause of good government, and to
the peace Of the world should any European Power
challenge the American people, as il we're, TO the
defence of republicanism against foreign
We cannot foresee and are unwilling 10 consider
what opportunities night present themselves what
combinations might offer to protect ourselves against
designs inimical TO form of government. The
United States desire in the future they have
ever acted heretofore; they will be driven from
that course but by the aggression OF European Pow
ers; and we rely the wisdom and justice of those
Powers to respect the system of non IN reference
which has so long been sanctioned by time, and
which, by its good results, has approved itsefto
both continents
The correspondence between the United States
and France, in reference TO questions which have
become subjects of discussion between the Gov
ernments, WILL at proper time, be laid before Con-
gress.
When on the organization Of our Government,
under the Cons ttution the President OF the United
States delivered his inaugural address to the two
Houses of Congress, he said 10 them, and through
them tothe country and 10 mankind, that "the pre-
servaion ofthe sacred fire of liberty aud the destiny
of the republican model of government ares1asty
considered as deeply, perhaps finally staked on
The experiment. Entrusted to the American people
And the House OF Representatives answered Wash
ingtoE by the voice OF Madison: 1--WE adore the
invisible hand which has led the American people
through so many diflic ues to cherish q conscious
responsibility for the destiny of republican liberty"
More than seventy-sIx years have glded away since
these words were spoken; the United States have
passed through severer trials than were foreseeEi
and now, at this new epoch in existence as one
nation. with our Union purified by sorrows, and
strengthened by conflict and established by the Tir-
tue OF the people, the greatness of the occasion in
vites US more to repeat with solemnity, the
pledges of our fathers to hold ourselves answerable
before our fellow-men for the Of the rcpub
lean form of government Experience has proved
its suficency in peace and in war; it has vndicated
its authority through dangers, and Affections, and
sudden and terrible emergencies, which would have
crushed any system that had been less firmly fixed
in the heart Of the people. At the inauguration OF
Washington the foreign citations Of EIe country
were few, and its trade repressed by hostile
regulations; all the civilized nations OF the
globe welcome orr commerce, aud their Govern
Laents profess towards u nmity. Then our country
felt its way hesitatngly along unried path, with
States little hound together by Iauid means Of