Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-08-05

presume we shall agree in regarding
the four general principles asserted in TIL
'Faneuil Hall Address," as those whicl
should guide the determination of our re
latiOns to both whites and and blacks in tn
rebel States. That there may be no mis-
take in reference to this, quote them:
"First. The principle must be put be
yOnd all question, that the Republic has
direct claim upon the allegiance of every
citizen, from which no State can absolv,
him, and to his obedience to the laws of tn,
Republic, any thing in the Constitution o.
( laws OF any State 10 the contrary notwith
standing. .r..l ... .I "t. l"t..
"Second. The public faith is pledged tc
every person of color in the rebel States Il
secure to them and to their posterity for.
ever, a complete and veritable freedom
Having provided them this freedom, secured
their aid on the faith of this promise, and
by successful war and actual military oc-
cupation OF the country, having obtained
the power toaeneuEe the. result,s we are dis
honored, il we fail to make it good to them
"Third. The system of slavery must bC
abolished and prohibited by paramountant
irreversible law. Throughout, the rebe
States there must be, in the words of Web
ster, impressed upon the soil itself an in
ability to bear up any but free men, vs.
''Fourth. The systems of the States must
be truly republican"
The application made of the last princi-
pie in the address, | do not regard as sound
but l shall perhaps agree more fully with
you, than you do with the address, when
assert that in republican community pol
itical privileges of any kind can never be
rightly or safely based upon hereditary
caste.
How then, it will naturally be asked, can
there be any practical difference between
us as to the mode of carrying out these
principles? 1t is found in the views we
take OF the mutual relations of the two races
in the South. You judging from this
distance, say "Deliver the four millions of
freed people into the hands of their former
oppressors, now embittered by their defeat
and they will make their condition worse
than BEFORE" |, starting from the same
principles, and after four years Of close and
thoughtful observation of the races where
they are, say | am unwilingly forced to
the conviction that the effect of the war has
not been simply to "embtter" their rela-
tions, but to develop rooted antagonism
which makes their permanent fusion in one
political community an absolute impossi-
biity. The sole difference between us then
is in the degree of hostility we find existing
between the races, and its probable per-
manence. You assume that the extension
of the right of suffrage to the blacks, Ledrjnl
them intermired egith the WhiteS, will cure ali
the trouble. believe that it would rather
be like the decisions in that outer darkness
Of which Milton speaks, where
"Chaos umpire sits,
| And by decision more embrOils the fray"
Yet, as l affirm with you, that the right
to life and liberty are inalienable, and more
than admit the danger of leaving laboring
| class at the entire marcy nf tbocn Tho
formerly owned them as slaves, you will
say | am bound to furnish some solution of
the problem which shall not deny the right
or incur the peril. So am, and the only
real solution which l can see is the peacea-
bic separation of the races. But, you will
reply, foreign colonization will break down
hopelessly under the very vastness of the
labor, even if it were not tyranncal to eX-
pei these unfortunate people from the land
of their birth. | grant the full weight of
the objection, and therefore say the solu-
tion is thus narrowed down to a pedcedbLe
separation of the races on The soil achere Mey
| ilOoD are.
The essential point in the discussion thus
appears to be the actual relations of the
two races in the Southern States as a ques-
tion of fact, and the probable future conse-
quences of those relations as a question of
theory.
Upon the question of fact think NAV
with all modesty claim that my antecedents
and my opportunities of observation entit-
lie my testimony to have some weight, even
with the most radical anti-slavery men of
| the North.
The antagonism of which have spoken
is not entirely one-sided. On the part OF
the former master it takes the form of an
indomitable pride, which utterly refuses to
entertain the idea of political or social
equality, mingled with ahatred intensified
| by the circumstances and the results of the
war. This feeling is not confined to the
slave-owners alone, but the poor whites
share it fully, and often show it more pas
sonately.
On the part of the freedmen, it is manifest
| ed in an utter distrust of the dominant
race, and an enmity which, although made
| by circumstances more passive and less
openly manifested, is as real and implaca-
BILE as the other. They have the mutual at
traction of race among themselves, and re-
pulsion of the whites as another people, de-
veloped to degree which surprised me. 1t
is not as individuals of nation common to
us all, that they speak of themselves, but,
to use the language of one of them, speak
| ing to myself, they feel that they "haye
long been an oppressed and down-trodden
people"
Hildreth, in his DespotiSm in America, de-
clared slavery to be In itself a state of war,
and this character is indelibly impressed
upon both races in the South. The captive
learns duplicity toward his captor, and in
| the slave it has become a marked charac-
teristic. 1t is fair stratagem for which he
feels no guilt. have seen a master boast
| ing of the fidelity of his servant, and dis
cussing the subject of slavery in his pres
ence, whilst the Negro waited upon him
with an impassive humility which would
| make you believe no intelligent idea of tree
dom had ever penetrated his brain. Yet |
have seen that same negro afterward in
camp, transformed into clear-headed ally
of our troops, leading them to his masters
buried stores, or guiding them to the ilanks
Of the enemy's lines, with an intelligence
| and steadiness of purpose which left no
doubt as to his understanding of the con-
flict between himself and his master.
The daily and hourly repetition of proofs
of this fact, many of them too subtle for
description, but none the less convincing to
the observer, has fully convinced me that
never between Norman and Saxon, nor be-
tween Gaul aud Frank, was there more
conscious hatred, or an antagonism more
likely to prove inveterate, than between
black and white on our Southern soil. The
negroes will have no sense of security nor
faith in their former masters, even if they
offer them political rights; they will fear
them as Ddndos d0n0 Jerentes. .
What does history teach us in regard to
the permanence and durability of such pre-
iudices and enmities of race? Speakin0 on
this subject, Augustin Thierrv. in his His