The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1865-08-18

| Under President JOhnson's Provisional Gov
ernor, Judge sharkcy, the people of Mississip-
pi are leading the way in the work of restora-
ton. They have elected their delegates to a
reorganizing State convention, and that con-
vention is now in session at the city of Jack
son. 1t is the business of that convention to
frame new State constitution, not ON the old
Southern corner stone Of African slavery, but
on the new corner stone of universal liberty.
The work before them is revision of the play
of Hamlet with the part of Hamlet left out,
Hamlet having been killed of. Slavery is
dead, and upon this accomplished and irrevo-
cable fact Mississippi and all the other late
rebellious States must be rsorganized as men,
bers of the Union.
This condition precedent, recognized and
urged upon the people of Mississippi by Gov
ernor Sharkey, will doubtless be fulfilled by
their State Convention. That body will frame
a new State constitution upon the basis of
emancipation, and will provide for the election
Of regular Governor and other Stale officers,
and for a Legislature and members to the fede-
raj House of Representatives. II is altogether
probable that the leaders Of this convention will
follow the example of the reorganization of
Tennessee, under Provisional Governor candy
Johnson" as safe model. and that they will
thus leave the settlement Of the suffrage ques-
ton to the State Legislature. This will be fair
enough; but there is also question of policy
involved, and it ought not to be overlooked.
The question Of negro suffrage, which in Ten
nessee was turned over to the Legislature, has
been by the Legislature decided for the pre-.
| sent against the concessions to the blacks of
the right to vote. Herein there is q difficulty
which may possibly result in stopping even the
members Of Congress elected from Tennessee
at the doors Of the two houses; and il must be
remembered that with their rejection the reor-
ganized government Of Tennessee will be re-
jected, and so with every other State concerned
| The decisive power over the subject rests
with the two houses of Congress, or with either
of them as the case may be. 1t must also be
remembered that this thing of the elective
franchise to the emancipated Southern blacks
was hardly thought of, and that they were not
in fact emancpated except in a few districts
here and there, while Governor Johnson was
engaged in the work Of recognizing Tonnes
see. Circumstances have wonderfully changed
since that day. The most remarkable among
these changes is that Of the Northern radical
abolition faction from the cry of emancipation
to the cry of negro suffrage. It so happens,
too, that this political faction has secured
party in both houses Of the new Congress that
will, in all probability, have the power to make
this test Of negro suffrage the test Of the resto-
ration of every one of the late rebclious States
to Congress, not already admitted. Manitestly,
then, it becomes the policy Of the States con-
cerned to consider this difficulty, as it is their
interest that is most concerned in being re-
stored to Congress as soon as possible.
But must the Southern States then recognize
the doctrine Of negro equality before they can
be admitted again to Congress? They may or
mny not, just as it pleases them; but we appre-
bend that, unless they yield the principle of
negro suffrage, they will cast the political game
of the future into the hands of their Northern
adversaries. Why should there be anything 80
very dreadful to Mississippi, for instance, in
this idea of negro suffrage, when there are
Southern men now living, shareholders at the
time, too, who have voted with negroes in the
| oiuVcuViuiuB CtuOCs VI ANOEtu OuiOiuu uuu lcu-
nessee? We think that the course of wisdom on
the part of the whites Of the Southern States is
to make their emancipated blacks their friends
and their political allies; because otherwise
these blacks will be made their enemies, and
will so be used to some purpose by Northern
fanatics and sectional agitators.
We would, therefore, appeal to the Mississippi
| Ctsio Cnn uow in oasaiOu oariouSiv IN
consider this negro suffrage question in all
its bearings; and that while they will lose
nothing, but gain everything, in a political
and social view, by concedng the principle
of negro suffrage, they will gain nothing,
but will lose much, in being excluded from
Congress- even for another year, and will,
at the same time, be mcnaced with serious
dangers in making the interests Of their
emancpatcd blacks hostile to their own,
and the blacks themselves the willing instru-
ments of Northern fanatics. Negro suffrage,
upon the basis of property qualification, as
in New York, or upon the test of reading and
writing, as in Massachusetts,, will be sufficient
to open the doors of Congress to the State
granting the principle upon these or any rea-
sonable restrictions. There is no necessity for
universal negro suffrage. The yielding of the
principle involved will disarm the abolition
radicals, and open the way for the transfer Of
the political power of the country into the
hands Of a new conservative national party.
Looking to these important ends, and to The
still more important question. Of harmony,
social and political, between Southern whites
and blacks, we would earnestly call the atten-
ton Of the Mississippi State Convention to the
sound policy suggested Of conceding, under
proper restrictions, the right of suffrage TO the
black man. He is no longer q slave, and
must. therefore, become citizen and the friend