The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1865-10-06
The Suffrage Difficulty.

bic division 10 tho great, Union party Of the
country, in reference to the question Of al
: lowing negroes to vote in the rebellious dis
tricts. There certainly are two views enter
t.insd by members Of the party-ons part
believing that suffrage to tho black man
should DO condition to admission to Con-
srcss; the other belief being that the diff.
cult problem Of reconstruction can best DO
solved without forcing this measure upon the
ex-rebel States. These different views are
not vital TO the strength OF the party, and
they occasion no weakness In our lines
through which the cops. may penetrate to
u we term these phases Of belief. radical
ind Conservative. we can best SEQ our way
clear by looking through the conservative
glas. We DO not deny tho power Of Con-
gress to impose the condition to admission
to representation, that the several Conssitu-
ton. Of the rebel States shall admit negroes
~ suffrage; because. m We have often as
serted in these columns, the nation has an
undoubted right to require any and all Sc
curity from it, enemies necessary for Its vel.
fars. provided II can enforce It's demands.
The issue Of the war has given II that pow
er. and 1t is not necessary to seek higher au-
thority, because there can DO none higher.
But we do not conceive that such condition
j, the safest or most polite one to require
A tow months since one Of the Commits.
sioncrs sent from Georgia to visit President
johnson, while visiting in this city, called
upon US. and welistened with much attention
TO the expression Of his views upon negro
suffrage. He remarked that tho true Union
men OF the South admitted the right that
Congress should enact all measures necessary
to tho security Of the country and the altered
condition Of tho population Of tho rebcllious
States. But i. could not be expected that
they, thu people Of the South, could at once
relieve themselves Of their animosity to the
nssro's political equality, and take the same
views that tho Free States take. views to
which the North has been educated for
length Of timo. II man has long been
ianislei for want OF food, you do not give
him cabbage and boiled tongue and corned
boof for his immediate digestion; the stom-
ach long empty and weakened can not digest
il. But after an easy and nourishng diet,
1t g,us strength equal to the task. Sauth-
crn Union men must necessarily work under
great and embarrassing oppositions; 1t they
can have time, and too great burden in the
matter Of reform is not forced upon them all
at once, they will soon effect permanent
reaction in Southern feeling.
Wo coincide with the above views Of Com.
missioner OSgood, and choose to accept pol. |
icy consonant Herewith. until We shall be
convinced that security for The future de-
,nsnds moro stringent one; and we gage in
our own mind every phase Of ''reconstruc-
ton" with an eye single to what the nation
requirrs To establish Freedom rs the corner
stone Of its republican cdi6ce, and what con-
dtions shall be stated in tho pardon granted
To rebellion. States to ensure an equality OF
STATES. .t
II is evident to our mind that tho Union
men OF the country would do better to briag
thoir guns to bear upon the question OF an
amendment to the Constitution periectins On
equality Of the several States, than to be
hobnohbingto make IN issue upon immediate
cnianchisement. IL negro suffrage is to be
the issuv, wo jeopardizs not only the issue,
hut also tho amendment. Bot. says one, IL
the issue is successful, tho amendment il not
necessary IN State equality. In turn we an
swer. adopt the amendment placing represen
tation IN Congress upon the voters merely
and not upon population, and gradual en-
iranchissmcnt Of the blacks ensues as a mat |
ter OF course, while nothing is jeopardired.
Wecin put -, above amendment at issue
before the people, and secure every loyal vote
for it in the United States.
let us examine into its necessity. That
clause in the Constitution apportioning Rep.
resentative- to Congress, divides them ac-
cording to their numbers, by adding to the
free population "three iifths of oil other
parsons" Ii slavery is abolished. there are
mn "other persons" but that class is trans
formed inso an integral. Surprising the
number o, slaves. which ara here meant by |
the words. "other persons" TO have been
ten millions. Before the war they counted
in the b,si- Of representation equal to six
millions. Since the emancipation Of these
"other persons" four millions are added 10
tho, bdsis, and the slave States have actually
gained power in Congress BY their treason
and the loss Of slavery. Perhaps this may
account Tor the chcertulnes with which |
some pro-slavery politicians regard its e1.
tiuction. Those States which had the mos,
slaves were the most intense haters of the
Government; to-day they ore the most bene.
fitted by the loss Of those slaves.
There are two way-, and only two, 10 cease
paying premium on treason and give each
State a political equality with every other
Stats One Is TO confer suffrage upon those
"osher persons tho other, to restrict the