Prescott journal. [volume] (Prescott, Wis.) 1861-1871, 1865-01-21


| be met with an organized force upon oul
side, none with any show of consistency car
{ question That this involves the calling fol-
> men, the organization of armies, the expendi
ture of large sums of money in their organi
, cation and support, and consequent heavy
/ taxation, is also beyond question. Where
then is the error? The great head aud front
: of the ofense, say the opponents Of tbG Ad
, rninistration, Is the Presidents Proclamation
of Emancipation. This is the reck on which
we split" Let US look for a moment at this
Proclamation. The object, as all will admit,
is and should be the restoration of national
authority. To this end none will deny that
all proper measures, which tend to weaken
, the rebels aud strengthen the Government,
should be adopted. The question then natu-
, rally arises, is this proper measure, and
does il have that tendency? As to the legal
and constitutional right of the Government
} to liberate, take, and use these black men,
need only say that it has long since been con-
ceded by those most interested in the ques-
ton, living in the rebel States. None will
deny the right of Government to take the
| property of those in rebellion ana use it
against the rebels neither will they deny the
right of Government to the service of its
citizens to aid in its protection, or the right
to take rebels in arms, or induce them by
eminent. In whatever light, therefore, you
may consider the negro slaves, whether prop
erty, citizen or enemy, the Government has
alike the right to take them, use proper
means to get them, and use them in defense
of the nation.
Says Patrick Henry, in speaking of our
present constitution, Among ten thousand
implied powers which they may assume,
they may, if we be engaged in war, hberate
every one of your slaves if they please. !"
Again, he says: If you give power to the
General Government to provide for the gene
eral defense, the means must be cOmmensu-
rate to the end; all the means in the posses
sion of the people. must be given to the
government which is intrusted with the pub
lie defense" The views of John Quincy
Adams upon this point, coinciding with the
| above, are too familiar to you all to require
repeating here. But admitting, saws one
the legal right to emancipate and use the
slaves, was it not bad policy and great err
ror to do so? This is proper question for
consideration, and it is proper that it should
be answered. 1t was apparent to all, that
the rebel States derived great strength from
the labor of their slaves. They performed
the manual labor of the country, thus leaving
all the white population capable of bearing
arms, at liberty to join their armies Any
measure, therefore, that would induce these
slaves to leave their masters, would tend to
weaken the rebellion, as their armies must
have food, and if black men did not raise it,
white men must. As was anticipated, thou
sands of black men did leave their masters
and come into our lines, and the rebel author
tiles are compelled to use a part of their
force to day i'll preventing others from doing
the same thing. At this late day it will
| hardly be denied, that nearly two hundred
thousand black men, who have left the South
and joined our armies, have not only greatly
weakened the rebels, but have also greatly
| strengthened the Government. To test this
question more fully, let me ask, are there any
so short sighted to-day as to desire to see
those black soldiers who are now fighting our
battles, who are now holding Southern forts,
and otherwise assisting the Government, re-
turned to their masters to raise bread for the
rebel army, and their places filed by draft
| from our own citizens?
/ have not the data at hand to show the
actual number that have been taken from the
rebels and placed in our lines by this procla-
nation, but that the number is large, and in
proportion as it is large is beneficial to the
government, is beyond question. Another
strong reason in my judgment, why this meas
ure was fraught with great good may be
| found in its influence upon foreign nations
| There is no Disgusting the fact that at the
| time this proclamation was issued, there was
great danger of foreign intervention. For
eign nations, particularly England and France,
| so far the aristocratic portions of them are
concerned, would gladly see this government
weakened by disunion. This they have
shown in many ways. There is no question,
either that the great mass of the people of
| England and France are violently opposed to
the institution of African slavery. While,
therefore, the jealousy Of these governments
would naturally lead them to recognize the
Southern COnfederaey hoping to weaken US,
the great mass fthe people of those nations,
when they saw this proclamation, and that
| the perpetuatiOn of African slavery probab-
| ly depended upon their recognizing the con-
| federacy and sustaining the rebellion, their
| hatred of slavery oVercame the jealousy of
these governments and recognition was with
held. Had this proclamation been withheld
and this issue not been presented, the recog-
milton of the Southern Confederacy by for
| eign powers would have been more than
probable. The following extract from a late
letter of Alexander Ii. Stephens, Vice Presi-
dent of the so-called Southern COnfederacy,
| tends strongly to confirm this view of the
| question. He says, "The silent sympathy
of England, France and other European pow
ers, arises entirely from their mania upon the
subject of negro slavery. Lincoln had either
to witness our recognition abroad, the moral
power of which alone he saw would break
down the war, or to make it an emancipation
war;"
II has been urged against this measure that
the black man would not fight Said jack
| son, at New Orleans, in addressing his negro
| soldiers, al expected much from you, for /
was not uniformed of those qualities which
must render you SO formidable to an invad-
| ing foe." Again he says, But you surpass-
ed my hopes. l have found in you, united TO
these qualities, that noble enthusiasm which
mpels to great deeds" 1t is unnecessary,
however, to refer to the opinions held of
these men, or their deeds in the past, to re-
flute this argument. We have the proof of
| their courage, valor and endurance, now be-
| fore our eyes. The present contest furnishes
| ample proof, if any more were needed, upon
this point.
| 1t has also been urged that it was dishon-
orable for the white soldiers to fight beside
the black man. l need only to say in reply
to this, that Washington, jackson, Grant and
many other great and good men fought beside
them, and did not consider themselves dis
| honored. Thousands of our noble soldiers
| are fighting beside them to-day with honor
and / strongly doubt whether the man who
fails to respond to his country's call for fear
of being dishonored by fighting beside the
black man-for fear of being dishonored by
| seeing patriotic black man offer up his life
on the altar of liberty-will not be found
wanting in the day of trial, and fail to serve