Cleveland daily leader. [volume] ([Cleveland, Ohio]) 1865-1873, 1865-10-05

They cannot be separated, and yet, the
declaration is. they cannot remain together.
The case would seem to be hopeless. But
happily this declaration is not true. Ihe
preiudices between these races are not dlf-
ferent in character from other preludlces.
There are preiudices between lrlshmen
and Englishmen; between Catholics and
Protestants; between Christians and Jews:
These have often been very violent ana
wars have grown out of them, not, how
ever, because of their differences, but be-
cause one race sought to subordinate to
itself another, or one sect sought to impose
its tenets upon another. Peace prevailed
when each race and each sect attended to
its own business. When our fathers framed
our Constitution, they understood these
principles and applied them, They re
strained the different races and sects, by
securing to each absolute equality before
the law. They, however, excepted the
negro race, it being then i'll slavery, and
they seeing no way of securing Its free
dom, permitted this violation of their prin-
ciples to remain. But now we have the
opportunity Of applying these principles
to this race and of thus removing the last
exception. l would make the application.
Prejudice yields to power and interest.
The votes Of the black men will be too
valuable to be slighted.
THE OBJECTION OF IGNORANCE.
Again, it IS objected that the Southern
negro Is ignorant and unfit to vote. He
seems to have been intelligent enough to
! be loyal, which was more than his master
was. But | do not deny the ignorance;
their condition of slavery forbids that it
could be otherwise. Yet they share this
| Ignorance in common with the poor whites;
and would be willing to apply to both
these classes an educational test Still
would not recommend this. Freedom is
the school in which freemen are to be
taught, and the ballot-boX is Il wonderful
educator.
TILE NEGRo MUST BE AN ELEMENT IN OUR
CIVILIZATION.
We cannot too constantly keep in our
minds, that this is not question as TO the
policy of introducing into our country
four millions of ignorant negroes. TIL ev
are here are to remain with us in the in
definite future. We cannot escape, if we
desired, their influence upon our civiliza-
tion. Were it possible forthem to remain
with us, and yet so excluded from us, that
they could have no influence upon the
tishly put them into such imaginary con-
dition, and relieve ourselves of all
further trouble concerning tiIem.-
But we cannot do this. Their force must
enter Us ono Of the constituent elements in
the formation ofour American civilization
Let no one make the mistake of supposing
that we escaped their influence when they
were in slavery. Far from it. What |
firrar
whole commerce between master and slave
Is a perpetual exercise of the most bOis-
ferrous passions, the most unremitting des- |
potism on the one part, and degrading |
submission on the other Our children |
see this and learn to initiate it; for man is
an initiative animal. The parent storms,
the child looks on, catches the lin |
eaments of wrath, puts on the same
airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives Il
loose reintO the worst of passions, and thus
nursed, educated, and daily exercised in
tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with
odious peculiarities. The man must be
prodigy who can retain his manners and
morals undepraved by such circumstances"
Who would desire a continuation of this
influence or Of an influence eapproximating
it, As the force of the negro must enter
into the formation of our civilization, it is
to the interest of the white man not less
than Of the black man, that this force
should be for good. 1t cannot be, how
ever, unless the negro is moral, intelligent
and industrious. How can we give him
these desirable characteristics? We have
only to consider the conditions under
which white men have become moral, IN
teIliIgent, and industrious, and apply these
to the black man.
OUR DUTY TO TIE BLACK MEN.
= Our proposition thus becomes very sim
pie; we must educate him and place be-
fore him the rewards Of good nnndr.et .,,,d
the penalties of bad conduct This is done
to the extent we ask, when he is placed on
terms Of entire equality with the white
man before the law Let not the law be
a respecter of persons. The humber the
man the greater the necessity that the law
should not oppress him. The rich and
great can take care of themselves. With
all the opportunities Of equal laws, the
poor mans lot is hard enough. He re-
luires the protection of the law and the
self respect which an equality of right be-
fore the law engenders. In a country
where equality is the rule, we cannot have
IN exception founded on caste The bal
ot Is here the evidence of manhood; when
we deny it to a race we at once degrade it
II the respect Of others, and, what is of !
greater consequence, in its own respect.
Every ffiHH, tho humber ho Is, tho more he
requires the right of suffrage for his pro- =
ection. And the negro, as the most un- =,
Of all, needs it most of all We
must educate him, and give him the con-
lition Of self-respect, if we would have his
influence for good upon our civilization.
My friends, every consideration which !
,ugllt to influence human conduct requires
hat the ballot should be given to the black
nan. I
The protection of the black man himself 9
equires it; gratitude for his devoted 10y :
lty requires it; the protection of our civil
zatiOn from the influence of degraded .
nd barbarous element requires it; the pro-
ection of ourselves from the insidious rebel c
allot box requires it; the speedy restora- e
ion Of the rebel States to their proper re- c
alton to the general government requires
/; the fundamental principles of our gov Il
rnment require it the golden rule of our {.
most holy religion commanding us to do II
INTO others as we would that they should e
o unto us requires it. Can we withhold n
t? II