The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1865-10-24
GEORGE L. STEARNs.
The President Of the United States.
WASHINGTON, D. 9. Oct. 8, 1865, /

NNoAAANS AO1s, -. ~ Wv =, AOOO,
IL 1-2, A. NJ.
have just returned from an interview with
! President johnson, in which he talked for an
hour on the reconstruction of the rebel states
His manner was as cordial, and his eonversa-
ton as free as in 1861, when met him daily
in Nashville.
His countenance is healthy, even more SO
than when first knew him.
/ remarked that the people of the North
were anxious that the process OF reconstruc-
ton should be thorough, and they wished to
support him in the arduous work, but their
ideas were confused by the conflicting reports
constantly circulated, and especially by the
present position oil the Democratic party. Ii
industTiously circulated in the Democratic
clubs that he was going oyer to them. He
laughinely replied, "Major, have you never
known man who for many years had differ
ed from your views because you were in ad-
vance of him, claim them as his own when he
came up to your standpoint"
replied, [ have often. He said SO have I,
and went on: the Democratic party finds its
old position untenable, and is coming to ours
! ii 1t has come up to our position, / am glad.
You and need no preparation for this con-
versatlon; we can talk freely on this subject
for the thoughts are familiar to us; we can be
perfectly frank with each other. He then com
1nenced with saying that the states are in the
individuals tried to carry them out, but did
not succeed, as a man may try to cut his
throat, and be prevented by the bystanders /:
and you cannot say ne cut his throat because
| he tried to do it.
individuals may commit treason, and be
punished, and a large number of individuals
may constitute q rebellion and be punished as
traitors. Some States tried to get out of the
| Union, and we opposed it, honestly, because
haauo1 n IN IAa
ceeded in putting down the rebellion. The
! power OF those persons who made the attempt
has been crushed, and now we want to recon-
| struct the State governments and have the
power to do it. The State institutions are
Frustrated, laid out on the ground, and they
must be taken up and adapted to the progress
of events; this cannot be done in a moment
We are making very rapid progress, so rapid ]
sometimes cannot realize it; it appears like a
dream.
We must not be in too much Of hurry: ii
is better to let them reconstruct themselves
! than to force them to it.; for if they 90 wrong
the power is in our hands and we can check
1 them at any stage, to the end, and oblige them
to correct their errors; we must be patient
with them. 1 did not expect to keep out all
who were excluded from the amnesty, or even
a large number of them, but l intended they
should sue for pardon, and so realize the enor-
| AuAlJ u tA1C O1tu1C bACy 1lt@O COlliLllOUGu.
| You could not have preached the subject OF
equal suffrage at the North, seven years ago,
and we must remember that the CHANGES at
the South have been more rapid, and they
have been obliged to accept more unpalatabe
truth than the North has; we must give them
time to digest part, for we cannot expect
such large affairs viii be comprehended and
digested at once. We must give them time to
understand their new position.
lhave nothing to conceal in these matters
and have no desire or willingness to take in.
direct courses to obtain what we want.
| Our government is grand and lofty struc-
ti1Te; in searching for its foundation we find
it rests on the broad basis Of popular rights
The elective franchise is not natural right
but political right. am opposed to giving
the States too much power, and also to a great
consolidation of power in the central govern.
ment. ri. ~ I
If interfered with the vote in the rebe
States, to dictate that the negro shall vote,
might do the same thing for my own purposes
in Pennsylvania. Our only safety lies in al
! lowing each State to control the right of vot
ing by its own laws, and we have the power
to control the rebel States if they go wrong
IF they rebel, we have the army. and can con
troll them by it, and, if necessary, by legisa,
ton also. If the general government control
the right to vote in the States, it may establish
such rules as viii restrict the vote to a small
number Of persons, and thus create centra
deSpotism. ess.E ia
Ny position here is different from what il
would be it Twas in Tennessee.
! mere should try to introduce negro suf-
rage gradually; first those who had served in
Uhe army; those who could read and write
anu pernaPs a property qualification for 9th
1t VIII not do to let the negroes have uni
versaf suffrage now, it would breed war Of
races.
There was time in the Southern States
when the slaves OF large owners looked down
upon non-slaVe-oWners because they did not
own slaves: the larger the number of slaves
their masters owned, the prouder they were
] and this has produced hostility between the
mass of the whites and the negroes. The
outrages are mostly from non-slaveholding
whites against the negro, and from the nesro
upon the non-slayeholding whites.
The negro will vote with the late master
Whom he does not hate, rather than with the
non-slayeholding white, whom he does hate.
UNIVERSAL suffrage would create another war,
MOI against us, but war Traces.
Another thing. This governments the freest
anu anu OesI on the earth, and feel sure is des-
slned to last; but to secure this we rnl,st aIe.
eoeel and purify the ballot. TOR many wears
n SlitSh9ed at the South that slavery was q
.I.sIa weakness, but others said fiat II NO.
shroo t ga, strength; they thought we oaina5
that we lost two fifths, ~ = conOended
LII we had no slaves. We sl,o,,,51
twelve representatives more, accorinn ~ i ti
then ratio OF representation ConSrass o - Inc