Ellsworth American., 1865-06-30
Mlistcllaneuu:,.
Suffrage for tho Weak.

\ vote has two values. 1t is, first.
the expression Of an opinion, which may
or may not affect the material interests
Of the voter, but which he cstccms as the
performance Of his relative duties to his
tcllow-crcaturcs-as something which he
owes to the aggregate interests OF society.
But. in the second place, vote is the
weaI on which, so far as the inhrmity Of
human device will permit, protects natur-
al equality from the obtruslon Of artificial
distinctions, diminishes the undue innu.
ence Of accidental position, and a-sorts
the supremacy Of individual will over
dietatlou, compuleion and selisnness of
the mass, it may be, or Of the few. The
right to vote implies the duty OF ac-
quiesccrcc in the will of the majority !;
but, when that right is ignored or apcci.
ously withheld the disfranchisel citizen
although for reasons Of prudence he may
acquiescc III public measures priOtcly
determined Oh, is under 40 moral ob1ga-
tion to do so, and owes no obedience to
those laws to the enactment of which he
did not consent In the days Of Adams,
Franklin, Henry and JeiEcrson--in the
golden days Of the Declaration Of lndc.
pendence-statements like these would
have had, and in fact did have, a lively
interest, abstract as they are; because
the press Of politics had not then divert
cd mems minds from the consideration of
fundamental aXioms nor was MIR. John
Mitchell yet born to preach to the nations
the chromatic limitations of natural law.
We are not ourselves disposed to argue
the question OF Negro Suffrage" upon
what We should esteem the highest ground.
We have already discussed the matter
from the point of simple, dry, practical
exPcdicncy but now we ask the reader
to consider the pcrious condition in which
the Freedman is placed, not, it must be
remembered by any act Of his own, but
first, through the besotted ambition Of
his quondam owner, and in the next place
by our act, by the act OF this nation, in
changing his social position, We have,
it must be remembered, called the Black
to the performance Of new duties we
have, in a word. liberated him from gall
ing and grinding bondage, not specially
for his sake, not because We piticd him as
weak. down.trodden and terribly abused,
but because the life of the nation hung
upon course OF simple justice to this
long-suffering race-becausc it was for
our advantage, our peace, our safety and
our prosperity, to acknowledge the man.
hood Of the Black, who involuntarily has
become the greatest benefactor Of this
nation. since through him we have been
able to strike blow at faction and to as
sert the supremacy Of the Constitution.
Now, admitting our obligations, and We
do not think that any one in his senses
will deny them, the question arises wheth-
er the Black shall be abandoned naked
to the rage Of those who will sedulously
seek for some object of vengeance, and
who may be mean enough to vent upon the
defenseless those stormy passions which
ignominious failure must have awakened.
We have made this slave nominally FREQ.
But of what value will this freedom be
to him, if it bring no means of preservr
ing and Of protecting it? If tho old
Shareholders are to retain in the recon-
strueted States the old supremacy, arc to
dictate measures without any check, are
to dominccr after the old fashion, this
gift Of ircedom 10 the Black will be only