The Ottawa free trader. [volume] (Ottawa, Ill.) 1843-1916, 1865-12-09

tribunals of the country, in order that the
Constitution and the laws may be fully vindi-
Gated; the truth clearly established aud
affirmed that treason is crime, that
traitor. should be punished, and the offensa
made infamous and, at the same time, that
the question may be judicially settled, finally
and forever. that no State of its own viii has
the right to renounce its place in the Union.
The relations of the General Government
towards the four millions of inhabitants
whom the war has called into freedom, have
engaged my mos, serious consideration. On
the propriety of attempting to make the
freedmen electors by the proclamation OF the
Executive, | took for my counsel the COnsii-
luton itself. the interpretations of that
instrument by its authors and their cCtempo-
raries. and recent legislation by Congress
When. at the first movement towards inde>
pendence, the Congress of the United States
instructed the several States to institute gov
ernmeuts of their own, they left each State
to decide for itself the conditions for the
enjoyment of the elective franchise. During
the period Of the Confederacy, there contin-
ued to exist very great diversity IN the
qualifications of electors in the several
States and even within a $ ate a distinction
of qualifications prevailed with regard to the
officers who were to he chosen. The Constr
tuition of the United States recognizes these
diversities when it njoins that, i'll the choice
o: members O. the House Of Representatives
of the United States, 1.-The electors in each
State shall have the qualifications requisite
for electors OF the most numerous branch Ot
the State Legislature" After the formation
of the Constitution, it remained, as before,
the uniform usage for each State TO enlarge
a. h,l,, nf ola.,nr- .c.,rli,,, TO 20,
Judgment; and, under this system, one State
after another has proceeded to increase the
number of its electors, until now universal
suffrage, or something very near it, is the
general rule. So fixed was this reservation
of power in the habits of the people. and 50
unqueStioned has been the Interpretation of
the Constitution, that during the civil war
the late President never harbOred the pur-
pose-certainly never avowed the pIrpoSe-
Of disregarding il and in the acts OF Con
gress, during that period nothing can be
found which, during the continuance Of hpS>
tilities, much less after their close, would
have sanctioned any departure by the kxecu'
tive from n policy which has 50 uniformly
obtained. Moreover. a concession of the
elective franchise to the freedmen, by the act
Of the President Of the United States, must
have been extended to all culorcd men
wherever found. and so must have established
a change OF suffrage in the Northern, 81 fiddle
AMI Western States, not les, than in the
Southern and Southwestern. Such act
would have created a new class of voters
and would have been an assumption of power
by the President which nothing in the C,n-
sttuton or laws OF the United St ties would
have warranted.
/ On the other hand, every danger Of conflict
is avoided when tEs. settlement OF the qIeS-
tion is referred 20 the several States. They
can. each for itself. decide on the measure
and whether it is 10 be adopted at once and
absolutely, or introduced gradually and with
conditions. Ia my judgment, the freed n
If they show patience and manly virtues. wi
sooner obtain participation in the elective
franchise through the States than through
he General Government, even If 1t had
power 10 intervene. When the tumult 81
emotions that have b zen raised by the sud
deuness OF the social charge shall have sub
sided. it NAV PROF. that they wil! receive the
kIndliest usage from some of those on WHOM
they have heretofore most closely depended.
But while have no doubt that now. afe,
the close of the war i Is not competent ioi
the General Government TO extend the elect
i've franchise in the several States, 1t i
equally clear that good faith requires tn,
security OF the freedmen in their liberty anC
their property, their right to labor, and then
right to claim the Just return &C their labor
cannot to- O. str. strong y. urge dispassona''
carefully kept aloot from all party strife
We must equally avoid hastv assumptions o
any natural impossibiijy for the two races I
live side By side. in Il state OF mutual beneti
and good will. The experiment involves II
IN no inconsistency; let then 90 on AM
make that experiment IN good faith, aud no
be too easily dlsheSrteLcd. The country i
IN need of labor, and the freedmen are il
need of employment. culture and protection
While their right of voluntary migration an,
. eXpatriatiOn Is not to he questioned, | wOul'
not advise their forced removal and cOloniza
iiDn. Let rather encourage them To hon
orable an useful industry, where II may b
beneficial to themselves and 10 the country
a.d, instead Of hasty anticipatiOns OF tn
certainty of failure, let there be nothin
wanting to the fair trial of the experiment
The change in their condition is the substilu
ton of labor by contract for the status Q
slavery. The freedman cannot fairly be al
cused of unwillngness to work, so long a.
doubt remains about his freedom of choic
in his pursuits, and the certainty of hi
. recovering us -! pun Wages III tuiS III
interest, of the employer and the emp!ove
coincide. The employer desires in his work
men spirit and alacrity, ard these can b
permanently secured in no other way. AM
If the one ought 10 be able to enforce tn
contract. so ought the other. The publ;
interest will be best promoted, if the severa
States will provide adequate protection an
remedies for the freedmen. Until this is i
some way accomplished, there Is no chanc
for the advantageous use of their labor
and the blame of ill-Success will not rest o
them
know that sincere philanthropy is earnes
for the immediate realization of its remotes
aims but time is always an element i
reform. 1t is one of the greatest acts 0
record to have brought four millions of PEG
pie into freedom. The career of free indu:
try must be fairly opened to them and the
their future prosperity and condition mus
: after all, rest mainly on themselves. If the
FAIL and So perish away, let US b, clreir
that ii e failure shall not be attr:D utabe I
any denial OF justice. In all that relates t
the destiar Of the freedmen, we need not b
too anxious to read the future; many inc
dents which, from speculative point of view
might raise alarm will quietly settle then
selves.
Now, that slavery is at an end, or near ii
end. the greatness CT its evil, in the point {
view of public economy, becomes more an
more apparent. Slavery was essentially
monopoly Of labor, and as such locked tn
States where it prevailed against the incom
ing of free industry. Where labor was tn
property of the capitalist, the white man w,
excluded from employment, or had but t.
second best chance of finding it: and tn
foreign emIgrant turned away from the reg o
where his condition would be so precarious
With the destruction of the monopoly. FIRE
labor would hasten from all parts OF the cis
ilzeI world to assist in developing varIou
) and immeasurable resources which hav
hitherto lain dormant. The eight or min
States nearest the Gulf Of Mexico have