Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1865-12-13
CLEARFIELD Pa WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 49, 1865

made infamous and, a. the same time, that
the question may be judicialy settled, final
ly and forever, that no State of Its own will
has the right to renounce its place IN the
Union
The relations of the General Government
towards the four millions of inhabitants
whom the war has called into freedom, have
| engaged my most serious consideration. On
the propriety of attempting to make the
freedmen electors by the proclamation of the
Executive, | took for my counsel the Con-
stitutlon itself. the interpretations of that
instrument by Its authors and their cotem-
poraries, and recent legislation by Congress.
When, at the first movement towards ude
pendence, the Congress Of the United States
instructed the several States 10 institute
governments of their own, they left each
State to decide for itself the conditions tor
the enjoyment of the elective franchise
During the period of the Coniederacy,
| there continued to exist very great diver
sity In the qualifications of electors In the
several States, and even within a State
| distinction Of qualifications prevailed with
regard to the officers who were tobe chosen.
| The Constitution of the United States re-
| coguizes these diversities when it enioins
that, in the choice of mem bers of the House
| of Representatives of the United States,
| the electors in each State shall have the
qualifications requisite for electors of the
| most numerous banches of the State Leg
! islature After the formation of the
| Constitution, it remained, as before, the
/ uniform usage for each State to enlarge
| the body Of its electors, according to
its own Judgment; and, under this system,
one State after another has proceeded to IN
crease the number of its electors, until now
universal suffrage, or something very near
it, is the general rule. So fixed was this
reservation of power in the. haoits of the
people. and 50 unquestioned has been the
! Interpretation of the Constitution; that dur
ing the civil war the late President never
harbored the rpose-certainly never
avowed the purpose-of disregarding it;
and in the acts OF Congress during that pc
riod, nothing can be found which. during
the continuance of hostilities, much less at
ter their close, would have sanctioned any
| departure ny the Executive from a policy
which has so uniformly obtained. More
orer, a concession of the elective franchise
to the freedmen, by act Of the President Oft
| United States, must have been extended to
| all coiored men. wherever found, and so
must have established a change of suffrage
in the Northern, Middle. and Western
States, not less than in the Southern and
Southwestern Such and would have created
d new class Of voters, and would have been an
assumption of power by the President mich
nothing in the Constitution of laws or the
! United States would have warranted.
On tie other hand, every danger of con
| fiict Is avoided when the settlement OF the
question is referred TO the several States.
They can, each for itself, decide on the
measure, and whether it is to be adopted at
once and absolutely, or introduced gradually
and with conditions, In my judgment,
the freedmen, il they show patience and
manly virtues. will sooner obtain a particl-
patton in the elective franchise through the
States than through the General Govern
! ment, even # it had power to intervene.
| II Nhenthe tumult o. emotions that have been
raised by the suddenness of the social change
shall have subsidized, it may prove that they
vii receive the kinilies5 usage from some
Of those on whom they have heretofore most
closely depended.
But while have no doubt thatuow, after
the close Of the war, is it not competent for
the General Government to extend the cleo
tive franchise in the seyral States. it is equal
ly clear that good faith requires the security
Of the freedmen in their liberty and proper
ty, their right to labor, and their right to
| claim the just return OF their labor. | can
not too strongly urge dispasSionate treat
inent of this subject, which should be carefully
! kept aloof from all party strife. We must
equally avoid hasty assumptions OF any nat
ural impossibility for the two races to live
| side by side, in state Of mutual benefit and
good will. The experiment involves US in
no Inconsistency let us then. go and make
! that experiment in good faith, and not be
too easily dishearened The country Is in
need of labor, and the freedmen are in need
of employment, culture, and protection.
| While;their right of voluntary migration and
expa triaticn is not to be questioned, | would
not advise their forced removal and colonial
| ton. Let US rather encourage them to hon
orable and useful industry, where 1t may be
| beneficial to themselves and TO the country
and instead of hasty antlcipatlons OF the GER
tainty of failure, let there be nothing wanting
to the fair trial of the experiment. The
change In their condition is the substitution
or labor by contract for the status of slavery.
The freedmen cannot fairly be accused of I'M
willingness to work, SO long as a doubt re-
mains about his freedom of choice IN his
pursuits, and the certainty of his recover
ing his stipulated wages. In this the inter
ests of the employer and the employed coin
! eide The employer desires IN his workmen
spirit and alacrity, and these can be perma-
nentlv secured in no other way. And ifone
ought to be able to enforce the contract, so
| ouoht the other The public interest will be
1 best promoted ii tliS scstIdl idtSS VIII plO-
vide adequate protection and remedies for
the freedmen. Until this is. in some way
accomplished, there is no chance for the ad-
vsntageous use of their labor; and the
blame of ill-success will not rest on them.
| know that sincere philanthropy is ear
nest for the immediate realization of its re-
motest aims but time is always an element
in reform 1t is one of the greatest acts on
record to have brough tfour millions OF peo-