The Union flag. [volume] (Jonesborough, Tenn.) 1865-187?, 1865-12-15
NUMBER. 81.

v ~
in the qualifications of electors in the
several States and even within a
State distinction of qualifications
prevailed with regard to the officers
to be chosen The Constitution of tho
United States recognizes these diver
stiles when it enjoins that, in the
choice of members of the House Of
Representatives of tho United States
the electors in each State shall have
the qualifications requisite for electors
of the most numerous branch of the
State Legislature. /" After the forma-
tion of tho Constitution, it remained,
as before, the uniform usage for each
State to enlarge the body of its cleo
tors, according to it's own judgment;
and, under the system, one State af-
ter another has proceeded to increase
the number ofits electors, until now
universal suffrage or something very
near it, is the general rule. So fixed
was this reservation of power IN the
habits of the people, and SO unQues-
toned has boen tho Interpretation Of
the constitution, that during the civils
war the late President never harbor-
ed the purpose-certainly never avow-
ed the purposc-of disregarding it;
and in the acts of Congress, during
th period, nothing can be found,
which during tho continuance of hos
tiities, much less after their close,
would have sanctioned any departure
by.the Executive from policy which
has so uniformly obtained. Moreover,
a concession of tho elective franchise
to the freedmen, by the act of the
President of tho United States, must
have been extended to all coored men,
wherever found, and so must have es
tablished a change of suffrage in the
Northern, Middle, and Western States,
not less than in the Southern and
Southwestern. Such an act would
have created q new class Of voters,
and would have been an assumption
of power by the President which moth
ing in the constitution and laws of tho
United States would have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger of
conflict is avoided when the settle
ment of the question 10 referred to tho
several States. They can, each for it.
self, decideon the measure, and whcth-
or it is to be adopted at once and
absolutely, or introduced gradually
and with conditions. In my judy
ment, tho freedmen, if they show
patience and manly virtues, will
sooner obtain participation in tho
elective franchise through the States
than through the General Govern
ment, even if it had power to inter-
vene. When tho tumult of emotions
that have been raised by the sudden
ness of the social change shall have
subsded. it may prove that they will
receive the kindliest usage from some
of those on whom they have hereto
fore most closely depended
But while have no doubt that now, after
the close of the war, it Ia not competent for
the General Government to extend the cleo
tive franchise in theseyers! States, it is equal
ly clear that good faith requires the security
of the freedmen in their liberty and Their
property, their right TO labor, and their right
to claim the just return of their labor.
cannot 100 strongly urge dispassionato
treatment of this subject, which should be
carefully kept aloof from oil party strife
We must equally avoid hasty assumptions of
natural impossibility for the two races to
live side by side, in a state Of mutual benefit
and good will. The experiment involves ua
in no inconsistency; let US then, go on and
make that experiment In good faith, and not
be too easily disheartened. The country 10
in need Of labor, and the freedmen are in
need of employment culture, and protection.
While their right Of voluntary migration and
cxpatriaton Is not to be questioned, would
not advise their forced removal and coloniza-
ton. Let us rather encourage them to hon
orablc and useful industry, where II may bo
heneGcial TO themselves and to the country
| and, instead OF nasty ~"tisiraiinns of the
certainty Of failure, let there be nothing want
! ing to the fair trial of the experiment. The
change In their condition Is the substitution
| of labor by contract for the status Of slavery,
The freedman cannot fairly bo accused Of
unwillngness to work, so long rs doubt re-
mains about bis freedom Of choice In his pur-
suits, and the certainty Of bis recovering bis
stipulated wages. In this the interests OF
the employer aud the employed coincide
The employer desires In his workmcn spirit
and nlacrty, aud those can be permanently
secured In no other way. Aud If the ono
ought to be able TO enforce the contract 20
ought tho other. The public interest will
be best promoted II the several States will
provide adequate protection and remedies for
the freedmen. Until this Is IN some way ac-
complished, there Is no chance for the ad-
ynntageous use Of their labor and the blame
of ill-success will not rest on them.
know that sincere philanthropy Ia earnest
for the immediate realization Of its remotest
arms hut time Is always m element In rc-
form. II s one Of the greatest acts on re-
cord to have brought four millions Of poo
pie into freedom. The career Of free INDUS
try must be fairly opened to them and then
their future prosperity and condition must,
after all rest mainly on themselves. II thcy
fail, md 80 perish away, let US be careful that
the faiurc shall not be attributable 10 any
denial Of justice. In all that relates 10 tho
destiny of the freedmen, we need not be too
anxious TO read the future many incideula
which, from speculative point Of view,
might raise ALARM, will quietly settle them.
selves.
Now that slavery Is nj m end or near n
end, the greatness Of its cri In tho point oi
public economy, become moro and more ap.
parent. Slavery WAS essentially n monopoly
of labor, md ~ such locked The States where
II prevailed against the Incoming OF free in
dustry. Where labor WIS lsc property o
the capitalist the white man was excluded