Sunbury American. [volume] (Sunbury, Pa.) 1848-1879, 1865-12-16
OLD SERIES, VOL. 26, NO. IL.
which has so uniformly obtained.

PRESIDENT OF the United states, must have
been extended to all colored men, wherever
found, and so must have established change
of suffrage in the Northern, Middle, and
Western States, not less than in the South.
ern and Southwestern. Such nm act would
have created new class of voters, and
would have been an assumption of power
by the President which nothing in the Con.
stitution OF laws of the United States would
have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger of con.
fiict is avoided when the settlement of the
question is referred to the several States.
They can, each for itself, decide on the
measure, and whether it is to be adopted
at once and absolutely, or introduced grad
ually and with conditions. In my judgment.
the freedmen, if they show patience and
manly virtues, will sooner obtain a partici-
patton in the elective franchiset through the
States than tbreugh the General Govern.
ment, even if it had power to intervene.
When the tumult of emotions that have
been raised by the Ruddenness of the social
change shall have subsidized, it may prove
that they will receive the kindliest usage
from some Of those on whom they have
heretofore most closely depended.
But while l have no doubt that now, after
the close of the war, it is not competent for
the General Government to extend the cleo
tive franchise in the several States, it is equal
~ clear that good faith requires the security
OF the freedmen in their liberty and their pro-
perty, their right to labor, and their right
to claim the just return of their labor. I
cannot too strongly urge dispassionate
treatment OF this subject, which should be
carefully kept aloof from all party strife
We must equally avoid hasty assumptions
OF any natural impossbilty for the two
races to live side by side, in a state of mutual
benefit and good will. The experiment in
wolves us IN no inconsistency; let ms then, go
and make that experiment in good faith,
and not be too easily dsheartened.
The country is in need of labor, and the
freedmen are in need of employment, cul-
ture and protection. While their right of
voluntary migration and expatriation is not
to be questioned, l would not advise their
forced removal and colonization. Let us
rather encourage them to honora' 'e and use.
ful industry, where it may he beneficial to
themselves and TO the country; and, instead
of hasty anticipations of the certainty of
failure, let there be nothing wanting to the
fair trial of the experiment The change
in their condition is the substitution of
labor by contract for the status of slavery.
The freedmen cannot fairly 5e accused of
unwillingness to work, % long as doubt
remains about his freedom of choice in his
pursuits, ard the certainty of his recovering
his stipulated wages.
IN this the interests of tie employer and
the employed coincide. The employer de-
sires in his workmen spirit and alacrity,
and these can be permanently secured in no
other way. And if the one ought to be able
to enforce the contrant, SO ought the other.
The public interest will be best promoted if
the several States will provide adequate
protection and remedies for the freedmen.
Until this is in some way accomplished,
there is no chance for the advantageous use
OF their labor; and the blame Of ill.success
will not rest on them.
know that sincere philanthropy is earn
est tor the immediate realization of its re-
motest aims; but time is always an element
in reform. 1t is one of the greatest acts on
record to have brought four millions OF peo-
pie into freedom. The career of free in
dustry must be fairly opened to them and
then their future prosperity and condition
must, after oil, rest mainly on themselves.
II they fail. sad so perish away. let us be
careful that the failure shall not he attrbuta-
ble to any denia! of justice. In sill that re-
lates to the destiny of the freedmen, we
need not be too anxious to read the futures
many incidents which, froa, q speculative
point OF view, might raise aisrm, will quiat-
ly settle themselves.
Now that slavery is at Rn end or near its
end, the greatness of Its evil; in the point of
view OF public economy, becomes more and
more apparent. Slavery was essentially
of abor, and rs such locked the
States where it prevailed against the Incom,
ing of free industry. Where labor was the
property of the capitalist, the white man
was excluded from employment or had but
I he second best chance of finding it, and the
foreign emigrant turned away from the re-
gion where his condition woula be so pre-
ca.ous
with the destruction of the monopoly,
free labor will hasten from all parts of the
civilized world to assist in developing va
rious and immeasurable resources which
have hitherto lGin dormant.
The eight or nine States nearest the Gulf
OF Mexico have soil of exuberant fertility,
climate friendly to long life, aud can sus.
tain denser population than is found as
yet in any part OF oW country. And the
future influx of population to them will be
mainly from the North, or from the most
cultivated nations in Europe. From the
sutfeTBGS that have attended them during
our late struggle, let us look away to the
future, hifa ia sure to be laden for them
with greater prosperity than has ever before
been known. The removal of the monopoly
of slave labor is pledge that those regions
will be peopled Ivy numerous and enter
prising popaation, which will vie with any
in the Union in compactness, inventive
genius, wealth and industry
Our Government springs from and was
made for the people, not The people for the
Government. To them it owes allegiance;
from them it must derive its courage,
strength and wisdom. But, while the Gov.
erpment is bound to defer to the people, from
whom il derives its existence, it should,
from the very consideration Of its origin, be
strong in its poser of resistance to the es-
mont of inequalities. Moaopoies, ,pepeiui-
ties, and class legislation sre contrary to the
gen;us Of free government, and ought not |
ts he allowed. Here there is no room for
fsgased classes or moaapolies; the principle !
ofonr Government is that Of equal lswsspd
freedom of indss4ry.
Wherever monopoly attsins seotboS 1t
is sure to be q source of danger, discord ND
trouble. We shall bat fulfil our dutiesas
legislators by according equal and exat
Justice 10 all men" special privileges t,
none. The Government Is subordinate to
N