, 1865-07-25

SentlaI 10 freedom the Wnlte Will use
force, as he did a month since in Wash
ington, to enforce his claims the black
Will mutiny, as he did a fortnight since
on the transports, to resist a dreaded de-
mand. There will either be an inferno
cine civil war fatal to that civilization
which to men Of the nineteenth century
is almost Us valuable as freedom, or a
submission which will restore slavery in
all but name. 1t is all very we'll TO talk
OF compromise, Of the Influence OF dis
c%ussion, and Of opinion, but as a matter
of fact these processes, though possibly
certain, are too slow for human endurance.
A thousand years have not cured The roy
al caste Of the belief that they reign by
some divine right, two thousand have
scarcely sulficed to remove the antlpathy
to the Jews, five thousand have not in
ducrd Asiatics and Europeans TO recog-
nize each other as absolutely equal be-
fore God, entitled to the same laws, pro-
tected Ivy the same rule Of right. The
object is TO secure the end now, within
human lifetime, and it is clear that the
dominant class in the Eleven States will
not willingly consent to secure it, will
not of It's own free choice leave the negro
alone to deyeIope into a TouSsaInt, or
sink into an Indian as his capacity may
lead.
If the dominent race is to decide with
out intervention privilege is rc-cstabliSh-
ed, the war, with its fearful expenditure
of blood and treasure and energy, will
have been Waged in vain, and The Union
must sooner or later be again assailed
by a competing civilization, We DO not
therefore wonder that ShreWd Americans,
perceiyiug this, are splitting into three
camps Of opinion, fighting for three diff
ferent schemes Of polity. One section
would permit, perhaps would welcome,
the result they perceive at hand, but the
section is small, and to our readers at
least not worthy of very careful exposure.
The others are two branches OF one
great party which is resolved to prevent
the establishment Of privilege, bat be-
ing resolved, has split upon the policy
by which lis resolve is to be attained.
The individual State, the Republicans
clearly perceive, must either be coerced
into doing the necessary impartial Justice,
or mad. 10 see that it is for its interest
to do it,-must in fact either be placed
under the Federal power, !. e., in party
phrase, under military control" or must
he induced to establish negro suffrage.
Under the former plan, which is, we re-
greet TO perceive, slightly gaining ground,
being not only much the quicker, but
supported by the negroes themselves, ex-
ternal justice would be secured, but at
the certain cost Of State rights which are
of doubtful value, and the possible risk
of freedom, which is simply invaluable.
Under the second scheme justice would
be secured from within, the rulers seeing
it done not because they love justice, but
because they must conciliate the men
whose votes can turn the scale for or
against them. Without external pres
sure applied in one of these two modes
the Eleven States, as they revive and
recover their internal independence, will
re-establish the ancient system, modified
only by restrictions on the division Of IA
miles, by a right to bare maintenance in
cash instead of in kind, and by a restrict
ed privilege of transfer from one estate
to another. Those changes are gains to
the negro, but they leave the grand
structure of privilege untouched, and al