Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1865-03-24

power Of concihzfiDn which looks 90 reason
rather than 20 force-io kind charities rxther
than msiIgn passions, n agency for peace
and union.
Cancellation. which involve, he pcstnoprneu,
or n least the subordfnafion Of the question OF
slavery and sll rs collateral issues between the
confcnding states, % the higher question OF the
| constitution and The union, has from ffe begin
ming Of the warbcen prominent feature in the
policy Of the democratic party toward the peo-
pic Of the soufhe-n states. IL has subjected us
! 70 gross misrepresentation and 70 unmeasured
vituPeTation, and in mary individual cases 70 op-
preston and Outrage; bur sir il was policy die
tated by the best impulses Of the hezTt, demanded
BY the constitution aud justified BY the expe-
riencc Of history IL Was clearly indicated in the
Crittenden resolution Of July. 1861. and all par
ties in congress then approved il. and the people
accepted it. IL was clearly stated in the Chicago
resolutions Of August last, and in the public let
ters OF the democratic candidate for the presi-
dency.
This policy Of Cancellation was not adhered 70
and carried out BY the administration and un-
der the influence Of the passions Of war, il failed
% receive an approving vote Of majority Of the
people in the election Of November last. but IL Is
nevertheless entitled TO the respect due to the
convictions Of a minority Of one million eight
hundred thousand free electors in the United
States whose fidelity TO their country. however
aspersed, history win vindicate. This policy Of
Cancellation. Is the only policy upon Which peace
can be made without degradation and dishonor
70 men, whom il Is neither our right. nor our
interest 30 degrade. cNpatriate, or destroy; IL
is the only policy that viii permanently heal the
gaping wounds Of war, and leave no ranking
hate 20 tester into gangrcne in the bOdy-politic
Mr. Speaker. the abstract question OF night or
wrong between the northern and southern states.
or the question of negro slavery, is not the whole
question in our case when We come 10 treat Of
peace, or 40 discuss measures in the interest of
peace. Slavery Is not The subject on which We
took mp arms, and it Is not the chief question 10
be settled We cannot make peace on that naked
issue. We cannot, without crime, carry on the
war until the theory of absolute Justice to the
negro i realized Absolute justice, absolute
right, things unattainable in any human so
ciety, for the that the divine ruler of the
world has not 20 constituted man, nor ordered
human affairs, as 10 make them attainable. Rev.
olutonS, political contests civil wars, have never
fully realized any abstract theories of right or of
| perfect commonwealth. This war will not
realize them. Philosophers may speculate over
such theories and picture imaginary Utopias. but
the stern logic OF history, the incorrigible per-
versities of mans nature blow the air-painfed
pictures 10 the winds.
The eark hath bubbles - the vvaser bath
| And tlsese ar Il them'
Holding these views of the character Of the
war and Of the policy and means that viii soon
est end il, the bill before US in ny judgment, j.
not a measure for peace il is not measure for
union: il will not aid 10 restore and re-enthrone
in the hearts OF the people the broken and dis
honored constitution. 1t embodies spirit and
purpose toward the southern people which, it
mpolltic and vindictiYe one wear ago, when the
bill first came before the House, and when our
enemy was far stronger and more defiant than
now, is still more impolitic and vindictve at this
time, when the minds Of all good men search
inc diligently for WAYS Of reconciliation and
peace.
| Mr.. Speaker, the opinions and fcars Of the
southern people that the republican party when
Il obtained control Of the federal government by
the election of 1860. would not stop short Of the
total obteration Of slavery in the United States.
| and n remodeling of the whole domestic policy
OF the slayeholding states, were not gIoundless.
The logic of the abolition party the logic of Mr.
Lincoln and Mr.. Seward, and Of all Others who,
for the sake of political dover. accepted the dog
) mas and acquired the anmus of the radical abo-
litionists, inexorably demanded the immOlaiion
| Of negro slavery. II has come sir and by and
by il will be for and posterity count the
cost and sum up our and their gains. The war.
provoked by an intemperate zeal 10 dry up or
| blot ont what Mr.. Seward once termed. sthe
mean and miserable riyulet Of black African
+, slavery" has only hastened and made rs realize
; with fearful cost Of blood and wealth and human
, happiness, result that was as certain otherwise
| to come in Gods own time, peacefully through
the inevitable workings of free constitution Of
government as tho stars are certain 20 move in
their courses according to the laws Of their be-
ing.
No greater absurdity was ever imposed npon
| deluded people than the idea continually dwelt
} upon by the abolitionists, that slavery was en-
| crOaching upon freedom, and thar there was dan
ger that the union would become all slave. IL
} was not, sir. the idea Of statesman or of a
large-minded patriot The spirit Of the constitu-
ton, the instinct of the American people, the
physical characteristics Of the country. the laws
Of political economy, the statistics of cur national
D development, the very laws Of human progress,
were all against such an idea and il ANYTHING in
our past political history gave encouragement 10
y | il, IL was removed by the much-traduced Kansas
1 and Nebraska act of 1854. There was. sir. in
e that act, principle which laid the ak at the
root of the tree Of African slavery on this cont.
nent; il was the principle OF American democracy.
the democratic principle of the right Of the peo-
Dle TO form and regulate their domestic iDstiiu-
tlons in their own way, as well in territories a. in
: | states. Il removed tie Missouri Compromise
line from tie national territory and opened 10 the
superior activity and yigOr OF ftce institutions
| the territory south Of the Missouri line, which
i had, BY the Missouri act Of 1920, been tacitly
set apart for slave states. Ii left freedom and
Il
: and who shall doub: on which side the victory
G | would rest,
. If any proof were wanting that the kanss.
| and Nebraska act of s54 one in the interes
Of free institutions, it nav be found in the fact
that the author and ablest advocate of that act.
| Stephen \. Douglas, politically crucifed by
!. | southern men because he would not cooperate
in nor approve their schemes TO defeat the int
and spirit of the law b. carr Ing slavery BY force
Q and fraud inio the constitution Of the new state
> OF Kansas. When the federal government. By
the act Of 1884, had itself loose from politi-
cal Intervention with slavery all thar true and in
tellgent friends Of the free states had do was
10 cease agitation OF slavery question OF IA
tonal politics. trust o. the peaceful healthy &C.
ton Of the constitution. and the progressive vi
tally OF free institutions and abide their time
h The mean and miserable nyulet Of black Afri.
2 can slavery would have disappeared leaving
IS perhaps stains but fearful rents nor scar.
e upon the body polite
n But il wss otherwise ordered. The suicidal
effort az secession afforded 10 the zealois Of anti
4 slavery a preteNf for making direct and open
II war upon slavery ih all the power material
N and political, they had acquired BY the election
Of ls60, ant they at once adapted their theorie.
4 and plans 70 the changed relations which secess
- ion had urOsiuscd The SapariouS mind Of Mr