The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1865-11-01

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The Death Of Lord Paimerston-After
Him tho Dclugo.
We believe that it was Metternich, the adr0it
and celebrated diplomatist and statesman, who,
during the terrible commissions Of 1848 when
he was anxiously asked what he was going to
do, calmly replied, "Do? Nothing! After me
comes the deluge.' In the same sense we may
apply these remarkable words to Lord Pal
merston. For the past fifteen years his talents,
his tact, bis geniaiity, his personal and politi-
cal influence have kept the British government
upon its feet, reconciied and harmonized con-
tending factions, and avoided giving any pre-
text or opportunity for q formidable revolution.
deluge which is to overwhclm England and
break up that proud and powerful but artificial
and unnatural empire. Looking at English
politics from our Independent standpoint, we
seek in vain for Premier who can organize
permanent administration. Earl Russell is al
lar, and the opposition TO him has always
been, and will continue to be, most vehement
and determined. Lords Granville and Claren-
don are mentioned; but they have no strength
whatever, even with their own party. Glad
stone has been prominently named; but the
recent election at Oxford showed that the aris-
tocracy of the English Church were inimical to
him, and his liberal suffrage speeches nave ar
rayed all the conservatives against him. AS
for Derby and Disraeli they are of course out
of the question, since only few weeks ago the
electors OF England voted against them as en-
phatically as ever. We expect, therefore, that
one Premier after another will be chosen, and
one Cabinet after another temporarily formed
each weaker and less atable than its predeces-
sor-until, sooner or later, the deluge comes
and the empire of Groat Britain is dissolved.
The philosophical student Of history finds
parallel for the present condition Of English
society and politics in the condition Of France
in 1880. when the agitation began which culmi-
mated in the Revolution Of 1889. The real es-
tate OF France was then owned by about eighty
thousand families; the distinctions Of classes
were 80 rigidly drawn AZ to amount to distinc-
tions OF castles; the majority of the people were
held in practical serfdom, and the government
was administered solely for the benefit OF the
aristocracy, nine-tenths Of the population Of
France having no rights which the aristocracy
were bound to respect. The real estate Of
England, Ireland and Scotland is now
held by about forty-five thousand fami-
lies; the funds are in almost as few
hands; eight or nine hundred thousand electors
do the voting for nearly thirty millions Of peo-
pie the mobiles and the plebeians have few
interests and no sympathies in common; white
slaves groan beneath the yoke in every county;
swine and horses are better cared for than
human beings the intellect Of the empire, In
spite Of such occasional brides rs the elevation
Of Macaulay TO the peerage, is Disguised with
the absurd, expensive and insulting ceramo-
niais of rank and titles and with the foolish
system OF government that, disregarding all
the natural claims Of ability, enterprise and
education, makes a man a noble simply be-
cause his ancestors were descended from
Norman pirate; more than nine-tenhs OF tho
population have no voice in framing the laws
that they are obliged to obey, no representa-
ton in the government that they are compelled
to support by their money and their lives. The
cases Of France in 1880 and England in 1866
being almost precisely The same, why should
the results he differents In England, before
many years have passed, we shall see tre-
meudous revolution, which will end in the
establishment OF republic like our own,
founded upon the only fundamental principle
that can be permanently accepted by civil
lied people in the nineteenth century-viz !:
that all governments derive their just powers
from the consent OF The governed, and that all
powers not thus derived are illegitimate and
must be revoked.
No one can at.eniively consider the vast pro-
blems that have been providentially worked
out within the past century without scknowl-
edging that humanity is steadily progressing in
accordance with definite and absolute plan.
England plants q colony upon this continent;
in short time we rebel and separate from her
upon that very issue Of representation which
underlies all governmental systems Then,
having formed Q new nation aud revived The
old experiment of republic, we flourish and
prosper, and attract the admiration Of the
world. From time to time the strength Of the
republic is tested by foreign war. and from
each conflict we emerge more powerful than
ever. Our example begins 10 affect oil Europe,
and millions Of people secretly aspire and strug.
gle for the liberties that we enjoy. stu the
aristocracy contend that our republic Is only
an experiment; that ultimately we must fail;
that no people can govern themselves. At las,
comes the crucial trial Eleven States rebel
against the federal government Europe
shakes iss crowned head knowingly, and
solemnly declares that the Union is dissolved
and that republican institutions are failure,
After -four years Of civil war, during which we