The Ebensburg Alleghanian. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1865-1871, 1865-11-02
EBENSBURG. PA, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 2

down the Rebellion. The power of these
persons who made the attempt has been
crushed, and now We want to reconstruct
the State Governments, and have the
power to do it. The Stats institutions are
prostIated, laid out on the ground, and
they must be taken up and adapted to the
progress of events; this cannot be done in
moment. We are making rapid pro-
gress, so rapid | sometimes canuot realize
it; it appears like dream.
We must not be in too much of hurry;
it is better to let them reconstruct them
selves than to force them to it for if they
go wrong the power is in our Aands and
we can check them at any stage, to the
end, and oblige them to correct their er-
| rors we must be patient with them. /
did not expect to keep out all who were
excluded from the Amnesty, or even a
| large number Of them, but [ intended they
should sue for pardon, and realize the
enormity Of the crime they had commit
ted.
You could not have broached the sub
ject of equal suffrage at the North, seven
years ago, and we must remember that
the changes In the South have been more
rapid, and they have been obliged to ac-
cept more unpalatable truth than the
North has; we must give them time to
digest a part, for we cannot expect that
such large affairs can be com2reheuded
and digested at once. We must give
them time to understand their new posi-
ton.
I have nothing to conceal in these mat
ters, and have no desire or willingness to
fob ind
want
Our Government is a grand and lofty
structure; in searching for its foundation
We find that it rests on the broad basis of
popular rights. The elective franchise is
not natural right, but political right.
l am opposed to giving the States too
much power, and also to great consol-
dation Of power in the Central Govern
ment.
If ! interfered with the vote in the
Rebel States, to dictate that the negro
shall vote, l might do the same thing for
my own purposes in Pennsylvania. Our
only safety lies in allowing each State to
control the right of voting by its own
laws, and we have the power to control
the Rebel States if they go wrong If
they rebel, we have the army, and can
control them by it, and, if necessary, by
legislation also. If the General Govern
ment controls the right to vote in the
States, it may establish such rules as will
restrict the vote to a small number of
persons, and thus create a central des-
potism.
My position here is different from what
1t would be in Tennessee
There | should try to introduce negro
suffrage gradually first those who had
served In the army; those who could
read and write, and perhaps a property
qualification for Others, say $500 or $3.50.
1t would not do to let the negroes have
universal suffrage now; it would breed
war of races.
There was time in the Southern
States when the slaves of large owners
looked down upon noB-slave owners be-
cause they did not own slaves the larger
the mum Der OF slaves their masters owned
the prouder they were, and this has pro-
duced hostility between the mass of the
whites and the negroes. Tie outrages are
mostly from non-slaveholding whites
against the negro, and from the negro
upon the non-slaveholding whites
The negro will vote for the late master
whom he does not hate, rather than with
the non-slaveholding white, whom he does
hate. Universal suffrage would create
another war, not against US, but a war of
races.
Another thing. This Government is
the freest and the best on the earth, and |
[ feel sure is destined to last; but to Sc |
cure this We must elevate and purify the |
ballot. / for many years contended at |
the South that Slavery was a political |
weakness, but others said it was political
strength; they thought we gained three
fifths representation by it l contended
that we lost two-fifths
If we had no slaves, we should have
had twelve Representatives more, accord
ing to the ratio of representation. Con-
gress apportlons representation by States,
not districts, and the State apportions by
districts.
Many years ago, moved in the Legis-
lature that the apportionment of Repre-
sentatives to Congress, in Tennessee, sho'd
be by qualified voters.
The apportionment is now fixed until
1872 before that time we might change
the basis of representation from popula-
tion to qualified voters, North as we'll as
South, and, in due course of time, the
States, soit1sOut regard to co.or, might ex-
tend the elective franchise to all who pos
scssed certain mental, moral, or such other
qualifications as might be determined 6y
an enlightened public judgment.
Boston, Oct Is, 1865.
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