Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1865-09-08

BY what right il a provisional governor
appointed in any of the revolted etatesi No
man claims that the constitution of the Uni
ted States or Of either of the States makes a
provision Of that kind, any more than either
Of them does for a re belhon, or the return Of
the subjugated to loyalty. Ii is suggested
by necessity. The election of a rebel gov.
ernor is insdmissible; the act is not to be rec
ognized, and be and all their otIieials aud all
their acts under such an election are v, ii
when the state falls into the power of the
Union. Then what is to be done, save as In
aterritory, 10 appoint provisional gVeTnor By
the eaecst'Ue Of The nation aud empower hun
TO call convention aud adopt a constitution
The convention may recommend the old one
or the old one wiki such amendments as
would make it republican. and submit it to
the people. But in any case the old consti-
tuition is virtually abolished by the rebellion,
and The recuttVe seeks to insugurate new
state government.
But there is no necessity of observing the
precedent of excluding one race or CLASS of
men, because the abolished constitution did.
Nobody is bound by it, aud the new oath Of
allegiance is to be administered 10 all loyal
persons and those who promise to become
log the suffrage to the men who enjoyed it
before the rebellion, the executive assumes
that certain ciuzsns cannot have the elective
| franchise, and says the ciizens are to decide
ultimately who are to vote. True, but who
are the citizens! II he assumes they are only
those who voted before the rebellion, he de-
MES fundamental right to persons acknowl-
edged as citizens now who were not years
ago. BY calling on those to decide it who
always decided the thing against the colored
race, no takes the most efficient me ,sure to
prevent colored men from ever attaining that
night. The rebels aud the neutrals would OF
course owe the privilege of voting to The cal
10 organize government. and why not call
on all the loyal men not guilty of heinous
crimes, to organizes Has he not as much
power to do the one as the otheri Would it
be more than Justice demanded or involve a
stretch of prerogative greater than the APP
pointment CT a Governor with those instruc-
Iions II universal suffrage is not to be m
stituted from the warrant from which govern
ment springs, it must be the cause Of bicker-
ings aud dlsputings and Of great danger to
the well being of all parties until this right
ia conceded and justice stands out as the sta
bility OF the time
But trouble will not cease by the grant Of
even this right. The deep seated prtiudict
against the colored race, and the manifest in.
justice which they will be made to suffer, vii
not cease till men are disposed to do better
When they will treat the freedmen as they
themselves would be treated, we may rea
sonably expect all serious ground of trouble
between the classes will be done away. Tn,
riots and murders, the frauds and oppres
sions, and the varied abuses praoticed on tn,
darkies, ripen them for vengeance at som,
time, and II, in heartfelt subserviance 20 Hin
who said " Vengeance is mine, will repay,
they never beloul their hands with retalIs
ton, we have good reason to believe tina
these perpetrators Of enUrmities will fall un
der those mills which grind slow but grint
exceeding fine"
We sincerely hope Congress will neve
recognize member from seceded state VIII,
is not elected by the vote Of all the popula
ton to whom Of right it belongs to vote, a
this is now the only hope we have that tn
nation will be saved the disgrace Of doing in
Justice by its most staunch defenders.
r. 5. H.
We do not agree with the foregoing state
ment Of the Presidents position; but we
to the conclusion that Congress ought to &C
cept no representative from rebel State unit
slavery, both in name and essence, has bee
utterly and forever extnguished Ed.