The state rights democrat. [volume] (Albany, Linn County, Oregon) 1865-1900, 1865-10-07
STATE RIGWTS---('ONSOLIDA
TIOS---GsENERAT T.JACkSON.

stage Fits progress, even mp TO the pres
sent cventtel hoar, 4 constant controversy
has been carried On as to the nature and
lextent of STATE Rights. At the com
| mcncenent of this controversy, ii seems
to have been maintained by the old Fed
eral party. as it has been called led on
lhy John Adams and others, that the
1 lGoSefnment Of the United States was.
I in its essential nature, or ought to be to
a large extent at least, Consolidated
! Republic making the individual States
lin name indeed. distinct and separate
members of the whole; but as regards
any 1adcpeadeRt State yfghts-all subject
at last to the actual unlimited supremacy
and control of the one Great Geetrot
PoEer
On the other hand. party equally
jealous and powerful sprang up, headed
by Jefferson and others. manfully and
steadiastly maintaining. that the union of
the States did not of itself show (nur
was it so intended) that the General Gov
eminent should possess one atom mere Ct
power than was allotted to it by the Con-
4 stitution nor that the States in their
individual existence should possess n
particle of power less than they had be-
fore. except so far as clearly yielded up
in the CONSTITUTIONS Both parties. no
doubt. intended the Government should
be perpetual and the great and only
Idifhculty was. the true construction Ia
be placed ON the instrument which gave
that government existence. As TO which
party was or IS right. or which wrong in
! this great contest. is not the object of the
present article either TO canvass or settle
The simple purpose will be TO give u
general aud fair synopsis of the late Pres
idcnt jackson sentiments therein, from
/ the best and most authentic information
/ As many have labored under Gnfoanded
i impressions concerning General Jsckson's
/ fixed sentiments touching State Rights
especially in view of the South Carolina
Proclamation in Deeember. 1882. an at
tempt will be here made to settle all doubts
by the extracts following, arrayed as near
ly as may be in chronological order
In Jaekson's first Inaugural Address,
March 4, 1929, he says:
!, q In such measures as | may be called
TO pursue, in regard to the rights of the
separate States, | hope to be animated by
a proper respect for these sovereign men,
hers of our Union taking care net to
eonfound thepowers they have reserved
to themselves with these they have grant
led to the Corfederacy."
Again, in his first annual message to
1 Congress, December 8, 1929, he says:
" regard an appeal TO the source Of
J power, in eases of real doubt, and where
its exercise Is deemed indispensable 10
/ the general welfare, as aInq8g the most
sacred Of allohligations. Upon this coua-
try more than any other, has, in the
i Providence Of God been cast the special
guardianship of the great principle Of
adherence To written constitutions. II it
4 fail here, all nope in regard to it will be
lextinguished That this was intended to
be goyernmen. Of limited and specific.
land not general powers, must be admitted
!. BY all; and it Is our duty to preserve for
/ it the character intended by It's trainers.
! Ii experience point out the necessity
, for an enlargement. Of these powers, let
us apply for it to THOSE for whose benefit
, it is to be exercised, and not undermine
the whole system by resort to overstrain-
/ ed construction The scheme has work
r ed well, 1t has exceeded the hopes Of
! those who devised it, and became an OBJ
: lject of admiration to the world. We arc
r responsible to the country, and to the
J glorious cause of self government. for the
, preservation of so great good. The
r great mass of Legislation relating to our
internal affairs was intended to be left
; where the Federal Convention found it
in the State Governments. Nothing is
5 clearer in my view than that we are chiefly
5 indebted for the success of the Constitu-
: tion under which We are now acting, to
t the watchful and auxiliary operation Of
7 the State authorities This is not the
: reflection of day, but belongs to the most
: deeply rooted convictions,of my mind. ]
A cannot, therefore, too strongly, or toe
$ earnestly, for my own sense of its impor-
tance, warn you against all encroachments
upon the legitimate sphere of State SOW
: ereignty. Sustained by its healthful and
\ invigorating influence, the Federal system
can never fail"
) Inthe MarysvilIe Veto Message Of 27tl
!, May, 1880, he says:
: When an honest observance of con
I stitutional compacts cannot be obtained
i from community ike ours, it need no
e be anticipated elsewhere +; and the cause
G in which there has been so much martyr
: dom, and from which so much was ex
{ pected by the friends of liberty may b.
! : abandoned and the degrading truth tina
: man is unfit for self-governmenta admitted
Il And this will be the case if erpedienc,
It be made rule of construction In inter
'e preting the Constitution Power in III
&c government could desire better shielt
y for the insidious advances which tits eve
= ready to make upon the checks that ar
h designed to restrain its action"
ltE In his Bank Veto Message of July
e 1882, he says:
:" Nor is our Government to be main
c. tanned, or our Union preserved by inva
is sions of the rights and powers of the sey
Of eral States. In thus attempting to max
= our Gokernment strong, we make it weak
& It's true strength consists in leaving ind
y yidual States as much as possible to then
: selves; making itself felt, not in power
e. but in its benefcence, not in its contro
i'd but in its protection in binding th
I'd States more closely to the centre, BIT
ne leaving each to move unobstructed in il
e, proper orbit"
{: In his Annual Message of Deccmbc
s 1882, he says:
"If system compatible with the Coz
= stitution cannot be devised, which is fre
from such tendencies we should recolle'