The Jeffersonian Democrat. [volume] (Chardon, Ohio) 1854-1865, 1865-08-11

jealous and thoroughly hearty co. operation,
with no uIterior purpose or thought of sep.
sra,ion on issues likely 10 arise. 1t is by
the cordial harmony Of Mr.. johnson and the
Union members of Congress that the coun-
try 10 to DO carried safely through its pres.
ent perils, and division between them would
place Us in imminent danger OF sbipwreck.
We may have diverse opinions as to tho
true solution Of this knotty problem Of re.
construction, and during the proper period
for discussion, We may and ought to discuss
them with candor, with fuilness, and with
tolerant spirit. but when this 10 done and
the time for action arrives, 1t will be the
business of Congress and the Executive TO
agree upon the plan to bo adopted, and
that which is in this manner honestly dc.
termined by doyotedly Union men. shall
believe, as have before said, to be the best |
attainable result, whether IL agree with my
views or not. In short, believe that un.
der no circumstances should We wish the
transfer Of the power OF this Government |
to the bands Of those Who have been disloy.
al during the war, by any divisions among
ourselves, until all the questions which grow
out OF the war are permanently and finalIy
decided. '... Sd. y. r
Having thus stated what think 10 the
true doctrine of political organization. and
indicated the great danger of losing all for
which We have been striving by such divis
ions as those at which you lint, am now
prepared TO state my private viows upon re.
obstruction, and the claims of the freed.
mon to political privileges 10 the Southern
States, leaving to you the responsibility OF
your action in regard thereto.
presume we shall agree in regarding the
| four general principles asserted in the Fen.
euil Hall Address" as those which should
guide tho determination of our relations 10
both whites and blacks in the rebel States.
| That there may be no mistake In reference
to this. quoie them: ..t -. s, -...
"First-The principle must be put beyond
oil question, that tho Republic has direct
claim upon the allegiance Of every citizen,
from which no State Can sbsolve him. and
to his obedience to the laws Of the Repuo.
lie, any thing in the constitution or laws Of
any Stste-to the contrary notwithstanding.
"Second-The public faith is pledged 70
every person of color in the rebel States, 10
secure to them and to their posterity, for.
ever, complete pud ver;table freedom
Having provided them this freedom, 90.
cured their aid on the faith of this promise,
and by successful war aud actual military
| occupation of the country. having obtained
| the power to secure the result, We are dis
honored, If NO fail to make it good to them
"Third-The system of slavery must be
abolished and prohibited by paramount and
irreversible law. Throughout the rebel
States there must be. in the words of Web
bility to bear up any but free men,
"Fourth-The systems Of the Statcs must
be truly Republican" 49, sT r-' ~.
The application made OF the last principle
in the address, / do not regard as sound,
but shall perhaps agree more fully with
J you than You do with the address, when
\ assert that In . republican, community DO.
litical privileges of any kind can never be
rightly or safely based upon hereditary
caste. = H .--t 's 'f
How, then, IL will naturally be asked, can
there be any practical difference between US
as 10 the mode Of carrying out these prin.
: ciples: ct s found in the views VIC take of
the mutual relations of tho two races 10 the
} South. You, judging from this distaDce
say, "Deliver the four millions of freed peo.
pie into the hands OF their former oppsess.
ors. now embittered by their defeat. and
they will make their condition worse than
before" l. starting from the same princi.
pies. and after four years of close and
thoughtful observation Of tho races whore
conviction that the effect of the war has
not been simply to "embitter" their rela.
tions, but to develop rooted antsgonism
which makes their permanent fusion in one
political community an absolute Impossible.
ity. The sole difference between us then is
in the degree OF hostility We find existing
between tho races and its probable perms-
nence. You assume that the extension of
the right Of suffrage to the blacks, leaving
them intcrmired trith the ,phites, will cure all
the trouble. believe that il would rather
be like the decisions in that outer darkness
Of which Milton speaks, where
:. 'Chaos umpire sits.
! And by decision more embroils the fray"
Yet, as ] believe with you, that the right
to life and liberty are inalienabie and more
than admit tho danger of leaving a lsboriug
class at the entire mercy of those who for.
merly owned them as slaves. you will say
, am bound to furnish some solution of the
/ problem which shall not deny the right or
incur the peril. So am, and the only real
solution which can see is the peaceable
, separation of the races. But you will reply
foreign colonization will break down hope.
, lessly under tho very vastness of the labor,
even II it were not tyrannical enough to ex.
5 pei these unfortunate people from the land
. Of their birth. Igrant the foil weight OF
, the objection, and therefore say the solu
ton is thus narrowed down to q peaceaJtt
, separation Of the races on the soil ,chere they
/ n0t1 are.
. The essential point 10 the discussion thus
Q appears to be the actual relations of the two
/ races in the Southern States as q question
, OF fact, and :he probable future consequen
4 ces of those relations as question of theo
f ry.
! Upon the question of fact think I usy
with all modesty ciaim thae NV anteced an n