The daily Gate City. [volume] (Keokuk, Iowa) 1855-1916, 1865-07-18

IKE people FL that t6e greatest test hss.rd i in
premature restorstions 1iepnhtg with future
danger. Any restoration would be dangerous
which did not secue, beyond all reasonable
peril, the abolition ofslaYerys ectual frsedon,
Liust nights to the Zee, and within each State,
tSa republican form Of government. 50
The President and Aisv cabinet, ~sshavc
every reason to believe, have the results in
view We cannot doubt that Congress- will
trsfus6 to receive s1y State ap0n ny other
terms. If there are any members Of Congress
whose fidelity on these points is doubtfni,
we implore you to exercise over them al
the just authority and influence of aconsti-
tuents. gs 81
We advance no extreme or refined theory
as to what may be included within the term
tsof republican form Of government In
the exercise Of the extraordinary preroeative
| of the General Government to determine
whether State Constitution is Republican, -
| there must be practical wisdom and no refined
| theories. 1.-THE constitutions with which the
rebel States now come are not Republicans, !"
in such a reasonable and practical sense as 1a-
tons work upon-if they are 80 faf unrepub-
lican as 70 endanger public peace and the
stability of cur institutionss then we iaaJ treat
them as not republican in the American
sense Of the term m4s a.
| THE SOUTHERN FORM or GOVERNMENT NOT
~ .sN AEPUBLlCANs 80
What, then, is the character of their pres.
ent constitutions, assuming that slavery is
prohibited? Here presents itsef no question
Of mere principle or theory, but facts Of an
| overriding and decisive character. For orie-
third to e-half of their population areiabsD-
lutely and forever not only disfr1nchised, but
deprived of all the usual rights of citizens Of
republic. Not only so, but this disfranchise-
ment is perpetual, hereditary and insaru1ount-
able. It is more deeply seated than Oriental
caste 1t clings to each man and his posterity
forever, is there be~a traeeable thread Of
African descent. No achievements ii, war or
peace, no acquisitions of property, no educa-
ton, no mental power or culture, no merits,
can overcome it. To make the case worse,
these people are not only disfranehieed, but
1 the temper, spirit and habits of the ruling
class, partaking of civil authority, will keep
them not only DISTINGUISHED. but uneducated
without land, without the right to testify, and
without the means Of protecting their formal
| freedom.-The result must ever be, that the
system is essentially aud practically oigarchal,
an such a sense as actually and seriously to
endanger the public peace and the success of
republican institutions.
| THE NORTHERN NOT LIABLE To LIKE OBJ RcrIOS.
Attempts are made to embarrass the subject
by referring to several of the free States,
| whose constitutions restrain free blacks in the
exerciee of some of the usual rights Of citi-
zens. But these are not practical questions
before the country. The General Govern
ment has no present cognizanee of those ques-
tons ia those States. Besides, as We have
said, the exercise of this extraordinary au-
| thority must be upon practical and reasonable
M m H.
tical Acknowledgement Of the people of color
IN those States, we regard as one of the subtle
effects OF the slave power in cur politics.
which we hope to see pass away with It's
cause, the number of persons whom it bears
upon is so small, the effect upon them 90
slight, and sach the state of society, and the
habits and feelings of the people, that the
substantial character of those States as re-
publican is not seriously affected. Depart
ures from principle, however small must
always be regretted but in the vast and crit
zeal affairs of nations, slight alterations from
exact principles are constantly occurring, and
are constantly submitted to and allowed for,
IN fundamental institutions, AZ well rs in
occasional practice. The case of the rebel
States Is vastly and absolutely different 1t i
presents question of false principle organ
ICED and brought into action, with vast d.
mansions, having already created one war,
and all but destroyed the Republic. and even
threatening danger hereafter We can hardly
think IT in good faith that the effort is made to
deter the nation from confronting this vast
peril, over which it has present and necessary
jurisdiction, thy invoking these slight cases
found remaining in loyal States, over which
the nation has no present cogr1izance, and
from which it has nothing to fear.
We NAY INSIST UPoS WHAT is NECESSARY FOR
SAFETY AND PEACE.
We do not ask that the nation shall insist
on an unconditional, universal suffrage. We
admit that States determine for themselves
the principles upon which they viii oct, in
the restrictions and conditions they place
upon suffrage. All the States make restrictions
OF age, sex and residence, and often annex
equally upon all, Those matters lie within |
the region of aafvice from neighbors, and not
OF national authority. We speak only to the |
point where the national authority comes in. |
we cannot require the rebel States, if we treat
them as States, to adopt system for the sole |
reason that we think it right. OF that, each |
state, acting as q State, must be the nudge. |
But IN the situation in which the rebel States |
now are, the nation can insist upon what is |
necessary to the public safety and peace. |
ana we declare It to be our belief that If the |
ooAiito leUel Dtatc 10 It's futl functions
with constitution which does not secure to |
she freedmen the right of suffrage in such |
manner as to be impartial, and not based in |
Pnncipte upon color, and as to be reasonably |
attainabie by intelligence and character, and |
which does not place in their hands a SUBJ /
stantiai power to defend their rights as citi-
zens at the ballof-box, with the right to be /
educated, to acquire homestead and 70 testify |
IN courts, the nation will be recreant to its
duty to itself and to them, and will incur and /
deserve to incur danger and reproaeh propor-
ti1ned to the magnitude of its responsibility.
1t should not be forgotten that slavery, be-
ing abolished, and Herewith the three-fiffhs
rtiie OF the Constitution, nearly two millions
will be added to the representative population
Of the slave States in the apportionrnent for
members of Congress and of votes in Presi-
elections and that this increase Of no
ltlcal power to the rebel States must be ct the L
expense Of the free States. If the freedmen
remain IS U y now are disfranchised, this in
creased power viii be welded BY . class oil
soters smaller in proportion than before. This
furnishes an additional femptation to that
;iass to retain i in their hands and We shall
e compelled to meet, as heretofore, the old L
rrt, not improved by Its recent experience.
'nq largely increased m its political power.
Appeals may be made to tasts orr pr;ide q. |
tH = "A - 4