The Cleveland leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1865-1865, 1865-09-04

Hrnt presented to the supreme court OF the
United States in the celebrated case of
Mccullough against the State Of Mary
land, decided in 1919. The case presented
was an attempt by the State "a Maryland
to impose 8 tax on the Bank of the United
States and the Government securities held
by it. It is one of the most remarkable for
the forensic e~loquence displayed in its
argument, as well IS for the great learning
and ability of the decision OF Chief Justice
Marshsn in announcing the opinion ofthe
Court. Among the points decided by the
csse was that the State Government had
no right to tax any of the constitutional
means employed by the Government Of the
United States to execute its constitutional
powers; that as the Constitution of the
United States conferred upon Congress the
right to borrow money, all the money SO
borrowed, and the agencies used for that
purpose, could not be taxed by the States
that such tax would be an authority to re-
tsrd, impede, burthen and control the
operations of the laws of Congress, and
might be q means of multiplying them.
This decision has been repeatedly referred
to IS the established law of the land. But
as the tax then wal imposed upon United
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United States bonds, the occasion came
again before the Supreme Court of the
United Stataa- in 1929, In the case of
Weston against the City Council of Char
lesion, South Carolina, and the subject was
again discussed at great length.
at this point the argument of Chief jus
tice Marshall was read.
This subject was again brought before
the Supreme Court OF the United States, as
late as 1912. IN the case OF Dobbins against
the Commissioners of Erie county, Penn
sylVania, and 1t was held by the Supreme
Court, every Judge concurring, fancy
among them, that any tax upon any agent
in the employment of the United States or
any security of the United States, by any
State, was unconstitutional and void--
These decisions have been repeated and
scquiesced in, in every form, by the Su-
preme Court of the United States, and if
anything can be settled by the decisions of
that tribunal, it is settled that no State can
tax bonds or other securities of the United
States. II, therefore, the Democratic party
should convince you that it is right to al
low the State of South Carolina or the
State of Georgia, and other rebel recon
structed States, when they come into the
Union, to tax, at pleasure, the securities Of
the United States, and thus not only des.
troy their value but destroy also the
credit of the United States, still the So.
preme Court of the United States will
stand in the way of their decision, and
will hold these securities exempt from tax.
stion, except that which is imposed by the
United States itself.
Now what is the meaning of this action
Of the Democratic psrty2 1t is merely tC
gaia ground for the reputation of the
public debt. If cur securities, which arr
30 distributed among the people as to fur,
nish the strongest bond of union, could BIZ
taxed n per cent they could be taxed
six per cent, and thus their value would
be entirely destroyed. liquidation NIGH
be accomplished under color of law, with.
out the odium that would otherwise res
upon it. There is no way but for us justly
aud to the last to observe every provision
ing the war.
He did not think that q national debt i:
8 public blessing. A nation, like an in.
dividual, were better out of debt thar in
But having obligations, they must be met
We have the ability, the means and the
resources, to psy every dollsr-principsl
and interest. And this leads to considers.
tons of our system of taxation. Before
the war, our revenue was derived exelu-
sively from a moderate duty on imported
goods; but the necessities of the war COM
pelledlus to widen our system of taxes, and
Congress had great difficulty in framing
%judicious tax laws. Certain general pfin-
ciples were adopted, the first and most
important of which is, that with certain
exceptions, no tax should be levied upon
property. Lands and households goods
and stocks Of divers kinds, are sufficiently
taxed BY the States, and any general adj.
dition to the burden of direct taxes would
be oppressive to the people. Another
principle adopted WAS to levy, as far as
possible, taxes upon articles of luxury
whisky, spirits and tobacco.
He passed to consider our resources and
ability to pay off the debt, all of which
can be discharged in twenty years BY the
operation and system of tariff on imported
goods, with such notifications as may be
made to increase the revenue duties
properly assessed and collected on whisky
and tobacco, on corporations and incomes,
In 1860 the consumption of whisky in
the nited States was nearly loo, 000,0 600
gallons. It cost about seventeen cents to
produce it, but it cost the consumer nearly
two dollars 8 gallon. This enormous profit,
which was divided between the various
retailers of spurious liquors and the infinite
number of articles of which whisky is
the chief component part, is now made,
by u modified revenue laws, to render
up q large share of the tax to the govern
ment. France receives an annual revenue
on tobacco of $4,000, 900 to $50, 600, 900.
And from this we may zee how fruitful is
the source Of revenue we have in this same
commodity. If any further evidence of
our resources and ability we're wanting, we
have but to consider the discoveries we
have recently made of our untold mineral
wealth, of gold and oil. With such aeoun-
try as we have, such wealth, such ntelli- |
gent men and women, we ought not to be
governed by a broken-down political or
ganization like the Democratic party.
But our political adversaries, emitting
from their platform many important
things, declare that they are opposed
10 negro suffrage. There may be grave
J9ssI gfb Il II 70 70 VV SSsfaah"rB tht" that 1 am not
concerned with now. 1 have recently ex-
pressed my views upon this subject and
will not repeat them. Consider what the
negroes have done. One hundred thousand
black patriots have been in arms they
lsveguided our armies, fought for us, nursed
'ur sick and wounded, and not a traitor in
he three millions. (Applsuse) And now
his Democratic party, after ali they have
one have nothing but hate and prejudice I
word of kindness or expression of graft.
no premise to help them upward
nd onward. How mean how das-
1853
In some things We must and do agree,
We must secure to the negroes their full
berry, to them and their children, now
I'D forever. Immense ~applause) Some T,
link them free because OF President Lin :
,ln's Emancipation Proclamation. The .
Amendment has not vet I
liversally prevailed and crowned the ;
ork. We must stand by until this result :
reached. If we don't do this, we are !
than he'll. They must first have :
cir liberty secured to them ; the question
the elective franchise will then come in
yical order.
Another grave question is this: Shall :.
ding rebels vote again President Il
.coln said that no mar who had L