Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1865-07-18

Here presents itself no question OF mere prinei-
pie or theory, but facts Of an overruing and de
csive character From one-third to one half oi
their free population are absolutely and forever
not only dislranchised but deprived Of all the
usual rights of citizens in a republic. Not only
so, but this disfranchisement is perpetual, heredi-
tary and insurmountabe. 1t is more deeply
seated than the Oriental caste. 1t cings to each
man and bis posterty forever, il there be trace
able thread OF African descent No achievements
in war or peace, no acquisitions OF property, no
education, no mental power or culture, no merits
can overcome it. To make the case worse, these
people are not only disfranohised but the temper
spirit and the habits OF the ruling class, the only
class partaking Of civil authority, will keep them
not only dlsiranchised, but un-duelted, without
land, without the right to testify, and without the
means Of protecting their formal freedom. The
result has been and must ever be, that the system
is essentially and practically oigarchal in such d
sense as actually and seriously to endanger the
public peace and the success Of our republican
Institutions.
Attempts are made to embarrass the subject
by referring to several Of the free States, whose
constitutions restrict free blacks in the exercise
of some Of the usual rights OF citizens. But
these are not practical questions before the coun-
try The General Government has no present
cognizlnce Of those questions in those States.
Besides, as we have said the exercise Of this
extraordinary authority must be upon practicable
and reasonable grounds, and not on mere theory.
The partial disfranchisement Of people OF lor
to those States we regard as one Of the subtle
effects Of the slave power in our politics, which
we hope to see pass away with its ca1se. The
number Of persons whom 1t bears upon is SO
small, the effect upon them so slight, and such
the state OF society, and the habits and feelings
OF the people that the substantial character Of
those States Gs republican" is not substantially
affected. Departures from principle, however
small, must always be regretted but in the vast
and critical affairs Of nations, slight alteration
from exact principles are constantly occurring
and are constantly submitted to and allowed for
in fundamental institutions, as well az in OCCASION
al practice. The case Of the rebel States is
vastly and absolutely different 1t presents a
question Of false principle organized and brought
into action, with vast dimensions, having already
created one war, and all but destroyed the Re.
public and ever threatening danger hereafter
We can hardly think it in good faith that the
effort is made to deter the nation from confront
ing this vast peril, over which it has present and
necessary Jurisdiction, by invoking these slight
cases found remaining in loyal States, over which
the nation has no present cognizance, and from
which it has nothing to fear
We do not ask that the cation shall insist on
an unconditioned, universal suffrage. All the
States make restrictions Of age sex and residence,
and often annex other conditions operating in
substance equally upon al, and reasonably al
tainable by all. Those matters lie within the
region Of advice from neighbors and not Of ma
tiona authority. We speak only to the point
where the national authority comes 10. We can.
not require the rebel States, il we treat them az
States, to adopt system, for the sole reaso on that
we think il right. OF that, each State, acting as
a State, must be the judge. But in the situation
in which the rebel States now are, the nation can
insist upon what is necessary to public safety and
peace. And we declare il TO be our belief that If
tho nation admits rebel State it's full func.
tlons with a constitution that does not secure to
the freedmen the right Of suffrage in such manner
as to be impartial and not based in principle upon
color, and as to be reasonably altainable by in-
tellgence and character, and which does not
place in their hands substantial power to defend
their rights as citizens at the ballot box with the
right to be educated, TO acquire homsstesds and
to testify 10 courts, the nation will be recresnt to
its duty to itself and to them, and will incur
danger and reproach proporloned to the magni.
tude OF its responsibility.
1t should not be forgotten that, slavery being
abolished, and Herewith the three fiths rule Of
the Constitution, nearly two millions will be
added to the Representative population Of the
slave States in the apportiOnment for the members
Of Congress and Of votes in Presidential elections,
and that this increase OF political power to the
rebel States mu,t be at the expense Of the free
States II the freedmen remain, as they now are
disiranchised, this increased power will be
welded by a class of voters smaller in proper
lon than before This furnishes an additional
temptation to that class to retain il in their
hands and we shall be compelled to meet, as
heretofore, the old spirit, not improved by its
recent experience, aud largely increased in its
political power.
As we speak from free State, i, may be sug-
gested that we are not so good judges Of what
should be done for the colored people Of the
South as those who have been brought up among
them. 1t does not follow that those who have
been brought up under an abuse are the best
Judges whether i, shall be continued, or Of what
shall be substituted in its place. The people of
freemen under free institutions, which the peo-
pie Of the South have not, They having known
the man Of color only as slave before his mas
ter, or sometimes as dsfranchised free man
under slave system embracing his race, are not
the only nor necessarily the best qualified class
to give an opinion as to what he may do or what
should be done for him as free man, under free
systems. History teaches US that national eman-
oipatons do not emanale from the masters. And
wherever emancipation has seemed to disappoint
expectations, the difficulties are traceabe, IN large
measures, to persistent and multform counter
actions by the late master ol,ss.
Appeals may be made 10 taste or pride. on the
subject Of the social squ,lity of the people of
color We must not permit our opinions to be
warped by such considerations. The present
question is strictly one Of political justice and
safety, and not Of sociul equality. When the free
man of color, educ,red in the common schools,
deposits vote which ho eau write himself gives
a deposition which he can read and sign, and pays
q tax on the homestead he as bought, the law
forces no comparisons between his intellectual,
moral, physical social condition, and that of the
white citizen, Of whatever race or nation, who
lives, votes or teslifes by his side.
But the nation has deep interest in the freed.
men, by themselves considered. The Republic
must choose to-day between two results. The
millions OF people Of color in the South, no small
part Of them carrying the bes, white blood in
their veins, mast be either an educated, industri-
GUS and-holding, ,arms-beuting tax.paying, voting,
se-proleo'ing populations or an untanght. indo-
lent, obl.elless, dsiranohised, helpless and debased
populauon-the subsITalum Of proud, restless,
unupublioan. political aud social aristocnoy The
President has undertaken, ia certain of the rebel
States an experiment Tor speedy restoration
Recognizing the general policy aud duty of res
toratlon as soon as practicable, the experiment
IA. III. -. 10