Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1865-01-13

bo.se bat for few moments, and TO confne my
remarks 10 a statement rather than 10 elaborate
them in any argument.
IL must have occurred to every observer that
great indifference has been displayed during this
S;scu.s;on ON both sides Of the house. The
question OF amending the American constitution
mon point Of the utmost magnitude has not
en0rossed the attention usually given 70 ordinary
Ieg,siatiou Nor II this apparently strange fact
anv reflection upon the intelligence or zeal ofthe
members Of this body. On the contrary, il at
test their sound judgment and capacity TO dis
Germ correctly the eventful scenes through which
we are passing. and which will soon become his
tory Every one here by this time perceives that
the existence Of the institution of slavery does
not depend 10 any degree whatever upon the
enactment of this proposed amendment. The
fate of the war In which we have so long been
engaged has al last assumed complete and final
control of that great question. In July last
the president with becoming frankness at least,
announced 10 the American people that no prop
ositions Of peace in this unhappy land would be
entertained by him until slavery was destroyed .
This was plainly stated. do not now recall Il
n order TO arraign the fatal policy which, in my
Judgment il involves, but simply 20 observe that
This purpose Of the par. thus avowed. obtained a
ratification, by means however illegitimate, at
the ballot-bo -Four years more of power were
thus given TO the party which makes the destruc-
ton of slavery a condition of peace as well IS a
condition OF union.
Upon the assembling of congress here few
weeks ago, the president in his annual message
again asserted this condition az the only one on
which the war could end If it h thought that
| state the conclusion Of his message too broadly
IL is only necessary to recall his proclamatons OF
| freedom to all the slaves in insurrectionary
| states and by which be tells US he intends 10
stand He thus commits the blood and treasure
of the country 10 the overthrow Of the institution
| of slavery There is no escape from the posi-
| ton. and do not suppose he for a moment de
sires to evade il. He told the people in advance
| for what they should bleed and die in the event
| of his reelection, and he simply reiterates his
assertion in the message.
| Therefore Mr.. Speaker, il the arms of the
| government triumph throughout the region OF
| rebellion, whose vision 3 SO dull as not 10 be
| hold the Liberation Of every slave, without any
| other change in the constitution than that which
war and usurpations End proclamations have
already made3 This government now stand:
/ committed 70 the destruction of slavery by al
the means which tire people possess, aud at the
| expense of thirty years war. If that lapse o.
/ time should be necessary to accomplish the re
/ suit.
But reverse the picture, and suppose. for toe
sake of the argument. that the rebellion become
a success and southern independence lifts il
| head from the desolations of war. Slavery is a
| once beyond our reach Wewould have amend
ed our constitution in order TO apply the amend
ment to foreign power But. sir. long befor
final result is obtained by arms on either sid
of this baleful contest. think l see the relin
quishment of this domestic institution by the &C
ton Of the south itself caunot close my eye
to the events which there transpiring. Gen
Lee on whose shoulders rests the entire caus,
for which the south drew the sword, asks for ne
gro troops and they will be raised. Slavery car
no longer exist when that policy is adopted. Al
army of liberated slaves is totally inconsisten
with the discipline and police regulations b.
which alone the relation of master and slave j
maintained and rendered mutually advantageous
This fact is understood and appreciated by tn
public opinion in the south, and while yielding
to it As a necessity, in order to raise soldiers an
recruit their diminished armies, they will max
the consequent and inevitable abolition of slave
nv a virtue in the eyes of the people OF Europe
g and seek for recognition and protection on tina
! account How far they are likely to succeed i
thus enlisting the sympathy aud aid of fOreig
powers is a question we'll worth the anxious cor
sideration of the ablest statesmen now intruste
D with power
: Sir, in view Of theae facts, which are open
D every eye, hold that the question of slavery i
rapidly diminishing in importance. Whether fo
better or for worse il is passing away. | shat
D not stop in this connection to inquire whethe
{ such a result is worth the terrible sacrifice whic
is required to secure it; whether the doubtful
blessing which we confer upon four million ne
groes by setting them free, is not too dearly pul
. chased in the expense Of the blood and tears an
toll which this war has entailed upon the Lane
Ny views upon all these and kindred points ar
well known am now simply dealing with fact
, which all are bound TO accept, and which the par
tv that | belong TO at least has no power I
change | foresee. 10 is true. other and most v
| tai issues which will grow out of the destructio
of slavery, and which will divide the councils c
men in the future. The party now in power wi
seek to enfranchise the liberated negro, to max
him a voter. juror, and eligible to Office. Til
has already been done in manv states in whic
that party has the ascendency, and the bill re
Gently introduced by the gentleman from Obi
MIR. Ashley.) purporting to be a bill for the re
construction of the union, provides for the exel
else of these privileges by the emancipated blac
man throughout all the seeded states when the
. | are once more reduced to obedience. On a
these questions. sir, we will meet you at th
proper time. | shall DO TO more than allude {
them now.
But, although regard this &C. of the Hous
| to-day on the proposed amendment to the cor
stitution with total Indifference. far the ex
stence Of the institution ofslavery is concerre
yet shall vote against its passage. l shall Civ
my reasons, but not elaborate them. l hold tina
this is an improper time TO amend the fundameI
tai law of the country Such an act should Nc
5 be consummated amid the fiery passions and v,
c hement hates engendered by civil war. 1t shout
be the work of calmness and of peace. 1t is
last for all time There is an idea of perpetuii
attached to constitutions and constitution.
e amendments which does not belong 10 ordinar
: acts of legislation. They should, therefore b
the work of unclouded wisdom, and not sprin
from the wrath and smoke of the battle field
We have spent large portion of our time hel
since the commenced in repeating or rev
ing or amending our hasty and crude legislatio
il should admonish US to refrain from laying
F, rude and innovsting hand upon the constitute
y itself. When the sky shall again be clear owe
Z, our heads, peaceful sun Illuminating the Ian,
y and our great household of states all at home
q harmony once more, then will be the time
consider what changes, if any, this generatio
desires to make out of the work of W ashingtol
Y Madison, and the revered sages of our aptiquit,
hold also that 1t is an act of bad faith on III
. part of those in power 10 seize this time of patr
otto sacrifice on the part Of all to carry out an
5 eliminate favorite partisan scheme again
:. which nearly two million voters protested at 81
{ late election. But this conduct has grown (;
miliar TO US all, and barely make the sugge
ton worthy of consideration in conneetio
Q with the whole political career which this VS.
I has been made To pursue under the dictation
an unhealthy fsnaticism.
But hold finally that the constitution doe
not authorize az amendment TO be made By whc
/ any state or citizen shall be diycstei of acquire