The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1865-08-10

IN increasing and deepening their pride
of race. The fact is one which cannot
safely be overlooked in any calculation
involving their action upon the political
problems before the country, and it is
one in regard to which think can
hardly be mistaken
The details of any system of separa-
ton could only be determined by care
full study and wide comparison of
views. Suppose, however. that without
breaking up the organization of any
State, you take contiguous territory in
South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and
Florida, and there, under the sovereignty
OF the l nited States, and with all the
faculties which the power and wealth of
the Government can give, we organize
the freedmen in a dependency of the
Union analogous 10 the Western Terri
tories. Given them schools, laws facili-
tating the requirement of homesteads,
to be paid for 10y their own labor, full
and exclusive political privileges. aided
at the start, should it seem necessary, by
wise selection from the largest brains
and most philanthropic hearts among
anti slavery men, TO join them, a Judicial
ry or executive which would command
their confidence in the first essays Of
political existence. There need be no
| coercive collection of the colored race
IN the designated region; the majority
are there now, and the reward of politi-
/ cal power would draw thither the re-
mainder quite as rapidly as their place
could be supplied by white immigration
into other States. The forts and seaport
cities could remain under the direct con-
troll of the Federal Government as the
basis for that common trade and inter-
course with other parts of the country
and the world, which would be neces-
sary. The fullest opportunity to de-
velop the highest civiliztion they are
capable of, would then be given. Col
ored men of talent and intelligence
would not then make n vain struggle for
the empty name of being lawyers without
briefs, or merchants without trade but
would have what leading journal at
the East has frequently demanded for
them, the opportunity, well as the
right, to rank according to their real |
character and ability.
That there are difficulties in the rela-
ton of such plan l shall be the first to |
admit, but there are difficulties in all |
plans. It's natural to men to struggle |
to avoid responsibility, and to drift upon
the current, trusting to fate but drift
ing leads to difficulties, as we who drifted
into a war which has cost half q million
of lives and untold millions of money,
should not need to be told and 1 agree
with you that drifting will probably de-
eide this matter against the black race,
and involve his destruction, while by
leaving the labor of the South in the |
hands of a degraded caste it entails sla.
very, and prevents that homogenity of |
institutions and manners, North and |
South, which / have said believe to be |
the only sure foundation of permanent
peace.
The Anglo American and the Africo-
American races now stand face to face
upon the Southern soil in irreeoncilable
hostility. The few colored men whom
we have among us may be regarded as
the waits and strays of the great body |
which is nation in numbers and in its |
isolation by mental and physical charac-
terestics. 1t is as a unit that we must
deal with them, and no paltering with |
tho edges Of the difficulty will avert the |
doom which all history teaches us will |
follow a solution.
The magnitude of the problem is i'm
mense. but the principles which must
decide 1t one way or the other are simple.
When we deal with a whole community,
however closely related to ourselv es, it is
not by the application of the maxims
of municipal law as applied to individ
uals, that we must decide the case, but
by modified form of international law.
which so far from ignoring our response
bility 10 God, our common ruler, or the
obligation to recognize the fundamental
tights of man, necessarily implies them
all. Religion. honor, humanity, republi-
canism, all call upon us to see well toit
that we do not allow the seething and
molten clements to crystalize into a new
form of oppression, and recognize as
fully as you possibly can the burden of
responsibility which this great epoch in
the worlds history rolls upon all who
have even the umblest part in determin-
ing the shape of public policy.
l have approached the subject as an
anti slavery man. l have thought as
deeply as l was capable of, and have
carefully revised my opinions and
tested them by all the fundamental prin-
ciples of right and justice. If others
do not agree with me, and it part me from
any whose principles and motives are
the same as my own, my deep regret
that it should be so cannot change my
convictions
1t has seemed to me that the solution
L have Offered rids US of the difficulties
IN our way 1t gives to the black man
political rights and franchises without
I
tation of the Southern whites i'm Con-
gress to proper basis, their own num-
bers; it secures the permanent peace of
the Government and the allegiance Of
the people, by the only sure guaranty.
viz: that of common interest and identi
ty OF institutions. What more would
you haves
1t Is worth while to consider that in
such plan As / have suggested. there
is that which is likely to attract co -opera-
tlon on the part Of rejecting men in the
Southern States There can be no aues-
ton that some portion Of the sectional
bitterness which finally led to secession
and war, was caused by more or less
distinct perception of difficulties like
these we are considering, from which
they saw no reasonable outlet, and that
any plan which recognizes the. facts /