The daily clarion. [volume] (Meridian, Miss.) 1863-1866, 1865-07-19


Thev require every citizen who Offers tQ
vote 10 declare whether 9 not he exeg ulq
in his life indulge secret wish ln favor |
If the rebellion. f he as0N that he |
had such a wish, Tor moment8 bis vote |
"a rejected! 1t hesays NE meyer mad such |
thoughts. hescan vote, unless his oatn Is |
tlisproved.
# il not VIII ne man has. done, but
,,,,o, he once xl.nz7af1t Of doing i is not
,vhat he i. lat slg he has been. which
,lraws doFn.tiIoh his head this Inquis-
itoriaf ven aeaIice. For, they say, he
never shall reform -,
The result. practically, OF tnla VIII oe'
that those who are honest enough not 10
commit perjury viii not vote t'YsEnis
;. not the only absurdlty of sucK pro-
hibition. Unless the rebellion Is pnt
down, The law which IS intended 10 ex-
clude from suffrage the rebel populatlon
cannot be enforced, and the law Is use
less. And if it is put down, SO tnat TINS
law NAV be enforced, every other la"
NAV be enforced as well, and there re-
mains no longer any cause OF tear on ac'
count of secession, and 10 ratlonal llotl'e
for disiranchlsement.
This brings US 10 the question wnetner
or not rebels, evenLt we are hot lui'y
assured Of their sincerity IN taxing an
oath OF allegiance, may not saIeiy % al
Iovqed to vote after the suppression OF
tba armed rebellion. Whence, then,
comes this uumitigated horror which
MANY sincere persons express at the
practise OF rebels voting? Upon what
u II baseds 1t has been the continual
nractise of every people, among whom
nonuIar suffrage obtains as permanent
institution. TO allow such persons 10 vote
after rebellion has been suppressed, on
solemn oath of allegiance and abJuraton;
If the practise has not been attended
With anv serious difficulty in France,
Austria. Prussia, Spain or England, nor
heretofore in the United States, when,
otthe close of the revolutionary war, the
whole tory party were acknowledged as
citizens. entitled to all the rights and
nrivileges conce1ed 10 the Wings of that
dav we are authorized to believe that
the objections which have been urged
against 1t are rather imaginary than real.
On most careful consideration on the
subiect so solid ground can be found on
which to infer that serious injury could
result from allowing them to vote.
1t has been said that if they are al
lowed to vote, they will pass unconstltu-
tional laws, get up new ordinances OF
secession, and we shall, from such causes,
have The war right over again. 1hls Is
lust about as probable as that the Tories
ofthe Revolution. in lI83, would attempt
to set up the Kings government In Amer
lea. after his armies had been captured.
Men who are defeated and dlsarmed 90
not desire to renew the conflict without
arms. To expect such thing would be
to look for a miracle. Motives as strong
as the 1--we of life and the dread OF death
would lead in an opposite direction.
The odium which would attach on the
secession movement after its final defeat
and the ignominious execution OF Its
leaders AS traitors to their country, the
sense of happiness at escaping from 1t;
'Iesperate hazards, the danger OF incur
ring again the penalties of violated ale
giance, the hopes OF preterment under
the re-established government, the pres
tige of success growing the natlona! arms
the universal desire to retrieve the per
sonal and pecunisry disasters growing
out of the war, and to. repair so many
ruined fortunes, would plead with thou
sand tongues of eloquence against any
new outbreak. 1t must be observed tina
extending to our defeated rebels the rlsh
of suffrage could not of itself promote
the cause of secession. Voting never dlt
any harm to the Union cause. The or
dinances of secession, when made, were
not worth the paper upon when the.
were written, so tar as they OF themselVe
constituted part OF the lrsucrecuonar.
programme. These ordinances were un
constitutional and void, and would onl.
have subjected all who passed them t
ridicule and contempt. but for the appea
which was made 10 arms in their support
l,,E ha mo- ri
secession formidable. Every secessionis
will comprehend that when the presen
rebellion is put down, that to elect Sc
cessiopists to Office again, and re.enac
secession ordinances would be sheer non
sense, unless supported by q military ant
naval power greater than that which
now or has BEEN in the field. But wher
is such power IN such d case to b
raised up for them
If this government, in the miserabl
condition in which Mr.. Buchanan lett II
shall be able TO sustain itself, and finall
to grind into powder the stupendou
fabric of organized treason confrontin
Mr.. Lincoln, in March 1861, what Wi
secessioniSts think of its power to cop
with treason disorganized and unarDed
That the present rebellion can be e
fectuallly put down, and that the sece!
sionists will undertake to renew the cor
test, unless driven to despair, is to a
human reason the moet improbable {
results.
But if, as assumed, secession is no
voting, but lighting, why should any ma
who means to fight renew his allegiance
Every such man can more successful
maintain his purpose of fighting withou
renewing his allegiance than with it.
the secessionists she'll contemplate revC
lutionizing government by arms, an
have the power to do anything in ths
way, how will disfranch;sement prever
them from carrying out this purpose
IF they do. not mean to resort again 1
arms when the present effort is exhausted
how is it possible for them, by mere eotns
to put down government which the
utmost physical. 70 ee failed to destroy?
A more potent argument perhaps tha
any yet mentioned is that the restoratio
of the government of the United State
in the revolving sections cannot be afec
ed wholly by force. 1t is admitted ths
in the business of restoration, fore
power Of arms, has been a proper and j
dicious means well adapted toan enC
But it cannot do the whole work. bnles
some old chord of affection can /