The Democratic advocate. [volume] (Westminster, Md.) 1865-1972, 1865-12-14

49, sAAos'S. ons " AAobA sOAAO AafS 1ASACtU1OI
most closely depended.
But while / have no doubt that no,
after the close Of the war, it is not com
petent for the general government t
extend the elective franchise in the sew
eral States, it is equally clear that goo,
faith requires the security of the freed
men in their liberty and their property
their right to labor and the right t,
claim the just return of their labor.
cannot too strongly urge d dispassionat,
treatment of this subject, which shoult
be carefully kept aloof from all party
strife. We must equally avoid hasty
assumptions of any naturalimpossibility
for the two races to live side by side, il
q state. of mutual benefit and good will
The experiment. involves us in no incon
sistency; let US, then, go on and make
that experiment In good faith, and not
be too easily disheartened. The coun-
try is in. need of labor, and the freedmen
are in need of employment, culture and
protection, While their right of volun.
tary migration and .cxpatriation is not
to be questioned, / would not advise
their forced removal and colonization
Let us rather encourage them to honor
able and useful industry, where it may
be beneficial to themselves and to the
country and, instead of hasty anticipa-
tions ofthe certainty of failure, let there
be nothing wanting to the fair trial Of
the experiment. The change in their
condition is the substitution oflabor by
contract for the status of slavery. The
freedman cannot fairly be accused of
unwilhngness to work, so long as a
doubt remains about his freedom of
choice in his pursuits, and the certainty
of his recovering his stipulated wages.
In this the interests Of the employer
and the employed coincide. The en-
ployer desires inhis workmen, spirit and
alacrity, and these can3be permanently
secured in no other way, And if the
one ought to be able to enforce the con-
tract SO ought the other. The public
interest will be best promoted, if the
several States will provide adequate pro-
lection and remedies for the freedmen.
Until this is in some way accomplished,
there is no chance for the advantageous
use of their labor; and the blame of i'll
success will not rest on them. .s4q7
| know that sincere philanthrophy
is earnest for the immediate realization
of its remotest aims; but time is always
an element III reform. 1t is one Of the
greatest acts on record to have brought
four millions of people into freedom.
The career of free industry must be
fairly opened to them and then their
future prosperity and condition must,
after all, rest mainly on themselves.
Ifthey fail, and so perish away, let us
be careful that the failure shall not be
attributed to any denial of justice. In
all that relates to the destiny of the
freedmen, we need not to be too anxious
to read the future; many incidents
which, from Speculative point ofview
might raise alarm, will quietly settle
themselves.
Now that slavery is at an end or neal
its end, the greatness of its evil, in tn,
point of view of public economy, be
comes more and more apparent. Slavery
was essentially monopoly of labor, and
as such locked the States where it pre-
vailed against the incoming Of free in
dustry. Where labor was the property
of the capitalist, the white man was ex
cluded from employment, or had but tn,
second best chance of finding it, and
the foreign emigrant turned away from
the region where his condition would bt
SO precarious. With the destruction %
the monopoly, free labor will hasten
from all parts of the. civilized world t,
assist in developing various and i'm
measurable resources which have hither
to lain dormant. The eight or min.
States nearest the Gulf of Mexico hav.
a soil Of exubcrant fertility, a climate
friendly to long life, and can sustain ,
'denscr population than is found as YET
in any part of our country And The
future influx of population to them will
be mainly from the North, OF from thu
most cultivated nations in Europe. From
the sufferings that have attended then
during our late struggle, let us looL
away to the future, which is TO be lader
for them with greater prosperity thar
has ever before been known. The re
moval of the monopoly Of slave labor i
a pledge that those regions will bs
pcopled by a numerous and enterprisina
population, which will vie with any ii
the Union In compactncss, inventive
genius, wealth and industry.
Our government springs from and
was made for the people not the peo.
pie for the government. To them i,
owes allegiance; from them it. must de
rive its courage, strength and wisdom
But, while the government is thus
bound to defer to the people, from whom
it derives its existence, it should, from
the very consideration Of it's origin, be
strong in its power of resistance to the
establishment of inequalities. Monopo-
lies, perpetuities and class legislation
are contrary to the genius of free gov.
ernment, and ought not to be, allowed
Here, there is no room for favored
classes or monopolies; the principle ol
our government is that of equal laws
and freedom of industry. Mherepe,
monopoly attains foothold, it is sure
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