Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-12-16
tFrom the New York Fimaas Republican,
The Two HRemiStlnlhg OhslacIes 10
ReeOnsurmc1iOnl

ReeOnsttncIion.
The souttern 6onFeurlons aud Legisla-
Ntures hdyc cDA forfnelt Ii the main, to the
.declaTed policy and NFishes of the Govern
ment. Their shortcomings have been on
1ninDr points, ana. without doubt, will be
promptly enou9 made goOdDif the Govern
Nt1Ient asks. So far as relates 90 the Presi-
dents acti0H in the,premises,J There is no
serious obstacle left TO- a speedy recOnstruc-
tion. There are two things only that can
be converted into serious hindrances, and
both of these depend upon the action of
OOBgBees, HOtup0u thHt Of the Exegutive.
We mean the establishment Of negro fran
chlse ss9ephd ditiqn PrScedent t9 teEt toration.
and the Insisting upon the test oath OF 1862
ms q SilIe qua MON of admission into any seat
of the Senate or the House of Representa-
tives. a..
In,regard to negro suffrage, the President
has statelliin4 y his Message that fit IS not
cohpeteht for the General Government TO
extend the elective franchise in thelseveral
States" His objection TO any such require
ment from the South festson constitutional
grounds. There is a class of extremists
who contend that the President tsean obtain
suffragei for the freedmen thr0ugh,t the war
power. Itlsisi an absurd 1pretension. A
war power has no existence but in the
necessity of prosecuting The war effect
nally, and ;yseouring its ends. 9d The
war has nowaa CLOSED. % All war
powers have ceased, save those indispensa-
BILE to thetransitiOn from the military gov
ernment n0f the war TO the normal civil
condition of the late ttleater OF the fehellion.
President Johnsoh's authority to appoint
Provisional Governors for the Instruction
Rry States originally rested only.on the war
power. His continnanee Of those govern
ment officials is limited to the peFiodiwhen
they can give place to the elect of the people
safely to the government. This time, he
believes, can not be far distant at the far
thest. But the heextenslon of franchise to the
negroes can not be authorized by the war
power, because 1t is purely ciyn measure,
having no relation to the prosecution of the
war or the exceptional necessities in the
transitional stage from war to solid peace.
1t is measure designed, to be Of permanent
civil application, affecting the organic sys-
TENS of States for all sinle; and therefore
It is entirely beyond the range Of the war
power of the President. Those who find
fault with the President for not t1ndertak-
ing, under the war power, to secure to the
freedmen the franchise, which Is purely a
political possession, talk without regard to
law or reasons E7p. 30 VggFGg rTTF sgHg-T
/ The only power which Congress has upon
this matter of securing freedmen suffrageis
the power OF proposing an amendment 10
the Constitution to that end.T7We doubt
whether there is ameniber, in either branch,
enough to imagine it TO be possi1
BILE 10 obtain the ratification of any SUCH
amendment by three fourths Of the States.
Not one ofithe late slave States would rati-
fy It of their own accord, nor would one
quarter of the other States, for the simple
reason that more than three e-fourths of them
exclude colored men from their own bali
otlboxes, and it would be monstrously un4
lust for such States to compel the SOUTHERN /
States to an electoral system they them
selves areun%illing t0adopt! If Cue North
irng Negro, who has always been free, and |
had opportunities for mental i'm iprbvement,
! deemed unit to vote by the Northern
States, they are IN no position 10 insist that
he Southern negro. whose faculties have
been kept dwarfed and benighted by life.
pngslavery, shallbe admitted TO the SouthI
rnpolls. The abstract question whether
he black man ought to be allowed to vote |
las nothing to do with the easea' The |
Joint Is, that Until we OF the North establish |
hat suffrage for ourselves, we have no |
light ITO force ID upon Others, The dit |
-ine apothegm,d d"Physician heal thyselEn
would confound us thevery first instant we
hould undertake to dealwith the cOnstitt-
ional amendment on this subject relating
D the late insurrectionary States. There Is
10 way but to leave this matter where the |
leftit, to the discretion Ofeach
State No action by Congress
pom the subject of freedmen Suffrage can
ave any practical result. All talk about
Is 'unwarfantable, because it is moral
7 certain that nothing substantial can
meifFom it, and it Is only calculated to
clay reconstruction unnecessarily. haa |
AS relates to the test oath. perhaps there
lay be more room for rational doubt. Pos
bly,, it may be proper for Congress to
Iatntaiu its dignity by holding to that
ath, (which makes it Impossible for any
ian who ever has been traitor to sit In
le national councils. But it is little else
IAN q point of5dignity. No practical dam
er is involved in it. The future allegiance
the late traitors who ohave been hardened
Y the President may be as securely relied
pom as that of any class Of people in the
outh. There is no reason to doubt that they
ave taken the oath Of allegiance in abso- 1
tie good faith. They can have no motive
} break it,. Nobody ybelieves renewal of
,bellion possible. 1t Is not fit that these
representatives. and Senators elect should /
J excluded from the halls of national leg
as a punishment. If it Is T.
sst to punish them, it should be done with p
le regular pains andpenaltles of the law.
sitedO upon their property and persOhs!1 2
here Is no such independents punishment z
lown TO the statute book as exclusion from n
aces Of public trust. That exclusion Is
llyiincidehtal to some highIpenal eonVie-l b
On. This test oath was originally intends
to be simply protective, not at all punt
ryg oItis no longer necessary for pfotec- +
fe purposes because there is no 1Ohger
actual or potential. Yet we
spedt that feeling which shrinks from b
wing the exalted seats of the national u
.pitoito men solately covered from crown
sole with treason, even though ther now p
ow nothing but loyalty. But ought that r.
cling to he indulgedat at the expense of the1
stinterests Of thecountry, which impeFi- 3
sly call for an early reconstruction? Is p
ere any ydignityinvolvedin in the case which
ould Justify the continuance of this sus- r.
nsioni of the representative principle, q
hichis theivery vital essence Oflodr civil "
stem? We trust that Congress will judgehi
ls-matter as dispassionately and as 'liberI
lyi aslpOssible. The President, I'm doing r.
; part toward rec0nstructi0ny has deemed 81
wise to practice great tmaghanimity. The
suits therefore have fully Justified his Fl
Icy. Congress has but to deal withthe !,
bject in the same spirit to complete the f.
,rk soon, and restore the republicto all
harmonious and glorious woFkings?9fI lI
asfu WOE EhaE -l1..ass.a- IL 1lzli4t venom W01-1
Cd h From tVashingtOn:1i nlR9 sIg
rhe news yesterday from washington in I,ff
iates that the Southern. Con gfessioual,l !,
egates VIII not be qualified. They may H.