Daily union and American. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1865-1866, 1865-12-31
Union and American.
UNION-
SPIRIT OF THE REPURLICaS PRESS.


through the dark and angry cloud of BlacI
Republican prejudice and hate.
The New York Post is one of the oldes
and ablest journals of that city. 1t wa
formerly Democratic and has always beer
the organ of the Free Trade party. Its ed;
tor lost his good sense in the rage of aboli
tionism some years since and has had bu
few lucid intervals since. We are delighted
to see from the following article that he il
returning to his senses We have alwayl
regarded the Post as the least mercenary o
any of the leading Northern journals 1t
editor, WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT, has .
national reputation, and we trust that ht
viii spend the evening of his life in the ad-
voeacy of national interests. AAA
The Hour for Sfates.nanship.
While the war was still going on the su-
preme object of every patriet was TO push il
forward with all the energy of which the
nation was capable. War is such horrible
condition for any society to be in, that the
sooner it is ended the better it is for all con-
cerned, and the more vigorously it is prose
cuted the sooner it is ended. When the one
side or the other is exhausted it must come
to a close. Loyal and good men then
did what they could during the war to Sc
cure the success of what they thought the
right cause. They did not stop to wrangle
with each other about the means they up
held the government they reinforced and
comforted the armies; they fortified pub
lie sentiment, and they harrassed, weak
ened and discouraged the enemy by every
act, Legislative or personal, which might the
more speedily ruin his hopes and drive him
from the field. The question before the ma
tion was one simply of military and moral
efficiency, and whatever contributed to that
we all of US cheerfully helped. In our
eagerness to reach the goal no doubt we did
many things hastily, wrongly, even reck-
lessly, but these were errors justified by the
greatness of the purpose.
But now the war is over, and the enemy
has laid down his arms, our public duties
are quite of another sort. They are the du-
ties of craftsmanship, not of military skill,
and of the wisest, profoundest, calmest most
penetrating, and comprehensive statesman
are called upon, not merely to patch up a
nominal peace, which may fame into war
again on a future occasion, but to repair
thoroughly the breaches of the war, to re-
move the causes of it, and to reconstitute the
nation on principle that will bring back
more than the pristine harmony. That, after
all, was largely superficial and seeming; but
what we want is a complete, solid, unchange-
able unity of reciprocal respect and affection.
1t has been demonstrated by events of the
most stupendous and decisive character, with
the echoes of which the world still rings,
that we of the United States are one people,
that we can only be one people, and the bust
ness of the wise statesman is to render that
result as speedily, really and permanently
valid as his means permit.
The cause of the war, as every philosohpic
mind now sees, was the diversity of the So
cial systems of the North and South, produced
by the institution of slavery, coupled with
The diversity of political doctrine which they
generated In both parts of the
country we were industrial and democratic
but at the North our industry was free, and
our democracy humanitarian and progress
i've; while at the South the industry was
bound, and the democracy was personal and
inclining to oligarchy. At the
North, consequently, we believed in the
equal rights of all men and the sovereignty
of the people, while at the South they be-
ieved in rights limited to race, and the
sovereignty of the States.
At the North we were growing rapidly in
population, wealth, refinement and power,
md that growth was making itself more and
more felt in political domination; while at
he South they were growing rapidly too,
1ut not in the same accelerated ratio, the
political power was escaping from them, and
yet time either to recover their dominion by
,xtorting from us concessions and compro-
nises, or to set up new, independent and
yrand slavery empire of their own. They
lid strike terribly, but they struck too late,
md of this they are now convinced they
ire alike hopeless of restored dominion or of
and their true interest lies
lone, as they must themselves come to see
vhen the fumes of passion disperse, in the
cultivation of broad, hearty and growing
fellowship with the people with whom they
must live.
Under these circumstances we are asked
o determine on what conditions the insur-
,eht States are to be allowed TO resume the
xercise of their political functions-both
ocal and national. 1t is a subject, it must |
'e confessed, involved in considerable diff |
ulty, requiring for its successful treatment |
aim discussion and judgment rather than |
'assion aud zeal. Many earnest men, both |
n and out of Congress, whose past services
o the cause of freedom have been epinently |
seful, and whose motives are always above |
uspicion, insist that no restoration shall |
e effected, no State allowed to revive its |
federal connection, until it has frankly and |
ully purged itself of all venom of treason
nd given pledges Of future fidelity to the
Union.
Among the tests of loyalty thus proposed
re: lst, a disavowal of the rebel debt; I'd,
n express recognition of the loyal debt; Sd,
denial of the doctrine of State sovereignty
nd secession 4th, the adoption of the con-
already promulgated as law J 9Th, the in
estiture of the freedmen with complete
ivic rights 9th, an entire reorganization
f the State governments, under a provi-
ional regime, to be furnished by Congress
tn, an amendment to the Constitution
representatives to voters;
tn, the extension of the right of suffrage to
he negroes, more or less numerously; 9th,
repeal of the Constitution which prohibits
xport duties and 10th, the establishment
( a uniform system of public schools.
Whether the objects sought to be accom-
lished in these various schemes are desira-
lie or not, is not here the question if they
'ere, we are sure that all of them would
ct our earnest and unswerving support;
ut the question is whether, ,supposing we
ave authority to impose them on the
tates, it is proper to do so as a condition Of
leir return to the Union. A further ques-
on is, whether these laudable and gene
ous objects cannot be more efectually, as
ell as consistently, pursued after the res
,ration Of the States than before il. A
lird question is whether the General Gov
rnment which has hitherto been restricted
, precise and limited sphere of action, is
ie proper agency through which to effect
lese objects, or whether we shall still con-
ne them to the local governments. There
lay be thousand things desirable, but not
y centralizing power at Washington as it is
in Paris. In other words, the
ebate Is one Of methods rather than Of ends,
nd men may differ as to methods without
le least compromising their fidelity to the
ads. Every honest and loyal man means
lat liberty shall be the law of this whole
alton, and the only inquiry with him is
ow that liberty shall be secured with the