The Cleveland leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1865-1865, 1865-06-01
sHERMAa,s ExPLANArIaN.


NEW York, May 81.
General Sherman explains his relations
with General Johnston, in his official re-
port as follows: -lr-s11
It is substantially the same SIS given be-.
fore the Committee on the Conduct Of the
War. He met Johnston April / l7th, SIS ar
ranged. The interview was frank and
soldier-like. General Johnston gave him
to understand that further war on the part
of the Confederate troops was folly; that
the cause was lest, and that every life sac
riAeed after the surrender of Lees army
was the highest possible crime. s...-.
Johnston admitted ,thst the terms con-
ceded to General Lse were msgnanimous-
and all he could ask, but wanted some con-.
cessions that would enable him to allsy the
natural fears and anxiety Of his followers,
and enable him to maintain his control
over them until they could be get back to
their homes. A
| He also wanted to embrace in the same
general proposition the fats of al the Con-
federste armies that remained in existence
never made any concession as to his own
army, or assumed to deal finally and au-
thoritatively in regard to any other, but it
did seem to me that there was presented 8
1
at that time, valuable to the Government
OF the United States was st least worth the
few days there would be consumed in ref
erence thereto.
To push an army whose commander had
so frankly and honestly confessed his in
ability to cops with me, were cowardly
and unworthy the brave men led.
They met again on the 18th and renewed
the conversation. He says: "Inssmuch as
General Johnston did not feel author
ized to pledge his power over the Confed-
crate armies in Texas, we adjourned
to meet on the day following at noon.
I returned to Raleigh and conferred
freely with all my General officers, every
one of whom urged me to conclude terms
thst might accomplish so desirable an end
An dreaded the weary and lsbOrous msrct
after fugitive and dissolving army bsck
towards Georgis, almost over the very
country where we had toiled so long.
There was but one opinion expressed,
and if contrary ones we're entertained they
we're withheld, or INDUCED in only by that
class who sbun the fight and the march,
but are loudest, bravesg and tiercest when
danger is past.
sgsin met General Johnston on the
18th, and we renewed the conversation
He satifisd me then of his power to dis
band the rebel armies in Alsbams, Missis-
sippi LouisiAns snd Texas, rs well IS those
in his immediate command, namely, North
Carolina, South Csroiins, Florida aud
Georgia.
The points on which he expressed es-
pecial solicitude were lest those States
were to be dismembsred and denied rep
resentation in Congress, or any separate
political existence whstevaT, snd Jhst an
absolute dissrming Of his men would leave
the State powerless and exposed to depre-
dstions by wicked bands OF robbers and
asssssins. 3.
President Lincoln's message Of 1864, his
amnesty proclamation, and General Grants
terms to General Lee, substantially ex
tending the benefits Of that proclsmstio
to all oficsrs above the rank Of Colonel,
and the invitation to the Virginia Legisla-
ture to re-sssemble in Richmond by Gen.
Weitzsl, with the approval of Mr. Lin
coin and General Grant, then on the spot,
affirm the belief that l had been fighting
to re establish the Constitution of the
United States. And last but not least, the
general and universal desire to clCss 8
war any longer without organize ID resis-
tance were the leading facts thatindu me
to pen the memorandum of April 18Th,
signed by myself and General Johnston.
It was designed to be, and so expressed
on its face, as 3 mere basis for reference to
the President of the United states snd
constitutional CommsD der-in-ChieG TO en-
able him, ii he chose, at one bow TO disi-
pate the military power of the COnfaderacy,
whihc had threatened the nstiousl safety
for years.
Itsdmitted of modification, alteration and
change; it had no appearance of an Ulti-
matum, and by no false reasoning can 1t be
construed into 8 usurpstion Of power on
nv part. have my opinions on the ques-
tions involved, and will stand by the mem-
orandum; but this forms no part of a mil
itsry report.
The news of President Lincoln's assassin
alton on the l4th of April, wrongly re-
ported to me by telegraph as having oc-
Cured on the llth, reached me on the l7th,
and was announced to my command same
dsy in Special Field Orders, No. 56. was
duly impressed with its horrible atrocIIy
and probable effect upon the country, but
when the property and interests of millions
still living were involved, l saw no good
reason to change my course, bot Thought
rather to manifest real respect for his nnem-
ory BY following, after his death, that pol
icy which if living it is felt certain he
would have approved, or at least rot re-
, iected with disdaiD. Up to that hour l
had never received one word OF instruc-
ton, advice or counsel IS to the plan or
policy of the Government looking 10 the
reconstruction of peace on the part OF the
J rebel States of the South whenever asked
] for, an opinion on the points involved
Ihad always eVaded the subject. My let
ter to the Mayor of Atlanta has been pub,
lished TO the world, and was not rebuKet
by the War Department for it.
/ General Sherman then gives his IDEAS
: upen reconstruction, and refers TO sn inter
( view with Mr.. stanton in which the latte
/ appeared to approve of his sentiments, an'
t had urged upon him the Importance 0
: bringing the war to close, for fnsncia
reasons. On the oath MAjor Hitchcocl
: returned, accompanied by General Grsn
d and member OF his ststf, giving inf0tns
9 ton that the memorandum WAS dissF
, proved, and he (Sherman) was ordered t
: give st once the forty. eight hours notice
70 and resume hostilities at the end OF ths
L time. -saras
auU,u nsEEsh sFs