Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1865-09-01

wait until they are better prepared, and then
give it to them. II they who say this mean
it, they must desire that they be prepared.
and then receive It, But we would ask them
what preparation, what improvement can be
hoped for. when the whole power of legisla-
ton, and the whole power Of determining the
relations between these classes, is given to
them on the condition that they retain this
supremacy only so long as they can prevent
all preparation and all improvement Dis
tant, very distant, will that generation be
which sees that race enfranohised, If we leave
them disfrsnchised
And, viewing the question in its most gene
raj form, is it not plain that the nation cannot
do so great a wrong, without exposing itself
to an equal penaltyi Slavery was protected
by the Constitution we endured it, and we
had much excuse for enduring it we could
reach it only by breaking down the law and
the reverence for law in our country is as Just
aud salutary as Il is powerful and in this
instance II was, or was thought 10 be, fortified
| by interest. Now all this barrier has gone.
/ The right, the justice, the expedency, are all
united We have said, by that right, slave
| ny shall be no more, and it is no more. We
/ have but to say in the same right, slavery
/ shall not leave behind it disfranchisemen,
and it will not. How can we say instead
slavery shall not die, but shall only change
| its skin, and live on with all its venom
/ How can we say slavery we will nos have,
but we will accept Acknowledgement, and per-
] init it to do the work Of slavery How can
we say this and do this in utter antagonism
to every principle Of our American institu-
tons, and to that settled opinion and feeling
which has been gradually growing for gener-
atoms in the free States until it drove slave
ny into rebellioni How can we say this and
do this, and not be sure that we leave to our
children and their children abiding and dis
sstrous conflicts and probable convulsion J
But, while we think that the importance
Of this question is inexpressible, we admit
that .ts difficulties are great. They are so,
mainly, for two reasons, the unprsparedness
Of the population Of the rebel States, either
to resume their old rights, or to exercise new
rights, safely for themselves OF for the coun-
try, at present, and certainly not without pa
tient and cautious consider alton as to what
restrictions or limitations upon those rights
are requisite and proper. The other reason
is the unpreparedness Of the free States to
decide at once, and finally, this great question
which has sprung upon us by the sudden
collapse OF the rebellion. Public opinion is
rapidly ripening. 1t is beginning to see that
the true question is, whether, in such a coun-
try as this, political rights should be derend-
ent on race or color. Men are ranging them
selves on one side or other Of this question.
We think, however, that the people cannot
now be ready, not merely to decide this gem
eral question, but TO see clearly the details
and consequences which belong to any deter
minatiou oft The inference we draw is the
kaal - ii.
patient, calm, and sufficient delay, before the
country comes to such practical conclusions
as will take from the whole country all pow
er to Tetrace its steps or amend its errors
for when those States are rehabilitsted in all
their constitutional rights, there can be no
; further interference with their internal con-
Germs. State rights remain unimpaired, just
what they were, in fact. although not what
some though they were. before the rebellion
Those States do not now possess and exer-
else those rights. You have, most properly
: in the judgment of all men, appointed proys.
: ional governors for them; although, il a State
has any right at all, it is to elect its own gov.
ernor, You have prescribed who shall vote
at the election of convention, and have in.
, teriered in important particulars with the
II, bit OF suffrage. lov did all this because
you had the power to do it, and because the
safety and security Of the country required
you to do it, and gave you perfect right to
do it. We do not see how it can be doubted
that you have both the power and right to
interfere further, and on the same grounds
: with the same right Of suffrage, either by re-
stTiction or by enlargement
: Let us compare the possible harm with the
probable good Of delay, and even, should il be
necessary, protracted delay. The authori-
ties you have provided, and who will act un.
der your constant oversight, will do nothing
to prouast or retard the prosperity OF those
states. All their Judicial and municipal insli
tutions may be reorganized and made opera
tive. Let time do its beneficial work, and
your power be exerted if need be, to prevent
regulations or practices certainly wrongful
and all the channels OF trade will be opened
and filed, the new relations between the in.
habitants of those States, with the new right,
4 they give, and the new duties they impose
will be understood and acknowledged. La
Dor will be encouraged, compensated, anc
made productive Of and will be seen to b,
productive of-benefit to employer and EN-
ployed. Where war has passed along, leav
> ing behind it destruction, the renovating
power of peace will cover the traces of desc
lation; and the wounds of war, if they do no
wholly heal, will at least ache less. If yoJ
now permit those States to resume the ful
exercise of all their former rights, and Civ,
up those rights to white men, you give then
to men accustomed not to labor, but to de-
spise labor; to men whose contempt and dis
like Of that part of the country which hac
not their peculiar institutions have been exas.
perated to intensity by a fierce and de-
, structive war, ending with total defeat. Lee
time be granted them to become less passion
ate in their aversion; to begin, at least, tC
forget an recoverable past to be reconeiled
to the inevitable to acknowledge and under
stand, and make the best use of, circumstances
which cannot be changed. And the colored
race will, in the mean time, have learned
practically that the freedom given them is the
freedom of voluntary sef-support Educa.
ton, which many Of them seek greedily and
habits OF care for themselves, and for those
! for whom they are bound to care the poss.
ession of property by some ; the possibility
and the hope of acquiring 1t with more all
these and other causes will raise them far a