Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1865-08-05


upon the country the worst material effects
Of slavery, and prevents that lIomOgeneitv
OIL institutions and manners North aid
South, which have said / believe to be Tie
only sure foundation OF permanent peace.
The Anglo-American and Africo-A -Ameri-
can races now; stand face to face upon, the
Southern soil in irrecOncilable hostility.
The few colored men whom we have
amongst us,may be regarded as the waits
and strays of the great body which Is ana
tion in numbers, and in, its isolation by
mental and physical characteristics. It Is
as a unit that we must deal with them, and
no paltering with the edges of the difficult
ty will avert the doom which all, history
teaches us viii follow wrong ISOLATION,
The magnitude OF the problem is i'm
mense, but the principles which must de-
eide it one way or the other are simple
When we deal with whole community,
however closely related to ourselves, It Is
not by the applications Of the maxims Of
municipal law as applied to individuals that
we, must decide the case, but by q modified
form OF international law, which,, so far
from ignoringour responsibility to God, our
common ruler, or the obligation TO feeog-
-nize the Fundamental rights ofman, neces-
ssarily implies them all, Religion, honor,
humanity, republicanism, all call upon us
to see well to 1t that we do not allow the
seething and molten elements to oerystalize
into new form of oppression, and receg-
nize as fully as you possibly can the burden
OF responsibility which this great epoch In
the worlds history rolls upon all who have
even the humblest part in determining the
shape of public policy. IflsngJ obi +edf
have approached the subject as an anti
slavery man. / have thought as deeply as
was capable of, and have carefully 1re9
vised my opinions and tested them by all
the fundamental principles of right and
justice. If others do not agree with me,
and 1t part me from any whose principles
and motives are the same as my own my
deep regret that it should be 90 cannot
change my convictions. ii min, r,o.lYi t,,,..
1t has seemed to me that the solution have
offered rids us of most of the difficulties In
Ourway. 1t gives to the black man politi.
cal rights and franchises without onerous
terms; it reduces the representation of the
Southern whites in Congress to proper
basis, their own numbers; 1t secures the
permanent peace OF the Government and
the allegiance OF the people by the only
sure guaranty, viz: that of common interest
and identity of institutions. What more
would you have? Ntir9 ~ 'a &3D" saj
1t is worth while to consider that in such
plan as have suggested there Is that
which is likely to attract cooperation on
the part of rejecting men in the Southern
States. There can be no question that
some portion OF the sectional bitterness
which finally led them to secession and
war, was caused by more or less distinct
perception of difficulties like these we are
considering, for which they saw no reason-
able outlet, and that any plan which recog-
nizes the facts | have stated and endeavors
to provide for them so as to secure har-
mony and prosperity in the South, win
soon find advocates there. / do not mem
ton this as an important argument, be-
cause l fully accept the responsibility,
which the military subjugation of the rebel,
territory has imposed upon us to determine
the matter by the connsels and the action
of those who have been truly loyal, and
not by those of the disloyal of either sec,
tion. We must, however, remember that
the ultimate object we aim at must be to re-.
turn the people of the South to their rela-i
ton to the Federal Government as equal
and full participators to its rights and
blessings. Through what delays or inter-
mediate steps, their own action under the
experimental organization granted by the
President must determine. But In the end,
the genius of our institutions win tolerate
no unequal or sectional laws. The homo,
geneity must be made perfect and COM
plete, for neither subject provinces nor mil
lJdIy pTO-CUuSuiSulpS Cdu tOnB CO-cAlob
with republican Government. l.s g1gtaCm
Such are my personal opinions upon the
subjects you have called to my attention..
For them, / alone am responsible. The sub
j jects themselves can in no sense be matter
for executive action in this State, and wheth-f
er am elected or defeated, my opinions
will have only such weight or influence as
their own value will entitle them to. AS
they will not hinder me from giving corr
dial support to the action of a loyal Feder-l
al Government, if other views shall finally
prevail, have thought they ought not to
be made a ground OF opposition In the State
but such as they are, they are the
product of my honest thinking, and in view
of the real Importance of the subjectYI
would not conceal them to receive an elec-,
tion as unanimous as the nomination with
which the Convention honored me. i''9 'di
a Ie Very respectfully, h dJiR giioi
,-... .,.. Your obedient servant, ,sesO
I'D. Cox. y,
Messrs. E. H. Fairchild, Samuel Plumb,