Staunton vindicator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1860-1896, 1865-12-15

pose-of disregarding it; and in the acts of
Congress, during that period, nothing can
be found which, during the continuance of
hostllities, much less after their close, would
have sanctioned any departure by the Exec
utive from policy which has so uniformly
obtained Moreover, a concession of the
elective franchise to the freedmen, by act of
the President Of the United States, must
have been extended to all colored men, wher-
ever found, and so must have established
change Of suffrage in the Northern, Middle,
and Western States, not less than in the
Southern and Southwestern Such an act
would have created new class of voters,
and would have been an assumption of pow
err by the President which nothing in the
Constitution or laws of the United States
would have warranted.
On the other hand every danger Of con-
fict is avoided when the settlement of the
question is referred to the several States
They can, each for itself, decide Oh the mea-
sure, and whether it is to be adopted at once
and absolutely, or introduced gradually and
with conditions. In my Judgment, the freed
men, if they show patience and manly virtues,
will sooner obtain a participation in the cleo
tive franchise through the States than through
the General Government, even if it had pow
er to intervene. When the tumult of emo
tons that have been raised by the sudden
ness Of the social change shall have subsidized,
it may prove that they will receive the kind
hest usage from some of those on whom they
have heretofore most closely depended
THE FREEDMEN
But while | nave no doubt that now, af-
ter the close of the war, it is not competent
for the General Government to extend the
elective franchise in the several States, it is
equally clear that good faith requires the Sc
curity Of the freedmen in their liberty and
their property, their right to labor, and their
right to claim the just return of their labor.
| cannot too strongly urge dispassionate
treatment of this subject, which should be
carefully kept aloof from all party strife
We must equally avoid hasty assumptions of
any natural impossibility for the two races to
live side by side, in state of mutual benefit
and good will. The experiment involves US
in no Inconsistency; let us then, 90 on and
make that experiment in good faith, and net
be too easily disheartencd. The country is
in need of labor, and the freedmen are in
need of employment, culture and protection.
While their right of voluntary migration and
repatriation is not to be questioned, | would
not advise their forced removal and colonial
ton. Let us rather encourage them to hon
orable and useful industry, where it may be
beneficial to themselves and to the country;
and, instead of hasty anticipations of the GER
tainty of failure. let there be nothing wanting
to the fair trial of the experiment. The
change in their condition is the substitution
of labor by contract for the status Of slavery.
The freedmen cannot fairly be accused or un-
willingness to work, so long as doubt re-
mains about his freedom of choice in his pur-
suits, and the certainty of his recovering his
stipulated wages. In this the interests of
the employer and the employed coincide
The employer desires in hi workmen spirit
and alacrity, and these can be permanently
secured in no other way. And if the one
ought to be able to enfore the contract, SO
ought the other. The public interest will be
best promoted, if the several States will pro-
vide adequate protection and remedies for the
freedmen. Until this is in some way accom-
plished, there is no chance for the advantage
Gus use Of their labor; and the blame of i'll
success will not rest on them.
| know that sincere philanthropy is earn
est for the immediate realization of his re-
hottest aims; but time is always an element
in reform. 1t is one of the greatest acts on
record to have brought four millions of peo-
pie into freedom. The career of free indus
try must be fairly opened to them; and then
their future prosperity and condition must,
after all, rest mainly on themselves. If they
fail, and so perish away, let us be careful
that the failure shall not be attributable to
any denial of justice. In all that relates to
the destiny of the freedmen, we need not be
too anxious to read the future; many Incl
dents which, from speculative point of view,
might raise alarm, will quietly settle them
selves.
Now that slavery is at an end or near its
end, the greatness Of its evils, in the point Of
view of public economy, becomes more and
more apparent. Slavery was essentially a
of labor, and as such locked the
States where it prevailed against the incom-
ing Of free industry. Where labor was the
of the capitalists, the white man
was excluded from employment, or had but
the second best chance Of finding it; and the
foreign emigrant turned away from the re-
gion where his condition would be precarious.
With the destruction of the monopoly, free
labor will hasten from all parts of the civil
lied world to assist in developing various and
resources which have hitherto
lain dormant. The eight or nine States
nearest the Gulf Of Mexico, have soil of
exuberant fertility, a climate friendly to long
life, and can sustain denser population than
is found as yet in any part of the country
And the future influx Of population to them
will be mainly from the North, or from the
most cultivated nations in Europe. From
the suferings that have attended them during
cur late struggle, let us look away to the flu
ture, which is sure to be laden for them with
greater prosperity than has ever before been
known. The removal of the monopoly of
slave labor is a pledge that those regions will
be peopled by a numerous and enterprising
population, which will vie with any in the
Union in eonpactncss, inventive genius,
wealth and industry.
MoNorOLIEs AND RESTRICTIONS.
Our Government springs from and was
made for the peope-not the people for the