The New York herald. [volume] (New York [N.Y.]) 1840-1920, 1865-10-16

often; leaders acome like shadows, 80 DEPART;
continual changes are occurring; popular sup
port ia uncertain and legislation too varying
10 allow the possibility Of such policy as
Capitalization, Il attempted By any act of rulers
temporarily at he head o; affairs. On the
contrary, the States are far more stable in
their career and their policy. Thus
we find these different members of
the Union going ON for years after their
own peculiar notions. Not to speak Of such
States as those in the North, who occupy pOlit-
ically tho same ideas and continue to select tho
same sort Of representative men, We might o.
lude to Virginia, the Carolinas, Alabama, and
even New Jersey, whore We see an entire repe-
tition Of traditional views, from year TO year
indeed, from generation to generation-and an
ever ready disposition to oppose the general
government when 1t Is not Of their choice. So
important is the support Of States to political
aspirants to secure their success, that it is un-
derstood no one can rise to national honors
until he can first carry his own State. Now, 1t
is very evident that if there was any power In
centralization-any supreme control in the
national administration leading pOliti-
clans would abandon their States to bask
In the sunshine Of Executive favor Far
from this, it is the invariable custom Of our
Presidents to form their Cabinets almost en-
trely with reference to the political Importance
of these States, and select the men who for the
time being have the most influence over
them. If there were really anything In
Capitalization 1t would not be compelled
to 90 hunting over the Union for Cab
met ministers or other great officers
of State. We have seen Presidents succeed
each other with entirely different views, with
entire changes OF officials under them, and
then 60 into obscurity, neglect, and even
poverty, almost forgotten. No families are per-
petuated by them in ease or honor; they have
no political heirs or succession. They melt
away into the masses from which they emerged.
No one can even name their secretaries with
accuracy for twenty years back.
If there were any such thing as centraliza-
tion if it really had any force or influence, we
might not only look for despotism, but per-
petuity Of it, in the hands of those who might
seek to establish it. This we have never seen,
and never shall see; for it is impossible. On
the contrary, there is nothing weaker in some
respects than national administration. II is
pulled and hauled to pieces by its friends; it
never can fully crafty or compensate its
followers; it is attacked, assailed and over
thrown by its enemies II has as much as it can
do to go through its four years of Office with
even common comfort. There never has been
Chief Magistrate who thought much of any
thing else than how to retire with some show of
public favor, some mark Of public confidence.
And not all Of them have been able 10 ac-
complish this, much less to remain permanently
in power, to govern unlawfully, to destroy the
States or lessen their just, conceded and con-
stiiutional powers
The original thirteen States were at the start
proprietary and charter governments-nsver
sovereigns at any time. There were represen-
tatives in the first or Continental Congress not
chosen by the States at all, and while in Con-
gress they admitted, by public and official COM
munications with the government of England,
that they were still colonies and willing to re-
turn to their allegiance. They never exerted
any separate national power, or claimed any.
From this condition Of colonies merely they
passed into a confederated and finally into
more perfect union, providing for the exercise
Of national authority in new and original
form. They conceded TO each other certain
rights necessary for their local govern
ments-which no one seeks to deprive them
of-nothing more, and provided that as
States they should not assert or assume
any national character. II is true that
many patriots at that day feared too much
power was given to the general government,
and they too feared Capitalization. But
we never have had it--never can have il.
There are no elements in our nationality to
produce such a result experience proves
it, and it il sheer folly at this day TO
pretend to fear il. De Tocqueville, for
wonder, understood this subject when
he declared that all our Presidents ne
cessarily became much alike from the very
character OF our institutions. We have had no
Cesars--we never can have any. Until we
cease 10 have States we can have no centraliza-
ton, and when the States cease to exist only
shall we have Capitalization, and not till then.
Our real danger has been in their pretensions;
for some Of them had almost proved able, rs
we sec by the late rebellion, to overthrow and
destroy the Union. The danger always lay in
tho States, never in the national government.
We hope that too is now passed.
RAILROAD PROGRESS IN. THE SoUTH-PRAcTI-
CAL RECONSTRUCTION. - The work Of recon-
struotion in the South is rapidly assuming q
practical shape, more quickly, indeed, than per-
haps the most sanguine mind anticipated.
While Andy johnson is gradually extending his
humane policy towards the leading rebels, and
assuring delegations from the Southern States