Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1865-02-14
Extracts from Mr.. LincOln's Message.

At the last session of Congress propos-
ed amendment of the Constitution, abolish
ing slavery throughout the United States.
passed the Senate, but failed, for lack the
requisite two-thirds vote, in tie House OF
Representatives. Although the present
is the same Congress. and nearly the same
members, and without questioning the wis
dom or patriotism of those who stood IN
opposition, l venture to recommend the
reconsideration and passage otthe measure
at.the presen session. OF course, the alb
stract question is not changed, but an in
terYening election shows almost certainly
that the next Congress will pass the meas
nre, if this does not Hence there is only
a question of time as to when the prcpoS-
cd amendment will go to the States for
their action, and as it is to be, at all events,
NAV we not agree that the sooner the bet
ter? It is not claimed that the election
has impressed q duty on members to
change their views or their votes any fur
Their than as an additional element to be
considered, their Judgment may be affect
cd by it. tits the voice ofthe people now
tor the first time heard upon the question.
In a great national crisis like ours, unanl-
nifty Of action among those seeking COM
mon end is very desirable, almost indis-
pensable ;; and yet no approach to such
unanimity is attainable unless some de-
ference shall be paid to the will ofthe ma
iority. In this case the common end is the
maintenance of the Union, and among the
means to secure that end, such will,
through the election, is most clearly de-
clared in favor of such constitutional
amendment.
On careful consideration Of all the evil
dence accessible it seems to me that no at
tempt at negotiation with the insurgent
leader could resultin any good. He would
accept of nothing short of the severance
of the Union. His declarations to that
effect are explicit and oft repeated. He
does not attempt TO deceive US. lie az
fords MS no excuse to deceive ourselves
We connot voluntarily yield it. Between
him and US the issue is distinct, simple and
inHoxible 1t is an issue which can only
he tried by war, and decided by victory.
If we yield we are beaten. If the South
ern people fail him, he is beaten. Either
wav it would be the victory and defeat fol-
lowing war. What is true, however, of
him who heads the insurgent cause is not
necessarily true of those who follow. Al
though he connot re-accept the Union they
can. Some of them we know already de-
sire peace and re union. The number OF
such may increase. They can at any mo-
,nent have peace simply by laying down
their arms and submitting TO the national
authority under the Constitution. After
SO much the government could not, if it
would, maintain war against them. The
loyal people would not sustain or allow it.
Ifuuestions should remain we would adjust
them by the peaceful means of legislation,
conference, courts and votes. Operating
only in constitutional and lawful channels,
some certain and other possible questions
are and would be beyond the Executive
power to adjust, as, for instance, the adj
mission of members into Congress, and
whatever might require the appropriation
of money. The Executive power itself
would be greatly diminished by the cessa-
ton of actual war. Pardons and remis-
sfons of forfeiture, however, would still be
within executive control. In what spirit
and temper this control would be exercis-
ed can be fairly judged by the past
A year ago general pardon and amnes-
ty upon specified terms, were offered to