The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1865-10-01
Freedmen Suffrage no Party Issue

/ The political bankrupts Of the late rebel
lion, again turned fortune-hunters, are
straining every nerve 10 make something
out Of the question Of negro suffrage. They
insist that it shall be party test, in spite
Of the fact that the Union Conventions in
all the great States, without exception, have
declined to make it such. They will have
II that the approaching State elections must
I De decided on that issue, and that they alone
are on the right side Of it. The pre- enee is
! ridiculous and but for their hard straits We
would say contemplate.
In the very nature of the case a practical
Issue, pure and simple, cannot be poss bly,
made ON this subject. There can be no such
naked question as. Shall or shall not the
eolored people Of the South be free2 Many
other questions are necessarily involved
with 1t, esp, cially in connection with the
paramount necessity of preserving our con-
stitutional system. The majority OF the
Northern people would have been in favor
OF negro freedom on the abstract proposition;
aud yet were not IN favor Of action By the
Federal Government TO secure that end. So
the majority Of the Northern peop e may
be in favor Of negro suffrage, eonsidered per
Sc and vet, are not in favor Of an attempt
by the General Government 20 establish It.
President johnson himself if what is said
Of him IS true, would be pleased if the
people Of the southern States would estab-
lish electoral qualifications, Independent of
all distinctions OF c0lcr; and vet he evinces
no purpO.e Of using the Federal power to
compel them 70 do So. The great majority
/ Of the party which elected him. whatever
they may think Of the intrinsic desirable
ness Of freedmen suffrage, sustain him in
| this as In al his other executive policy
| Until he changes, and they change with
/ him, it viii be impossible for toe copper
heads of the l8ts REBEL on to make any issue
out Of the subject, practical enough for the
/ people 20 carry 20 the ballot-box.
| The great difficulty is not in deciding that
/ @ particular color ought rot Of iself to ex-
/ clude from the elective franchise. but how
70 make sUca a decision practically opera
| tive ia the nth, whore not one white man
in forty would agree with it. Surprising that
/ President johnson, N Initiating reeonstruc-
ton, instead Of proceeding as he did con-
sistently upon the principle that the south
ern States mad never been out of the Union,
and that their old electoral laws wers sill
| in force, except as to The unpardoued rebels,
had prescribed that the liberated slaves
| should also vote for delegates TO the conveu-
tions, what would ID have availed The
conventions themselves would have none
:he less consisted of white men, and would
have given their Constitutions Just the
shape they are now giving them, without
making anv provision for COlored suffrage
and the elections under these CONSTITUTE, ms
would have been conducted, as they are 70
be now, by the white element excessively.
Nothing would have been made in favor If
freedmen by such action on she part of the
Pref ident. But il is seid that Congress
must exclude all members from the South
ern States at whose elections the backs are
excluded from voting? Cong ess has no
he.
of electors in the various Sta es The as
sumption Of such a power would be the
destruction Of the whole scheme of our
Federal Goverument-an absO ute CONVEX
sion of 10 INTO q consolidated omnipltent
rule Again, &c would be q monstIous aud
intolprable consistency for the present
Congress, three fourths of whose members
were elected under laws which exclude
negro suffrage, 20 debar the members
elect from the Southern States because
they were similarly elected. But suppo-
sing this bold business done by congress,
and the Southern members excluded until
their States had framed constitutions and
laws which gave the freedmen the suffrage,
it would avail nothing. Constitutions and
laws are alterable; and, even though they
might be SO shaped as 20 meet the require
ments OF Congress and secure the readmis-
sion of Southern representatives, when the
object was once gained, the whites Of the
Southern States, DO longer under dursss.
might and would Oh nge their constitutions
and laws 20 suit themselves. Freedmen
suffrage could not prevent this, because in
nearly every Southern State the msjority Of
male adults are white men, and in all the
legislature are sure % consist Of white men. |
The while Lee islatures would have no diff |
Guilty at any time in altering the election
laws SO as 10 disfranchise the freedmen, or
in couvokinE new constitutional conventions
If their help were needed. Even, then,
were it admitted that in view of the present
peculiar and auamolous relations OF the
General Government 10 the lately febelliOus
Southern people, the Preside1t and Con
gress could assume the power Of preventing |
negro suff age IN the work Of restoration, its |
effect would be limited 10 the time " hen the /
restoration was fully consummated. Al
ter that, the Southern whites would con-
troll the matter as they pleased
Therefore we cay that the question Of ne
gro suffrage in the southern States is not, |
and cannOt be made, a practical political IT,
sue in the North. The Southern people |
alone must determine it. Wecau, If We like,
urge upon then, By Argument, the justice |
and tie expediency OF granting the fran
chise without distinction of color, but thatIs /
moral suasion, not party action The ques- |
ton cannot be made for Us a political ques- /
tiou, simply because We have no political /
power IN the premises % make any saSsiGH- I
nal settlement Of 10. That power resides /
solely IN toe States directly nc ued- De. |
bate or devise as we p ease, We Q have 10 /
come % that u the eud.-NeD York Tunes. 4