Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1865-11-07
PRESIDENT JOHNsoN's OPINIONS.

Mr.. George L. Stearns, of Mass, had an inter
view with President Johnson on the 3rd of Octo-
Der, and has noted the main points of the con-
versation, as follows. After writing out the re-
port of the interview, Mr.. Stearns sent the man
uscript to the President who returned it with the
following endorsement: 81 read the within COM
munication and find it substantially correct
have made some verbal alterations Mr.. Stearn's
account is as follows
After remarking that the democratic party
finds it's old position untenable and is coming TO
ours he commenced with saying that the States
are in the Union which is whole and indivsible
Individuals tried to carry them out, but did
not succeed, as man may try to cut his own
throat and be prevented by the bystanders and
you cannot say he cut his throat because he tried
to do it.
Individuals may commit treason and be pun
ished, and large number of indi viduals may con-
stitute a rebellion and be punished traitors.
Some States tried to get out of the Union and we
opposed it honestly, because we believed it to be
wrong and we have succeeded in putting down
the rebellion. The power of those persons who
made the attempt has been crushed and now we
want to restore the State governments, and have
the power to do it. The State institutions are
prostrated, and they must be taken up and adapt
done in moment We are making very rapid
progress, rapid 1 cannot sometimes realize it !;
it appears like dream.
We must not be IN too much of hurry it is
better to let them reconstruct themselves than
force them to it for if they go wrong the power
is in our hands and we can check them at any
stage, to the end, and obge them to correct their
errors; we must be patient with them. l did
not expect to keep out all who were excluded
from the amnesty, even large number of them,
but intended to let them sue for pardon, and so
realize the enormity Of the crime they had com
mtted.
You could not have broached the subject of
equal suffrage at the North seven years ago, and
we must remember that the changes at the South
have been more rapid, and they have been obliged
to accept more unpalatabe truth than the North
has; we must give them time to digest part, for
we cannot expect such large affairs will be COM
pretended and digested at once. We must give
| hem time to understand their new position,
Our Government is grand and lofty struc-
ture in searching for is foundation we find it
rests on the broad basis of popular rights The
elective franchise is not natural right but DO
litical right. l am opposed to giving the States
too much power, and also to q consolidation of
power in the central government.
If interfered with the vote in the rebel States,
to dictate that the negro shall vote, l might do
the same thing for my own purposes in Pennsyl-
vania. Our only safety lies in allowing each
State to control the right of voting by its own
laws, and we have the power to control the rebel
States if they go wrong. If they rebel, we have
the army and can control them by it, and, if ne
cessary, by legislation also. If the General Gov
ernment controls the right to vote in the States,
it may establish such rules as will restrict the
vote to small number Of persons, and thus Gre
ate a central despotsm.
My position here is different from what it
would be if was in Tennessee.
There might try to introduce negro suffrage
gradually, first, those who had served in the army
those who could read and write, and perhaps q
property qualification for others, say $500 OF
$3.50.
1t will not do to let the negroes have universal
suffrage now it would breed war of races.
| There was time in the Southern States when
the slaves OF large owners looked down upon non
shareholders because they did not own slaves
The larger the number of slaves their masters