Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1865-12-01


of states. The control which, with Florida
point, this island would give us over the Gulf
of Mexico. and the countries and isthmus
bordering on it, as well as all those whose
waters flow into it, would il up the measure
Of our political well being. Yet us am sem
sible that this can never be obtained, even
by her own consent, but by war; and its in
dependence, which is our second interest land
especially its independence Of England can
be secured without 1t, have no hesitation in
abandoning my first wish to future chances,
and accepting its independence, with peace
and the friendship Of England, rather than it's
association at the expense Of war and her en-
nifty
:" could honestly, therefore. Join in the
declaration proposed, that we aim not at the
acquisition of any of those possessions, that
we will not stand in the way Of any amicable
arrangement between them and the mother
country; but that we will oppose, with all
our means, the loroble intefposition Of any
other power, as auxiliary, stipendiary, or I'M
der any other form OF pretext, aud most espe-
cially their transfer to any power by conquest,
cession, or acquisition in any other way. l
should think 1t, therefore, advisable that the
Executive should encourage tine British Gov
eminent to continuance in the dispositions
expressed in these letters, by an assurance Of
his concurrence with them as far as his au-
thority goes; and that, as it may lead to war,
the declaration VI which requires an act of
Congress, the case shall be laid before them
for consideration, at their first meeting, a1d
under the reasonable aspect 10 which il is
seen by himself"
- have been so long wesned from polih-
cal subjects, and have 30 long ceased TO take
any interest in them, that am sensible ! am
not qualified TO offer opinions on them wor-
thy of any attention. But the question now
proposed involves consequences 80 lasting,
and effects so decisive Of our future destinies,
as to rekinde all the interest | have hereto
fore felt on such occasions, and to induce me
to the hazard Of opinions which will prove
only my wish to contribute still my mite
toward anything which may be useful to our
country. And, praying you to accept it at
only what it is worth | add the assurance Of
my constant and afactionate friendship and
respect"
President Monroe, thus fortified by the
support Of Mr.. Jefferson, proceeded to an
nounce, in his seventh annaul message to
Congress, OF December ?, 1928, the now cele-
brated " Monroe doctrine" This is summed
up in his assertion
AS principle 10 which the rights and
interests of the United States are involved,
that the American continent, by tie free and
independent condition they have assumed and
maintaine are hensiorth not to be consider
ed as subjeo, for future colonization by any
European power"
The word henceforth' is employed because
Great Britain and France, at the date Of the
message, not to speak Of the Portuguese EN-
pire of'Brasil, possessed colonies on this con.
tinent, and these are exempted from its terms.
1t applies to the future and not to the past.
This is more specifically stated afterwards in
the declaration, that with the existing colo
MES or dependencies Of any European power
we have not interfered and shall not inter
fere"
The reader has perceived that the recon-
mendatons Of Mr. Jefferson went beyond the
joint declaration which had been proposed
by Mr.. Canning This was confined to the
Spanish American colonies, but the Monroe
doctrine extends the protection Of the United
States to every other portion Of the continent.
In a subsequent portion Of the message Mr..
Monroe proceeds to discuss aud condemn, in
clear aud able manner, the projects OF the
alliance against the southern republic, and to
warn them of the consequences. In this,
however, he never loses sight Of the more
comprehensive doctrine he had first ann un-
ced against European colonization in any por-
ton of America, employing such language as
the following:
We owe it therefore to candor, and to
the amicAble relations existing between the
United States and those European powers,
to declare that we should consider any at
tempt on their part to extend to any parties
IN this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace
and safety" And again after stating that
our established policy was not to interfere in
the internal concerns Of any European power,
to consider the government de focto as the le-
gi'irna,o government. and to cultivate friendly
relations with it, he says " But In regard to
these continents circumstances are eminently
and conspicuously different. 1t is imposs BILE
that the allied powers should extend their
political system to any portion of either CONT
nent without endangering our peace and hap
piness, nor can any one believe that our south
ern brethren, if left to themselves, would
adopt it of their own accord. 1t is equally
impossible, therefore, that we should behold
such interposiuon, in any form, with inuifer-
ence"
Such is the Monroe doctrine. l, is an OPP
position to future European colonization on
any part Of the American continent; it is in
opposition to the introduction of European
despotic or monarchcal institutions in any
part of the American continent, and it is in
opposition to any attempt Of European SOW
efeigns to subjugate the North American re-
public of Mexico, or any Of the South Amer
lean republics. In regard to those republics,
he emphatically says:
" But with the governments who have de-
clared their independence and maintained it,
and whose Independence we have, on great
consideration and on Just principles, ack nowl-
edged, we could not view any incorporation for