New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1865-08-25
COMMON SENSE.

A dispatch to The TRIBUNE from Washing
ton, printed yesterday, says:
1.-THE editorial in THE TRIBUNE suggesting the se'
lection and arrest OF the original leaders o. the hcoei
lion for trial. and the pardoning OF the remainder OF inc
people Of the South by Executive proclamation prop
ably only anticipates tho course of the President AZ II
is limited in weinformed circles that such polcy VIII
finally be pursued
We are glad to learn that some definite policy
is about to be pursued in dealing with this COM
plicated question. Our correspondent mistakes
our comments when he attributes to Us the sug-
gestion of arresting and trying the original
leaders of the Rebellion. We scarcely made
this argument We made it a. an amendment
to the one now adopted. When it was an
nounced that there was to be Bureau created
in Washington called the Pardoning Bureau,
we at once put our finger on it az the beginning
of stupendous corruption, and said, II the par
doning business is to be carried on, why not
begin at the right end and say that such and
such persons will never be pardoned-come
what wll-for they are beyond redemption,
and all dhe may 60 home and attend to their
affairs This would save time and money, and
might be done any morning before breakfast.
As to "the arrest of the original leaders Of
the Rebellion for trial." we have no particular
suggestion to make. We do not see what good
is TO come of it. The real leaders OF the Re-
bellion are dead, exiled or converted and hold
ing nice Offices as anti-Slayery men. 1t would
be hard to find more than dozen, and these
are dreadfully small game. The military lead
ers are all paroled and pardoned, so far as life or
liberty is concerned. Then if we draw the line
of original leadership we must extend it INTO
the Northern and Western States. We might
catch Toombs and Wigfall and Pryor: but would
il pay TO go to that bother? Everybody knows
they are guilty of treason, and they have the
punishment of Acknowledgement, confiscation,
and defeat. We can give them no additional
punishment but death or imprisonment. Death
| is species of vengeance that does not belong
to this civilization, and imprisonment would
only be to board and clothe number OF starved
and disappointed Rebels. Just 1--WE think what
they would wish. If it is necessary for the
peace of the nation that certain men should
leave il. the President has power to enforce
their departure-the same power that gives him
the right 10 pardon and punish by Military
Commission.
All this time, however, we escape one point.
What do we gain by thus pardoning the South
ern Confederacyl It, pardon IS question OF
time We may arrest a leader" summon
patches of military otfcers-Generals, Colonies,
horses and servantS-and try him. AT the rate
of military trials as shown in Philadelphia 1t
would take court just forty-eight years and
one month to thus dispose of a hundred cases,
making the last trial to close about the LIST OF
September, 1913. The Government has far
more important business than trying Rebels at
this rate Nor is it well to lnger. We should
have the whole thing closed up and forgotten
in three years, and the debt on fair road to
payment. The only question, therefore, Is
this: Shall We end this matter at once, by Uni
yersal Amnesty and Universal Suffrage, and thus
make the South as irreyocably loyal as Pennsyl-
vania or shall We 90 on in a slow ,red-tape way
10 bring the Southern States back to the same
position of arrogance and pride that they held
in 1860? L. this recent war merely an adj
journed quarrel between Slavery and Freedom,
like Notification III 1-32 or has ii utterly ex'
tirpated the great evil We may discuss the
question from any point We please; but We can
not escape the responsibility of doing justice Il
large class of our soldiers. We must make
the freedman a freeman, and thus end SlayerS
and the spirit of Slavery.
THE SYSTEM OF RAILWAY MUIR