The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1864-06-10
General Fremonts Acceptance of the
Cleveland Nomination


the part OF the representatives of the people
assembled at Cleveland on the 3lst of NAV, /
desire TO express my thanks for the confidence
which led them to offer me the honorable and
difficult position Of their candidate In the an
preaching Presidential contest.
very honorable, because in Offering it to
me you act in the name of great number of
citizens who seek above all things the good of
their country, aud who have no sort OF selfish
interest in view. Very difficult, because in
accepting the candidacy you propose to me
am exposed to the reproach of creating a
schism in the party with which have been
identified.
Had Mr. Lincoln remained faithful to the
principles he was elected to defend, no schism
could have been created and no contest could
have been possible. This is not an ordinary
election. 1t is a contest for the right even
to have candidates, and not merely, as usual,
for the choice among them. Now, for the
first time since 1776, the question of constitu-
tional liberty has teen brought directly before
the people Tor their serious consideration and
vote. The ordinary rights secured under the
constitution and the laws of the country have
been violated, and extraordinary powers have
been usurped by the Executive. 1t is directly
before the people now to say whether or not
the principles established by the Revolution
are worth maintaining.
II, as we have been taught to believe, those
guarantees for liberty, which made the dis
tinctive value and glory of our country, are
in truth inyiolably sacred, then here must be
protest against the arbitrary violation which
had not even the excuse OF necessity. sThe
schism is made by those who force the choice
between shameful silence or protest against
wrong. In such considerations originated
the Cleveland Convention. 1t was among its
to A. -
to such facts, and to bring them to realize
that while we are saturating Southern soil
with the best blood of the country in the
name OF liberty, we have really parted with it
at home.
To-day we have in the country the abuses
OF military dictation without its unity of
action and vigor OF execution; an admins
tration marked at home by disregard of con-
stitutional rights by its violation OF personal
liberty and the liberty OF the press, and, as a
browning shame, by it's abandonment of the
right Of asylum, right especially dear to all
free nations abroad. Its course has been
characterized by . feebleness and want of
principle which has misled European Powers
and driven them to q belief that only com
mercial interests and personal aims are con-
cerned, and that no great principles are in
volved in the issue. The admirable conduct
of the people, their readiness to make every
sacrifice demanded of them, their forbear-
ance and silence under the suspension of
everything that could be suspended, their
many acts of heroism and sacrifices, were all
rendered fruitless by the incapacity, or, to
speak more exactly, by the personal ends for
which the war was managed.
This incapacity and selhshness naturally
produced such results as led the European
Powers, and logically enough, to the convic-
tion that the North, with its greatly superior
population, its immense resources and its
credit, will never be able to recover the South.
Sympathies which should have been with us
from the outset of the war, were turned against
US, and in this way the administration has
done the country double wrong abroad. 1t
created hostility, or at best indifference
among those who would have been its friends
If the real interests OF the people could have
been better known, while, at the same time
it neglected no occasion for making the most
humiliating concessions.
Against this disastrous condition of affairs
the Cleveland Convention was protest.
The principles which form the basis of its
platform have my unqualified and cordial APP
probation; but cannot so heartily concur in
all the measures which you propose. l donot
believe that confsca;ion extended to the
property of all rebels Is practicable, and If il
policy. 1t is, in fact, a question belonging to
the people themselves to decide, and is a
proper occasion for the exercise of their orig
inal and sovereign authority. As a war meas
ure, in the beginning of revolt which might
be quelled by prompt severity, | understand
the policy of condscation, but not as final
measure of reconstruction after the suppress
sion OF an insurrection.
In the adjustments which are to follow peace
no considerations Of vengeance can consist
emily be admitted.
The object of the war is to make perma-
nently secure the peace and happiness of the
whole country, and there was bat single ele-
ment in the way OF its attainment. This ele-
ment Of slavery may be considered practical
ly destroyed in the country, and it needs only
your proposed amendment of the constitution
70 make It's extinction complete.
With this extinction OF slavery the party
divisions created by 1t have also disappeared.
Aud If in the history of the country there
has ever been time when the American peo-
pie, without regard to one or another Of the
political divisions, were called upon to give
solemnly their votes 10 q matter which in
VOWED the safety of the United States, 1t is
assuredly the present time.
Ii the Convention at Baltimore will nomi-
nate any man whose past life justifies WE'LL
-
cardinal principles, there is no reason why
there should be any division among the really
patriotic men OF the country. To any such
shall be most happy to give cordial and ac-
tive support.
My own decided preference is to aid in this
way, and not to be myselfa candidate. But
il Mr. Lincoln should be renominated, as be-
lieve it would be fatal to the country 10 en-.
dorse policy and renew power which has
cost US the lives ofthousands of men. and need
lessly put the country on the road to bank
ruptcy, there will remain no alternative butte
organize against him every element of consci-
entious opposition, with the view TO prevent
the misfortune of his reelection. E
In this contingency accept the nomination
at Cleveland, ana, as preliminary step, have
resigned my commission in the army. This
was sacrifice it gave me pain to make. But
had for long time fruitlessly endeavored to
obtain service. make this sacrifice now on
ly to regain liberty OF speech and to leave
nothing in the way OF discharging to my ut
most ability the task you have set for me.
With my earnest aud sincere thanks for your
expressions of confidence and regard, and for
the many honorable terms in which you ac-
quaint me with the action of the committees
| am, gentlemen, very respectfully aud truly
yours, j. c. Fremont.
New York, June 4, 1864.
To Messrs Worthington G Snethep, of Ma
ryland; Edward Gilbert, of New York; Cas-
par Butt, Of Iliaois; Charles Z Moss, of Mis-
souri,; N. p. Sawyer. o. Pennsylvania, Com
mittee, &c.
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF UNION LEAGUE.
A dispatch from Baltimore, to the Boston
Journal, states that at the meeting of the