Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-03-03

then he = essentially In1del TO his oatl OF
Office and his high duty a magistrate and
citizen a. was Jefferson Davis when he com
handed Beauregard 10 open his batteries agaiust
the walls Of Sumter. Sir, i l. a solecism,
mockery. and an absuTdty to call such senti
ments those OF the gentleman from PeDnsyl
yaniA Union sentiments, or such n war he
would wage against the people Of the South. nov.
a be claims. alien and foreign people. "a war
for the Union II Is the creed Of the gentleman
from Pennsy lvania. urged from year TO year with
all the energy Of his powerful intellect and iron
will, that has poisoned the minds OF the people Of
this nation. North and South, toward each other
and their common Constitution, aud brought dis
union and civil war upon us with al their woes
Sir the men dsloyal 20 the Union and Coustitu.
ton are not all adhegeuts Of the Southern Con
federacy. nor in the ranks Of that "Odious" Dem.
ocratic party whom the gentleman from Penn
sylvania seems so much 20 loathe and despise;
the names Of many may be found in the rolls Of
the LOYAL Leagues" aud not "A few even ia high
places of Federal power.
Sir. If the President and his party in power
desire TO deplete and demoralize the Army of the
Union. and take from il and give to the rebel
lion all the moral power of just cause; IL they
desire TO remove all nducement for the free en-
listment Of men TO recruit our Army; II they
desire to make the conscription law dead letter
on the statute book; If they desire TO sap the
unsteady foundation. and tumble into ruin hope
less and irretrievable the already inflated aud
unsubstantial structure Of our public credit; IL
they desire to prolong the war. to aggravate its
horrors and intensity its hate. and enlist against
us the sympathies of the civilized world, and
finally to secure TO the Confederate States their
Independence as n nation leaving the name and
glory OF the United States az but the shadow OF
a once mighty name and power in the earth. LET
the President aud his party adopt and persist in
man from Pennsylvania
In the view | have of the character and pur
poses Of the party in power. revolutionary
party il seems - Ii- .. itfie n,ec...Sv. except
as to form. whether the joint resolution reported
By the Judiciary Committee, or the proposed
amendment of the gentleman from Pennsylvania
Mr.. Stevens or that suggested by the gentle
man from Ohio Mr.. SpAldingl be adopted by
Congress Either would remove the restriction
virtually imposed by the President himself upon
the act of July II. 1862 Thatact as drawn was
intended TO work complete forfeiture OF the
real and personal estate OF the classes of offend
designated by it, Congress, under dureSs per
miHas from the President, ms we are told limited
by their joint resolution Of July IL. 1862, the
forfeiture of real estate under the act TO the lite
of the offender The object of all the PROPOSE
tons now before the House the subject il 10
remove that Limitation.
The real issue, then, raised by this debate, rs
is manifest from the tenor of the argument on
both sides. is the issue of absolute. sweeping con
fscation. either by legislation judicial process,
assuming to be within and according TO the Con
stitution, or by the laws aud process of war out
side of the Constitution.
Upon that issue. were there no constitutional
limitations or limitations of belligerent rights
under the law OF nations 10 affect il, wOul OPP
pose the Joint resolution now before the House
and the amendments proposed to it, on the broad
grounds OF Christian humanity and public policy
Assuming for the Federal Government all the
rights and power of claimed for il by the
gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. Stevens.
the spirit that would prompt their to the
tent he contempates Is the tyrants spirit not the
ps::iG: &C. :.,5 gintnropsts. ii IS ;::eser
wise nor well. sir for any government To do all
in the way Of punishment or revenge toward its
own people or an alien people that 1t has power
to do. On the contrary. we are told by wise
master Of human nature that
"Earthy power doth then show likest Gods,
When mercy seasons justice"
have therefore felt il to be nv duty to say
something. more by way of general discussion
than of legal argument, for that has fallen to
ADLER hands, upon the questions involved in this
debate. And first, my sense of what is due to
my position as one of the minority here leads me
10 allude briefly to some offensive remarks ad-
dressed to US by gentlemen on the other side OF
the House,
We have been told, sir, by one gentleman
Mr. Loyejoy] that we are here without a con
stituency; BY another Mr.. Davis that we were
sent here TO embarrass the Administration, and
that our support was not needed and would be
looked upon with suspicion; and the word traitors
was almost used by another gentleman Mr.
Spaldipc1 i'm abiding 10 the Democracy of Ohio:
while the gentleman from Pennsylvania Mr..
Stevensl spoke of the Democratic party generally
as an "odous party, inspired by the love of slav
ery alone" and destined TO ''sink into utter con-
tempt ard despised of all men,
Sir | shall not comment upon the spirit that
evidently animated these remarks, further than
"a that it Is ono not f.:ccsSiiy 10 the wise
and patriotic legislation which the peril of this
nation now demands, and to further that IL
the gentlemen ON the other side will look 70 the
returns of the fall elections of 1863 think they
will find that the minority represent upon this
floor the opinions, the patriotism. and the determ
ined purpose of not less than one million and a
half of free intelligent electors in the States
from whence come; and, sir, that purpose H.
firm that neither the Federal Executive, of whose
revolutionary policy and unconstitutional edicts
the majority OF this House seem to be the willing
echoes and instruments, nor the revolutionary
confederation governed by Jefferson Davis, shall
ever destroy the Federal Union, or the COn>,ilu-
ton of the United States which is its life and its
bond
Our constituency, Mr.. Speaker, are interested
in the Union aud the Constitution. They have
in them estate OF inheritance which they
highly value The history and glory OF the
Union belong t. them A. well To the constitu-
ents OF the majority. Our hearth stones aud roof
trees, our wives and children, our lands and
goods our persons and our rights OF every name
and degree. are "a much entitled To be. and claim
As much to be, under the egis of the COnstitu
tion as are. or can claim TO be, those of the
jorty Sir, ii the gentlemen on the other side
of this House claim TO be friends of the Union
we know we are its friends: if they cllm to re-
spect the Constitution. We know that We honor it
in thought. in word. and in deed in the true sense
in which Washington hOuored it, as the pallad-
ium of American liberty
The people OF the United States, irrespective
of party name, are in the broad and just sense
OF the term the constituents of every Reprepsen-
tative on this floor and he is lily fitted for
place here whose mind aud heart cannot do Jus
tce and deal in equity with the rights and in
terests OF the people of every State and section
OF the United States. There are rights of States
as sovereignties and bodies polite. and rights OF
persons under the Constitution, for which We are
here to speak. to deliberate, and vote and a.
one ii but an humble one, of the minority. be
lieve but utter their united voice when | saw
they will mamluy do their duty ia that regard
needless OF the taunts threats OF the majority
have no ambition. Mr.. Speaker TO distin-
gGish myself in this House one among the
r - 4.