Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1864-02-17
For the Standard.

State Constitutions 1t would seem an unpard0na
bic sin in the eyes Of certain persons and presses to
doubt the faibiity Of our public men the wisdom
IF their acts. ...s
I had supposed, until recently, that it was not
only the privilege but the duty Of the public press
10 scan and scrutinize the acts OF public men for
The good of those they represent without The risk
Of mourning the imputaton either of improper mo-
lives or treason free press and free speech is the
palladium Of our liberties they are the life blood
Of freedom, and yet those who have drank
at the fountain seem anxious to blot it out aid
substitute in its place despotism more to be dread
ed than DEATH
appeal to those prompted by such wicked mo.
tives TO know if the tide Of events might not so
change as to bring them under the ban Of their own
folly and madness. Little did llaaman expect to
pay the penalty Of his own life under the gallows
he erected for Mordecai, ye: it was so; such char
acters too ignorant wicked to appreciate the
blessings of civil liberty. The public press is the
crucibe within which we analyze the acts ofour pub
lie servants it is the reflex Of public opinion upon
the wisdom or folly of men and measures. Blot out
the freedom Of the press and the effect would be
alike disastrous both to the people and their repre-
sentatives. Our acts are judged of by the good or
bad effects they produce on those they are intended
to operate on, and how can the effect produced be
arrived at but through the influence of free press
and free speech? Bigots and knaves alone would
presume to set themselves up censors of the pub
lie good without knowledge of the facts in the case
and how are these facts to be arrived at but through
a free press and free speech? What is the object
of the discussions in Congress upon the various
propositions laid before it from time to time, but to
analyze them to expose the weakness or wickedness
of the one and the wisdom of the otheri Surely,
the most behighted and servils partizan would not
insist that every measure introduced by its men,
hn~o 70 <hon r,h1 so
view Of the subject would mantle the cheek of an
imbecile with blush.
How are our public servants to know the good
or bad effects Of their acts upon the public but
through the public pressp Take for example the
tithing law: it has been amended and so modified as
to answer the purpose for which it was designed,
and at the same time promote the public good Take
again, the odious twenty negro feature in the con-
script law. How could the odium attached to the
measures have reached the ears Of Congress except
through the exercise of free press and free speech
Yet there nendicants at the footstool of power
base enough to charge those who exercise these
rights with reasonable designs against the govern
ment. Oh shame where is thy blush2
The servants of the people have nothing to fear
at their hands as long as they prompted to pat
riotic motives in the discharge of their duties; free
press and free speech is their lamp by night and
their light by day and desire on their part to
avoid public censure, is evidence to the minds of
those they represent that there is q conspiracy
against their interests and rights.
1t is melancholy and hunilia!ing fact that there
are presses and persons in North Carolina SO blind
80 destitute Of principle and devoid Of shame, that
they would endorse any measure of Congress and
the administration be it ever so absurd or wicked
they have sold themselves for less price than a
mess Of pottage. Such men are not only dangerous
to our liberties, but they are the worst enemies to
those they profess to represent. An administration
that can drink in the fulsome batteries from such
corrupt source, not fit repository of the rights
of freemen.
Much has been said about the suspension of
the writ of ka6cas corpus That it is clear, Con-
stitutonal right to be exercised by Congress in time
of rebellion or INVASION when the public good re.
quires il, none will doubt To Justify the exercise
of the right it must be shown beyond the shadow
Of doubt that the public good has suffered sup
posed necessity in the future based upon contin.
gences that may never occur, will not justify the
act; suspension under such circumstances, would
be as palpable violation of the Constitution as it
would be to suspend the writ when neither rebellion
nor invasion existed. We trust the Executive will
not condescend to write his name on the page of
history by the side Of Abraham Lincoln even should
Congress, in her mad folly perpetrate the foul deed
Let US preserve our rights while we are fighting for
our liberties and it will be glorious record for our
posterity, that We have maintained the landmarks
Of Washington, Jackson Clay, Webster, and host
Of others who fought and bled for civil and religions
liberty. ' LEACHBURG.