Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1864-03-30

the volunteers, but they must 20 unpun-
ished, because our courts cannot try Of
fences committed outside Of their iuris-
dictonai limits. The same arguments
would apply if the Legislature had given
similar privileges, under similar penalties,
to other classes of citizens temporarily re-
siding in other States or countries, for the
power of the Legislature is just as great in
one case as in the other, and no greater.
In our Constitutional Convention Of
1898, whilst the provision requiring n res
idence of ten days within the district as =
qualification to the right to vote was un-
der consideration, its adoption was urged
and was finally carried because it was one
of the most efficient projections ofthe pu-
rity of the ballot, and the shurest guaran-
tee against the commission Of fraud. Du-
ing the discussion Mr.. Forward, OF Al
legheny, said:
Whenever the people see your elect
ions carried by fraud, then will there be
an end of all confidence, and in a short
| time will there be an end of free govern
ment. A few corrupt votes may make
| the majority in your whole State Govern
ment-aye, sir, ten corrupt votes may
turn the scales in your Senate, your House
of Representatives and your Executive
government. Ten corrupt votes on one
side, may give a majority in the Senate
majority in the House and q majority
for the Governor Of the State. Then, if
there is this chance Of fraud, will the peo-
pie be contented, if there is certainty of
fraud in your elections? Win the people
submit to it? 1t seemed TO him that they
would not. and that the best, the surest
and the safest way of preserving peace and
order and content in the public mind on
this subject, was to place such restrictions
upon this right as would ensure he puri-
! ty of your elections"
Since the foundation of the colony, all
of our successive Constitutions have be-
came more and more distinct and careful
upon the subject of the right Of suffrage,
and it has been the prime object of the
trainers of all Of them to define the right
50 clearly and surround it with such emf
nently proper qualifications, as to preserve
it from being abused and perverted.
The act Of July ,, 1889, specially extern
dRd to elections by the soldery all of the
sections of our general laws that imposed
penalties and provided checks for the pro-
lection of the elective franchise within the
State. Frauds, forgeries and illegal vo-
ting committed in the army were to be
punished as if they had been perpetrated
here. In the case of the COMMONWEALTH
Us. KuntzUan, the validity Of this proyis-
ion has been tested, and the Supreme
Court decide it TO be utterly impotent, and
they distinctly declare that none of those
offences, if committed outside Of the State,
can be punished by our judicial tribunals
Can you, by your act in Pennsy lvania,
extend the jurisdiction of your courts 10
Tennessee or Virginia? Can your courts
in Pennsylvania punish the man who
steals horse in South Carolina Can you
devise a more perfect system Of checks
and penalties than those which surround
the ballot-box at home? This has been the
work of generations ; it has grown with
| the growth of the Commonwealth, and il
may well be said to be thoroughly diges
ted code. The system, by the fat oI Ir-
reversible law, is brushed out Of existence
whenever you cross the borders Of your
State, and the purity Of the elective fran
Chise in the army is entrusted 10 the ten
der mercies Of political tricksters, merce
nary adventurers and minions OF power
Legislate as you may, your network IS tht
merest gOssumer, aud viii be broken will
lmpnnity whenever the caprice or the in
terests of designing men require it.
The provisions of bill TO regulat,
these elections, reCantly reported auC
found upon our flies does not attempt Il
create a new code Of penalties and checks
but briefly re-euacts the old one. As
have shown, these provisions have beer
decided to be powerless outside Of thJ
ICommon wealth. The two proposition
are, in effect, to allow the army To COutro
the State; and, in doing SO, to dispens
with the safeguards that might secure al
honest election.
To this l will never consent, and thu
place upon record my solemn protest an(
my vote against the measure.
Another reason upon which | base m,
opposition to this amendment is founded
in the views | entertain Of the sirUCtur
and character of our Government. In IN.
judgment this step is contrary to the &c
MUS OF our Institutions, and tends direct
ly to loss of liberty. The right Of the pee
pie to choose their rulers and Of the ciLi
zen to aid, through he elective franchise
in the making Of the laws he is to obey
, are great cardinal principles Of the Gov
ernment; they are the strata upon whic
rests our political rights; they are th
foundation of the edifce that protects Oh
d lives, ouf liberty aud our property. /
, order to the intelligent exercise of thi
high privilege, freedom Of discussion, free
dom Of action, the controlled investigi
, ton OF the sentiments, opinions and chal
acter of the candidates, in word, every
e. thing that may enable tho voter to max
| up an impartial and unbiased judgment
, are indispensable.
} From the nature Of an army, from il
very life giving principle, none OF thes
, can be attained by the soldier. lie is il
f cable of yolition; his freedom Of aotio
r and of speech are controlled by his sup'
riors, and one can readily understand ho
/ destructive Of dicipline political discu
} sion, honest difference of opinion, warml
expressed and truthful, yet harsh con
i ment, upon the character of candidate
} possibly his superior officer, would nece
aavilv 10