Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-11-24
EXTINCTION OF SLAVERY.


of slavery we expressed the opinion that the abro-
cation of the institution in the Border States
and throughout the whole South would not be as
prsjudieia to the interest and comfort OF those af
fected by it as many among us have been accus-
toned to believe. To this we added:
"We can imagine, indeed, that the extinction Of this
status of the erve would rebound ultimately and
soon to the advantage Of the whites well to that Of
the blacks Our for this view Of the subject il is
unnecessary it would be obrusve for to enter into
but certainly where there abundance of insured labor in
the presence of capital 1t cannot be to the in
erest Of the latter to enslave the former The mode OF
escng this great social revolution in the South is all that
now inspires Us with anxiety"
Certain of our contemporaries in referring to
these statements as made by US, have supposed
themselves to see in them the impressions pro-
duced on our mind by the late election-presaging
the ultimate extinction Of slavery.
The attentive and regular readers of this jour-
nal do not need to be informed that our views on
this subject have taken none Of their color from
the result Of the recent contest. In the month Of
March last, before any nominations for the Presi-
denoy had been made by any party, we held the
following language. We quote from the Intelli-
gspcer Of March Goth, 1864:
1--WE believe that slavery is destined to pass away from
the United States and from the face of the whole earth
Z he institution has always aad every where marked
snsition state OF society Slavery born of degrade
lion engendsred by evil passions aud animal appees dis
qualifying for freedom And the fearful conflict joined in
our country the matter of slavery has sprung from
tsgonisms founded equally inadequate views Of this
social institute In the South there those who, for
years. bent all their zeal to the incubation Of the dogma
that slavery not only the natural and normal condition
Of the negro in his moral and intellectual condition.
but that this status bene6cent and wholesome that
ought to be indefinitely pepetuaed in time and extended
In space At the North there those who saw 10 this
grevous estate of the African national Sin and wrong
which filled their souls with pity for the slave and deep
hatred for the stakeholder These opposite passions
lent themselves to the aspirations and stres Of political
ambition both Sides until in the end the bitterness Of
wrath and evil speaking has broken out in civil Of
unexamped proportions. Both Sides 10 their representa-
tive men, were eager for the horrd fray They hailed it
with undisgused Civilizations They both sought to pre-
cipate its bloody issue The result is before u.s. But
whereto hsse Thugs will grow before the issue Of blood is
stanched no man knows"
In deprecating as we have done from time to
time what seemed to US the misguided zeal Of anti
slavery zeaots in regard to the object for which the
war Was to be prosecuted, we have simply sought
20 aculcale the maxims of a paramount loyalty to
Ae Constitution and the Union-a loyalty which
does not turn on conditions looking primarily any
more to the preservation than the destruction of
slavery We have held, as we still hold, that war
10 an agency which can be lawfully invoked only
for the attainment of political objects falling with
in the scope of civil government. defensive
war, waged for the preservation of the Con-
stitution and laws, is war rightful and ex-
pedient. And in war so waged it may be part
Of the Providental necessities accompanying it
that moral ends shall be subserved aud social re-
forms precipitsted by its progress. But when man
deliberately and avowedly steps outside of the pro-
vince and sphere Of his action, and rashly or blind
ly presumes to translate the counsels Of Heaven by
identifying them with bloody schemes Of social re-
novation, he shows that he is grossly ignorant of
the laws which regulate the civil polty Of States
and the moral government of the Universe. He
then transcends his authority, and by so transcend
ing it, brings confusion on his well-me,nt schemes
and overthrow to the hopes of all.
1t is known that when the President first pro-
posed his benefcent scheme for compensated eman
cipation in the States we gave it our instant and
our Jealous support. When in his annual message
to Congress 10 December, 1862, he occupied the
greater part of 1t in reinforcing and expounding
this plan for the purpose of securing peace"
and at the same time "saving the Union" We, al
most alone among our contemporaries, continued,
down to the very close Of the session, to urge its
adoption by Congress, because we supposed our
selves to see in it method for the speedy well
peaceful extinction Of slavery in the Border Slave
holding States. The President urged the scheme
by virtue Of the following considerations, among
Others adduced in his last annual message:
Doubtless CT those who to pay and not 10
ceve win object Yet the is both just and
mica In certain sense the liberation Of slaves is the
destruction Of properypropery acquired BY descent or
by purchase the any other property 1t 10 less
true for having been often said people Of the South
not responsible for the original introduction Of
this property than the people Of the North and when
IL remembered how uphestatDely all cotton and
sugar and share the profits Of dealing hem may not
be quite safe TO say that the South been more respon
site than the North for its continuance IT. then for
common object this property 10 to be sacrificed 10 it not
just that it be done at common charged"
II quite true that the Presidents plan was open