Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1864-12-08

The FURRY occasioned by come propositions In
President DAVIS message has mainly passed away and
these proportions may now be discussed eoolly and
without any aspersion of his motives I'd equally with
out liability Of having the motives of those differing
from him suspected or misunderstood by any whose
opinion could weigh anything in the scale.
The matter OF the freedom of the press, supposed to
be attacked by the Presidents recommendation to abo
ISL all exemptions of classes, and, placing a at once
IN the army create status for the conductors OF
publishers of neWspapers-that OF detailed nen-haf
perhaps been discussed with too much vehemence, s1
far at least, the assignment OF unworthy motives
concerned. We have seen nothing in the course OIL
President DAVIS that would lead US to suppose that the
object be had or has in view was or is attack upon
the freedom of the press. His object undoubtedly was
to bring into the service, and still more, to increase
the efficiency of the army by removing causes OF COM
plant existing among the troops arising out OF abusss
incident supposed to be incident to the system of
emptions by classes. The reasonings by which the
President sustained his recommendation proposition
have already been discussed and need not be re-
rred to at length further than to repeat what was said
on former occason-tbat the exemption extended to
editors printers has been regarded and never
can be properly regarded, personal privilege The
freedom Of the press like the freedom of speech guar
anteed By the constitution But common sense will
teach US that the press-the printed utterance of opn-
ion-cannot exist impersonally-tbat without editors
and printers there be press-that neither papers,
books pamphlets other publications either write
or print Themselves The perfect freedom of the prees
must therefore the perfect freedom Of those who
conduct it end however great the public confidence
may be in President DAVIS, however high may be the
character OF editors worthy to be such, may fairly
ask whether it is in accordance with human nature that
men should feel perfectly free in discussing the acts or
controverting the opinions of those in whose power
might be to close up their Offices at any moment by
withdrawing their own detail, the details of their en-
ployees? We base calculations and reasonngs
upon the world as it exists. We live in no Utopia
and we do not think the millennium has come. The
people generally would reason we have reasoned. No
matter how free the press might in effect be- would be
80 accredited? would people be apt to say that
whether abused not it ia liable to abuse But even
suppospg the press actually criticsing with the utmost
freedom the of the government would it feel
equally free to support and praise it? Could it really
lend an efficient moral support Would not it's mo
tives be suspected?
We know that it has been limited that the newspaper
make ali this fuss because they fear that they may
be put into service That such things should be s.d is
inevitable and the modcum of apparent truth in them is
one reason why have sincerely deprecated the pas
sonate and i'll tempered utterances that have seen
too many OF our contemporaries indulge in Silence gives
consent and silence the part Of the press wonld
have been construed into acquiescence. 1t was right
therefore that such conductors of the press dssented
from the Presidents recommendation should express
their dissent from that from any other recommends
toI of which their judgment could not approve. But
in this case of all Others the dissent expressed should
have been that of the judgment, and not couehed in
such language would subject them to the imputation
of personal motives.
Another matter in the Presidents Message, namely
IN reference to engaging in certain way the services
forty thousand negroes as military workers, has, we
think, given rise to passionate anmadversion than
the occasion calls for the language of the Message
would justify. The policy of acquiring for the public
service the entire property il the labor of the slave and
holding out to him the prospect of eventual
emancipation the reward of faithful SER
vice, mag admit of question; but we do not
wherein the principle Of State rights is inringed by
any part Of the Presidents recommendation. The
rights of private propretors to surrender their propre
tory right in the labor of their slaves and deport them
to any point consistent with the status which they
wished to confer upon them has been denied The
granting of permission to reside here or in any other
slaVeholdng State has always been reserved by the
States and President DAVIS submits for the consder
ton of Congress what action should be taken to secure
Tor the freedman the permission of the State from which
was drawn to reside within its limits after the close
If his public service.
President DAVIS is no neopbyte in political science-
n Of Gfofa
md it will be difficult for mere disclaimers who make
heir zeal or State Rights the cloak for personal OPP
'osition, to fad him really at fault