The Pacific commercial advertiser. [volume] (Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands) 1856-1888, 1864-01-07
Sumner's Speech iu Europe.

uhn Speecu III Europe.
The London Star Of the 25th September, publishes
n very full sketch Of the speech Of Senator Sumner
on our Foreign Relations" and has a long edito-
rial from which we quote:
Charles Sumner has not belied the confidence in
spired by a long and illustrious career. He is as
firmly az ever the friend Of peace between Great
| Britain and America. His speech at New York on
the 10Th OF September is, indeed, heavy with charges
against France and England. But it is an appeal
for justice, not an incentive to strife. 1t is a COM
plant Of hopes disappointed. Of friendship withheld,
Of errors adopted and obstinately maintained. It is,
however, an argument which does honor even TO
those against whom it is urged, aud which aims to
establish future relations Of the closest alliance.
Senator Summers chief reproach is this-that We
have acted unworthily of ourselves; unfaithfully to
our deepest convictions and best memories. We can
surely afford to be as severe in our self Judgment as
he is in his sharpest accusations.
The civil war had no sooner begun than we recog-
nized the Confederacy as belligerent. In that we
were certainly blameless. as a nation, of intent to
iDjure or affront the Federal cause. The warmest
friends OF the Union acquIesced IN 1t almost as a
matter of course. We do not remember that a single
voice among the many which have protested against
recognition OF Southern independence, protested
against the recognition of the South as an armed
Power. Those to whom it was distastsful assented 10
it as tending to soothe rather than aggravate the
strife.
1t was commonly remarked among US, when we
found it resented IN the Loyal States, that we had done
no more than the Federal Government itself. The
officers of the Union recognized the officers Of the
Confederacy by their military titles, arranged with
them for the exchange of prisoners. and acted gener-
ally in recognition of equality between the belliger-
ents. The Queens proclamation OF neutrality seemed
the equitable and friendly supplement to that act.
Sumner recalls a fact which We would gladly for
get, as one for which we can offer no excuse. The
recognition was hurried even TO the verge OF bad
faith. 1t bears date so early as May, 1861, only two
months after President Lincoln's inauguration, and
a few weeks after the fall Of Fort Sumter. Immedi-
ately that the rebellion broke out, and before the
National Government had put forth its strength in a
single act Of repression, we acknowledged the equali-
ty of the new Government with the old, of an incipi-
ent Instruction with Il majestic and friendly power.
In the Cabinet it was deliberated upon and decided
with a full consciousness OF what it implied. 1t was
purposely premature. 1t was Intentionally offensive
TO the one party and pleasing to the other. Adams
came-bearing a name that was in itself a credential
to all free English hearts-to find, to his bitter sur
prise, that the Government he represented, the
Union of his proud allegiance, was placed upon n
level with the mushroom Republic that had suddenly
grown on n slave plantation. Is it any marvel that
loyal Americans have remembered with bitterness an
incident so Notifying? Is it not rather a proof Of
substantial good will and almost invincible amity
that the intercourse of the two Governments has been
uninterrupted and even friendly
But the recognition of belligereDcy has nevertheless
proved fruitful Of evil. The commanders OF the
Nashville, the Alabama, and the rest of that vulture
brood, would have been in the eye Of international
law, the pirate captains that they are in fact. Their
burning of ships at sea would be simple felony and
arson. 1t has been alleged as the justification Of
utSc aClS tudl NE oiSt N hO PoIt
into which to take his captures-no prize Court 10
pronounce. That is precisely the reason why he
should not be reckoned as en- ocean belligerent.
There runs through the whole of Summers gigantic
grafton al idea on which we can now only touch.
From the first sentence TO the last, slavery is present
to his mind. 1t colors all his reasoning. 1t inspires
him to prodigious eloquence. Not merely as the
Senator for Massachusetts,, the hOnored chieftain of
the political abolitionists, but as chairman of the
Committee on Foreign Relations, he sees everywhere
the presence of the slave power.
Against it he invokes. in periods Of classic beauty
and of fervid strength, all the moral forces of the
mother country. To England he makes q passionate
and pathetic appeal-more for her own sake than
that of the slave-more for the sake of future than of
present efects-that she withdraw all favor and
succor from rebel slave owners.
Happily, we can answer his appeal with facts as
we'll as words. Our country is justified even by the
men who sought to seduce her into degradation. On
the same day that we print Summers heart moving
reproaches we print also Mason's accusing farewell.
He quits our shors disappointed and despairing.
The emissary OF rebellious slaveocray has pleaded in
vain for our nations friendship. He departs-a
bafled tempter the only accusation he can bring
against US being the record of our fidelity to a glori-
Gus faith and hatred of a Haunting lie.