The Portland daily press., 1864-01-02

country with that momentary suspense which is
always felt when great events and new emergen-
cies cast men sonewhat upon the future, out of
the accustomedmethodsof thought and conduct
| When any crisis arrives in human affairs, all
noble and decided conduct borders upon the
heroic. and puts men upon trust. There is
| something in the nature of experiment when
events rise high, and action extends over new
domain. Principles well domestcated and ia
| miliar, when pushed forward into new facts ex-
cite Il momentary stiffness of anxiety and half
fear. The inventor has great confidence in his
discovery, but he trembles a little just at the
| trial-point
! 1t was manifest however, to those who had
confidence in the great popular instincts. that
| the proclamation would be acquesced in, and
then approved by the country. 1t was a ques-
ton after all which the government had ponder
| ed more deeply than the country at large, and it
afforded happy illustration of the mutual in
| duenee of the government and the people For
| our government not only takes its inspirations
from the people, but it inspires the people again
| by its own conduct. Their confidence in the
measure was confirmed by the fact that the gov
eminent had projected it. That the proclama-
| ton confirmed the people, is attested in the
| signal failure of all attempts to take issue on
that, and divide the sentiment of the country.
In trying times, when it is uncertain in what
| direction the great tides of opinion and events
! will fow before the fundamental issues are
| reached, the popular mind frequently drifts on
| IKE CLOUDS across tne SKY Inc WlnuS tnat pre-
| vail for the moment determine the aspect and
direction of all things The intelligence, the
| judgment, the deeper convictions of the mind
| and powers of the will are not brought into
! play. There is a strong natural desire in the
human mind to succeed, TO see its own view, and
in its various relations, there large classes of
men of which we are all very liable to be men,
| bers without knowing it, who in carefully avoid
| ing the real issue hope to be right at any rate
1t has its finest parallel and illustration in mat
| tiers of religion in minds not quite healthy in
| their trust. They say, let us take this faith,
and we are safe in any event; if we take that,
and it should turn out to be wrong, we are
damned. The real issues are avoided for the
sake of coming out right at any rate.
| 1t is manifest that such state Of mind could
never lay the course of a great people when the
heavens are dark and threatening. All the ele-
| ments Of the case must be brought IN, ard the
issue made, and accepted or declined. The
| public mind, no longer uncertain dim, but
braeed by clear winds purifying the heavens,
acts with intelligent responsible decision. The
| proclamation presented the issue, and it cleared
| up the public sentiment and intelligence of the
| country, as the north wind drives back sea-fOg
that has CROPPED inland. 1t changed not the
object of the war, but brought in all the ele-
| ments of the war.
And here is the vast difference between the
proclamation and carrying on the war without
yolved in the war. The war is for the preserva-
ton of the Union; and the Union is to be pre-
| served by destroying that which would destroy
| the Union. Do You propose to leave untouched
that organic social order which conspires to es-
| tablish itself upon the ruins of your own, The
| war for the Union involves the organic order of
society in the insurectonary districts. The
proclamation proclams that, and procaims that
| the organic order of society there shall be dis
solved. The difference between carrying on the
war under the proclamation and without it, is
| the difference between knowing what YOU have
to do and not knowing it. 1t is the difference
between comprehending your cause and not
compromising Ii. 1t is the difference between
meeting the whole case directly and upon honor,
and meeting it indirectly by some steathy slight
of hand 1t is the difference between contessng
/ your intent to mankind, challenging their scru-
tiny, and skulking under some fg-leaf Of sub
terfuge and equivocation. 1t is the difference
between clear, patient, well-defined public SEN
timent, and iimsy mist amid which men are
cropping for one another instead Of looking up
to the great lights that guide mankind.
II was natural enough, and altogether proper,
that there should be some discussion concerning
the expediency of the proclamation as military
measure, and its equality an executive meas
ure under the constitution. 1t was hardly to be
expected that the American people would accept
anything without discussing it. II is the legiti-
mate consequence of freedom andh law-abidng
! spirit ~
| have already limited at some Of the indirect
moral expediencies of the proclamation. OF its
| direct immediate military expedency men in
civil life are incompetent to judge. 1t is fair to
| persume that those to whom the actual conduct
| of the war is entrusted, know more of that than
we do. Al the time the proclamation was issued
ninety-nine out of a hundred Of the people of
the country We're as unqualified to judge of its
| immediate military advantage, they were two
months ago Of deciding on the expectancy of
Grants moving his advancing column into Look
| out Valley before taking the natural fortresses
in front OF Chattanooga OF the ultimate and
remote military expediency, can form more
| enlightened Judgment. We can understand
that the power which threaten us. is no longer
protected. We can understand that If slaves are
made free forever il dissolyes the social order of
the rebellion, and destroys Its productive indus
try. We can understand that if the war is a
struggle bet xeen two civilizations, one Of which
| must be ubliterated, the proclamation strikes at
the civilization of the rebellion. We can under
stand that a hundred thousand black men en-
rolled in the national army is double and
treble advantage. II reduces the power of the
enemy, augments our own, and saves our sons
at home. These are the simple judgments of
ordinary intelligence,
Concerning The legality Of this act, and the
methods and extent Of its operation, Mr.. Presi-
dent, the occasion does not require me to speak
and | understand myself, and the properties
which are becoming in this presence too well to
offer any opinions of mine. | may, however,
without encroachment, affirm that the great
principles of law are no mystery, into which
only the initiated are admitted. They are the
open signatures OF Gods presence and power in
the universe which he hath made, They are i'm
pressed indeibly upon che heart of man. They
are diiflsed abroad in their common sentiments
of truth, justice, and light which inspire man
kind! The written law is but transcript of
these, and is continually augmented from their
inexhaustble resources! And when in emergen-
cy of human affairs justice is tortured and
! truth put to mortal agony, there Is q sentiment
in man which cries out for their rescued 1t asks,
1t demands liberal Interpretation of Constitu-
| tinns Il calls for the spirit OF laws! Law is
always greater than the laws, and into that am
pie grace, immortal truth when put to stress of
earthly bondage, evec retreats! Sir, all great
principles ape liberal, A principle that is not
liberal, is not 0 principle, II may be a rule, in
which mean minds think they SEQ the eternal
Reason cannot abide there, neither freedom have
her dwelling place. | predict that present
events, present prpyidences rather, will be adj
iusted in their human relations, by the great
primal principles of the Constitution, by law,
and By nc technical construction of the laws.
| affirm moreover, as = suggest ion of that
common intelligence which is the Inheritance OF
the unlearnei, that the meaning of any written
document, is the intet gf the writer We all
know that il was the intent and expectation of
the Fathers that slavery should come To an end
anl that all the chart we need to guide US through
this stormy sea. is lie Constitution interpreted
IA fsss .lasf