Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-12-29

down the war to make it an mpre rsadiI,
He chose the latter alternative and tbs fee;nrs anS
views his s parity = This Ii IN y es plain Engisl
OF this whole matter and just and the old Constituor
with slavery wSnd and the other Euro
pean Powers throw all the ~ ~, We. , ,ht h - l
no sa opSs on cur see the old Union restored
should become necsary but 1t would not become neces
sary.'
Tn tha.a pct terms the second officer of the rebs
Governmsnt speaking doubt the strength of
nicstions agents abroad aud holding back what he
deemed prudent to dvuge not only treats the eman
cipaon policy OF the President military
but maintains that that alone had prevented the great
Powers Of Europe from recognising the independence Of
South and If necessary throwing their swords into
sonaby hope in view of such opinions and disclosures
from such quarter that this policy will to divide
opinion at the North and that shall again. in 1861
present an undivided front in defence of the integrity Of
the Union"
Of course, if there be any force in these views
of Mr.. Everett, re-enforced by the authority of
Mr. Stephens, the moral superiority of our position
in the eyes of Europe will be greatly weakened by
the contemplated action of the insurgent leaders, in
virtually placing themselves on the same plane of
military emancipation under pressure of military
necessity. The difference on this subject between
the two parties to the war will have been merged
by the drift of events, making them equally trbu-
tary to the destruction of slavery from considera-
tions of military advantage.
1t will be remembered that the Richmond En-
quirer, in recently discussing the relations and
aspects of this question: intmated the opinion that
there was some connexion between the decision
that should be made of it and the question of Eu-
ropean recognition or Intervention. 1t said:
Whenever are reduced so low that we cannot main
tain the contest then liberty and nationality
by the sacrifice OF slavery But until prepared to
make this sacrifice 1t is look Europe help
either by recognition or intervention All the military au
thorities, those who command the armies and those
trusted with the administration of the conscrpt bureau
are prepafed to that the population of the country will
maintain force in the field that shall bear to that of the
enemy the proportion that the armies Of the two nations
bore to each other in 1865 then necessity exists for
either armng the negroes appealing to Europe for pro
lection But If those authorities shal differently
then submit that crisis upon that demands the
alternative of subugaon without slaves independence
by arming the negroes"
If it be asked whether we share the views Of the
Enquirer on this topic, we have only to say that
we believe the neutral position of foreign Govern
ments in our war was assumed in obedience to ge-
neral considerations of international obligation and
advantage, and has not beer sensibly controlled in
one way or another by the varying aspects of our
struggle in the matter of slavery. Hence, as we
do not suppose that the particular policy of mill
tary emancipation adopted by the Administration
has procured for rs any such immunity as Mr..
Stephens or Mr. Everett imagines, we just as little
share the opinion Of the Richmond Enquirer when
it intimates that foreign Governments will be in.
fuenced in any degree to depart from the policy
of .non-intervention by the Confederate adoption
Of the policy of military emancipation.