Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-02-22
FEB. %, 1864.


oath unknown to the Constitution, humbling to
their manhood, and which strips them of their
freedom OF opinion and action touching matters
appertainng to state government. And however
good and true men they may have been and still
are, yet they are excluded Without the oath
they are distranchised, while the motley assem-
blage of public virtue, the Presidents own sworn
men, are allowed the rights of citizenship and the
exclusive power Of government II under the
State laws, persons tried and convicted of treason
are disfranchsed and rendered incapable of hold
ing Offices of trust and profit il is WE'LL but if the
State laws do not provide, the President can
not dsquafy. The President cannot dsfranch-
Use him whom the State has enfranchised. The
Constitution forbids il; the rights of the States
forbid it; and our rights as citizens forbid it.
The President suggests to his sworn men that
in demolishng and reconstructing State insitu-
tions, they shall not change the name of the
State, its boundary, its subdivisions, its consttu-
ton or general code of laws, only so far as may
be required by the terms and conditions of the
proclamation. may be deemed by them ex-
pedient Every step taken by the President in
this direction, is upon the fragments of broken
constitution. The Carolinas and Georgia had
their names and their boundaries before the Union
was formed, fixed and established by colonial
characters. and with ther ancient names and
boundaries they agreed to the Union; and of the
remaining seven Of the States mentioned by the
Tfeslueilt, IL Is enough 10 say t0dt tnelr mes
aud boundaries were established by the people
when the States we're formed. and agreed to by
Congress by the acts admitting them into the
Union. These ancient attributes of the States
conferred in the most solemn modes known to US
as people, cannot thus be disturbed by the
President, or by the few who may act under his
assumed authority. But. sir, the Constitution
forbids argument this question by the provi-
sion protecting the integrity OF State boundaries
Inv bo e ffa ,Ha nj
OF Con. r,s-: article four section three
The President also requires, in effect. that the
State constitutions shall be changed so as to con
form to his proclamation. La most and perhaps
all Of the constitutions of these States, provision
is made for their own amendment: and it is clear
where there are such provisions they can be
changed only by the people acting in their SOW
ereign capacity, through their delegates selected
for that purpose. But without reference to the
provisions of the constitutions for their own
amendment, and without regard 10 the original
and exclusive right of the people TO make aud
change their State constitutions, the President
proposes to conform them to his own policy,
through his agents sworn TO that end in advance
Mr.. President, any pretext of State necessi-
ty, can any pretended exigencies OF the war, or
any conceivable hope of future good, Justify so
clear violation Of the Constitution. and disre
gard OF the principles upon which our institutions
arebased? preserve the Federal Government
is the duty of every citizen but cO-existeut is the
duty of preserving the States with all their rights
and the privileges Of the people unimpared
Measures that destroy the States. or impair the
rights of the people under them. strike a blow at
the Union and endanger the Federal Govern
ment. Can the supporting columns be stricken
down and the temple yet stand? The States and
Federal Union form one harmonious whole
they must stand together or fall In a common
ruin
The people of the United States have been
wisely jealous of power in its efforts to perpeu
ate itself. The history of the past two years
and the pre>eat condition OF the country, admon-
ish US tha. they cannot now be too yigilant in
guarding their liberties
An important Presidential election is ap-
preaching in which the people will struggle to
maintain their rights and privileges. aud the Ad
miulstration to hold its power. The President
commands the most numerous and powerful
army known to history; he controls tho dishurso
merit of larger sums OF money than were ever
controlled by any one power, and reaches every
neighbprhood by his all prevadng patronage
PROSTATE Kentucky, Maryland aud Delaware
admonish us that the brave aud timd alike are
paralyzed at the polls 10y the sword; and in all
the States we beh9ld the power of patronage and
money over the venal and corrupt There are
appalling odds in the contest between power and
the people and the only hope is in the virtue OF
liberties. Bu', sir, the Presidents proclamation
seeks in addition u place ten States under his
absolute cOntr0l-to exclude all who will not
fealty TO his measures, thus securing Pres
idential electors who viii lag their votes at his
feet Can the liberties of ;he people survive the
success Of a scheme so dangerous?
Without que-tioiiins that the President may
grant a conditional parton, do deny that he may
impose condition that will control the action of
Tho tla of IL
State, for ihst policy being exclusively of the
State, shall be decided vthe peone thereof, un
influenced aud unconrolled by Federal powe
for the reason that it is by the Constitution ex-
pressly reserved to the State and to the people;
and an attempt bv Federal authority to control it
is a usurpatiOn Aud deny that condition may
be imposed upon the p0rdoned man which inter
feres with his freedom elector. for the rea.
thar, so far as our institutions rest upsn pop
ular suffrage taeir spirit requires that the voter
shall vote for the man OF his choice, for such
reasons and upon such considerations satisfy
his own judgment and conscience; and any inter
ference with the absolute and entire freedom of
suffrage is blow m our popular institutions
Was there ever time IN our history when a
President, elected by the Wing or Democratic
party, in granting pardon would have dared to
require the man to swear that he would support
the policy and for the men of the party in
p0werl single instapce of this sort would
have driven the President and his party from
power before stream of popular Indignation in
the days OF public and political virtue
Mr.. President, at the beginning ofthe war such
assurances were given, both to the country aud
foreign nations, by the executive and Legislative
departments of the Government. touching the
purposes and policy of the war, and the principles
that would be respected when il should cease.
that they cannot now he disregarded without a
breach of public faith In hisinaugural message,
delivered when hostlities were impending, the
President said: f - ssrate1ls 81
Il have no purpose. directly or indirectly to
interfere with the institution of slavery in the
States where il exists believe / have no
lawful right TO do so, and have no inclination
to do so. - a..s -
81 understood proposed amendment TO the
Constitution-which amendment, however, /
have not seen-has passed Congress, to the ef-
feet that the Federal Government shall never in
terfere with the domestic institutions of the
States including that of persons held to service.
To avoid. misconstruction of what have said, /
depart from my purpose not to speak of particu-
lar amendments. so far as to say that, holding
such provision now to be implied constitutional
law, have no objection to its being express and
irrevocable" /"
These declarations of his purpose. and defini-
tons of constitutional restrictions upon execut
tive power were made by the President under
most solemn circumstances, forming almost a
part of the official oath; aud addressing his "ds
satisfied fellow countrymen." he said: 4gsl 81
s,You have no oath registered in heaven to
destroy the government, while shall have the
most solemn one 10 preserve, protect and defend
lIsit not enough now to ask what change has
since been made in the Constitution which gives
him lawful right to interfere with the institu
ton Of slavery in the States" to do any other
acx ~bfch No aof lswcliv rioht fnr hin, IA, do