Western Reserve chronicle. [volume] (Warren, Ohio) 1855-1921, 1864-09-21

the loyal men OF Mary land, as lie mere
proposes to do those of other States, that
] Mr.. Davis has seat in Congress: that
his State was not, in 1861, torn 10y treas
on from the Union, and that she to day
has put upon her brow her new and beau
tiful diadem-a free constitution. Mary
land has had what Mr.. Davis would by
this bill deny to all the other States, sex
ecutive aid" protecting her loyal people
i'll forming, according to their own plans,
a new and free constitution.
EXECUTIVE POWER OVER SLAVERY.
As this is only meant to exhibit speci-
mems of the facts, law and logic OF this
Protest, shall notice but one more mat
ter. The paper admits that only the
States, or an amendment to the United
States Constitution, can abolish the in
stitution of slavery, but denies that the
bill was amenable to the Presidents OBJ
lection that he was ''unprepsred to de
clare the constitutional competency of
Congress to abolish slavery in the States. .
They declare that the bill no where pro-
poses to abolish slavery in the States,
"though it did provide that all the slaves
should be manumitted" 1t also declares
that the President has already assumed
the right, under authority given to him
by Congress, to free most of the slaves.
| These averments of the Protest, all things
considered, are, perhaps, the most re
markable ever put forth in what purports
to be State paper. Destitute alike of
the semblance of truth, either of fact, of
law, or of logic, they are put forth by
professed friends under the claimed stress
of duty, and are made predieates of damn
ing accusations against President all
ready overwhelmed with crushing duties,
cares and endorsements. The paper
does not even preserve the appearance of
consistency. In one place it says, the
bill no where proposes to abolish slavery
in the States" In another place it says
this bill was "a solemn resolve of Con-
gress to protect the loyal men of the ma
ton against the continuance of slavery"
and in still another IL says, 1.-The bill sr-
acted the prohibition Of slrvery forever" 1t
did not abolish slavery. It only "pro-
tected the nation against the continuance
of slavery" and exacted the prohibition
of slavery forever" Now what did the
bill do? The 10Th section freed all the
slaves and their posterity forever. in these
States. The 10Th section prohibited any
claw or usage" whereby any person was
heretofore held in involuntary servitude.
being enforced or recognized. The 9TH
section provided that the convention Of
the State convened under the bill to
frame constitution, '.shalt adopt. the
provision that involuntary serVitude is
forever prohibited, and the freedom OF
all persons guaranteed in said State" /" and
the 9th section provided that II the con-
vention refused to re-establiSh the State
government with this prohibition of sla-
very, then their convention was to be dis
solved by Governor appointed by the
President, and the State was to be exclu-
ded from all rights of State, and to re-
main under the Government of the Unit
ed States, with slavery abolished, until
they did adopt the prohibition of slavery
which is thus prescribed by the act Of
Congress. This is the bill which no where
proposed to abolish slavery in these States
1t only enacts that mo law or usage
recognizing slavery should ever be enforc
ed, and that the State should stay out Of
Congress, &C., and under this. prohibition
of slavery, until it adopted the clause
laid down by the bill forever abolishine
slavery May we call this a bill no where
proposing slavery, and yet retain our
own selfrespect or avoid the contempt O.
men who dare to call things by theil
names? Are we not in danger of bring
ing into contempt the cause of freedom.
by resort to indirections, subterfuge, and
E false names? ... -.-,...
But equally unsupported by truth il
, the charge that the President had assum
ed right to free the slaves in the South
ern States .'ioder authority giUen by Con
grsss." The President never did, or pro
: fess to, derive his authority to issue hi
proclamation freeing the slaves from any
act of Congress. On the contrary, th'
| words of that proclamation are, that ''bI
: virtue of the power in me vested as Com
mander-in chief Of the armies and ma
{ yies. in time of actual and armed rebell
, ion, and as fit and necessary war meas
ure for suppressing rebellion," &c. 1t
. the Constitution which gives the Presi
, dent the powers of Commander, AM
) when the Protest ayers that he gets thi
: power from Congress, it only adds on
: more to its series of strangely mistaken
: statements of facts. -.... .......
1t is no part of my purpose to allude t.
5 all the accusations of this strange docn
ment. 1t is, perhaps, more than enougl
to present examples which fix the chaI
l acter and animus of the whole Perhap
3 even this much has become unnecessary
} That paper which is now being circulated
} by thousands by conspiracy of whicl
e Davis is a member, for the purpose of in
5 citing co-oonspirators more quickly t
= their meditated work of murder and deN
f astation at the North, can not long infr
t ence the opinions Of loyal men.
e Neither was it my purpose to say an
, argue that this act of Congress was on
!, better unpassed; or if passed, better VI
d toed. 1t was only designed to-say tha
o the difference between the President an
Y the friends of this bill are of chara
? ter which leaves, to say the least, th
|, very gravest doubt whether the Constit1
e ton, truth, and the dictates of wisdol
Il i