The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1864-03-18
Mr.. Stewards July llth Dispatch.

Mr.. Stewards July llth Dispatch.
The following is the part of Mr.. Sew
ARDS note to Mr.. ADAMS, July IL, 1868,
which was the subject OF recent discussion
in Parliament
DEPARTMENT OF STATED
Washington July H. 1868 :, .,.
rulings of the chief baron of the exchequer in
the case of the Alexandria shall be affirmed so
as to regulate the action of her Majestys Gov
ernment the President will, as he thinks, be
left TO understand that there is no law in Great
Britain which will be effective to preserve mu-
tual fOrbearance between the subjects of her
Majesty and the Government and people OF the
United States in the only point where they are
exposed to infraction. Tie fitting out of the
Alabama and the Florida, as well as of the
Alexandria, will thus receive the sanction of
the Government. and the United States will be
without any guaranty whatever against the in
discriminate and unlimited employment of cap
isal, industry and skill, by British subjects. in
building, arming, equipping and sending forth
ships of-war from British ports to make war
against the United States.
may safely protest, in behalf of the United
states, against the assumption of that position
ny the British nation, because this government
WIN statute exactly similar to that of Great
Britain, does constantly hold itself able and
pound TO prevent such injuries to Great Brit
ain. Inc PRESIDENT thinks it not improper to
suggest for the consideration of her Naiestv's
government the question whether. on appeal
to be made by them, Parliament might not con-
slider 1t just and expedient to amend the ex-
isting statute in such way as to effect what the
two governments actually believe it ought now
to accomplish. In caae of such an appeal the
President would not hesitate to apply to Con-
for m ont toF
of the United States if her Majestv's govern
ment should desire such proceeding although
here such an amendment is not deemed nee
essary.
If the law of Great Britain must be left with
out amendment, and be construed by the gov
eminent in conformity with the rulings Of the
chief baron of the eXchequer, then there will
be left for the United States no alternative but
to protect themselves and their commerce
against armed cruisers proceeding from British
ports, as against the naval forces of public
enemy; and also, to claim and insist upon in
IDENTITIES for the injuries which such expedi-
tons have hitherto committed or shall hereaf-
ter commit against this government and the
citizens of the United States. To this end the
government is now preparing naval force
with the utmost vigOr; and if the national
navy, which it is rapidly creating, shall not be
sufficient for the emergency, then the United
States must bring into employment such pri-
rine shall afford. British ports domestic as
well as colonial, are now open, under certain
restrictions, to the visits of piratical vessels,
and not only furnish them Goals, provisions
and repairs, but even receive their prisoners
when the enemies of the United States come
in to obtain such relief from voyages in which
they have either burned ships they have cap
turcd, or have even manned and armed them
as pirates and sent them abroad as auxiliaries
in the work of destruction. Can it be an oc-
CASTOR for either surprise or complaint that if
this condition of things is to remain and re-
ceive the deliberate sanction of the British
Government, the navy of the United States
will receive instructions to pursue these enc
mics into the ports which thus, in violation of
the law of nations and the obligations of neu-
trality, become harbOrs for the pirates? The
President very distinctly perceives the risks
and hazards which naval conflict thus main
tanned will bring to the commerce and even to
the peace of the two countries: but he is
obliged to consider that, in the case supposed,
the destruction of our commerce will probably
amount to naval war waged by a portion at
least of the British nation against the Govern
ment and people of the United States-a war
tolerated though not declared or ayowed by
the British Government. If, through the ne.
cessary employment of all our means of ma
tiOnal defence, such partial war shall become
general one between the two nations, the
President thinks that the responsibility for that
painful result will not fall upon the United
States.
In stating thus frankly the views of this
government, it is proper for me to add that it
is not the Presidents purpose to resort to the
extraordinary measures of defence to which
have referred, unless they shall be rendered
necessary by a final decision of the British gov
eminent, that it cannot and will not interfere
to restrain the hOstilities which are now ap-
pretended, nor will allow myself to suppose
that her Majesty's government will for mo-
ment conceive that anything have written
upon this point is written in spirit of mere
demonstration; on the contrary, while the pa
citic and friendly disposition of her Britannia
Majesty's government is fully appreciated and
relied upon, it is well understood that that
government is the last one in the world to yield
to vehemence what cannot be conceded to
equity and justice. So, on the other hand it
ought to be understood that the United States,
if they could ever be presumptuOus, are suffi-
GENTLY chastened already by the scourge of
civil war to seek peace and friendship with
Great Britain and all other nations through
any concession that is compatible with the
permanent interests of national life and
honor.
An official announcement is made of
the receipts and expenditures of the United
States exclusive of the Trust Funds from
October lst to December slst, by which
it appears:
The receipts from customs were nearly S23,-
$4,000; public lands, $17O 500; from direct
tax, $14 900; from internal revenue over
SD. 200, 600: from incidental and miscellaneous