Weekly Trinity journal. [volume] (Weaverville, Calif.) 1857-1972, 1864-01-23
NUMBER 2.
Governor Bramlette's Sentiments.

A Union STAKEHOLDER of Kentucky having writ
ten to Gov Bramlette about what he considers
the perversion of the war to the destruction OF
slavery, the Governor has written an admirable
letter in reply, and publishes it ms an answer to
other letters of the same sort. The Governor
meets the case with good sense and patriotism
He says:
I think see " where the shoe pinches your
loyalty. You have lost some slaves by the un-
lawful interference of Federal officers. Because
these officers, in violation of the laws of Ken
lucky and Congress, and disregarding the spirit
of the proclamation, and the order of Maj Gen.
Burnside, enticed your slaves to run away, you
conclude that @ it certainly must be apparent to
you (me) as to every other man of common in
telligence in Kentucky, that the object of the
is not to restore the Union, but for the over
throw of the institution of slavery, and with it
the utter bankruptcy Of all Shareholders" l
confess myself too dull to see the object. That
there are many of the " dominant party " who
desire the " overthrow of slavery" and who be-
lieve that such must be the legitimate result of
the continuance of the war and many wish to
| make it an object, is doubtless true. But did it
ever occur to you how closely allied is the patri
otism of those who are willing to save the Union
without slavery, and those who are not willing
to save it with slavery? The patriotism of these
grade of patriotism, and confess see no prefer
ence between them. Though twin sentiments
they are in constant dispute. So short is the
vision and feeble the grasp Of their unionism,
that they neither see nor can they grasp any OBJ
ject thought of great free government
The niger bounds the horizon of their vision
of free government. What to such, is the grand
progression of our own race? What care they
for the growth, the prosperity, the happiness
and development of the Anglo-American What
care they for the grand nationality which the
Union secures, and which, like the Providence of
God, covers us E" at home or abroad, on the land
or the a?' What, to such, is the great funda-
mental idea of the sovereignty of man in free
government? With such, government " lives,
moves and has its being =" in GO the niger. y
The object or use for government
but to hold on to my Niger )" the other thinks
the whole is summed up in freeing the Niger.
The comprehension of neither has ever arisen to
the measure of a truly intelligent patriotism
Their thoughts linger in the shadow of the me-
gro, and their patriotism is measured by his
possession of freedom
But you say that the object of the war is to
destroy slavery and bankrupt the shareholders.
That the destruction of slavery may be result
of the war seems now strong probability but
such is not the object Who made this war p
Was it not the rebels Had they any excuse for
it? Have not all the evils, public and private,
been the result of rebellion The rebellion u
persedes all questions which lie beyond it. All
available and legitimate means for redress of
wrongs and correction of evils should be adopt
ed, but rebellion is neither redress nor cor
receive of any, but an aggravation Of all. If we
refuse to belp our armies in the field, help
the rebellion. recognize patriotism that
hesitates in duty upon plea that somebody else
intends to do wrong. Is it not better, should
such issue h forced, that We preserve our ma
tionality even with loss of slavery, than lose
both nationality and slave property? 1t is
certain that we, at least in Kentucky, can never
hold slave property when this Government is
broken up. If we cannot preserve slavery with
our nationality, il is certain we cannot without
! it. Outside of the Union there is no hope of Sc
curity to person or property Even those who
hold the institution of slavery as paramount
must place some estimate upon our nationality.
The unity of, the government is what secures
| both-that broken both lost. 1t certainly is
wise economy to save all we can from the wreck
| of rebellion. To give up all because can't
save all is worse than childish folly. have
slaves that would venture life for me and
would take the hazards of danger to defend them
| against wrong and injustice. But am not will
ing to imperil my nor others lives merely
to preserve the relation much less will for
such cause forfeit the life Of my Government
To do requires man to be either secession
ist abolitionist. No other class of citizens
are willing to stake the life of society upon the
question of niger" As ! am neither, and
never can be, must, therefore, stand by my
government, to maintain its life, and preserve
our nationality though fortunes be wrecked,
life be sacrificed, and institutions be destroyed
in the sweep of rebellion. That nationality pre-
preserved, ! can shout as my eyes pierce the
smoke of battle, and my head is lifted above the
waves of rebellion-I an American citizen.
This, to me, is above all price-an inheritance
which earth's hidden treasures cannot buy. /
part with it only with life, and shall leave the
injunction upon my children to fight for its pres
ervation till it be secured beyond the reach of
treason and rebellion. | act in concert with
those who would preserve, not destroy, my gov
| ernment.
JUsT So.-DeBow's Reuiew (organ of the