Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1864-01-12


the Governments; but prepared for, ant
eventually adopted the alternative of arme(
rebellion. We were not prepared for tht
first onset. We had armies to gather, an(
arms and munitions to provide for them; {
navy to collect, whence rebel leaders, while
in power, had scattered it, and equip it fol
the strife; and it was only with the lapse
of time that we realized the magnitude and
strength of the rebellion, ard the elaborate
and effectual means that the leaders had
taken for its prosecution and success. When
all these things are carefully considered,
our people should not be surprised at the
duration of the conflict or the cost of blood
and treasure it has involved.
BY no act of wrong or oppression did the
people of the Northern States provoke this
rebellion. 1t has no warrant of justification
whatever. We had dinfringed upon no right
guaranteed to them by the Constitution of
the land. We had assented to all the COM
promises they presented to u.s. and kept our
faith; while they violated, repealed, or de-
! strOyed them at pleasure. While the great
mass Of our people, of both political par
ties rcfrained from interfering with their
peculiar institution, 1--WE first family pro
Ptested, and then more resolutely declared
against its being made an engine of politi-
cal power, and, for this purpose, extended
over territory that otherwise should be free.
We urged the Southern people to cOnfine
that ''institution" within its existing limits,
and take with it all the guarantees the ma
tion could give for its quiet and peaceable
enjoyment; but we could not consent that
the bighting influence of slavery should be
spread over free territory, merely to create
Slave States, in order to preserve ''the bal
ance of political power" For this check
to their political ambition, the leaders in
augurated this gigantic rebellion; and a
large portion of their people took upon
themselves its consequences, in an armed
attempt to destroy u government under
which they had been prosperous and hap
py-to dissolve Union of States that had
been their protection and strength-with-
out contemplating the possibility of failure,
or the fact that success must impoverish ra-
ther than benefit their condition.
| According to the magnitude of this re-
bellion, the result of a restoration OF our
Government and Union, will be potent in
its influence, not only upon ourselves but
the civilized world. 1t involves the Ques-
tion of mans capacity for self-government.
| The issue is on trial, whether a government
resting solely with the people, and con-
trolled by delegated powers, possesses the
elements Of strength and unity to protect
itself and assert its sovereignty in such an
emergency as great revolution or rebellion
inaugurated among portion of its own
people for its destruction. When this fact
shall be demonstrated as the loyalty of the
great mass of our people gives unmistaka-
bic evidence that it will be, it establishes at
once the stability Of our form of govern
ment--it vindicates the integrity and intel
ligence of our people-it will stand forth as
a warming to future attempts at rebellion
while it will constitute page in history
that the patriot and philanthropist of other
lands may contemplate with pride and hope
fulncss.
As we have not provoked this war. but
sought rather to avoid it, we are not re-
sponsible for ITS consequences to its pro-
.iectOrs and their followers. If the people of
the Southern States feel its burthens and
devastating influences, it is because they
have invited them;-if sorrow and suffering
and misery have been brought to their
lhearthstOneS, it is because they would not
be content with peace and prosperity If
oppression and tyranny are the features of
the power they have invoked to rule them,
it is because they suffered themselves to be
seduced from the Government that had so
long protected and blessed them ;-if they
are stepped in debtimpoverished and ruined,
it is because they have preferred these to a
condition of influence and plenty if their
agriculture is smitten, and their commerce
is destroyed, it is because they have assailed
the interest that has fostered the one, and
attempted to strike down the flag that has
protected the other;-if their institution of
human slavery is now dying in their midst,
it isbecause they have smitten it with their
own hands-because they made it an ele-
ment of rebellion,-because they sought to
change its character from domestic insti-
tuition, under the protection of the Consti-
tuition and laws, to the gigantic form of a
political power that should rule and desc
late the land. The fruits are of the tree
they have planted; and the hand that reared
it can alone be censured for their bitter
ness. Time, repentance and loyalty, will,
in most instances, relieve them from the
consequences of their folly and crime
Peace, prosperity and plenty may come
again; but they cannot ask the nation to
restore all they have destroyed. They can
not reasonably ask that we should restore
to life and vitality again the active agent of
this rebellion. They cannot claim for the
institution of slavery any further privilege
or immunity than the people of the North
efn States may see proper to extend to it.
AS we approach the end of this contest it
| is natural that portion of our people
should display some anxiety to anticipate
| it, with plans and propositions that, upon
superficial examination, may promise to
hasten its adjustment.
We want peace-the North as well as the
South; but we have not passed the terrible
ordeal of the last three years, to make or
accept peace upon any other than honor
able terms,O or without the promise of perma-
nent adjustment and endurance. We can
not negotiate with rebels in arms, or admit
of anything from them but unconditional
surrender and submission. Much we can
pardon to the masses of the people, but the
leaders must reap of the harvest they have
sown. The past has its punishments that
may be mitigated or forgiven; but the tu-
ture must have full and ample security.
1t is simply folly to talk of suppressing
this Rebellion and restoring the unity of
the country without first subjugating the
military power of the Confederacy, or re-
lieving the people of the seeding States
from its controlling influence-andi in many
cases, oppression. 1t does not follow that
the destruction of the military power of the
South is the subiugation of the people. In
many cases it will prove their enfranchise-
ment. There is a loyal sentiment and pop
ulation in nearly, if not quite all the South
ern States. Where too strong, or too open
in its manifestations, the military power
has essayed, by every possible means, to
keep it in subjection, Men holding and
expressing loyal sentiments, have been
fined, imprisoned, hunted into the forests
and mountains and many of them suffered
Il. IL -. g.. l.x, La,. ..~.