Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1864-06-08

piohehu anu accept lCStfallacy, now so clearly
demonstrated, although they were the pruph-
= cts of its failure. They cannot see, they saw
, why slavery and freedom cannot coexist in
the same country. Why, sir, they can CO.
exist, but not IN a country of unlicensed
: presses and uncensored debates without pro-
voking DISCUSSIONS on many questions of con
, fiictng interest, and this discussion they
concede,, nay, they charge, provokes rebel
hon. The revolted States, knowing that
discussion was lrrepressible and fearing
that 1t was lninllcal to their institution,
gathered up their slave investments and
walked out OF the Union, leaving their old
allies doubly amazed-amazed to see the
theory IN which they had SO long believed
i1li, and the prophecy of its failure, in which
they never did believe, fulfilled. A witty
Democrat, IN speaking of this prophecy by
one party and its denial by the other. said
to me the other day there was this differ
ence between us, You lied when YOU
thought you were speaking the truth, and
we spoke the truth when we though we were
lying. They are still bewildered [ can
think Of no apter comparison than hen
glth adouble brood of chickens and ducks
sometimes they try by tender clucking to
call back to the peaceful shore the brood of
secesslonlsts, hatched by their false theories
OF State sovereignty and conces ions to the
slave power, and again they futter to the
water s edge and contemplate embarking
with them upon the chill waves of revolu-
ton. The wild ducks of the South took
readily to this dangerous element, but so
far their twin Matched chickens have been
content to cackle on land
But to come back to the point, Our
! fathers, say the advocates of this theory,
| hVed IN peace upon the same principle A
| precedent is always good with a lawyer and
Ii our fathers lived in peace if only for half
a century upon this compromise, we can GER
talniy follow their example. But those who
cite the precedent mistake the facts in the
case. The compromise Of our fathers
was, that slavery should be gradually relin-
! quished; They did not expect both ideas, sla-
eryand freedom, to go hand in hand through |
out the whole life OF the Republic. Slavery
was to recede slowl y and freedom follow |
steadily Upon that basis they did get "a
long very well, and so could We Territori- |
al acquisitions and certain discoveries in the |
material arts, as It is said, changed the atti- |
tude OF slavery altogether. Instead of con-
sentlng to go out, it demanded expansion |
and perpetuity. Instead of remaining sub |
ordinate, it claimed to be the national idea |
and denounced freedom as sectional This |
was just reversing the compromise OF our
fathers and OF course it had to- be discussed. /
and at this the slave interest took umbrage
u. ~.
these two systems cannot coeXist without
causing disussion, and slavery will not brook
discussion, 1t Is clear we cannot have vol
nntary reunion unless one sentiment or the
other becomes predominant. The North and
the South must learn to think alike upon
this subject, or agree to submit their diff
erences to general and free debate, taking
no appeal from popular legislative, and ju-
diclal action and decision, except according
TO the forms of the Constitution, or, upon a
rehearing, to ask the second sober thought
OF the people upon any point supposed to
be settled wrong. But the slave interest.
anticipating unfavorable action and there
fore refusing to abide by the decisions ofthis
constitutional umpire, leaves US no a!terna-
tive. 10 live in peace together we must
embrace slavery or they must abandon it.
'Homogeneity, said JEFF. Davis at
Montgomery. His opinion, know, is very
y poor authority with this House, but be-
hcve he has thought more profoundly upon
this subject than any muddle- Drained advo- t
cate of mixture in the country. His head
is clear though his heart is cold. just the
reverse Is true of those well meaning and
perhaps patriotic gentlemen with us who
still believe in the union of opposites and /
the harmony of extremes !; their hearts are {
tender and so are their heads. {
1t, then, likeness of sentimenl is the sur
est bond OF permanent and peaceful T.
mon, WHICH can be most easily adopted as c
the national standard, slavery or freedom ? {
10 adopt slavery involves change of opin- !
ION on the part OF great many people, L
twenty millions in the free States alone for
slavery never had any real friends in the free a
States. Those who are sometimes so con- i
sidered were only its apologists. How can t
you change the opinions of twenty or thirty i
millions of people? Remember, sir, that opin- h
ons are not voluntary things, to be taken UP u
ind laid down at pleasure. The mind deals
n proofs. Belief follows evidence But If
.hree years ago slavery could find no real ad- "
nirers IN the tree States, who will be its v
champions now, since it has crowned its Ii
many alleged offences against the rights of
nan with this bloody treason against the g
nlldest and most benefcent Government in h
he world ? Many, am sure, who took its Il Il
lark hand then, not in friendship, but only
n token of constitutional obligation, viii
ecoll from 1t now In horror when they see it S;
extended redeemed with the blood of our Sc
thousands slain. On the esother hand, to a. d
lopt freedom as the national idea, involves
change of investment That may not be
asy, it will be attended with loss, trouble. h
nd sacrifice but still it is possible, while b.
hange of opinion without new proofs is not. a
t is from this view Of the case that thousands
# men, formerly pro slavery from principle ~
nd practsce, have become anti-slavery from !,
Union policy. Living in slave States, they
id not regard the institution as immoral, n
nd therefore sanctioned it. Butwhen they
aw it used by anti-republicans, and disguis- ..
d monarchists, for the subversion of popu- St
ar liberty and the division of this Govern
lent-a Government weak, indeed, when
ho L .