The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1864-05-07

| tne patFlOtlSln OF lulS goes W tue
extent Of two thirds of its members required
to get rid Of the presence of an avowed
public enemy. That, and that alone, is the
| question.
But. Mr. Speaker, We are told TINT this is
question OF opinion. If it be, it is one Of
those questions of opinion that nobody in
this country has n right to be on more than
one side Of On one side is patriotism, duty
and an oath. On the other is treason, crime
and perjury. Is it our duty for the protec.
ton Of Il man in his opinion to allow him to
destroy the nation we are trying to defend !?
Where, in the record of nations, do You find
an Illustration Of that position? BY what
examples in history do you defend it? BY
what precedent Of craftsmanship? The
great maine Of Chatham has often, in this
debate. been invoked aud dcsccrated to
cover this uyowal Of preference for the
enemy over the country. His example is
wretchediy misunderstood. Doubtless his
voice was raised in warning tones against
| taxation without our consent, and still fer.
Ger against war to enforce it, His example
might be ncrded for moderation and respect
for the rights of our southern fellow citi
zens but they have not been violated. But
never, never to sanction Il division of the
| Republic. His example is the bitterest
reproach to those who claim its protection.
! AltcI years VI WAX t'lllStIS DcHull anu Wcth-
ly wagcd, when exhausted England sank
before the combined arms Of America ana
France, and the Duke Of Richmond rose in
the House of Lords to move for peace with
America, the patriotic soul of Chatham was
stirred within him at the thought of the
! humiliation and division of that empire
whose limits he had expanded and whose
name he had decorated; and, irail and
dying, his legs swathcd in flannel, his crutch
| in his hand, he was borne to the House of
Lords in the arms OF hi, grea, son to lift his
! last voice in cyecraii0n OF the folly which
had brought England to SUCH humiliation,
and to enter his dying protest against the
recognition of American independence,
already secured in fact by the sword. His
English heart had no fear of discriminating
! the enemies Of England in the holy work Of
maintaining the integrity Of her empire
Sir, accept the example. and commend
it to the consideration OF the patriouc gan
tlcmeu on the other side of the House. |
beg them to read u little further than they
seem to have done. the history Of the Eng
fish statesman. Freedom Of opinion =
Surely, sir, opinion is the breath of our
nation. 1t is the measure Of every right.
the guarantee of every privilege. the pro-
lection of every blessing. 1t is opinion
which creates our rulc,S. 1t is opinion that
nerves or pal>ics their arm. 1t is opinion
which casts down the proud and ccvates the
humble. Its fluctuations are the rise and
fall Of parties it, currents bear the nation
on 10 prosperity or ruin. Its free play is
the condition of it,, purity. 1t i. Ike the
ocean, whose tides rise and fall day by ,luy
at the tickle bidding OF the moon: yet it is
the great scientific level from which every
| height is measured the horizon to which
astronomers refer the motion Of the stars.
| But, like the ocean. 1t has dr}ths hose
eternal stiffness is the condition Of its STA.
biity. Those depths of opinion are not
| tree. and it is they that are touchcd by the
words winch have so moved the House -
Men must not commit treason and SAY IT.
guilt is matter of opinion and lis punish.
ment violation ri its fret dom. Men can.
not swear 10 maintain the integrity Of the
nation and avow their intention 10 destroy
it, and cover that double crime by the free.
dom Of speech. Ihut is to break up the
fountains of the great deep on which all
Government is borne, ard to pour its food
in revolutionary ruin over the land 10
punish that is not a VOCATION Of the freedom
of opinion or its expression. 1t is to pro-
'ect its normal ebb and flow. its free aud
healthy fluctuations, lhat We desire to
relieve II from the opprobrum ii being con
founded with the declaration ct treas enable
purposes here in the hi III and solemn assem-
blage of the Nation.
The free expression OF opinion. | am at
4 loss to know how thy opinions ofAbTnham
Lincoln, or Horace Greeley, or Wendell
Phillips, or the gentleman from Ohio, Mr..
Schenck. or Mr.. Chase, if truly quoted,
and equally criminal with those now arragn.
ed, cannot cxtenuate their guilt or shield
their author from the indignation Of the
House. Their guilt is not his innocence.
If he initiated their guilt, let him follow
their repentance. Tie time which they
have devoted to atonng for error ly pairi.
otic services he has dedicated to indurating
his error aud accomplishing his unpulrotic
purposes. But am not concerned to vim
dictate in them what ! condemn in him. ]
csccrate the avowal equally III every mouth;
!and if their guilt is beyond my judgment.
that of the gentleman from Ohio is not.
can well understand how such examples may
serve to screen the Democratic party or to
dclude anill-intormcd crowd and teach them
that treason is error OF opinion and not
crime but they cannot be successfully
urged here before the gentlemen of the
House of Representatives to cXcupate the
gentleman from Ohio nor even, sir, can II
vindicate the Democratic party from the
charge of more sympathy with the enemies
OF lnc country IMAM WIN the country ltSeH.
The people will laugh at this attempt to I'M
peach the loyalty of the friends of the ad.
minstration. They will see in this Jealous
defense of the gentleman from Ohio only
another proof of Democratic sympathy with
his views and purposes, hitherto invariably
manifested wherever they have been in
power Where have they had power that
they have not exhibited their sympathy with
the enemies of the Republic? admit there
are honorable exceptions. admit there are
cases of honest delusion. ] suppose there
are cases Of unconscious sympathy. | can
not doubt the prevalence OF "A criminal inter
est in the triumph of the rebels shall not
discriminate one from the other. ! speak
of the party and its conduct. Where, since
the war broke out, from the time that James
Buchanan disgraccd the American name by
his message declaring, as gentlemen on that
side of the House declare now. that this war
is waged in violation Of the Constitution,
that there is no power TO cocrce IL sovereign
State, down to this day. is there Demo,
cratic Governor or Legislature which, until
warned by the indignant voice of the people,
has not tried to enibarrass and discredit the
| Government and to give aid and encourage.
ment to its enemies? The dlsavowals OF
| individuals cannot eXtenuate the conduct of
| Legislatures and Governors. The prudence
or cunning of caucusses or Congressman,
since the chastisement of 1853 cannot make
the people forget the conduct which pro.
voked it. Will they ever forget the LcgiS-
latnre of Indiana and its votes on the reso.