Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-08-04

6 true light the policy which the war should be
conducted As bearing on these questions, though
by no means exhausting them, we cite from an ar
ticle in the North American Review for July the
subioined observations on the relation of slavery
and Of the negro race to the present war
From the North american ReUieao Jor July
ubos. u bo oppose any movement for the abolition of
slavery by amendment TO the Constitution do so mainly
an the ground that s unnecessary; that the warts dong
il lar more recualy than we can do 1t by vonng aud
that slavery not disappearing before the ad
vance of the Union 1t disappearing by the action
Of the States themselves Now, have little doubt that
in MARYLAND, Missouri aud Arkansas We shall witness
within the two years immediate and complete eman-
cioaton by of the people of these states But
thar Il Al preeep nothing looking for aGy
such display of wisdom on the part Of Virginia and The
Cotton States 1t is quite true that the slaves actually
within those States present have been declared free by
tba Presdents proclamation but 1t is equally true that
his proclamation is nal and conclusive authority;
ia omen to revision by the Supreme Court and It's cobs
tptpostv At least doubtful tmay be anuued by the
deci.iop Of that tribunal, and those who ms st
confident that Will not be annued must comics that 1t
xpond be at least leave matters OF such oyerwhem
inc ,mnortsnce as the liberty of four millions Of people,
and the of social organization that to prevail over
half the continent to the hazard and uncertainty OF judi
cia decision when the of setting them III accor-
dance with the dictates OF justice aud expectancy are
within our reach. If the emancipation proclamation
sho be declared null and void 1T leaves the negroes who
were in bondage the time was issued sl IN bondage;
and in any event. whether 1t be valid or Invalid the n
sttution OF slavery not in the least affected by It, Ger
tain declared free by it. but does rot touch
the svsts for the Legislature of any State would still
be competent ensave blacks not covered by the
proclamation SUCH for instance, as tree negroes and
children born after the t of January 1868 1t must not
he rgotten too that the proclamation will always be
oarded IN the South what Mr. Lincoln Intended 1t to
he when he issued it--a weapon of No confirmation
of il by the Supreme Court will give it, IN the eyes Of
syahoders any higher character than that OF act of
personal hostility to themselves lt can never have for
them and has not we all know for many people
at the North the force and dignity OF law. The liberia
top Of slaves under will be TO their masters perpetual
reminder Of their sutugaton the direct aud papaoe con-
SEQUENCE Of defeat in armed struggle and such hu
initiating and exa peraDg In other words, 1t Will have
no moral weight at the South after thewar ID any
more than while it is raging and will we may depend
upon IT, be resisted and evaded Whenever and wherever
the opportunity oilers 49,, ~
The amount of benefit the negroes will derive from it,
therefore peace is restored viii depend almost en-
firay in our opinion upon the ability and willingness of
the Administration for the time being b enforce 1T faith
fully But it is not difficult to ioresee that these also VIII
he largely affected character Of the Pres
dent If MI Lincoln should have passed away II Will De
his successor supposng him to approve IN gene
raj way OF Mr. LBcon's policy, matter o small account
as long as the public peace not disturbed by IT, whether
few thousand blacks here and there are restrained OF
their liberty And suppoDg him TO be sincerely de-
voted to The pecy OF emancipation or supposlng Mr.
Iincon himself TO still in the White House. they
estimate it seems to Us, the depth OF the trouble to
Northern minds occasioned by negro wrongs per who
that the public of the Free States would press
him the ad, pion of vigorous policy. There is too
much reason to fear The North will by that time be too
" q
il and restore ancient harmony and good feeling to be
dsnosad TO put armies in motion and br renewal
of boohed in defence Of the Liberties Of blacks who can
show no better title them than the a ieast doubtful
one OF measure Of military necessity
1t might be different if the negroes were men OF
sterner mould and more udumiabis spirit, who
simply desired freedom but hated oppressors But II
mut be confessed that their apathy durog the present
strpple has disappointed both their friends and enemies.
The tameness with which they suffer themselves to be
sss.ps,ed tn be carried back bondage and held it,
and with which they have submitted TO every other out
rage which either party chooes 10 lhnct upon thn may
h. nroof her sublime patience OF extreme degrade
finn but in either case, II indicates state OF mind
which though may have spared us some embarrassment
anrn, the war promises throw serious obstacles
the ny Of their REDEEM pon after the restoration OF peace
Some trace Of self respect If It take the low torn Of
yindchveness, the first condition Of moral and
social elevation When 1t fails to reveal tse In whole
race when this race has to assert lie claims to mere
manhood against Of such fierce and vigorous
type as The Southern stakeholder is hard to cay how
much third parties 90 10 help IT,
80 lar The negroes have shown Themselves ready
srouoh To run away fight for their freedom,
han ue cboos. 10 enlist aud orgauIZ1 them but ava
themselves If protection t. The u extent they must
Give evidence Of love Of freedom than this lime
and training especially tie service OF large numbers OF
them IN our armies will doubtless eventually awaken them
natural feeling eseumvn Mt towards those who do them
uropga IL, Ing whch has perhaps done more Tor Tree
dom and cIvilza than all Others put together But
until il il rou,ed The difficulties in the Uay Of their com
plete liberation wdi be immense-such dihcuihes, 10
short A. will call Tor the exercise OF All the powers
of the Government aud part cuiafy It's legislative powers
Tn title 10 their freedom must DC ade as strong as
law can make II. s.
This is OF course taptamount TO saying that do not
aha the general reliance upon the growth prevalence
At the South If hostility 10 slavery the cause Of the
present trouble here is little doubt that this feeling
prevail. in the Border States, when have either
thoroughly zed with the rebellion have been
long ia The grasp Of armies that they have lost most Of
their slaves little hope their having more
and Are ready any thing which promises them repose
But where the proof Is to be found that
public opinion Of the south has undergone any
radical change fact amy change whatever as to the
advantages, moral, material POLITICAL OF the slave
tenn Whatever the people Of the Gulf States thought
these points before The feel satisfied they think
still We do that any thing has occurred to modify
their pTeudces Their doctrine Of the morality divine
origin Of the institution Of course, If sincerely held
not be shaken by the Of The loss Of
slaves proves nothing to the owners right TO hold
them and they probably look on It in the same light ss
the os of any other species OF prOpertyone Of the in
conyeniences nseparable from an armed struggle And
there no denying that the has revealed points
of advantage IN slavery for military purposes OF which
at the North we're far from suspectlng the existence
Slaves whom the presence of the public enemy does not
rouse INTO revolt or into INSTRUMENTATION, are clearly
not that source Of weakness in military point OF view
which we were 10 the habit Of consi erng them. The
Southern negroes belong this class. The number Of
whites engaged the work OF experimenting and guard
ing them must have been greatly diminished duriDg me
last three years and yet have not heard OF single
gattempt at rising, riot Meek and long-sufer
ing beyond example loving liberty only with that mud
aud unirutiul love fCom which enerRizing hatred Of