The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1864-01-14
COMMUNICATIONS.
REPLY r

REPLY
OF MEssrEuRs AGEwER DE eAspARts rDouARp Ia.
BouLAYE HENRI MARTIN, AuGUsTrS COCHIN
AND OTHER FRIENDS or AMEaIcAIN FRANCE,
Tot Loyal National League OF New York.
GENTLEMEN: We would have thanked you
much sooner but for The prolonged absence of
one Of our number. 1t wonld have been pain
full to US TO have lost the collective character
of this reply: for the blending OF four names is
proof OF that great unity of sentiment upon
all that CONCERNS the cause Of justice which
by Gods favor manifests itself here below, In
spite Of political anu religious differences.
Yet we arc careful not to overrate our per-
sonal Importance. The League does not ad-
dress rs as individuals 1t speaks TO France,
who cherishes, as a national tradition, the
friendship OF the United States. 1t speaks TO
European opinion, which will rise up and de-
clare itself more clearly as 1t recognizes that
the struggle is between Slavery and Liberty.
You have comprehended, gentlemen, that
neither France nor Europe have been free
from misapprehensions. Light didnot at first
dawn upon the nature OF The sautary but
painful crisis through which you are passing;
it was not plain to all, at the outset, that the
work inaugurated by the election of Mr.. LIN
colin yielded nothing in grandeur To that
|, which your fathers accomplished with the aid
OF LAFAYETTE and under the guidance of
WASHINGTON.
Europe has had her errors, her hestations,
for which We are paying dearly to-day on both
shores OF the Atlantic. What blood would
have been spared TO you, what industrial suf-
iering avoided by us. had European opinion
declared itself with that force which you had
the right to hope for. There is a protest OF
the universal conscience before which man
kind necessarily recoils moral forces are, af-
ter all, the great forces.
The reyolted Sonth, which needed our aid,
which relied and perhaps still relies upon US,
would not have long dared to affront the in
dignaiion Of the civilized world.
+.
Why has this -isdignation been withheld
Why has q sort of favor been granted to the
only insurrection which has had neither mo-
tive nor pretext-to the only one which has
dared to unfurl the banner of Slavery? What
has been the merit of this insurrecton? BY
what charm has il eonciliated the sympathy
OF more than one enlightened mind? This is
aquestion humiliatiug TO put, bnt useful to
solve.
In the first place Europe doubted whether
Slavery was the real cause of conflict. Strange
doubt, in truth. For many years Slavery had
been the great, the only subjecl of strife ia the
United States. At the time Of the election of
Mr.. BUCHANAN the only issue was Slavery.
The electoral platforms prove thisiact; the
mamie stos OF the South were unanimous in
this sense; her partx leaders, her governors.
her deliberative assemblies, her press. spoke
but of Slavery; the Nice-Presdent of the in
surgent Confederacy had made haste to declare
officially that the mission of the new State was
10 present TO the admiration OF mankind So
ciety founded on the CORNERSTONE of Slar-
cry. Lastly, It would seem that TO all reflect
lug minds the acts OF Mr.. Buchanan and other
Presidents named by the South were proof
enough Of this truth. The South thinks only
OF Slavery. In her eyes all means are right 10
secure to Slavery its triumphs and boundess
conquests.
But II is objected that Mr.. LINCOLN and his
friends were not Abotionists. That Is GER
tain: their programme went no further than
TO stop the extension Of Slavery and shut it
out from the Territories. Was this nothing I?
Was il not In fact everything? Who could
have foreseen that on the appearance OF such
programme, OF progress so unexpected, Of
an attack so bold upon the policy which was
lowering aud rnining the United States. the
friends of liberty would not all have fastened
TO applaud. Was not this the time 10 cheer
and strengthen those who were thus entering
on the good path? Was II not due to urge
them on in their liberal tendencies, SO that.
the first step taken, they should take the Sec
ond, aud go on to the end? Ought not that
which terrified and dismayed the champions of
Slavery TO rejoice the hearts Of its adyersa-
ries
Your letter, gentlemen, puts in bold relief
the reasons which hinder Mr.. Lincoln from
adopting at the onset an Abolition policy.
The President could disregard neither his oath
OF otice nor the Federal Constitution /: he had
also to keep in mind the opposition which
plan of emancipation would encounter Ia the
loyal States. The head of q great Govern
ment cannot act with the freedom of a phiIos-
opher in his study. In simple truth Mr.. Lin
coin should be accused neither of timidity nor
indifference. Your letters recall the measures
Of his Presidency, abolition of Slavery in the
Capitol and ia the District of Columbia. the
ppoelaiming oil freedom to fugitive slaves the
principle of compensated emancipation sub
mitted to all the loyal States, the death and
penalty actually indicted on Captains ofslaye-
ers, the treaty with England admitting the
right of Search the establishment of diplomat
lie relation with the black Republicans of Libe-
ria and Hayti, the srming Of free negroes, and
at last when the length and gravity Of the war
sanctioned an extreme exercise OF the powers
OF Commander-in-Chief, the absolute and final
suppression of Slavery In all the rerolted
States.
We, gentlemen, are Aboltionists: and We
declare that we have never hoped nor wished
for more steady, rapid and resoule progress.
We have understood the difficulties which
surrounded Mr.. Lincoln. We have honored
his scruples OF conscience with regard 10 the
Constitution OF his country which stopped his
path. We have admired the courageous GOOD
sense with which he moved strait on. the in
slant he could do SO without danger to his
cause or violation of the law.
Wonder is expressed that Slavery is abol-
ished 10 the revolted States aud yet preserved
in the loyal States. In other words there is
wonder that he who has sworn to obey the
Constitution should respect it. Let no one
take alarm al this. There is no danger that
the domestic institution" crushed in the Car
olinas aud Louisiana win long survive in Ken
lucky and Maryland. Already, as you have
stated to us, solemn proposition has been
made to all the loyal States; already one el
the most important, Missouri, has set the ex-
ample of exceptance 70 be thus uneasy
alb ut the maintenance Of Slavery In the North
argues TO our mind quite too much tenderdess
fer the Snufb