The Soldiers' journal. (Rendezvous of Distribution, Va.) 1864-1865, 1864-03-16
Our War for Democracy.

The war in which we are engaged for the main
tenance of our free institutions, not only gives
dignity and interest to these present days. but
throws back its light upon the past For, recog-
nizing that this is legacy to us from the
past, the natural result and necessary issue of
the errors and sins of former generations as well
as of our own, the intelligence with which we
study history is quickened, and the sense of the
intimate indissoluble moral relation of mankind
from age to age vastly enlarged. Nor is this all.
The heroic actions of men in olden times revive
in modern deeds. Plutarch's characters become
our contemporaries. The knights of chivalry are
comrades of the brave soldiers who fight for the
Stars and Stripes The Good Old Cause of the
Commonwealth of England, is the Good Old
Cause of our grander commonwealth. Sidney
and Sir John Eliot are not mere examples to the
youth of our day. We have ruder Bayards
Milton is the defender of our liberties. The
songs sung for freedom in other days inspire
hearts, and the blows struck for Justice and
Right in all past wars echo in the roar of our
cannon and flash in the stroke of our swords.
But our war is greatly distinguished above all
the popular wars that have preceded it, in being
more truly democratic. In it's origin, a for
the defence of republican institutions, it has
proved itself to be war of classes-of Democ-
racy against an aristocracy. Its course has grown
more direct the principles involved in this
struggle have become more clearly apparent.
man hits hard in defence of his own rights; and
the people have begun to see that this war is not
for the Union alone, not to save the government
alone, but to save their most sacred rights
and most valued privileges. 1t is a war of the
people, for the people. 1--WE, the people, found
ed this Republic and We, the people, will main
tain it. For the first time in the history of the
world government was established professedly
foundation of right. All other governments
rested upon a force or privilege. Ours, was to
secure the liberty and equality of all. But
though the foundation was thus solidly and nobly
laid the superstructure has not fully answered
to the original design. Our institutions failed to
correspond to our professions of principle. Our
government became as if it too had rested upon
force and privilege. Liberty came to mean, not
the liberty of ALL but of class. Equality was
interpreted as being not an inalienable right of
men, but possession of certain privileges by
were classes of men who had no rights that other
classes were bound to respect. So far had our
practice departed from our principles.
AT last the time came when one or the other
was to be abandoned. The South-an aristocra-
ey-said: Abandon the old false principles, the
perncious doctrine of liberty, the pestilent no
ton of equality, the foolish regard for abstract
rights The few have an absolute right to gov
ern the many Laborers must labor for others.
Money, political power social advantages, be-
long to the governing class Justice is matter
of circumstances. The North-a democracy
said Abandon the new bad practices. Hold fast
to the old principles Men have inalienable
rights to liberty to equality. Justice is eternal,
universal, immutable.
So came the war. The South, on the one hand,