Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1864-10-20


State. II was his duty to have remained
faithful among the faithful, but he dared
not. The next step which he made there.
after, was that one in which he declared
that Slavery was the foundation of South
ern prosperity and life. We,now have him
in new phase-that in which he pre-
sents himself In his recent letter. Mr.
Beecher here read that portion of Ste
phens's letter which looks toward or hints
at an establishment of peace and Union
uponla basis of recognition, of State soVer-
eighty, etc. There never was a more
transparent fallscy than this. When Mr..
Stevens declares that the ultimate, abso-
lutte sovereignty of the States was the doc
trine upon which our fathers fought for
their liberty, he falsifies the Plainest
tsschings Of history, 1.-The had said that
the ground upon which we fought our
battle of Revolution was that of the Sow
ereignty of the people; he would have spo-
ken the truth. But the doctrine that
States or Colonies had absolute, alternate
sovereignty, is.also utterly false. The very
opposite is true. The speaker here went
into an elaborate and logical argument
against the new heresy of Mr.. Stevens by
considering the formation of the Confed
Grafton, aud the action of Massachusetts,
and New Hampshire etherein-those States,
or Colonies, having voluntarily relinquish-
ed, at the very birth of the Union, all idea
Of State Sovereignty-and that with the
approval of South Caroline Congressman.
The first act of the young States was to
form a Confederacy for perpetual Union;
and, when it was found that there was
not sufficient power in the Confed-
GRAFTON, a new Congress was in
stituted for the establishment of more
perfect Union-not for a more perfect
league-not for more perfect confedera-
tion-but for more perfect Union. During
the process of the formation of the Union
the question was discussed whether the
States were sovereign, or whether they
were not--whether they should maintain
their separate sovereignty or give it up to
a form of government which should con-
troll and protect them all. Not one State
ever pretended to have the prerogatiye Of
State sovereignty. They passed from the
sovereignty of the Grown OF Great Britain
to the sovereignty Of the United Colonies,
and thence to the sovereignty of the United
States of America. They never set up
anything on their individual account No
one colony ever fought the mother coun-
try. War was made by the aggregated
colonies. The doctrine of State Sovereign.
peril, it is the doctrine of revolution aud
convulsicn. Why then, was it introduced
by the South Have they found the Gov
ernment depressing themH Did they find
themselves groaning under a desPotism
more than they could bear 7 ''Whst reason
can you give to the nations Of the earth to
Justify Secession 2" said Mr.. Stephens in
his Georgia. Union speech. ''What right
has the North nssailed What htv-eSt of
the South has been invaded 2" What JUS
tioe has been denied 2" etc., etc. Why,
then, did the South broach this question
of State sovereignty at this late day2 1t
was brought out as a battering ram to de-
stroy the Uuion-the bulwark of our free
institutions-by those who desire TO insti-
tute Slaveocraoy in the South, for the OPP
preston OF the many and the benefit Of the
few. The question is this Do you want
another kind of Government, or are you
satisfied with the Government of your faith
ers? Which do you want2 If you want
the latter, you must go with the Govern.
ment. II you want another, the one in-
vented by the Slsveocracy, you must go
against the Government. These questions
cannot be settled in any other way than
by the assertion by the General Govern
ment of its lawful authority. The historic
argument is all on one side. The will Of
the people at the North-thst is true at
least There can be no question that, If o
fair expression of that will could be had,
Il would be in favor of the old Govern
ment in ninety-nine cases out Of one hun
dred. Let the National Administration
stand as it has stood, declaring that it
represents Union and the liberty of all, and
those who rebelagainst II must be crushed
at all hazards and forever until they bow
to the righteous authority of the Govern
ment. If they want peace, let them obey
the laws. We are not going to dismember
this Government for the sake of giving the
Rebels peace. Now, through their bought
or bri5ed advocates at the North, they set
up their cry OF peace. Ny reply to them
10 in the language of the Bible, "Let those
who stole steal no more" The speaker
SAID that he had but one'word to say in
respect to the two Platforms. The Baltt-
more Platform declares its principles open
ly, freely, boldly. The Chicago Platform
does nothing of the kind. 1t is meant to
be interpreted in one way by one section,
and in another way by another section
Those who love honesty, open handeduessi
and truth, and hate sneAks, could not hes.
itate in their choice between the two plat.
forms. AS regards slavery, it is our duty
70 give the accursed thing the FINAL blow
since 1t ie already reeling beneath the many
il has received. Its existence at the South
has exercised baleful influence, as exhib'
tied in the grasPingi sordid spirit of the
Southerners, 10 contrast with the mRgnan-
unity of the North, which has always beer
too facile to Southern demands. The
North would possibly, to day, readily
forgive the Rebels, and permit them tC
come back on equal terms. There is dan
ger in this excess of magnaninity-we
should be true TO ourselves aud our chill.
dren in d crisis like the present Tht
speaker concluded by speaking forcIbly il
favor of the Emancipation Proclamation
which was read with great applause. Bu
want of space aud time renders it neces
sary to conclude our brief sketch at once
ACuR1ous FINANCIAL QUEsTIoN-By al
act of the rebel Congress, itseems Davis
II 4 n