Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1864-06-08

States be permitted to depart? No, sir
The great Republic could not survive tn
ampatation. Shall they be retained, then
IN the long future, by military force? No
SIR. Our own liberties could not suryiy,
theIr permanent subjugation When tn,
feaeral Government becomes strong enough
20 mold eleven States as colonies, it will D,
70 TOO strong, | fear, for the people liberties
Io repeat my idea, if you allow singl,
stone to drop from the National edifce. tn,
whole structure may fall but if that stone
must be held in its place by drafts unon II,
surroundings, supporting nothing itself. the
building We're stronger without it, Thi.
brings me to the paradoxical conclusion thai
We can neither oNoao these States to depart
nor forever force them to remain. How cal
the paradox be solved By making then
actaan9 to remain, or if this language still
sounds paradoxical, | will say by removing
all motive to depart How can that be done
Mr.. Speaker, similarity of ideas is the
bond Of nationality, Contiguity of terrific
ry Is nothing, natural boundaries are moth
ing, except Ks they are tributary to unity of
| thought. Ireland is indeed restless. but her
restlessness is not owing to unslumbering an
Imosltles of civil wars. Such wars have
been more frequent and more severe between
different parts of England and between
England and Scotland than they ever were
between England and Ireland and vet the
people of these sections of the British en-
pre- cordially fraternize Nor is it owing
to English subiugation, for ireland is no
more subjugated to England than Massa-
chusetts is to New York. She is a part of
the United Kingdom Of Great Britain, pos
sessing the same rights as any other part,
with proportiouate representation in Par
lament and all departments of Government
English people and Irish people do not
think alike. That is the trouble They
differ in religion difference that more than
anything else has been the cause of popu-
lar estrangement TIN oughout the world
They have each long independent nation
al history, full Of glorious traditions; and
national thoughts and feelings, long flowing
III particular direction, cut their channels
rudely. but deep, and do not readily follow
new though better channels of political
science. These differences Of sentiment are
only removed by years, perhaps centuries,
OF political and social intercourse Butin the
case Of Ireland this necessary intercourse
was cut off by an intervening sea, sea that
under the old system of navigation was as
wide, almost, as an ocean in our day. The
same or similar things may be said of Poland
and Hungary. They had even greater diff
difference in language, and in the case of Po-
land there was q wide difference in the
cusl omed to a kind of republic, she was
placed under the control of solid, 81
lent, cast-Iron, absolute monarchy There
Is no analogy between these countries and
ours. All our States prefer government
republican In form Even the insurgent
States adopted constitution almost exact
ly like the one they attempted to abandon
We have the same national history. What
ever there may be in the past, either of SUI
fering or achievement, worthy to be remem-
bered or cherished, Is the common property
and pride of all the States We follow the |
same fashions, speak the same language, |
and worship at the same alter. No noun
talns, no seas divide us. On the contrary, |
the shape of your territory and the course |
Of your rivers are of themselves a revela-
ton that the Union of the States is an Or
1inance Of God.
We have but one cause of enstrangemeut, !
The difference Of opinion upon the subject
,t slavery. Upon that subject can the |
y orth and the South be induced to think
alike? Can the North be induced to sane
ion slavery and think with the South. or
'an the South be induced to abandon slavery
md think with the North Either course
would accomplish the purpose. Is either
practical, and if so, W hich is most practical?
FOR will not now ask which is most just
Many persons will not consider these ques-
ions because they think there is an easier
md better way. Let the North and South,
ay they, agree to disagree about slavery,
ach section retaining and acting upon its
,wn opinions unmolested by the other.
This theory is plausible; it involves no ex-
'enslve and troublesome change, | blame
10 one for adopting it, for | am myself one
+ Its aforetime believers [ never could
ring my mind to doubt its practicablity un-
il | actually saw the dissatisfied States 60
nut. Even when warned in advance that
hese States would secede unless the North
their own views of slavery and
dopted or silently acquiesced in the views
still believed we could hold the Union to-
ether and each section retain and utter its
wn sentiments. But the moment the peo- j
lie decided that man holding the senti-
1ents Of the North was not thereby disqual- I
led to hold Federal office, secession fol- {
'wed. Experience, that high priced school
4 which it is said the dumbest learn, has
aught its lesson. The theory has failed {
pom trial Each section, | know, charges t
ae failure to the other 'You wrote and {
poke and agitated against slavery" says {
ne South, land thus irritated and madden {
i our people into rebellion ''and you," q
ays the North, annexed Texas and tried {
, annex Cuba for the sake of slavery, and ]
lsisted upon extending it to California and {
-ansas, and thus forced us to discuss its q
erits. y Blame whom you please, the
the abolitionists, or both; the 6
ult was in the theory It was not posi- a
e to ignore great subject like slavery, S
as it was, with all our business e
I'd all our politics, in this busy, thinking, Il
Republic. n