Evansville daily journal. (Evansville, Ind.) 1863-1866, 1864-09-08

right 10 an enemys property, without
which he can't carry OF the war. and es-
/ peelslly to that which caused the var.
/ Dearly have We paid for this property
( With 100000 noble lives and ST.. OO0. 600
enough to buy 100000 slaves
Shall all this 20 for nothing? Shall
We have 10 guaranty for unity and peace
I iOr ourselves and posterity2
Forget that slavery has been abolish
/ ed by all civilized nations except Spain
look at i apart from humanity, and
/ Yiew It as mere question Of poIicv-ofI
profit aud loss-aad then say whether
the white man can live at peace if the
/ black man remains a slave
! Grant that Calhoun vas right and JEFF
{ ferson and Jackson we're wroug-thAs
I the SOns Of Liberty understood the Con
siltubon better than its founders. Sup
pose secession acknowledged and the
I Confederaey recognized, vhat next? Let
as pass over secondary questions, such
- boundary, navigation Of the Missis-
sippi, possession Of New Orleans, with
IMPORT and export duties imposed bv a
foreign nation, Of border defense for
1000 miles-and consider general and
cerlAln results
Shall We remaia at peace with this
new nation2 or, when she has prepared
herself for a contest, as she will, shall
we have var with herr
What will the Confederacy consider
as hostile indication? What did they
consider one Ia 1852 The election OF
an anti-slavery man as President Itis
3 standing mepaee They might not de-
| clare war for it, but our Government
would be told that the "Confederaey
could not look With Indifference on such
choice The seeds Of national enmity
would thus be sosn.
The Fugitive Slave Law has been re-
pealed Are We 20 give up fugitives to
4 foreign n O., and submit 10 such .
disgrace? IL Is impossible Public opin.
ION ia the North would not endure it
We should refuse Here is the second
cause Of offsnse
The Emancipation Proclamation has
awakened the iovsof liberty ia ths slave
II be knows that he can find an asylum
as sale as Canada, will not hundreds Of
thou auds of them seek freedom here2
II South CAToliHa plead the loss Of q few
hsudred slaves as cause Of war, what
will DO the effect Of loss Of few han.
dred shoaaands7 Will the South quietly
see her most valuable property melt
awav thus7
Can we doubt the iae-itable resuls
viz border raids after fggitives2 No
/ II We ALLOW these, W are disgraeed il
| We repel them, war commences.
Aaother matter ! was i've years
| American Minister 10 Aaples--a aes- |
I potie monarchy By treaty, Americans
could travel freely. They could not do |
I aay hostile act, but could say what they /
| pleased about the Government. aud did /
50. Had the Neapoiitan Government |
/ banged an American citizen for e1-
1 pressing republican sentiments, should |
I smm@as@tely have demanded my pass
[ ports. Then there would have been
war.
Slavery is despo,isE. which can not
bear discussion If South Carolina hung
! all Aboliti0nists she could catch before
the var, the necessity would be greater
alteTward Now that the slaves have
tasted freedom, the dangers Of proua-
gAadism have largely increased II lie
Coulsderacy becomes Independent, /,
will 10 seif-dotense impose = gag law on
strangers With death as the penaitv Of /
free speech Would We ALLOW Easland. /
France, or Naples to put TO death 80 |
American citizen for uerely expressing |
bis opinions We would go 10 war /
hFst We demand the same liberty that 4
sc grant foreign nations. An indepsaf- 4
eng Coafederaey would reject the d.
mand. Would nos that be cause for /
war;
Bot suppose we we're willing to en-
dure state Of things where 3 citizen |
opposed IN principle TO slavery could /
nor cross the Confederate boundary ex- /
cspt al ihs risk Of life Would that sup 1
press cause sf national quarrel? By no /
means We must not only submit 10 I
/ their gag law, bat have one Of our own. 1
Unless We establish censorship Of the I
/ press oer literature will TEEN with anti /
[ slavery sentment The South csuld I
not endure such denuuciati0ns before |
( the war Will she do so after its bloody !
! close? Could national friendship be /
/ kept up with such irritation7 Except
/ By a surrender Of manhood, and viola
4 ton Of the Constitution we could not
/ escape the 'irTepressible conflict Such
base panderiug only could maintain
shameful peace
But the strongest argument yet re-
mains With slave and tree nation
on this continent side by side, What
would happen in case Of foreign war;
lf we maintain the unity Of Ghe Re-
public, var with Great Britain may
be avoided Nations generally remain
at peace when they know each others
strength But Il We weaken ourselves
/ bY separation, losing half our territory.
and 100000 people, our condition
will be precarious in case of foreign
war. IL with England, With whom
would the Confederates sids7-with as,
the hated Yankees, or with the Esg-
lish, whom they have almost invited 10
forgive lT76 and to send a Prince to
reign over tbem2 Do you doubt this az
sertion2 Russell, the London Tiuss
correspondent, in his Diary, North and
South, confirms it, aud says the desire
for foreign Prince is common at the
South.
The cali themselves 'erring children
Of Great Britain for their rebellion in
l776 They would eagerly ally them
selves with England in case Of var be-
tween her and the Federal Government.
If We cant pat down the South nov,
crippled as she is, with more than halt
her territory held BY Us, what chance Of
/ success would We have against her and
England in alliance, after she regains
her territory by our concession and her
strength by rePose7
p live expose ourselves to such dangers
we shall deserve our inevitable fate.
Slavery is war Separation is endless
war
The war-path Is the only way to foreign
as well as domestic tranquility. We
must fight it OCT
EguaEiy fatal with separation would 1t
( be to reconstruct the Union half slave,
half free. Almost every argument used
already would apply in the latter case.
In conclusion, he turned from merely
-