Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1864-08-24
CLEARFIELD, PA, WEDNESDAY, AUG. "a, 1861

/ NcIS1. L bL lue llHDt to decide il n llppH
| Ncrc"
Even the Presidents proclamation of
the 9Th OF December, formally declares
that whether members sent to Congress
from any State shall be admitted to seats
constitutionally rests exclusively with the
respective Houses, and not to any extent
with the Executive"
And that is not the less true because
wholly inconsistent with the President S
assumption in that proclamation ola right
! to institute and recognize state, nor he
cause the President is unable to perceive
that his recognition is a uuliily if it be
not conclusive on Congress.
Under the Constitution the right to
Senator's and Representatives is iusepara-
bic from a State Government.
If there be a State Government, the
right is absolute.
If there be no State Government, there
can be no Senator'S or Representatives
chosen.
The two Houses Of Congress are express
Iy declared to be the sole judges Of their
own members.
When, therefore, Senators and Repre-
senators are admitted the State Govern
ment, under whose authority they were
chosen, is conclusively established when
they are rejected its existence is as con-
ciusi"ely rejected and denied and to this
judgment the President is bound to sub
nit.
The President proceeds to express his
unwllIlneDes5 "to declare constitutions
al competency in Congress to abolish sla-
very in States" as another reason for not
signing the bill.
But the bll nowhere proposes to abol-
ish slavery in the States.
The bill did provide that all slaues in
the rebel States should be maavDaisi.
But as the President had already sign
ed three bills manumitting several classes
OF slaves in States, it is not conceived pos
sibIe that he entertained any scruples
touching that provision Of the bill respec-
ting which he is silent.
lie had already himself assumed right
by proclamation to free much the larger
number OF slaves in Tie rebel States, un-
der the authority given him by Congress
to use the Rilitary power to suppress the
rebellion; and it is quite inconcevablo
that the President should think Congress
could vest in him discretion it could not
exercise itself.
1t is the more .uniutellieible from the
TACT that, except in respect TO a small part
OF Virginia and Louisiana, the bill cover
ed only what the proclamation covered
added Congressional title and judicial
remedies by law to the disputed title un-
der the proclamation, and perfected the
work the President professed to he so anx-
ous to accomplish,
Slavery as an institution can be abol-
ished only by change of the Constitu-
ton OF the United States or of the law OF
the State; and this is the principle of the
! bill
1t required the new Constitution of the
State to provide for that prohibition, and
the President, in the face of his own proc
! lHmation, does not venture to object to
| insisting on that condtion-yet he defeat
ed the only provision imposing it
| But whom he describes himself in spite
of this great blow of Emancipation, as sin
cerely hoping and expected that consti-
tutional amendment abolshing slavery
throughout the nation may be adopted, >
we curiously inquire on what lis expecta-
! tions rest, after the vote of the House Of
Representatives at the recent session, and
in the face Of the political complexion of
more than enough Of the States to pre-
vent the possibility of its adoption with
in any reasonable time; and why he did
not indulge his sincere hopes with so large
an irstallmeut OF the blessing as his ap-
prova of the bill would have secured
After this assignment Of his reason for
preventing the bi,. from becoming a law ,
the President proceeds to declare his pur-
pose to erscuc as q laj0 Jy lis plenay aict,-
torial polcer.
lie says:
Nevertheless, lam fully satisfied with the sys-
tenn for the restoration contained in the bill as
one very proper plan for the loyal people Of any
State choosing to adopt it and that am, and at
all times shall be prepared to give the Executive
aid and assistance to any such people so soon as
the military resistance to the United States shall
have been suppressed in any such State, and the
people thereof shall have sufficiently returned to
their obedience to the Constitution and the laws
Of the United States In which cases Military
Governors will be appointed, with directions to
proceed according to the bill.
A more studied outrage on the legisla.
tive authority Of the people has never been
perpe:rated.
Congress passed bill the President
refused to oapprove Itk and then by proc'a-
nation puts as much of it in force as he
sees iit, and prcpos es to execute those
parts by officers unknown to the laws OF
! the United States and not subject to the
confirmation of the Senate.
The bill directed the appointment Of
Provisional Governors 10y and with the
advice and consent of tho Senate.
The President after defeating the law,
proposes to appoint without law, and
without the advice and consent of the SEN
ate, Military Governors for there6el States.
He has already exercised this dictatori-
al usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeat
ed the bill to prevent its limitation.
I Henceforth we must regard the follow
ing precedent as the Presidential law OF
rebel States:
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WAsnrSGToS, March 10, 1864.
His Ercclioncy, Aickael Hahn, Governor of
Louisiaaa - Until further orders, you are hereby
! invested with powers exercised hitherto By the
! Military Government Of Louisiana Yours,
AnpAuAr IrNrnr