Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-04-18


before the formation of the Federal compact.
before the establishments of the Federal Consti-
tuition. Ii was an institution OF the colonies. i
will not discuss with the honorable Senator from
Iowa Mr.. Harlan1 the question whether the
SHAREHOLDERS has good title TO his property H
is enough 10 know that this institution existed
before the revolution in the colonies; that il con
tinued during the revolution; that il came with
the colonies into their state OF independence and
separate sovereignty: and when the colonies
came into the Federal compact they did not sub
NIT that institution, or their other domestic in
situations. to the coatrol of the Federal Govern
Gient. The Federal Governments has had notn-
ing TO do with the institution of slavery, except
so far as by COMPROMISE it was protected aud re-
spected. Ii was basis of representation in the
other House; il is basis of taxation in GER
tain coniingency, and fugitive escaping from
one State 20 another shall be returned without
respect TO the law of the State into which he es-
capes r
These are the connections of the Federal
Government with the institution Of slavery, but
no State in the formation of the Federal compact
agreed to lay that institution or any other insti
tuition of a domestic at the foot of Federal
authority. | am not satisfied (aIthough have
not examined that subject as maturely AS | would
desire If intended TO discuss il at length that
this is amendment which il is competent 10
make short of the agreement OF all the States OF
i the Union; and then that amendment thus agreed
70 would have It's force not because il was a part
of the Constitution but because each State for
itself had agreed to abolish slavery When each
State agrees to il. it is settled All OF our great
men and jurists have held that this institution ex
4 lists by virtue of State law That State law may
be the common law of the State, the usage of the
State, or II may be that system oil statutes which
recognizes and regulates the institution; and |
take il that il is very grave question whether
h. IS h.Nf. n
| sttution in the remaining fourth, without the
consent Of those dissenting States, which those
| States never agreed in the original compact
should be under the control in any way OF the
Federal Government
But, sir, my main objection to the adoption OF
this measure now is that the people not in a
condition to consider proposed amendments TO
the Constitution. This year we are to have the
excitement of a Presidential contest perhaps a
very bitter one. Men will take their sides ac-
cording to party relations. / submit 10 Senators
whether time like this, when the mind of the
people is wrought as the sea is by the 0rm, is a
1 suitable time to lay hands upon the funda-
mental law of the Government, and to change
4 the foundation stones OF that Government;
whether we had not better let these times pass
| by, and when peace shall come, as it in
1857 and l76y, when our fathers considered the
original Constitution, then consider the proposed
amendments. II the people of the United States
shall then decide to abolish slavery, and il is
found that il is question that may be controlled
by three fOurths OF the States i shall have 10 Oh
lection to it. IL slavery passes away shall not
be found regreitin-: it.
suppose / have less personal knowledge OF
the institution of slavery than almost any Sena-
tor in this body | have never spent whole
day scarcely in my life upon slave soil My lilt
has been spent among the free people OF the State
of Indiana | have no attachments to the nstiru
ton; but have an attachment to the compact:
and agreements of our fathers was taught rs
part of my politics and morality to stand by what
was agreed TO. The moral question of slavery
ave never discussed before the people. do not
intend to discuss it here because with the mora
question of slavery the Federal Government h,,
nothing to do That is question for the con
sideration of the States that regulate the inSti-
tuition. the States that allow it, the States b,
whose authority it exists; and by no other
! thority does it or can it exist.
/ Although | voted with my friend from Ken
lucky Dir Powell in favor of his three amend
ments, still If il had come to final vote. sepa-
rate from the amendment now before the Senate
whether We should submit these three PROPOSE
lions, which should like TO see in the ConSt
tuition. | should, upon the final vote, have voted
mo-" for the reason that at this time wOult
not submit any proposed amendment to To,
people.
| would agree, as a Senator, TO submit an
amendment of the Constitution 10 the people fo
but one reason If could become satisfied thai
"a proposed amendment to the Constitution
would put an end to these hostlities, woul,
restore this Union, aud bring peace again 10 th,
country, | would vote for any amendment tina
was consistent with the right and honor ]
Senators could satisfy me that the adoption
of this amendment was right and within
the power of three foIrths of the States, anc
that il would promote an adjustment and settle
ment of the difficulties between the sections
should vote for it, but for other consideration
On the contrary, sir, | believe that this amend
ment it adopted will be in the way of fnal nd
justment and the restoration Of the Union Wha
good can il dof just the same good precisel,
that the Presidents proclamation did. Th,
President by his proclamation said. 1--WE hav,
set Your negroes free; we leave YOU no Induce
ment TO come back to live under the COnsiitu-
ton your fathers agreed to il; we cut or hope
we give you an incentive to fight 10 desperation
And now the Senate propose to say to The peopl
of the South. you cannot come back upon tn
basis OF the Constitution as it WAS; you Canine
come back and enjoy your institutions as the,
were Ii you do come back, we leave in you
midst in MANY localities of the South majOriu
OF the population black; we make it impossible
for YOU to reside there" Therefore this prop0
sition saws to the people of the South Fish
on; give up never; never hear a proposition o
adjustment; but resist until yuu can resist n
longer" and that is one objection have had T.
this Administration. y has gone upon tha
policy. Instead OF ho,ding out those motive
that ordinarily influence men. this Admiuistra
ton has said TO the South, I'VE intent 10 subju
gate you, and we will listen TO no terms, we vii
offer terms" Gentlemen easily see Oh
result of such course of policy. Now AZ
going to make il impossible that tllcy shalt com
back and stand upon the Constitution as il wa.
We going now. if This proposition carry
to say TO The people OF the South, I'VE will tax
away tom you this property for which you com
meRcei this struggle
Again, say this is in violation Of the plighte
faith of the Senate Did not the Senate, tire
years ago. in July, 1861 by their resolution. an
did not the other House say that this was nc
for the purpose Of subjugAtipn, not 70
the purpose Of disturbing the institutions Q
any OF the States but simply and solely for tn
purpose OF restoring the Union aud the authorit
Of the Constitution Can il be pretended thu
this is i measure? You must conquer IN
South before this can have force there; aud whe
you have conquered the South. Of what servic
Z is Il as war measured II is like the Pres
dents proclamation in shat respect Can yO
send proclamation IN advance OF the troops
Can you send the amendment of the Constitutie
in advance Of the army, and make an impressio
on the people IN that wayl No, sir; YOU hav
got to overcome the people. and establish you
amendment OF the Constitution as you would e:
tablish the other portions of the Constitution
= is measure after the is over An
while the war is continuing il is a hindrance I
an adjustment and the restoration of peace.
These. in a few words, are the objections tha
| have to the measure before the Senate
L From the Harrisburg Constitution.