Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-02-29

other principle, it will not out-last the lives OF
men who now descending the hill of life
IN. journal of Commerce
IFrom the New York Journal Of Commerce.l
The Moral Position.
Let us, If il be possible. ind point of view
which is free from the mists aud clouds caused by
party spirit, faction and fanatcism, and endeavor
to see the condition of our unhappy country with
clear eyes. Is il not possible for Americans to
take such a stand? Or are we SO enyeoped in
the wells of our own and other mems passions
that a view such as we propose is impossible?
We began this war with a purpose. We are
prosecuting Il with purpose. Ii the present
purpose be the same with which we began it, it
will not be difficult to measure the progress we
have made, but if it has been changed we shall
find that measure more difficult. Our govern
ment is one os moral well as physical forces.
We began the war 10 preserve the government Of
the United States unit, and to establish the
power of the laws under the Constitution in each
and every portion of the country To this eff
feet placed grand system in operation, Meth
er more nor less than the exertion Of every con-
stitutional power which the nation possessed, for
the purpose of suppressing the great rebellion
which threatened the existence of the Cons;itu-
ton and de6ed the laws That rebellion was
greater and more extensive than any but some
far-seeing Democrats had believed il would be-
1t is impossible to deny to the leading members
OF that party clear prophetic vision of the flu
ture, or @. doubt that the view of the opposite
party wasimperfect and, in fact, wholly deceived
The proof of this statement is to be found in a
single glance at the speeches of Democratic
statesmen and the articles Of Democratic editors
in the year 1860. They foretold not only seces-
sion, but the whole length audbreadth of the war
which would ensue. and they warned the country
to be prepared for it. On the other hand, the
opposite party regarded these predictions as cleo
pioneering tricks, laughed at the idea OF war or
disunon, and many excellent and patriotic men,
usually recognized as among the most careful
and clear-sighted in the couEry, foretold pros
periiy, peace, success, and all the financial and
political blessings attendant on peace and pros
perity as the result of the triumph If the (then)
opposition party. We recall these facts now, not
to justify or fluid fault With the other par
ty, but in order to obtain standpoint, or START
ing point in our estimate. Its important that we
i look at the facts, and remember that I'D to
the time of the war one party insisted on using
only moral means of preserving unity, and the
other party denied that there any danger of
disunion. This truth is of great value in meas
uring the progress the nation has made The
question is not alone wheth4 we are conquering
rebellion. 1t is whether we are preserving the
American system of gOvernment-a system of
unity sustained at least in part, us all must ad
/
to its existence.
In examining our present condition it is not
necessary to ask what parry or party principle
caused the war. We must view it as one in
which we are now engaged; not as the work of
o3e party, not as the result of one set of meas
ures. but the deliberate choice of the nation.
| Whatever may be the truth as TO the real respon-
sibility Of the collision, whether Democrats are
right in charging it on Republicans, or Repubi
cans charging it on Democrats we cannot forget
that when the war became terrible fact. when
! the thunder of the guns of Sumter died away on
that memorable morning, the whole country, of
all political parties, sprang to the war cry and
assumed the dread responsibility
Democrats cannot escape that responsibility
| Had they refused to unite with the new Admir-
istration in going to battle. had one half of the
people OF the North then refused to take part in
the contest, there would have been no war
They did not refuse. Both parties assumed all
the responsibility 1t is then useless to discuss
who was responsible for the beginning until we
see the way to an end. When that end i reach
ed, il may and will be the duty of the people to
determine the question what caused the war, so
that recurrence OF such a terrible calamity NAV
be avoided in the future. But it Is the wise
course now 10 listen 10 both parties, and endeavor
to save the Union by whatever of good either
proposes
The people united on the principle that the
war was one of Justice, for the preservation of
the Union. They had but one thought, or il any
men then looked forward to "A change i'm the
object of the contest, such persons were no less
traitors than the man who fired on Fort Sumter.
The political duty of the citizen, as-well as the
moral duty OF members of different parties to
each other, was then a frank, hearty. open union
for the Union That is duty now. No man had
right to plot the using of the uprising of the
people for any change in the form or principles
| OF our government, or to plan a diversion of the
war from its one simple object. 1t was a moment
Of danger not only from the enemy 10 arms, but
from the very nature Of Our government; and so
great was the danger. that If any man in that
hour was forming plans for changing the funda-
mental principles of the Union, whether he was
Northern or Southern, pro slavery or anti-sla-
very, Republican or Democrat, he at heart a
traitor, and deserved a traitors punishment We
do not say that there were such men /, NAV be
time before long TO inquire whether there we're
any such. We can afford 70 let that inquiry rest
for the present.
But when we compare the present condition of
the North with the coHdition in the summer of
1861, We cannot fail to be impressed with the
truth that great and most important change has
taken place. The people are no longer united as
then. Nor is the division so small thing as
some would have Us think The truth is not to
be blinked, that just about one half of the people
are totally. absolutely. at variance with the other
half Aud when we come to examine the points
of difference. the line which is drawn between the
two. we hnd that it is difference arising out of
new questions, which did not exist in 1861. Re
turning to the position occupied by men of all
parties in the spring OF 1861, we find no such
subjects Of disunion raised no questions agitating
The public mind except the one great question,
shall the Constitution be sustained against armed
opposition. To day we find the war substantially
supported by all men as then, but division line
is drawn among the supporters. which is daily
widening and becoming more straight and sharply
defined. on each side Of which we find array ed
hosts Of men protesting patriotism. love of Union,
hatred OF rebellion. and determination to sustain
the Governments OF the United States against all
its enemies, while bitterness and hatred toward
each other also mark both parties.
He who attempts estimate the future pros
poets Of the country without taking this division
into account, fails wholly IN his view. Whatever
be the present condition Of military affairs. how
ever successful the arms Of The Union may be
over the of the rebellion. IL Is impossible 10
shut out Of view the important truth which this
Northern division makes manifest. that other
Questions than those Of power and force other
considerations than those Of military success are
presented, IN the immediate future Of our eoun-
try. The tboughtlcss or impatient man may
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