Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1864-05-05

furiough let man who had family have it. Tell ia
ther and moher do not expect to home until We
whip he Yankees, and if die Ia heaven"
,ats that ne was one OF Ma'ures noo,emen. 10 And ye
whistipg OF she'll complaining they can't stand l-mus
have peace.
very strong. Led by Lee, johnson, and Eeauresard
they Will soon mai enemies wr to treat tor
s DeslonDg to dawn. The sun of peace will soon
shed down it's beams and battle whole land with bis
at home only be true the army, and will have
peace ard independence
Two years ago you elected me without difficulty am
thankful you for it, Everybody endorsed my inaug
address, claimed civil liberty for the citizen, and
ed prosecution Of the war to an honorable ter
m nation for that would bring recognition and
give US place among the nations OF the EARTH have
phens and Gov Brown and in favor prosecuting the
until we recognized by the nations the earth
Is my opponent in favor of this. Let bin say
Do you oppose my policy? If you elect my opponent
expect 10 return to the army from which you took me-
and there die With ne men who have long
bated for tie right.
In retiring beg leave to express the hope that will
be able at distant to visit again. when of
these ladies will be wearing mourning when no father
will besfound mourning the his son. when
dom will bconsoled by the that they have been
given to history All the time will come when shall be
freeWhen the whole land will be filed with rejoicing
peace and let him who opposes the and the
men who are ebong for this be qnathena maranatha.
Grrnt RritHin's PIuce among European Powers
rhe following article from the London Times Is
worth reading. 1t is the first definite acknowledgment
country holds second place among European Powers
A little buser to vanity is INDUCED in-about
the ability De Of the first if it chooses-but the
acknowledgment is clearly made, for the fist time that
France is First and England Second in Europe:
If our recent foreign policy isto be tried by the test
of public opinion, it is extremely desirable that the
case should be distinctly sta ted and it happens oru
naeyto be one of the very cearest that could be sub
mlted to a country for decision In the connections
which have disturbed Europe for the last twelve
mont tha nd with Gor-
many it competent tous to adopt any one of three
plain courses.
We might have gone to war; had we so pleased, On
behalf either of the Poles or of the Danes or of both
together aud as the adoption of this policy would
have inalby embroed also with the United States
we might have been at war with the chief Power
Of America and three out of the four Great Powers of
Europe. That was the first course open to u.s. The
second was the course exactly opposite. We might
have turned back upon the Continent altogether
have allowed Russia, Austria and Prussia to do what
seemed good to them without remonsranee or notice
and have treated both the Polish and Danish questions
as matters entirely beyond our concern. The third
course open to Us was the middle course. We might
shrink from war; and yet not shrink from mediation
we might acknowledge our obligations as one of the
Powers Of Europe and yet strive to escape or avert
European war we might interfere, by protest, and
even warning OF the side of those suffering wrong and
yet confess anxiety to postpone till the very latest
moment if not absolutely to refuse perious and ter
ribe as the appeal to the sword For every
one OF these there is something to be said il is
for the public to balance the recommendations and the
disadvantages.
We could throw 10000 men on any point of apv
coast, and subsldlz3 ten times as many more Had it
been known that were always prepared to do all
this and that with u.s. as with France, it would have
been word and boW our protests would, doubtless
have been more efectual at Berlin and Vienna oux
voice would have been heard and possibly even with
out actual war, we might have saved Denmark from
attack. But though this may be proud position to
occupy it should be clearly understood what cost it
is held. If wish to stand France stands we must
paw as France pays for the prveges-that is to say
we must prepare ourselves for largely increased taxa
tion and deficits after all Twenty millions would not
cover our navy estimates these principles of foreign
policy nor would any amount of armaments answer the
purpose without actual now and then. Unless we
showed every two three years that would
yht as not our character fre-eaters could not be
sustained. Nations are not to be taken in by brag-
We must be really ready ct any minute and on any
provocatiou to 90 to with anybody, and as a ne
cessary consequence, our forces must be always in a
state of perfect efficiency and strength. The condition
of France before the Italian war; when, never having
armed she still able TO throw an irresistible army
across the Alps in fortng ght, must be permanent
condition. At this price we adopt the policy in
question, but not at any cheaper rate Whether the
bargain would be good one for US is of the points
to be decided.
The policy indicated in the first of these courses can
be very easily appreciated especially is illustrated
power and infuence which such policy necessariIy
ummands. 1t is we'll known throughout Europe that
she does not shrink from enforcing ber views by
sort to arms. She will accept the alternative of
with very slight PRESSURE even for the sake OF an dea
The result is that she is formidable and feared that
any seriods her part carries almost rresist
bic weight and that she control the course of Eu
ropean poll factually than any other Power.
In the very before Us it is plainly confessed
that single wo1d from France might have brought
he Powers a EmDerOr
e0n had but turned toward the Rhine, the invasion Of
Denmark might probably have been prevented. Now,
that it must be owned, Is position which has it's
fractions 1t seems to please the French people it
gives France extraordinary Influence in the affairs
OF the world and invests her policy with great dignity
and srendor. No statesman could say in the French
Senate what Lord Derby and his friends have said in
our House of Lords. Ii France is inactive at this
ment it is not because she s "isoIaed bat because
being mistress of the situation" she chooses to bide
her time lor interfering WELL If pleased we could
adopt this very policy Ourselves and enjoy its fruits n
like manner. We could sweep the seas with heets
At an hours notice. we could close the Mediterranean
and the Baltic and blockade any port OF any maritime
county.
Apaip, we might choose the policy which is exactly
the reverse of this. Instead OF Initiating France we
might take Holland for model There was time
when Holland, small in territorial extent, but rich in
commercial aud maritime resources, the very sCu
of European coalitions. From Holland we ourselves
Leaned all we knew Of this cosy subj ct. Holland, in
the ptrson Of William Ill brought Us, Mr. Disrae
says in Conngsby, Venetian sovereignty, French
and Dutch finance" But the Dutch are changed
They are conteDted to range themselves with Belgium
and SWi 3and in the class OF neutral States, 10 pay
their debts honestly but contract more and TO
resign all voice in the a1,irs OF Europe They never
interfere anywhere the debates Of their Parliament
fud no echoes they have no puoc meetings. no poll
cal and indeed policy at all but that of
inaction. AS result, Holland escapes trouble To
E,ro - .bt Lo