Green-Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1844-1884, 1864-01-12

OIL slavery to rc1Olce the hearlsO It's advefsarles
| Your letter, gentlemen, puts IN bold relief
the reasons which hIndered Mr., Lincoln from
adopting at the outset an abolition policy. The
! President could disregard neither his oath OF
office nor the federal constitution he had also
10 keep in mind the opposition which plan OF
emancipation would encounter IN tine loyal states.
! The head of a great government cannot act with
ia freedom Of u philosopher in bis study. In
simple truth, Mr. Lincoln should be accused
| neither Of tmidIty nor indifference. Your let
tsr recalls the measures OF his Presideney-abo-
! Iltlon OF slavery In the capital aud III the Dis
trlct Of Columbia, the prOelamng of freedom
to fugitive slaves, the principle OF compensated
emancipation submitted 10 all the loyal states,
the death penalty actually inflicted on captains
Of sayers, the treaty with England admitting
the right Of search, the establishment Of dIplo-
ma ic relations with the black republics Of Libe-
ria and liayt, the arming of free negroes, and
at last. when the length and gravity Of the war
sanctioned an extreme exercise OF the powers Of
oOmmander-in chlet the absolute and final su o.
preston OF slavery in all the reyolted states.
We gentlemen, are abOlitonists and we de-
clare that we have neve hoped nor wished Tor q
more steady, RAPID and res0ute progress. We
have understood the difficulties which surrounded
MIR. Lincoln We have h0nored his seruples OF
conscience with regard TO the constitution OF bis
country which stopped his path. We have I'd
mlred the courageous good sense with which he
moved straight On, the instant he could 30 do
without danger to ais cause or violation OF the
law.
Wonder is expressed that slavery is abolished
in the regolted states, and yet preserved i'll the
. ig luta at n al Wptla there \ wonder
that ne who has sworn to obey the constItut ION
should respect il. Let no one take alarm at this.
There is no danger that the " domestic nstitu
tion, crushed in the Carolinas and Louisiana,
will long survive in Kentucky or Maryland. Al
ready, as you have stated to us, solemn propo-
ution has been made to all the loyal states al.
ready one of the most important, Missouri, has
set the example OF acceptance. To be thus un-
easy about the maintenance oil slavery in the
North argues to our minds quite TOO much ten
derness for the South. We look with suspicion
upon this pretended abolitlonlsm, whose uD-
friendly exactions were first put forth on the
very day illumned in America by the dawn Of
abolition. We frankly say we could never have
foreseen that the electi Of Mr.. Lincoln aud
the several acts which we have just enumerated
would be an endless cause OF complaint and dis
trust and unworthy denuncatlon from So many
men who plume themselves in Europe upon their
hatre" Of slavery.
And since, to destroy the North in public
opinion, it was not enough to accuse If ol TOO
much favor Tor slavery, another grievance has
been found The NOrlh opposed tie South
The struggle was Of two natlonalitles The
South had risen Tor independence
It's independence there were then subject
provinces in the heart Of the Union? Doubt
less these provinces bad no part IN the govern
ment Of the country; the South had not
the same rights as the North? OF course the
South was held in this state OF inierlority and
subiectun by numerous federal garrlsons
Not at all. All the States enjoyed the same
rights, took like part 10 elections. If any sec
ton was favored 1t was the South, to which
further suffrage was granted in proportion TO
the number Of slaves. II any advantage had
been enjoyed it was by the South, which had
given the majority of Presidents aud chief Off
GERS. Yet IN this free country, country With
out an army, and whose material means as well
as laws were a sufficient barrier against oppres
sion. in such country we are told OF a prov
incc claiming Independence
We are OF your opinion, gentlemen, that in-
dependence and nationality are words too noble
10 be abused. In their abuse, things are com
promised, and the more noble and sacred these
things the more caref0l should we be not to con
found them with what is neither noble nor sac
red a revolt in the name Of slavery, iratfel-
dal revolt, which woulI destroy Tree constltu-
tion and tear asunder common country i1r
( fear lest there might be interference with the
internal slave traffic, the continued breeding IN
Virginia, the sale and separation Of families,
and lest perchance some territories should De
shut out from the couquests OF slavery.
la vain we seek In the United States for a
nationality striving to regain its independence.
/ Not only had independence been nowhere assail-
/ Cd, but there is absolutely no trace OF separate
nationality. Nowhere, perhaps, is there more
thorough national homegenlty. Norh ana
South the race the same faith, language,
history, and, we boldly add, interests are all the
some All these states have struggled together
trumpheG together Their glories, their de-
leats, are common. TIER constitution sprung
from the free consent OF all, all pledged them
selves alike TO remain faithful to Its obligations.
This pledge is no empty word with which ca
price may idly sport Among the inventions
Of our epoch there is none more extraordinary
then the right Of secession. Those who discover
cd 1t will no doubt teach us where 1t should
stop II each section has right Of secession
trom the country as whole, why not each
state a right OF secession from such section
Why not each county riglt of secession from
the STATE? Why not each town right of Sc
cession from the county, Why not each eti-
zen tight Of secession from the town
The tiutl is that but Tor slavery the South
would not talk OF its suppressed independence,
nor OF the right Of secession. Slavery has
brought the two sections to stIile. Theextncton
OF slavery wilt restore unity. The North and
the South will some day wonder that they could
have failed 10 appreciate the most complete and
homogeneous of natlouallties.
A last resort remains That we here may not
see the great struggle on the subject OF slavery,
an attempt is ma1e to present she struggle US
one ior domina ion.
But this latter struggle Is the very life of free
countries IL is not surprising that the North
and thc South each stroye actively, energetcal!y,
nosily for .he triumph Of their candidate aud
policy. But when one OF them, losing the
battle Of the ballot, plunges without hesitation
INTO another knd OF battle: when 1t resists,
arms in hands, the result of a regular election
when on the very day that 1t ceases to rule 1t
tears into fragments the common country, 1t is
guilty Of onme for which it is difficult to
imagine an excuse.
II,
You will crush the revolt, gentlemen. You
will sueceed-such is our beliel-in re.establish-
ing the Union. II will emerge rom the bloody
trial stronger, more free, more worthy of the
noble destiny to which God summons il.
! II has been demonstrated to US, 1t is true, that
| tim rn.eslnhlishmenl nfthe Union was lmnnssi-