, 1864-02-20
The Life of the Constitution.

The Republican theory Of a Constitution
recalls the answer of the English bishop to
an anxious seeker of religious truths. 'Pray
my lord, is it not difficult to trace the exact
line between orthodoxy and heterodoxy?"
"Not at all, nothing can be more simple
Orthodoxy is my doxy, and heterodoxy is
any other mans doxy."
What is the Constitution asks the eiti-
zen. Whatever we wish it to be, is the an
swer Of the Republican party. Upon all
questions Of doubtful constitutional rights,
says the President, we divide into majorities
and minorities. But what constitutional
rights are doubtful, asks the inquirer after
truth Palpably the answer must be, what
ever party chooses to doubt Then prac-
tically, as the law of England lay in the
conclusions of the judges, the Constitution
lies in the will of the majority. In other
words, a written constitution is no cOnstitu-
ton at all This monstrous fallacy is ruling
these United States at this moment, as it
has ruled them for nearly three years, and
the people seem incapable Of being awakened
to the inevitable results of its continued
rule. Every now and then, as sick sleeper
opens his eyes for moment and then re-
lapses into his feverish slumber, some Re
publican paper, leaving the beaten way of
Vituperation, attempts argument, and for
moment is alive to the great blessing it had
once, and hNs' rejected; but it dares not pur-
sue its own train Of thought to a conclusion,
and abruptly turns off with an allusion to
war powers which supersede all rights of all
Sorts
A man may be very good man, and
very sincere, selfsacrifcing patriot, and
very bad reasoner The British statesmen
who undertook to tax the colonies believed
in the right to tax, in the expediency of
taxing, in the justice of taxation. They
meant well for England, but they saddled
her with a debt Of four hundred millions Of
dollars; they sundered the colonies from
her and caused great suffering and loss Of
life. Their motives were pure, but their
logic was bad, and political communities al
ways suffer more from the stupidity Of good
men than from the Eickedness Of bad men.
The reason is clear Wickedness is soon
seen and guarded against but stupidity,
like maariOus atmosphere, pOisOns good
ness itself
The fallacy which lies in the principle of
the Republican party was not only danger
Gus in the beginning, is dangerous now, but
must be dangerous in all time. 1t is far
more fatal than the principle of secession,
just as an absolute enacting power is far
more hostile to liberty than an absolute veto
power
The path to peace has been distinct and
clear from the beginning of this war, but it
cannot be trod by the Republican party In
to it Republican cannot enter He may
attain it as the Romans did, @make solitude
and call it peace" but in no other manner.
So long as that party insists upon not merely
administering the government, but upon de-
termining the rights of another section, SO
long must war go on to the subjugation of
the one combatant or the exhaustion of
both. 1t cannot be avoided nor ayerted. All
the dreams of peace which men have so
cherished, hoping against hope, for month
after month, will vanish as do other visions.
From the three years past questions present
themselves to the people of the United States
which will be answered and cannot be
lodged VIII you have a government in
Wn;eh minorities have no rights, or one in
which tiny have? If you prefer the latter,
how will you secure those rights IN. T.
Rorla.