Wood County reporter. [volume] (Grand Rapids [i.e. Wisconsin Rapids], Wis.) 1857-1923, 1864-01-14
French Statesmen Oh the Rebellion.
An Eloquent Letter from Messrs. De Gas.
parin, LabouIaye, Martin and Cochin.
REPLY TO THE LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE
OF NEW YORK

REPLY TO THE LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE
OF NEW YORK.
GESTLENEN:-We would have thanked YOU
much sooner but for the prolonged absence
of one of our number. 1t would have been
painful to Us to have lost the collective char
acter of this reply; for the blending of our
four names is proof of that great unity of
sentiment upon all that concerns the cause of
Justice, which, by Gods favor, manifests it.
self here below, in spite of political and re-
ligious differences.
Yet we are careful not to overrate our per-
sonal Importance. The League does not ad-
dress Us as individuals; it speaks to France.
who cherishes, as national tradition. the
friendship of the United States. Itspeaks to
European opinion, which will rise up and de-
clare itself more clearly as it recognizes that
the struggle is between Slavery and Liberty
You have comprehended, gentlemen, that
neither France nor Europe has been free from
misapprehensions. Light did not at first
dawn upon the nature of the salutary but
painful crisis through which you are passing
1t was not plain to all, at the outset, that the
work lnaugurated by the election of Mr.. Lin
coin yielded nothing in grandeur to that
| which your fathers accomplished with the aid
OF Lafayette and under the guidance of Wash
ington.
Europe has had her errors, her hesitations
for which we are paying dearly to-day, on
both shores of the Atlantic. What blood
would have been spared to you what inous-
trial suffering avoided by US, had European
opinion declared itself with that force which
you had the right to hope for! There is a
protest of the universal conscience, before
which mankind necessarily recoils. Moral
forces are, after all, the great forces.
The revolted South, which needed our aid,
which relied and perhaps still relies upon US.
| would not have long dared to affront the in
dignation of the civilized world
I.-Why has this indignation been with
| held? Why has sort of favor been granted
to the only insurrection which has had neither
motive nor pretext-to the only one which
has dared to unfurl the banner of slavery :?
| What has been the merit of this iasurrec-
| ton? By what charm has it conciliated the
| sympathy of more than one enlightened mind?
This is question humiliating to put, but use
fui to solve.
| slavery was the real cause of the conflict
| Strange doubt, in truth. For many years, sIa-
very had been the great the only subject of
strife in the United States. At the time of
| the election of Mr.. Buchanan the only issue
| was slavery. The electoral platforms prove
| this fact; the manifestos of the South were
unanimous IN this sense; her party leaders,
her Governors, her deliberate assemblies, her
press, spoke of but slavery; the Vice Presi-
| dent of the insurgent confederacy made haste
| to declare officially that the mission of the
new State was to present to the admiration
| of mankind society founded on the corner
stone" of slave~y. Lastly, it would seem that
| to all rejecting minds the acts of Mr. Bu-
| chanan and other Presidents named by the
| South were proof enough of this truth The
| South thinks only of slavery. In her eyes, all
means are right to secure to slavery its tri-
| umphs and boundless conquests.
| But it is objected that Mr.. Lincoln and his
| friends were not abolitionists. That is GER
! tain. Their programme went no further than
| to stop the extension Of slavery, and shut it
out from the Territories. Was this nothing?
Was it not, in fact, everything? Who could
| have toreseen that, On the appearance of such
programme, OF a progress so unexpected, of
| an attack so bold upon the policy which was
lowering and running the United States, the
| friends of liberty would not all have fastened
to applaud. Was not this the time to cheer
and strengthen those who were thus entering
on the good path? Was it not due to urge
them on in their liberal tendencies, so that,
the first step taken, they should take the sec
| ond and go on to the end Ought not that
which terrified and dismayed the champions
of slavery to rejoice the hearts of its adver-
series?
Your letter, gentlemen, puts in bold relief
the reasons which hindered Mr. Lincoln from
adopting at the outset an abolition policy.
The President could disregard neither his
| oath of office nor the federal constitution; he
had also to keep in mind the opposition which
a plan OF emanci patton would encounter in
the loyal States The head of great gov
eminent cannot act with the freedom of a
philosopher in his study. In simple truth Mr.
Lincoln should be accused neither of timid-
ty nor Indifference. Your letter recalls the
| measures of his Presidency abolition of sav-
cry in the capital and in the District of CO.
| lumbia, the proclaiming of freedom to fugi-
tive slaves, the principle of compensated
| emancipation submitted to all the loyal States,
| the death penalty actually inflicted On captains
of slavers, the treaty with England admitting
the right of search, the establishment of dip
lomatic relations with the black republics of
Liberia and Hayti, the arming of free ne
groes, and at last, when the length and gravi-
( ty of the war sanctioned an extreme exercise
| of the powers of Commander-in-C Chief, the
absolute and final suppression of slavery in
all the revolted States
We, gentlemen, are abolitionists and we
| declare that we have never hoped nor wished
| for a more steady, rapid and resolute progress
We have understood the difficulties which
| surrounded Mr.. Lincoln. We have honored
| his scruples Of conscience with regard to the
| constitution of his country which stopped his
path. We have admired the courageous good
| sense with which he moved straight on the in
slant he could do so without danger to his
| cause or violation of the law.
Wonder is expressed that slavery is abol-
| ished in the revolted States and yet preserved
in the loyal States In other words, there is
wonder that he who has sworn to obey the
/ constitution should respect it. Let no one
| take alarm at this There is no danger that
the "domestic institution" crushed in the
Carolinas and Louisiana, will long survive in
Kentucky and Maryland. Already, as you
! have stated to US, solemn proposition has
been made to all the loyal States; already
| one of the most important, Missouri, has set
| the example of acceptance To be thus I'M
| easy about the maintenance of slavery in the
| North argues to our minds quite too much
| tenderness to the South. We look with sus-
| picion upon this pretended abolitionism
| whose unfriendly exactions were first put
| forth Oh the very day Illuminated in America
| by the dawn Of abolition. We frankly say we
| could never have foreseen that the election
! of Mr. Lincoln and the several acts which we
| have lust enumerated would be an endless
| cause of complaint and distrust and unworthy
| denunciation from so many men who plume
| themselves in Europe upon their hatred OF
| slavery.
| And since to destroy the North in public
| opinion it was not enough to accuse it of too
| much favor for slavery, another grievance
| has been found. The North oppressed the
| MI of oil