Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-09-10

be allowed "a RICH, Of war after conquest can
not be claimed before victory.
But IL the States in rebellion have DOT for
feited their State governments. and BY abandon
ing their attitude of hostility toward the General
Government would regain their former status as
members Of the Federal Union. then there IS no
power in this government. var nor civil. by vir-
tee Of which the President can emancipste
single slave bv simply declaring him free IN
PROCLAMATION
see some one watching for an opportunity TO
put the question: Hoe can you defend the proc
lamstion Of Ger Fremont freeing toe slaves OF
rebel osners and condemn the Presideul Tor
doing the sane ,hingt" And answer first. toe
Presiden, did not DO the same thing thai Gen.
Fremont did. though !; is quite true that be
SOC mt - cnbody the Fremont principle in MS
proclamation Gen. Fremont COMMANDED and
rss AZ the head Of 80 army; this erny carried
sith /, martial Law Over every fcot OF ground
commanded BY Gen. Fremont this Law in
force. and within the Limit Of his command he
declared the slaves Of rebols in arms free and
their property conhscated This proclamation
was a. much measure Sf necessity on the part
81 the commanding General firing his guns At
a rebel ine-of battle would have been That Il
vas bis right and shat of every other General in
the army vithir the limits of hrs command there
| can he no question: and Congress afterward ap-
proved aol gave lie high sanction TO the policy
/ OF Gen. Fremont. BY declaring every slave free
/ who come within the lines Of auy military Gu
canpment or force
4 Mr.. Lincoln attacked slavery as political IN
! stitutiou within certain States and as Commsn-
! der IN Chief OF the army proclaimed it out of
/ existence where be bad not q man nor gun TO
enforce the decree Where he bad the power 10
enforce IT, in cities and territory wre.ted from the
rebellion, within the limits Of his military depart
J ment "a Commander in Chief he did not free a
slave
( Gen Fremont saw within his military bounds.
/ the slave of the rebel in arms being used as an
! implement OF war, and where he bad the power
to enforce il. be declared such slaves free. Have
! I succeeded in making the difference cearg
! IT, as a matter OF constitutional tight and mil
! itary prerogative il wa. an arrogant assumption
Of power. as a measure OF policy il was the
yravest error OF which he could have been guilty
It's effect public sentiment was vide spread
and DISASTROUS. The harmony which had pre-
vailed with such good effect 10 the North. and
| which was 80 essential to a successful prosecu.
| ton of the war was destroyed. and factions
sprang up all over the country. Unity of effort
| was at an cod and parties began ranging them
selves again under their old banners. While this
was the effect in the North lis reverse follow ed
| in the South. Up to that time there had been a
strong party there opposed 10 the war. and they
! had just begun to see the time approaching for
i
the proclamation put abrupt end to all such
| schemes and quieted every d.scordant element.
! The South was as united for war by il as the
/ North had been before it's appearance. 1t gave
a new lease to the war and put further of than
ever before the hope of satisfactory solution OF
the national difficulty.
As a tub thrown to the anti-slsvery whale it
failed more sgnally still. The fact before stated,
| that here the President could have freed the
slaves had be desired and felt il to be his duty to
! do so. he had more firmly rivited their letters.
was in such thorough keeping with all his former
anti slavery pretensions 10 brand it at once as
a fraud and cheat, and filled them with the
most intense disgust; and if anything were
wanting to strengthen this conviction, the hollow
pretense Of its anti-slrvery tendency was dis
armed BY the appearance shortly after of the
| Amnesty Proclamation, which finally and for
| ever rested the question Of Mr. Lincon's honesty
and the sincerity of his dealings with our party
! but the theme stretches out too inyitinglv and
| time admonshes me TO hasten on.
| The next most interesting feature Of presiden-
tial management is the foreign policy Of Mr.
Lincoln. and any notice OF it must be brief.
| Down to the date of the French interference in
| Mexico, while our contact with foreign nations.
! had generally resulted in humiliating concessions
4 from our officers. 10 vital principle had been
iniringed upon, the people were generally willing
/ to pocket the affront and take is out in graum
bling anticipatons of a future, when the score
could be settled. But when the Emperor Of the
! French boldly announced his determination to
! found on this continent monarchial government
| in direct defiance OF the doctrine TO which all
/ Europe bad given assent the country was pro
foundry agitated. and all eyes were turned to the
! President to catch the first expression from him
| Congress, through the House of Representatives
acted promptly and spoke out clearly, to falter
| now was 10 earn the contempt of the world.
! What was the astonisbmcnt of the country when
| il last leaked out through diplomatic crevices
! that tie action Of the House of Representatives
! had been apo ogized for by our government? II
/ there is depth of national shame for US after
hat let US pray God to be conducted to il by
! some other leader. Further comment is uncalled
| for
! As proper addenda to our foreign policy may
bc mentioned the surrendering of Arguelles to
! the Cuban authorities without pretense of author
! itv beyond the naked power 10 do il. But be
| was SLAYER; Since when has Cuba become an
anti-slsvery government, But he was a rogue;
J Since when has the President of the United
States become bailiff to the Governor General of
| Cubal How long has il been since our vessels
were fired into from Moro Castle subjected to
search, our flag insulted and our offices subjected
/ to shameful indignities by the Cuban authorities
| at Havana; and now We must violate the right
Of asylum our laws provide TO crafty the private
hate OF a Cnban official who since the war be
gun has extended every possible courtesy to dis
tinguished rebel vlsitants.
! If we must surrender up our national rights.
/ let us do it in quarters where We have suffered
less indignity. There is another part of Mr..
Lincolns evil policy on which so much is neces
sary 10 be said TO do il justice, that | cannot
touch it to-nigh;-tbe reconstruction of con
quered States.
After the most solemn pledge that he would
not be a candidate for reelection. not two years
of his term had expired before the President be
gan working to secure his nomination by the next
national convention. " it'll the largest patronage
ever before enjoyed by President, the numer-
Gus revenue officers over the country affording
the material Tor powerful machinery by which
all primary action among the people could be
manipulated and directed into the proper chan
mel aud with Just the sort of shrewd cunning TO
quisite TO superintend such matters. Mr. Lincoln
commenced his game for the next term: with
this all absorbing matter his hands, il is not
TO be wondered al il the affairs Of the country
were allowed TO go at loose ends. The work OF
manufacturing public sentiment in favor of the
re election OF the present occupant OF the W hite
House was undertaken and carried on with reoui-
: site and becoming zeal. Township and county
conventions we're conducted by the assessors ard
collectors of internal revenue, the Deputy Pro
vost Msrshsls and enrolling Commissioners The
people engrossed with their agricultural or other
pursuits and the war. were not observing the ST.
lent curren, ths, was giving direction TO their oNn
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