Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1864-03-01
ADDRESS OF CONGRESS
70 THE PEOPLE or THE CONFEDER-
ATE STATES.

| TO THE PEOPLE OF THE CONFEDER.
ATE STATES.
In closing the labors of the First Permanent
Congress, your Representatives deem it i'll
| occasion to give some accounts OF their steward
ship; to review briefly what, under such en-
| barrassments and adverse circumstances, has
/ been accomplished; to invite attention to the
prospect before us and the duties incumbent
on every citizen in this crisis; and to address
such words of counsel and encouragement as
| the times demand.
Compelled by long series of oppressive and
tyrannical acts. eliminating at last in the seec-
tion of President and Vice-President by O
party confessedly sectional and hostile to the
South and her institutions, these States with
drew from the former Union, and formed a new
Confederate alliance, as an independent Gov
ernment based on the proper relations of labor
and capital. This step was taken reluctantly,
by constrant, and after the exhaustion OF every
measure that was likely to secure us from in
reference with our property, equality in the
Union, or exemption from submission to an
alien Government The Southern States claim
ed only the unrestricted enjoyment of the rights
guaranteed by the Constitution. Finding, by
painful and protracted experience, that this was
! r~;~s.-tlz a4->iNa ma dntar mined TO separate
from those enemies, who had manifested the
inclination and ability to impoverish and destroy
us. we fell back upon the right f-r which the
colonies maintained the war of the revolution
and which our heroic forefathers asserted to be
clear and inalienable. The unanimity and zeal
with which the separation was undertaken and
perfected, finds no parallel in history. The
people rose en- 2Gsss 10 assert their liberties and
protect their mena ced rights. There never was
before such universally of conviction, among
any people, on any question involving SO seri-
ous and so thorough change of political aud in
ternatonal relations. This grew out of the
clearness of the right so to act, and the GER
tainty of the perils of farther association with
the North. The change was so wonderful, sc
rapid, SO contrary to universal history, that
many fail to see that all has been done in the
logical sequence of principles, which are the
highest testimony to the wisdom of our fathers
and the best illustration Of the correctness Of
those principles. This Government 10 a child
of law instead of sedition, of right instead oi
violence, of deiberation instead of insurrection.
Its early life was attended by no anarchy, nc
rebellion, no suspension of authority, no social
disorders, no lawiess disturbances. Sovereignty
was not for one moment in allegiance. The ut
most conservatism marked every proceeding
and public act. The object was s'to do what
was necessary, and no more; and to do that
with the utmost temperance and prndence."-
ST. Just, in his report to the Convention OF
France, in 1898, said: IA people has but one
dangerous enemy, and that is government
We adopted no such absurdity. In nearly ev-
cry instance, tue first steps were taken legally,
in accordance with the will and prescribed di-
recton of the constituted authorities of th 9
seeding States. We were not renlitted to brute
force or natural law, or the instincts of rea-
son. The charters of freedom were scrupu,
lously preserved. As in the English Revolution
of on.}o If No oto
ial alteration in the laws beyond what was me-
cessary to redress the abuses that provoked the
struggle. No attempt was made to build OH
speculative principles. The effort was confined
within the narrowest limits of historical and
constitutional right. The controversy turne
on the records and mpnipents Of the past
We merely resisted innovation and tyranny, and
commended for our birthr ghts and the covenan
ted principles of our race. We ave had oul
Governors, General Assemblies and Courts
the same electors, the same corporations, ''the
same rules for property, the same subordina
tions, the same order in the law aud in the mag
istracy." When the sovereign States met il
council, they, in truth and substance, and in q
constitutional light, did not make, but prevented
a revolution.
Commencing our new national life under such
circumstances, we had right to expect that
we would be permitted, without molestation
W Cuttiyate tne arts or peace, ana Vlnd1caCe, on
our chosen arena, and with the selected type
of social characteristics, our claims to civilzas
ton. It was thought, too, By many, that war
would not be resortsd to by an enlightened
country, except on the direst necessity. That
a people, protesting to be animated by Chris
tian sentiment, and who had regarded our PEI
culiar institution as a blot and blur npon the
fair escutcheon of their common Christianity
should make war upon the South for doing what
they had perfect right to do, and for relieving
them of the incubus which, they professed,
rested upon them by the association, was deem
led almost beyond belief by many of our wisest
minds. I5 was hoped, too that the obyiousin-
terest OF two sections would restrain the wild
frenzy of excitement and turn into peaceful
channels the thoughts of those who had but
recently been invested with power in the Uni
ted States.
These reasonble anticirations were doomed
20 disaPpoiatment. The red glare of battle,
kindled at Sumter, dissipated all hopes of peace,
and the two Governments were arrayed in hos
tlllty against each other. ne charge the re-
sp0nssbatstq Of t.as aoar upon the United States,
They are accountable for the blood and havoc
and ruin it has caused. For such war we
were not prepared. The difference in military
resources between our enemies and ourselves |:
the immense advantages possessed in the organ
lZad mQohinoru 0f on ohl;ohoI