Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-11-17

During many years of pretty close attention 70
the debates Of Congress we think We may safely
say that not less than one half of the whole time
consumed in discussion was devoted to "platitu-
dinal" harangues on " the rights OF the States"
but seldom a word on State duties and every body
sees to his sorrow what the constant, irritating,
and ong-continued pressing of that onesided view
of our political system has led to. As by one
section, chiefly, if not alone, this narrow and
mischieyous view of constitutions, rights was
maintained and necessarily sgitated, by that Sec
ton at last was the doctrine carried out to
its practical consequences of secession and civil
war and the question has now to be arbitratcd by
force of arms and by the capacity Of either party for
endurance of the calamties of war in its sternest
forms. To utter anew any thing in the shape of
argument on the merits Of the direful contest, or
on the causelessness and wiokedness Of its incep-
ton, would be the merest waste of labor. 1t was
the mission Of this journal during the many years
that the mischieyous doctrine was agitated, to
oppose steady, if feeble, opposition to it, as Of
pernicious tendency, if not fraught with ultimate
ruin. All efforts, however, to stay the progress Of
the irrational disafection proved abortive, until
eventually it eliminated in open rebellion. But,
though the province Of argument is at an end,
voice has reached us from far away recess Of the
Rocky Mountains, in the shape Of the subjoined
principles, the force of its logic, and the brief
space within which the writer condenses compre-
hersive legal argument, we give place.
INDEPENDENCE OF THE SOUTH
The Southern States parties to the Constitution Of
tee United States and they cannot absolve Themselves
thererom except by consent of Of the people Of
the United States by revolution, with jua6abe cause
Territories do not necessarily include inhabitants
The Constitution invests Congress with authority to e
sate in respect to the Territories and other property of
the United States.
Congress has direct right to egeate for the Terrific
ries in all whatsoever.
Congress might egsate upon the subject of slavery in
the Territories it might prescribe that the people of
the Territories might egsate upon the subject and that
it would in its discretion adopt the acts of the people,
The people of the United States, through Congress-
have the right to egsate for the Territories without
gard to the laws of any particular State or States.
The fact Isl Congress has constitutional right either to
prohibit or protect slavery in the Territories of the United
States
Slavery is political evil, and if Congress prohibits it
in the Territories it does what it justly and constitution
ally has right to do aud no part of the country either
Justly or constitutionally complain
The idea that q State can, without justifabe cause
eight its way clear of its constitutional compacs is not
consistent with just and sound law.
Southern States may continue the for fifty years.
and get their independence acknowledged BY every Power
Of Europe, and by duress Of Imprisonment force Of
arms compel the people and Government of the United
States to acknowledge their independence but all such
acknowledgements will not sbsolve them from their const
tutional compacts.
If the people Of State Of the Union, appealing to the
bsotbox voluntarily express desire to withdraw from
the Union we will vote to release them if considering all
the circumstances Of the case consider it just and
right to release them but the idea that State at
pleasure take up and fight its way clear of its cons
tuons compacts not with just and sound law
and should not be received.
No State Of the Union become de jurs Independent
of the Union without the consent of majority of The
DIE of the Union, by revolution with ustfabe
DEMOCRATIC CoNsTITUTIoNALIsT.
Dacotah, October J.