The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1864-05-06
Governor Bramlette's Visit to
Washington.
The President on the Slavery
Question.
LETTER FROM MIR. LINCOLN.
The following letter, printed in the
Frankfort (Ky.) Commonwealth fully ex-
plains itself:
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
Washington. April 4, 1864.

plains itself:
EXECUTIVE MANsIoS,(
Washington. April 4, 1851
6. Hodges, Esq, Frankfort, Ky.:
My DEAR SIR-You ask me to put in writing
the substance of what verbally said, the other
dav in your presence. to Governor Bramlette
and Senator Dixon. 1t was about as follows:
/ am naturally anti-slavery. II slavery is not
wrong. nothing is wrong. l cannot remember
when l did not so think and feel And yet l
have never understood that the Presidency
conferred upon me an unrestrained right TO act
officially upon this Judgment and feeling. 1t
was in the oath l took that l would. TO the
best of my ability, preserve. protect and defend
the constitution of the United States. l could
not take the office without taking the oath.
Nor was it my view, that | might take an oath
to get power, and break the oath, in using the
power. / understood. too, that in ordinary
civil administration this oath even forbade me
to practically indulge in primary, abstract jndg
ment on the moral question OF slavery. had
publicly declared this many times, and in many
ways And aver that, to this day, have
done no official act in mere difference to my
abstract Judgment and feeling on slavery.
| did understand. however, that my oath to
preserve the constitution to the best of my
ability imposed upon me the duty of preserv-
ing by every indispensable means, that govern
ment-that nation of which that constitution
the nation and yet preserve the constitution
By general law life and limb must be pro
tected; yet often limb must be amputated to
save life bat life is never wisely given to
save limb. | felt that measures. otherwise
unconstitutional might become lawful by be-
coming indispensable to the preservation of the
constitution. Right or wrong, assumed this
ground and now avow it, could not feel that
TO the best Of my ability | had even tried 10
preserve the constitution, it, to save slavery or
any minor matter. should permit the wreck
of my government, country and constitution,
altogether. When, rlyin the war. General
Fremont attempted military emancipation, l
forbade it, because l did not then think it an
indispensable necessity. When. little later,
General Cameron, then Secretary of War, sug-
gested the arming OF the blacks | objected
because did not yet think it an Indispensable
necessity. When, still later. General Hunter
attempted military emancipation, | again for
babe it because did not yet think the inds-
pensablc necessity had come.
When, in March and May, and July, 1852,
made earnest and successive appeals to the
border States To favor compensated emancipa-
tion believed the Indispensable necessity for
military emancipation, and arming the blacks
would come. unless averted by that measure.
They declined the proposition; and YVES, in
my best judgment, driven to the alternative of
either surrendering the Union, and with it the
Constitution, or of LAYING strong hand upon
the colOred element. / chose the latter, in
choosing it. hoped for greater gain than loss;
but of this l was not entirely confident. More
than a year Of trial now shows no loss by it,
in our foreign relations; none in our home
popular sentiment; none in our white force
no loss by it, any how, Or anywhere. On the
contrary, it shows gain of quite a hundred
and thirty thousand soldiers. seamen and labor
ers These are palpable facts about which,
as facts, there can be no caviling. We have
the men, aud we could not have had them
without the measure.
And now, let any Union man who complains
of the measure, test himself by writing down
in one line, that he is for subduing the rebel
lion by force of arms, and in the next that he
and men from the Union side, and placing
them where they would be, but tor the meas
ure he condemns. If he cannot face his cause
so stated, it is only because Inc cannot face the
truth.
l said word which was not in the verbal
conversation. In telling this tale, attempt
no compliment to my own sagacity. | claim
not to have controlled events, but confess
plainly that events have controlled me. Now,
at the end of three years struggle, the nations
condition is not what either party or any man
devised or expected. God alone can claim it,
Whittier it is tending seems plain. II God now
wills the removal of great wrong, and while
also that we of the North, as well as you of
the South, shall pay fairly for our completely
in that wrong, impartial history will find
therein new causes to attest, and revere the
business and goodness Of God.
Yours truv 4. LINCOLN.