Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1864-11-18

Inc Fayetteville Observer very strangely main
talns Its opposition to the employment of slaves as
soldiers, even after the President has taken ground
for the proposition in his message We shall see
how long the 0bserrerwl maintain this opposition
We predict that if the measure should be adopted,
no matter how disastrously it may operate, the Oh
Serber wilmakea cordial support oft the test
ty, ard danounce as croakcrs a6d traitors all who
may demand its repeal, or who may even point to
the ruin it will cause.
But the Observer is already preparing for
change of position by mi&sta.;ng the position Of the
President on the subject. 1t says:
The second point upon which we dissent from
the President is which mas already caused far
more discussion than has been either polite or use
tul and upon which debate has already begun in
. Congress. We mean the employment Of slaves as
armed soldiers. The President is opposed to this,
it is trne at present; and 50 far we'll. But he IA
vors the purchase of large number of Them by
the government their employment as cooks, Sc,
&c, with provision for their eventual emancipa
ton as reward fer faithful service"
Now, it is not true that the President is opposed
to the employment Of slaves as armed soldiers
On the contrary, in the concluding sentence of his
message on the subject he says:
Ifthe recommendation abo, made for the training
of forty thousand negroes for the service indicated
shall meet your approval it is certain that this
limited number, by their preparatory training in
intermediate duties, would form more valuable re-
serve force in of urgency than three fold their
number suddenly called from field Of labor; while a
fresh levy could, to certain extent, supply their
places in the special service for which they
employed"
in the first place, in another part of his message
on this subject he asks for "a radical modfca-
tion of the present law relating to the employ
ment of slaves by the government; in the second
place. he calls for forty thousand slaves as pioneer
and engineer laborsrs; and in the third place, be
distinctly says that the forty thousand thus called
for, after being trained, "would form more valua-
bic reserve force in Of urgency than three fold
their number suddenly called iromNhe field OF labor
while fresh levy could to a certain extent supply
their places in the special service for which their
are now employed" What does that mean Why,
it means that the forty thousand pioneer and engin-
eer lahorerS are to be armed "in case of urgen-
cy," and their places supplied by fresh levies This
part of the message, it is true, is distinguished FOR
is ingenuity ard SlrCwGneSs, but nevertheless tic
President takes ground for the employment OF
slaves as soldiers. The polIcy is to Ge gradually
fastened on the country, as comcriptiOn was. The
subject is delicate and dangerous one, and it is,
therefore, handled with great caution in the mes.
sage
The Observer says the discussion of this question
is neither "politic useful" We say the same,
but who is responsible for it? Wt0 Nstdrte! this
.inceadiqry proposition? Who proposed that the
slaves should be armed, and then forced to fight
against their will, and then emancpated? Who,
by proposing to adopt Mr.. Lincon's policy of arm.
ing and freeing the slaves would trample on State
rights and ruin this country? Not Mr.. Stephens,
or Gov Brown, or Mr. BOyce or the Conservatives
Of North Carolina, but the peculiar champions OF
slavery and State rights, and the special katers OF
Lincoln and abcticnism We wash cur hands ol
it, We denounce it incendary proposition.
Let Congress adopt it, and it will say by its conduct
10 the whole world, that these States are already
suhugated, and that their rulers at Richmond have
destroyed their own cause ami with it the institution
of slavery by foolish desperate, wicked legislation.