Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1864-11-23

The Fayetteville Obseroer very strangely main.
tains its opposition to the employment of slaves as
soldiers after the President has taken ground
for the proposition in his message We shall see
how long the O6seroerwl maintain this opposition.
We predict that if the measure should be adopted,
no matter how dissstrously it may operate, the Ob
ssrper will makea cordial support oft the test ofoya
ty, and denounce as croakers and traitors all who
may demand its repeal, or who may even point to
the ruin it will cause.
But the O6seroer is already preparing for
change of position by misstatng the position of the
President on the subject. 1t says:
"The second point upon which we dissent from
the President is one which has already caused far
more discussion than has been either polite or use
full, and upon which debate has already begun in
Congress- We mean the employment of slaves as
armed soldiers. The President is opposed to this,
it is true, at present; and so far, we'll But he IA
vors the purchase of large number of them by
the government their employment as cooks, &c,
&C., with provision for their eventual emancpa-,
ton as reward for faithful service
Now, it is not true that the President is opposed
to the employment Of slaves as armed soldiers
On the contrary in the concluding sentence of his
message on the subject he says:
"Ifthe recommendation above made for the training
of forty thousand negroes for the service indicated,
shall meet your approval it is certain that even this
limited number by their preparatory training in
intermediate duties, would form more valuable re-
serve force in Of urgency than three fold their
number suddenly called from field oflabor; while
fresh levy could, to certain extent, supply their
places in the special service for which they are now
employed"
In the frst place. in another part of his message
on this subject, he asks for "a radical modifca-
ton" Of the present law relating to the employ
ment of slaves by the government; in the second
place., he calls for forty thousand slaves as pioneer
and engineer laborers and in the third place, he
distinctly says that the forty thousand thus called
for, after being trained, "weuld form valua-
BILE reserve force, in case urgency than threefod
their number suddenly called from theield Of labor
while fresh levy could, to certain extent, supply
their places in the special service for which their
are now employed" What does that mean? Why,
it means that the forty thousand pioneer and engn.
eer laborers are to be armed, 90 in case Of urgen-
cy, and their places supplied by fresh ieves This
part Of the message, it is true is distinguished for
its ingenuity and shrewdness, but nevertheless the
President takes ground for the employment of
slaves as soldiers. The policy is to be gradually
fastened on the country, as conscripton was. The
subject is delicate and dangerous one, and it is,
therefore, handled with great caution in the mes
sage
The Observer says the discussion of this question
is neithsr "politic or useful" We say the same,
but who is responsible for it? IVho started this
incendiary proposition' Who proposed tnat the
slaves should be armed, and then forced to fight
against their will and then emancipated? Who,
by proposing to adopt Mr. Lincolns policy of arm
ing and freeing the slaves, would trample or State
rights and ruin this country? Not Mr.. Stephens,
or Gov. Brown, or Mr.. Boyce, or the Conservatives
of North Carolina, but the peculiar champions of
slavery and State rights, and the special haters of
it. We denouneeit as an incendiary proposition.
Let Congress adopt it. and it will say by its conduct
to the whole world, that these States are already
subugated, and that their rulers at Richmond have
destroyed their own cause and with it the nstitHson
of slavery, by foolish desperate wicked legislation
The PULPIT AND THE PREss-The Charlotte Deaa-
ocrat has the following pointed and sensible re-
marks on the proposition to detail preachers and
editors:
alt would be far better to conscribe editors and
printers and put them in the army than to subject
the press of the country to be tra,nmeled by de-
tail it would be far better to conscribe ministers
Of the Gospel and put them in the army thaa to
detail preachers of religion. A detailed press and
q detailed Gospel would be a nice thing for free
government! Under such circumstances whenever
detailed editor undertook to approve and Sustain
the conduct of authorities, people would be JUS
tilted in supposing that he was seeking favor from
his masters. No independent honest editor would
feel free to call the people to sustain the author
ites {as nine tenths of the editors are now dong)
when he knew that he was doing so by virtue of o
detail from SAID authorities. The Constitution Of
the Confederate States recognizes the freedom of
the press and it ought to remain free or let it be
wiped out entirely. Ii the privileges and freedom
of thepress are abused, let the guilty bs exposed
and punished But;for freedoms sake never let US
have detailed Gospel or a detailed press in the
Confederate States, subject to the caprice of cor
rupt and drunken or honest and sober officials
AS individuals, editors and printers claim nc ex-
emptlon but as conductors of the press they claim
simply what the Constitution Misunderstanding
more nor nothing less.
We.can understand why some,few officials Of the
government, and others, who fear exposure from
the press, should want IL restricted but cannot
understand why an honest upright man like Pres
ident Davis should make such Recommendation.
These remarks are not prompted by q fear that
editors and printers will be put in army for we
have no doubt they would be detailed to remain at
home-but We object to placing the press under
the control of any one man or set of men. No ed
itor would feel Free as an editor, with detail in
his pocket. Therefore, we repeat, consoribe the
members of the press or leave them entirely free"
We agree with the President that should the al
tentative ever be presented Of subjugation OF the
employment Of the slave as a soldier, there seems
to be no reason to doubt what would then be our
declson.-K ilnaington Journal
In all candor it seems to US that the employment
of the slaves soldiers in any event, sooaIgd be
eon1ession Of suJugatim. The slave himself is