New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1864-04-29
LINCOLN TO IsG DGEs.

President Lincoln is not generally esteemed
man Of signal ability; yet he has no adviser
and (since JeiIer,on) has had no predecessor,
who surpassed him in that rare quality, the
ability TO make a statement which appeals at
once, and irresistibly, 10 the popular apprehen-
sion-what we may call the shrcwdly homely
way of putting things As we are known
not TO favor his denomination, We cannot be
blinded by partially in our judgment that
few men have ever lived who could have
better explained and commended his
course and attitude with regard 10
Slavery than he has done in his late
letter 10 Mr. Hodges of Kentucky. We con
ci,m but none but besOtted partisan can fail
10 see that both are honestly aud canddly yet
forth in the letter to Hodges, aud that whoever
shall hereafter charge he President with being
impcllnd by fanatica.a" ia bis official action
rr.pectng Slavery must sin against the clearcst
LIGHT. We DO not favor the drifting policy which
Mr. Lincoln has pufsued-wc are confident that
there is . higher and bettrT-buii il has some rec
concentrations: and among Them th.-thai 30
many are in precisely the same category with
the Presidcnt-having been fairly driven by
their patriotism into position Of active hostii-
itv To Slavery, III spite of thrir own wishes and
eiorts-hal they will accept lls letter Is a VIM
dication not less of their own course han Ofhs
and will Ike him the better for his admirable
statement Of convictions which they already
felt as deeply as he did, but could not so hap
PLY and iorcibly express. His paragraph be-
ginning al am naturally anti-Sloyery," is a
most tcr,c and convincing prcsrnlmcnt of what
are to-day the faith and feeling Of a majority of
the American People
What he says of the Constitution, the Gov
eminent and the Nation, is really the hest por
ton OF his letter. 1t will stand the Severcst
criticism Ever since the Constitution was
formed, those who struggled desperately to pre-
vent It's perfection and ratification have assumed
to be It's special guardians, interpreters and
champions. And, following this cue, the dark |
spirits who have for thirty years been plotting !
our National disruption and overthrow have
steadily boosted Of their fidelity to the ConStitu-
llOI. lul 10 Ndllbuhit y 'ot' tlH' III tup
last Congress; and John G.. Breckenridge, in
perfect sympathy and constant intercourse with
the manler traitors who were crimsOnng orr |
fields with patriot blood, kept dining in the
ears of the Senate, during the Summer session !
of I5GI his protestations of icaly to and regard
for the Constitution, which he very soon after |
ward drew his sword to subvert and overthrow. !
Mr.. Lincoln realizes, with every clcar.seeing !
patriot, that the Constitution ID precious
means to an nestimable end, which end is the /
life Of the Nation. If the President had indu- |
bitable proof that the Governor OF this State, |.
for example, were intriguing TO throw New
York into the arms of the Rebel Conlederacy, |
we have no doubt that it would be his eoHstitu-
tionai duty to prevent, by the readiest and most
certain means, that contamination, even though !
those means found no express warrant in the
letter Of the Constitution. Breckenridge
was eternally arragning the President for hay
ing arrested and isolated q few such traitors as
he was, who, like him, had committed no overt
act OF which proof was attainable; while the
Presidents real error was that Of not arresting
many more such and not holding them more
firmly. They who were struggling though by
extraordinary means, TO save the country
from ruin, were true TO the Constitution;
while those who were conspiring to-
disrupt and destroy the Union, were implacablc
foes of shat Constitution to which they rendered
so much hollow lip-reyercncc.
And now to that portion of the letter