The Burlington weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington [Iowa]) 1860-1876, 1864-08-27
BURLINGTON, SATURDAY AUGUST 27 1864

DURL1NGlUN, OAIl
element. 1t was only q means of bringing
other conflicting elements to an earlier cul-
mination. 1t fired the musket which was
already capped and loaded. There are es-
genital differences between the North and
south, that will, however this war may
END. make them two nations."
You ask me to say what / think. Will
you allow me to say that Iknow the South
pretty we'll, and never observed those diff.
ferences?'
'.Then you have not used your eyes. My
slgnt Is poorer than yours, but have seen
Them for years"
The laugh was upon me, and Mr.. Benja-
min enjoyed it.
"Well, Sir, be that as it may, If UNDER
stand youy the dispute between your gov
ernment and ours in narrowed down to this
Union or Disunion.'
Eyes; or, put it. in other words, Inde-
pendence or Subjhgation."
"Then the two governments are irrecon-
cilably apart They have no alternative
but to fight it out. But, it is not SO with
the people. They are tired of fighting and
want peace; and, as they bear all the bur-
den and suffering Of the war, is it not right
they should have peace. and have it on
such terms as they like?''
more explicit"
"Well. Suppose the two governments
should agree to something like this: To go
to the people with two propositions; say:
Peace, with Disunion and Southern Inde-
pendence, ~ your proposition; and: Peace,
with Union, Emancipation, No Confisca-
tion, and Universal Amnesty ours. Let
the citizens of all the United States (as they
existed before the wary vote Yes or No.
on these two propositions, at a special cleo
tion within sixty days. lf majority
vote Disunion, our government to be
bound by it, and to let you go in peace If
the majority vote Union, yours to be bound
by it, and to stay in peace, The two gov
ernments can contract in this way, and the
people, though constitutionally unable to
decide on peace or war, can elect which Of
rulers. Let Lee and Grant, meanwhile,
agree to an armistic. This would sheathe
the sword; and if once sheathed, it would
never again be drawn by this generation"
'The plan is altogether impracticable.-
II the South were only one State, it might
work; but, as it is, if one Southern State
objected to emancipation, 1t would nullffy
the whole thing, for you are aware the peo-
pie Of Virginia cannot vote slavery out Of
South Carolina, or the people of South Car
olina vote it out Of Virginia"
"But three-fourths of the States car
amend the Constitution. Let it be done in
that way-in any way, 30 that it be done
by the people. ! am not . statesman or q
politician, and I do not just know how
get the ldea-that the PEOPLE shall decide
the question"
''That the majority shall decide it you
mean. We seeded to rid ourselves of the
rule of the majority, and this would SUBJ
ject US to it again."
'.But the majority must rule finally,
either by bullets or ballots"
II am not so sure of that. Neither cur
rent events nor history shows that the ma
jority rules, or ever did rule. The contra
ry, I think, is true. Why, sir, the man
who shall 70 before the Southern people
with such proposition-with any propo-
sition which implied that the North was to
have voice in Determining, the domestic
relations of the South-could not live here
day! He would be hanged to the first
tree, without judge or Jury"
"Allow me to doubt that. think it more
likely he would be hanged if he let the
Southern people know the majority could
not rule" replied, smiling.
II have no fear Of that rejoined Mr..
Davis, also smiling most good humoredly.
81 give you leave to proclaim it from every
house-tOp in the Souih."
'.But, seriously, sir, you let the majority
in the whole country?"
ssBecause the States are independent and
sovereign. The country is not. 1t 10 only
. confederation of States, or rather it s0as;
it is now tco considerations"
''Then we are not people-we are only
. political partnership?"
'.That is all.'
"Your very name, sir, United States,'
implies that said Mr.. Benjamin. "But,
telf me, are the terms you have named
Emancipation, No Confiscation, and Uni
versal Amnesty-the terms which Mr.. Lin
coin authorized you to offer nsf'
mo, sir. Mr.. Lincoln did not authorize
me to offer you any terms. But / think
both he and the Northern people, for the
sake of peace, would assent to some such
conditions"
ssThey are very generous" replied Mr..
Davis, for the first time during the inter-
view showing some angry feeling. "But
Amnesty, sir, applies to criminals. We
have committed no crime. COnfiscatiOn is
of no account unless you enforce it; and
Emancipation You have already eman-
cipated nearly two millions of our slaves.
and if you take care of them, you may
emancipate the rest. / had few when
the war began. was of some use to them;
they never were of any to me. Against
their will you .emancipated' them; and
you may 'emancipate' every negro in the
Confederacy, but we will be free! Wewill
govern ourselves! We will do it, if we
have to see every plantation sacked, and
everv Southern city in fames!'
81 see, Mr.. Davis, it is useless to contin-
ne this conversation" replied; land you
will pardon US if we have seemed to press
our views with too much pertinacity. We
love the old flag; and that must be our
apology for intruding upon you ALL"
"You have not intruded upon me-" he
replied, resuming his usual manner. 81
am glad to have met you, both. once
loved the old flag as well as you do. I
would have died for it; but now it is to me
only the emblem of oppreesi0n.'
"I hope the day may never come, Mr..
Davis, when I say that said the Colonel.
A half hours conversation ON other to.
pics-not Of public interest-ensued, and
then we rose to 60. AS we did 80 the Rebel
President gave me his hand, and, bidding
me kindly goodbye" expressed the
hope Of seeing me again in Richmond in
happier timeetwhen peace should have
returned-but with the Colonel his parting
was particularly cordial. Taking his hand
in both Of his, he said to him:
"Colonel, respect your character and