Delaware State journal and statesman. [volume] (Wilmington, Del.) 1855-1870, 1864-01-08

a progress unexpected, OF an attack so bold
upon the policy which was lowering aud iuining
the United States, the friends of liberty would
not all have FASTENED to applaud, Was not this
the time to cheer and strenihen those VII, were
thus entering on the good path Was it not due
10 urge them on in their liberal tend, nciss So
mat, the hrtt step taken, they should take the
second step and go on to the endY Ought not
that which terrified and dismeyed the champions
OF slavery to rejoice the hearts OF it's adver-
sariesi
Your letter. gentlemen, puts in bold relief the
reasons which hindered Mr.. Lincoln from adopt
ing at the tutset an Abolition policy. The
President could disregard neither his oath Of
once nor the Federal Constitution he had also
10 Keep in mind the opposition which a plan of
emancipation would encounter in the loyal
States. The head of great Government cannot
act with the freedom Of II philosopher in his
siady In simple truth Mr.. Lincoln should not be
accused of tmidiiy nor indifference. Yourletter
recalls the measures of his Presidency. abolition
Of Slavery in the Capital and in the District Of
Columbia, the proclaiming Of freedom to fugitive
slaves, the principles Of compensated emaHcipa-
ton submitted to all tile loyal States, the death
penalty actually inflicted on Captains of slaSprs,
the treaty with England admitting the right Of
search, the establishment of diplomatic relations
with the black Republics Of Liberia and Hayti,
and armiug Of free negroes, AHd at last, when
the length and gravity Of the war sanctioned an
extreme exercise OF the powers of Commander
in Chief, the absolute aud final suppression OF
Slavery in all the resolted States
We, gentlemen, are Abolitonsts; and we de-
clare that we have never hoped nor wished for a
more steady, rapid, and resOute progress. We
have understood the difficulties which surround
ed Mr. Lincoln. We have houored his sctuples
of conscience with regard to the Constitution Of
his country which stopped his path. Wa have
admired the courageous good sense with which
he moved straight on. the instant he could 20 dc
without danger to his cause or violation OF the
Law.
Wonder is expressed that Slavery is abolished
IN The revolted States and yet preserved in thu
loyal States In other words There il wonder
that he who has sworn to obey the Constitution
should respectit Let no one take alarm at this
There Is no danger that the "domestio instiu-
ton" crushed in the Carolinas and Louisiaui
will long survive in Kentucky or Maryland
Already, as you have stated 10 us, solemn
proposition has been made to all the loya
States; already one of the most important, Mis-
souri, has set the example of acceptance. I,
be thus uneasy about the maintenance Of SLAYER
IN the North argues to our minds quite too muc
tenderness for the South. We look with sus
picion upon this pretended Aboitionism who's
|
. very day illumined in America by the diwn O
abolition. We frankly say we could never hav
torseen that the election of Mr.. Lincoln and III
several acts which we have Just enumer
ated would be an endless cause of complaint an
distrust and unworthy denunciation from 8
; many men who plume themselves in Europ
} upon their hatred OF Slavery.
And since to destroy the North in publ
! opinion 1t was not enough to accuse it of to
| much favor for Slavery, another grievance be
been found, The North oppressed the South
The struggle was of two natioualitiss I'll
| South had rised for independence.
A., Its independence there we're then subiet
provinces in the heart of the Union Doublle
y these provinces had no part in the goyernmel
/, OF the country, the South had not the san
rights as the NOVth Of course the South WI
S he'd in this state of nleriorty and snbiection
" numerous Federal garrisons? Not at all. A
the States enjoyed the same rights, took III
part in elections. If any section was favored
was the South, to which a further suffrage "
granted IN proportion to the number of
% slaves. If any advantage had been enjoyed
was by the South, which bad given the MAORI
. Of Presidents and chief officers Yet in this ir
Il country. country without an army, and who
q material means as well as laws were a sufficie
y harriet against oppression, in such count
II we ate told Of q province claiming indepe
u, dencp
" We nre of your opinion, gentlemen, that I'M
C. dependence and nationality are words to noble
IN he abused. In their abuse, things are compI
missed, and the more noble and sacred til,
things the more careful should we be not to co
found them with what is neither noble nor sacrt
III areyolt in the name of Slavery, fractional rev
r., which would destroy free CONSTITUTE
80, aud tear asunder a common country for fear /
there might be interference with the inter-
Mt slave traihc, the continued breeding in Virgin
the sale and separation Of families, and lest d.
~ chance some territories should be shut out il
the conquests of Slavery
In vain We seek in tue United States fol
IL, nationality striving to regain it's Independent
n Not only has independence been nowhere asst
ed, but there is absolutely no trace of u separ
's- nationality. Nowhere, perhaps, is there a III
ed thorough national homogeniety, North i
49, south the race is the same faith, language,
VIC tory, and, We boldly add, interests are all
I'm same. Al these States have Struggled tOgeth
ho suffered together triumphed together III
NJ gores their defeats, afe cummou. Their Constr
en- ZION sprung from the tIee cOLseut Of all !;
ia pledged themselves alike to remain faithful to
'N obligations
This pledge is no empty word with wh
caprice may idly sport. Among the invent
Of our epoch there is mons more extraordin
than the fi,At NJ secession Those who discov
ed it will no doubt teach us where it should 81
II each section has right OF secession from
Country as whole, why not each State ri
~ Of secession from such section? Why not e.
County right of secession from the Sta
Why not each town a right Of secession from
TX, County Why not each citizen right of sec
sion from the town.
,ou The trnth is that, but for Slavery, the SO
of would not talk OF its suppressed independeI
"a fVh QN
his brought the two sections to strife The
! a tnc'on of Slavery will restore Unity
all North and the South will some day wonder t
ls they could have failed to appreciate the n
of complete and homogeneous Of nalionaities,
last resort remains. That we here may
nal see the great struggle on the subject Of Slav,
as an attempt is made TO present the struggl,
es one Tor domination.
ihe But this latter struggle is the very life of
on, countries. 1t il not surprising that the NJ
rlv and the South each strove actively, energetic
zen y, noisily for the triumph of their candidate
policy. But when one Of them, losing the ba
bat Of the ballot, plunges without hesitation
ON another kina Of battle when it resists, arm
wn hand, the result OF regular election wher
sis tue very day that il ceases TO rule it tears
ain fragments the common country, it is guilty
by crime for which it is difficult to Imagine an
ia suse.
IL. II.
You will crush the revolt, gentlemen.
ne will succeed-such is our belief--in re.estab
nh ing the Union. 1t will emerge from the bio
I've trial stronger, more free, more worthy Of
NO noble destiny to which God summons it.
.e5 1t has been Demonstrated to US, il is true,
10 the re-enlistment Of the Union was impossil
sal but was it not also demonstrated 10 u.s. and by
ily REPUTABLE argument, that you would be always
cut " neSess'y ue'sa'eu 'ha' you would M
lid, would become mpracticabe; that your iinai