The Tipton advertiser. [volume] (Tipton, Cedar Co., Iowa) 1856-1962, 1864-01-21

it could be successfully terminated with.
ont direct attack upon the local insti
tuiions of the south. The Government
itself seems to have entertained the same
view, for remarkable tenderness c.at.
acterlzcd its dealings with traitors, and
the war was prosecuted during the first
year, with eminent succt ss, upon the
theory Of doing the rebellion as little
damage as possible. Bitter experience
and observation, however, finally con-
vinced me as it did others, that slavery
was not onl y the "corner stone of the
Confcderacy,' but was the po,ccr which
sustained, and the motive which impelled
the rebellion Every negro tha, worked
with hoe, or drove mule on a south.
ern plantation, was as much enlisted
against the Union, as the soldier who
served with his gun in the ranks of the
rebel army; and more effectively so be-
cause the grain upon which our enemy
subsis:s, renders him more formidable
than his shells or his bullets.
Slavery stood like a mountain before
the advance Of our armies, and could
neither be avoided nor deficd. 1t enabled
the insurgents to place their entire mill
TIA force in the field against US, and ad.
ded more than half their available
strength. While slavery existed, trea-
son had power and object, and SO long
would the rebellion continue and the
war be protracted
ut the commencement Of this rcbell-
len, the four millions Of slaves inhabitipg
the Southern States, were peaceful and
loyal subjects Of this Government; owing
allegiance to it, and amcnable to its laws.
And although they became the unwilling
instruments Of treason, yet their allegi.
ancc has not been and could not be dis
solved Upon This people, therefore, as
It's legitimate subjects, the Government
had AS high claims as it had upon the
white population of the south. BY State
laws only, they were hcll as slaves, but
this was in subordination to their status
as subjects; for, at any time the Govern
mcnt could have taken them from their
masters, and punished them like other
men, for violation of its laws, and the
fact that they were slaves would have
no defence. BY no act, 0, deed, has the
Federal Government ever rclnquishcd
its sovereign claim upon this class of its
people; and it could not have done SO,
with due regard to the peace and safety
Of the Union. No wise Government
would permit large and permanent pop
ulaton to reside within its limits, who
are beyond it's ultimate control. What
ever may be the character given them by
mere local regulations, cannot effect the
authority of the sovcrci On power over
them. These people are not only dcnom-
mated as persons by the Constitution,
but they have so been treated by the
Government, for all purposes, during its
entire history. In all these respects, at
least, the slaves were the equals of their
masters; they could perpetratc the sume
crimes, be tried therefor by the same
tribunals, incarcerated in the same pris-
ons, and hung upon the same scafTolds.
And while their masters commit afro
cious treason against the Government
which shelters all, have not these opprcs
sed subjects a ri ght to fight for it. and
shed their blood in dcfeusc of its Dag?
1t by the Offer Of freedom we conld
induce these bond subjects to leave their
rea>onabIe masters, and return to their
glhmatc sovereign, whom they have
never willingly offended. what -IincIlIe
OF law or right would be thereby contra
vencd! Has not any established Govern.
ment an abSout- right to exercise this
sovereign authority over its own subjects2
If 1t be alleged that this would be vio
lation Of our faith with the Southern
States, the conclusive answer is, that
they had aIrcady violated theirs with US
ty attempting to dissolve the Union
Ne could as rightfully do this as we
could induce the soldiers in rebel armies
to leave their ranks and return to their
aII"9ipncc by the offer of general pardon
And to deny that we can rightfully do
either, is to hold that the individual
claims Of traitors, the rights and local
regulations Of insurgent States, are para
mount to the sovereignty Of the General
The period at length arrived when, to
insure success to our arms and make the
overtime" or the rebellion speedy and
certain event, an eflectual blow at this
formidable element of rebel power was
lmperatively demanded Our authority
over the subject was broad and ample,
and the necessity for the step no longer
doubtful. Why hesitate to terminate
the war and save the Union by losing
slavery? 1t became obvious that amid
the throes of this mighty revolution, one
or the other must go down. The Union
aud slavery canno: both be saved from
the wreck, for the same power which res
cues the one must inevitably crush the
other. Which is the more valuable for
preservation? After all its manifold
crimes against liberty and humanity,
against God and His holy laws, what
claim has slavery upon this Government
49,. ]