Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-05-05

The reader will find in another part Of to-day's
paper copy of the letter which President LIN
COLIN has recently addressed to Colonel HoDaEs,
OF Ne lucky, in explanation and defence OF his
policy as regards the military abolition Of
slavery and the employment of negro troops.
Colonel HODGES, as our readers are aware, is the
editor and proprietor of the Frankfort (Ky) Com
monwealth, an Administration paper and this letter
has been written at his request, and in compliance
with suggestion that its publication would
remove much of the prejudice which was at
tempted to be created against the President in
kentucky"
As the Presidents letter to Mr.. GREELEY, in
the month of August, 1852, was written in reply
to attacks made upon him at the North because
of his alleged "deference to rebel slavery" so the
present letter is addressed to q Kentucky editor
In reply to certain attacks Of another kind, made
upon the President in that State and elsewh
because Of the different policy which he has
adopted since the date of his communication to
Mr.. GREELEY.
In the present exposition it will be seen that
the President afirms that he has I" done no Off
oial act in mere Difference to his abstract iudg-
ment and feeling OH slavery" He has been guided
solely by his view of the indispensable military
necessity under which he was called to act at diff
ferent epochs of the war. To this effect he says
felt that otherwise unconstitutional might
become BY becoming Indispensable the preservation
the Constitution Through the OF the nation
Right or wrong, l assumed this ground, and now ayow
IT, could not feel that to the best of my ability bad
even red to preserve Decentralization it, to slavery
or any minor matter should permit the wreck Of Gov
ernmeut, Country and Constitution altogether"
1t will be seen that in stating this proposition
the President confesses that before he issued the
proclamation Of September, 1862, he had been
trying to save slavery. And he further implies
that he did not give over this attempt until he
was brought to the conviction that he could save
the Union and the Government only by destroy
ing slavery. And it was not until he had reached
for him to take the step he did. We must further
assume that in thus taking a step which would
have been, he says, {" otherwise unconstitutional"
he supposed it would Ave "the Government.
Country, and Constitution from wreck altogether"
The "consttutionality" of military emancpa-
ton therefore became, in the mind Of the Presi-
dent, simply a question depending on the physical
aspects of our struggle with the insurgents As
long as it was probable we could succeed without
destroying slavery, military emancipation was
unconstitutional" when it became probable
that We could not succeed without destroying sa-
very, military emancipation was " constitutional"
Accordingly, the military abolition of slavery
opinion on the 22d of September, 1862, when he
issued his preliminary proclamation of emancpa-
ton. 1t became actually constitutional" on
the LIST of January, 1868, when he consummated
his policy under this head The gradations and
dates under which the measure passed from the
state of being unconstitutional into the state of
being constitutional are thus defined by the Presi.
dent
when, early in the war, Gen Fremont attempted mil
tary emancipation, forbade IT, because did then
think it an indispensable necessity When, little later
Gen oameron, then Secretary Of War, suggested the
armng Of the blacks, objrcted, because did yet
think it IN indispensable necessity When, still later,
Gen. Hunter attempted military emancipation again
babe it, because did yet Think the indi-peu sable ne
cessity hsd come When, March and May. and July,
1862 made earnest and successive appeals the rider
States TO favor compensated emanc patton believe the
Indispensable Necessity for military emancipation and arm
the blacks, would come, unless avered by that
sure hey declined the propositioni and was, my
best Judgment driven to the nte If either surre
dering the Union, and with 1t the Constitution OF lay
ing strong hand upon the colored element chose the
latter In choosing hoped for greater gain than loss;
but Of this l was not entirely confident"
As, according to the Presidents argument, mi
litary emancipation was constitutional only on
the condition Of being indispensable neces ssh
ty" TO save the Union, it seems to us that he
ought to have been confident of its success when
he resorted to it. This, he says, was not the case
And that it was not so we know from the state
'ment he made to deputation of clergymen from
Chicago, only q week before no issued his procla-
nation Of September %, 1862. At that date he
said:
what good would proclamation Of emancipation from
me do, especially as we st1ated1 do not want
to issue document that the whole world will see must
ssary be imperative like the Popes bull against the
comet Would my toord free the slaves, when / cannot
enforce the Constitution in the rebel States IL
there single court magistrate. individual would
be influenced by II there And what is there to
think it would have any greater effect upon the slaves
than the late law OF Congress, which approved and
which offers protection and freedom the slaves of rebel
masters who come within lines Yet cannot learn
that that law has caused single slave come
Now, then, tell If you please what possible result
OF good would follow the issuing OF such proclamation
you desire Understand raise objections against u
legal or constitutional grounds; for, commsndern
have right TO take any which may best subdue
the Nord do 4 urge oil n A. ma