Weekly national intelligencer., 1864-03-31
THURSDAY, MARCH 81, 1864.
A CALM REVIEW OF OUR SITUATION.

Which engage the abtentiou " al oJoo "n0 o@A'
there are perhaps but fcw who pause to con-
slider in all their relations the elements OF the
great strife which is now rending the nation. And
among those who assay calm and philosophical
anaysis of these elements there is wide diversity
of opinion both as to the nature and combination
of the agencies which have set this people at Var-
auce and as to the influences which can alone bring
reposo to the land.
The most fundamental point Of difference in this
regard arises in the matter of slavery considered as
tue Determining element in which the war orgl-
mated, as it is certainly that which has given to
the war the direction it has finally taken and the
complexion it has finally assumed. The bell'ge-
rent issue which was originally joined for the de-
fence Of political principle, embodied and the
attainment of political ends defined by the Consi-
tuition and The laws, has come to be complicated IN
the public mind with policies and theories OF SC clas
reform which look not so much to a restoration of
the Union as to reconstruction of society at the
South, or which look to restoration of the Union
only as the same shall be conditioned on the de-
structiou of slavery. In this way it has come to
pass that the war, which originally political in
its avowed objects, has assumed IN the eyes OF
MANY the character of of pure ideas, IN which
motives Of universal philanthropy and humanity
have taken the place of those definite obligations
which restrain as well as prompt the actions OF
men in the figure of civil society. Consderatiehs
OF constitutional law, heretofore held to mark and
define the limits Of political action as distinct from
the sphere of moral or social reform, have ceased
to be held Of binding force under the pressure of
revolutionary ideas, which contemplate not only
. defensive war against armed insurgents, but
asSaan aggressive war against the domestic insti-
tuton of slavery as it exists in the Loyal Slave
holding and in the Insurgent States For those
VIII, take this view of The war are not more de-
termined on the extinction of slavery in Arkansas
or louisiana than in Maryland or Kentucky, aud
their processes to this end in the former State
equally with the latter made part and parcel of
the military policy of the naton-the Presidents
scheme Of emancipation with compensation to loyal
owners having been postponed by bis political
friends for that which looks to the bloody extermi
nation of slavery in some States and its destruction
in others by the attrion of military force actipg
upon it directly, in Maryland, or more indirectly
as in Kentucky. The nen who espouse this theory
Of war are for the Union only on condition that
slavery shall be everywhere and Immediately
abolished.
10 the advocates Of this theory the .upholders
Of the Constitution and all "uacoaditi.aal Union
mea" arc in necessary opposition. This opposi.
tion does not necessarily grow at all out OF any
"love for slavery" though President Lincoln has
recorded his opinion that man may be for the
Union, but not without slavery, and yet be good
Union mana proposition which does not compors
with our idea of an unconditional friend of the
Union. h. we understand the matter, true friend
Of the Unioa conditions his support of the Constt
tuition, and Of the Government defined by the Con
stitution, on no policy which looks to either the
preservation or destruction of slavery as being
paramount to the political duties epoined by that
Constitution. A man may feryeDty desire the
estitpation Of slavery in every State OF the Union
and vet, precisely n proportion to his intelligent
apprs citation of this oesiderated end, may be his
invinciblc repugna1ce to the agencies now invoked
for its forcible determination Such man may
see, or think that he secs, in policy like this, the
inversion of fundamental ideas belonging to the
whole theory of civil government and moral reform
Non tall auriho is the reply with which the con
scentious philanthropist equally with the enlight
oned statesman may repel the alliance of the sword
when offersd to be welded in the cause of social
sufelioration and moral progress. The magistrste
DIS not bear the sword in vain or wrongfully
wherever it Is drawn in defence of political rights
defined by the Constitution of the State, but when
he carries this sword into the domain of social and
Ia raj ideas he is ntruaing province who're his
carna weapons arc as powcress for good as the dart
of Pram Tie civil government, as being ordained
of God, has right to be and TO maintain its being
gagapst all who resist its lawful authority, but il
n is not to be crowned with honor In the mainte
auce cf its rights unless it strive for them law
fully, respecting the limits which define its JUS
prerogatives and infringing Of the sanctions
wiichle outside Of its realm. Itmay not transgres'
these limits under Nho guiso of subscribing the in
tel ests Of frlgion philanthropy Of abstract ant
eternal right, for these are pure ideas which d.
not incarnate themselves in the civil forms Of th
State except as they arc bcgottcn by spiritual in
|, aucnces pcrmeatpg the tainds of men and mould
ing them into conformity with the pattern Of thing
heavenly. The ideas which make the glory Of on