Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1864-08-31

BY self-government you mean disunion,
/ Southern independence p
Yes
And slavery, you say. is no longer an ell
ement in the contest
No, it Is not. 1t never was an essen
tial clement 1t was only a means of bring
ing other conflicting elements TO an earlier
elimination 1t fired the musket which
was already capped and loaded There are
essential differences between the North and
| the South, that will, however this war may
end, make them two nations.
y GU ask me to say what / thiI k Will
you allow me TO say that | know the South
very well, and never observed these differ
enceS.
Then you have not used your eyes. My
sight is poorer than yours, but have seen
them for years
The laugh was upon me, and Mr. Benja
min enjoyed it.
We'll. sir, be that as it may, if under
stand YOU, the dispute between your gov
ernmeut and ours Is narrowed down to this
Union or Disunion.
~ eS; or, to put it In other words indie
peudeHce or Subjugation.
hen the two governments are rrecon-
cilably apart They have no alternative but
to fight II out. But 1t Is nJ 80 with the
people They arc tired Of fighting and
want peace and, as they bear all the bur
then and suffering Of the war, Is ii not right
they should have peace, and have it on such
terms as they like
Il don understand you be little more
explicit
''WelI. Suppose the two governments
should agree to something like this: To go
to the people with two propositions, say
Peace. with DisuniOn and Southern indie
pendence, as your proposition; and Peace,
with Union. Emancipation, No CoDtisca
ton. and universal amnesty as ours. Let
the citizens of all the United States las
they existed before the war; vote Yes, or
No, on these two propositions, at a spe
cial election within sixty days. If a major
ity vote Disunion, our government TO be
bound by 1t, and let you 90 IN peace. Ii a
majority vote Union, yours to be bound by
1t, and to stay In peace. The two govern
ments can contract III this way, and the peo
pic, though coalstitutionally unable to decide
on peace or war, can elect which of any two
propositions shall govern their rulers. Let
Lee and Grant meanwhile, agree to an ar
mistice This would sheathe the sword
and. If once sheathed. 1t would never again
be drawn by this generation.
The plan is altogether impracticabIe Ii
the South were only one State, it might
work but, as it is, if one Southern State
objected 10 emancipation. it would nullity
the whole thing, for you are aware the peo
pie OF Virginia cannot vote Slavery cut OF
South Carolina, or the people of South Car
olina vote it out of Virginia.
But three fourths OF the States can a
mend the Constitution. Let it be done in
that ygay-in any way, so that 1t be done by
the people. | am not a statesman or a pol
itician, and do not just know how such
plan could be carried out; but you get the
idea-that the PEOPLE shall decide the
question.
THAT the n,qjority shall decide ii you
mean. We seeded to rid ourselves of the
rule of the majority, and this would sub
ject Us to it again.
But the majority must rule finally, Ell
ther with bullets or ballots. .
L ain not SO sure of that. Neither cur
rent events nor history shows that the ma
jority rules, or ever did rule. The contrary,
| think, is true Why, sir, the man who
shall go before the Southern people with
such a proDosition-with any proposition
which implied that the North was 10 have
a voice in determining the domestic relations
of the South-could hot live here a day
He would be hanged TO the first tree, with
out judge or jury.
ALLOW ne to doubt that. ] think it more
likely he would be hanged if he let the
Southern people know the majority could
not rule replied, smiling.
II have no fear of that, reioined Mr..
Davis. also smiling most good humoredly.
II give You leave to proclaim it from every
house-top in the South.
But, seriously, sir, you let the majority
rule in a single State why not let it rule in
the whole country
Because the States are Independent and
sovereign. The country IS not. 1t is only
Confederation Of States; or rather tcdS
it is now ttoo considerations.
''Then we are not people-we are only
political partnership
That is all.
Your very name, sir, United .Stotes,
implies that" said Mr.. Benjamin. But,
tell me. are the terms you have named-E-
Emancipation. No Confiscation, and Unlyer-
sal Amnesty-the terms which Mr. Lincoln
authorized you to offer US
mo, sir Mr. Lincoln did not authorize
me to offer you any such terms But think
both he and the Northern people, for the
sake of peace. would assent to some such
conditions
They are Ueyy generous, replied Mr.
Davis. for the first time during the inter-
view showing some angry feeling. But
amnesty. sir, applies to criminals. We
have committed no crime. Confiscation is
of no account unless ycu can enforce 1t
and emancipation You have already eman-
cipated nearly two millions of our slaves,
and If you take care of them you may e.
mancipate the rest [ had few when the
war began I was of some use TO them
they never were of any to me, Against
their viii you emancipated them; and you
may emancipate every negro in the Confed-
eracy, but we viii be free We viii govern