Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-01-06


roads or f1r other similar public works, l. scarce.
" noticed In the ncighborhood Of cities, u !
the greater part Of the real estate near 10 such \
public works l. In the hands OF few persons,
this inequality !, more evident and Ia cities u
/. so manifest that the personal service system
Il not resorted to. This system y not an equal !
one because useful public expenditure common. 4
" benefit the wealthy moro than the poor AMI
n n nation was composed 81 poor men only, thc I
exnen... of h. government would necessarily h. I
light and besides this. poor men have not the
same ability 10 bear burdens lor the public benefit
f,shether the tax l. one Of time aud labor or 81
money. , that rich mon have. To taS poor
man a. many days labor a. rich man Is taxed
y aa unequal 20 taS both the same amount of
money, The principle upon which this system
IA bascd. Is that Of placing bufdens Of the same
weight, for the public benefit, upon every mal,
without any regard b. the amount Of his prop
erty. The assumed obligation of every allie
bodicsl man. rich poor, either 90 serve IN the
ranks ~ the army for certain time or n fur
nish n substitute bears unequally more on the
two classes than the burdens just referred 90.
The rich will nearly always procure substitutes
for prices which poor men afe unable 10 pay. hui
which arc often mere trihes 10 tho wealthy
while the poor are forced into the ranks without
any opportunity Of escaping. The poorer class,
e. may oftcn feel that the system y nn unequal
one, without observing wherein tie inequality
consists. IL consists IN requiring them To bear
burdens n great n are imposed ON rich men,
and In Offering rs an alternative m opportunity
of escaping from personal service which only
rich men can avail themselves Of.
In order that this inequality may be more
manifest We may transpose thu substitute law.
without changing it. provisions, SO that u viii
real thus, land this Is in fact IT, correct read
ing,l--evcry ablebodied man that i drafted
xbotla hn l. tF be
an indefinite amount, equal to the market price
Of substitutes AT the time Of the draft hut IL
nny one i 50 poor that be cannot pay this tax,
he shall be forced into the ranks of the army for
three years. In comparing the burdens placed
on each class, the fairest method Is 10 take that
kind Of burden which l. commonly chosen by
those who have money enough To permit them
20 choose, the price Of The substitute. The same
amount Of tax the price Of the substitute. i inn
posed on the poor that is imposed on the rich
and as the poor man cannot pay il, he l. com
PEELED 10 work il out. IL j. true that this money
Is not paid directly into the treasury, but the
law makes II the equivalent Of the personal SER
vice tax and therefore il Is In effect tax levied
by the Government. To an intelligent freeman,
however. scarcely anything can really be the
equivalent Of involuntary servitude.
II the same principle was applied to the inn
provement of streets and the construction OF
other public works in large cities, it, inequality
would be manifest to every one NJ Glance
Suppose that every ablc-bodied man in such
ciiies, whether owning n million dollars worth
Of property, or living IN q rented howell, was
compelled TO work tie same number OF days or
To- hire some one else TO work that number OF days
for him. 1t might be pretended thai the law
was equal because the same burden was placed
on every man but this i precisely what makes
il unequal, for the poor man has not the same
ability that the rich one has, to pay taxes.
whether in money in labor. The proper
method is 10 tax all III proportion TO their
wealth and then with the proceeds to hire men to
do the work for whatever their services worth:
and this l. the proper plan also for raising
armies. Ii may be objected that dTnfted
men have already been offered the same pay as
volunteers but the amount of wages for which
one i willing to serve does not determine the
value of the services of another and there can be
no hiring where the service is compulsory
AMI the bargain is all made by one party.
Men in a state of slavery receive certain
allowance at the pleasure of the master, but they
cannot he said to be hired.
1t may be pretended too that even in just
wars, troops cannot always bo raised without
CONSUMPTION. Whether they can or not, the
principle of cnslaving both the consciences and
persons of men by attempting to compel them to
take human life in wars which their consciences
do not approve of, is wrong and should never
he adopted. But IL in Just war, such wages
were offered as would be an inducement To men
in moderate circumstances to enlist is there any
reason TO believe that the volunteer system
would ever be inadequate Suppose however
that after the enlistment of those who were will
ir4- 10 accept lower wages the pay offered in the
military service was found TO be less than those
who remained at home could earn in other en-
ploymen,s this presupposes that men are will
ing 10 serve the public for less than their services
are worth nor would it be strange Il they were
then slow in volunteering. But if society is ben
Gifted. those who procure The benefit should not
be made losers. above Others, for the public good
its cost should be equitab!y distributed among
all the tax payers.
What then i to be done say the wealthy and
influential classes who are in power. We will
not 30 into the ranks: We viii not consent that
these poorer men shall be paid as much their
services are worth az home; and if We permit such
an increase of wages the same increase must be
made in the paw ~ the whole army. We will
compel them t. 90 by draft, for they will har'l
ly be able To pay the market price of substitutes
but to present some appearance of fairness, our
names also shall I've enrolled. We will first
gamble tn upon whom the burden shall fall
instead Of dividing il proportionately among all
the tax PAYERS and then after catching ia tie
net large numbers of men who cannot e,
cape because thev have not the money 10
hire substitutes: those among the wealthy
who losers by the game, can avoid personal
service in the ranks Nv employing substitutes
II any one shall attempt TO influence public opin
+, ion, have the consumption law repealed, by
! showing its inequality, we can have him arrest
. cd. if necessary. for alleged diSloyalty
These remarks not intended TO apply q
: all the wealthy. for all of them do not approve
of the destruction of liberty of conscience and O.
! the independence of freemen BY conscription acts
: such As that now in force.
If il is said that patriotism should induce mer
70 serve willingly in the ranks for less than then
= services arc worth at home. il may be asked. =
do the weather. classes manifest that patriotism
themselves If they did, in any just war draft
ing could not be necessary. To the wealthy, the
substitute law assumes the form OF pecunary
tax and to deal fairly. poor men should also bt
allowed the option Of a pecuniary equivalent fol
personal service so proportional TO the amount
of their property that il will be possible for them
10 pay it. If they arc not the law Furnishes mer
for being poor.
A fair and effectual plan for raising volunteer:
in a Just war. land only such should be waged,
would be this;-that those who are well Off Is Z,
property should consent that the wages Offered
TO volunteers should be fixed al Us high rate a.
they possibly afford 10 pay; and if that fails
and the wealthy find il more economical, they
can voluntarily go into the ranks themselves
But If thew viii make no such sacrifice of pri
ya,e interests for the public good, they should moi
seek to force Others to do
The usual argument for military conscriptions