Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1862-1865, 1864-02-02

Frecn mi stmsnt Act and in that case it ought not
70 encourage in its own prac at which It denounces
in the Coniederates The United States cannot ask tne
| British government to act partially and unfairly.
Thousands of British subjects are to be found hgntIg
In the ranks of the Federa the invitation oil tns
United States authorities, il Is no breach Of neutrality
that some hundreds should be found Ia tne snPs anu
armies of the Confederaes, upon similar invitation
| on their part
Mr. Seward protests against thu building OF Confede-
rate sbios in tish vaerl and on this subject writes
Minister Adams September g., 1863:
"sr Your despatch Of Augu 20 has been submit
ted n the President have bestowed the
mns upon your suggestion IN
cering the importance of avoiding collisions WITH dreat
BItain Your observations c)nceInipg the lmpona1cc
of more effective measures Tor arrestlng tne
tons of the pratical vessels seem SO sagacious lnAt
have recommended them for the earnest consideration
kof the Secretary of the Navy.
"At The same time you Wilexcuse me for stating sac
]. difficulties of enduring, without resort TO extreme
measures ofresistance, the new invasion winch Is
red from the pors of Great Bitain The navy under
stand that although the capacit OF the department.
have been taxed to the uerm1st for defensive prepa
ratons and m insinng the blockade, they neither nave
now, nor can seasonably have vessels that can
spared from the sifge OF Charleston adequate 10 ress
the formidable rams which, virtually with the consent
of the British Parliament, within few weeks 10
come firth against us from LAirds' shipyard.
TIE new vessels, which the Lairt are preparing
II m
Nav York or il they prefer must attempt to break the
blockade at Charleston to ascend the Mississippi TO
New OdeAus Gan the British GovernmenVeuppose tor
moment that such assault as is thus medated, can
be made upon by British built armed ana manned
vessels without at once aro1Sng the whole nation and
making retaliatory war ineVitablei Whatever VisW
NAV be taken of the fortunes OF TIA instruction IN
Europe t is deemed clear that the factous spirit Which
gave 1t birth is rapidly declining, and ihe sentiment OF
nationality is developil Itself anew Win an eeergy
never before known.
"Tbe nation, after two years Of experience Of war;
has overcome the Of fear, while lie temper IS
higty excited. IL believes thai though found uDp7e-
paIed there are limits to its ultimate ability for SELF
defence It has press and Congress as free and a.
hold .s the press and the Parliament of Great Britain
You have only to listen the political debates In any
mart Of the country learn that the United States would
accept an unprovoked foreign war now with more unan-
imity and cheSrfulness than at any former period.
al write this wi all the earnesines II conviction,
a,d With all the concern which must feel who be-
eyes that any foreign must be only inferior in the
danger it brings the domestic war when 60 many,
differing from me- have thought endangered the very
existence of my country. thu. itish states
men nnst know that war between their country and
the United States is unnecessary, and hatt could bring
No retu6ng benefits 10 Great Britain. For the interest
of both countries and of civilization hope there Will
not blow fall from under their hands that Will render
peace impossible.
Lord Russell in letter to Minister Adams, Sept. IL
1868, says:
at bas been the aim of the Government to maintain
ct neutrality between the parties who for two years
have carried on civil of unusual extent and less Gf
life on the continent of North America. Her Majesty
Government have for the most part, succeeded In this
mpafal course If they have been unable TO prevent
some violations Of neutrality tbs part OF the Queens
subjects the cause has been that Great Britain is
country which governed by definite laws and Is not
| sphisct 10 a. brlry will. But law, as you are well
aware ia enforced here in the United States, by in
dependent courts OF justice, which will not admit asser
TON for prosf nor cor ecure for certainty have to
add that instructions have been issued 10 prevent the
departure of The ironclAds in question from Liverpool
mill satisfactory evidence can be given as TO their des-
tinotiop or at all events until the inquiries which are
nov being prose cuted with view to obtain such EVIL
| dence shall have been brought to conclusion"
| NJ Adams, in the course Of long reply, says:
The history Of the past two years has proved, be-
vond the possibility of denial that the insurgents have
ead " and persisenty been engaged In tram crossing
the Limit above laid down. They have built ships in the
ports of this kingdom with the intent to make war on
the United States they have equipped ana armed those
obps with the aid Of British subjects they have man
red tbcs, ships by the enlistment of British subjects,
and without eV,r entering any nsuTgent harbors they
have sailed on the high seas, committing depredaonP
on the property of the people OF the United Ssates I'M
der n otection.of tue British hIg Ii advance OF this
ss,as of proceeoings have been steadily engaged in
making representations OF the danger OF the same TO
vour 9rdshp the correctness OF which has teen almost
uniformly verified by the result"
TRAxcE-REouGSITIOS OF 1HR coSTEDHEAoY.
Minister Dayton writing to Mr.. Seward about bis il
teryieM with Drouyn de LHuys in reference to the re-
mort that the Emperor wished acknowledge the South
and was held back by England only and the reported
statement of Blron eros that the Emperor would act
alone if England would net act with him, says:
"Tbe answer OF N. Drouyn de LHuys was in sub
as follows he said that the Emperor had at no
time made any proposition to EugAnd 10 acknowledge
| the South. That when Aessrs. Roebuck and Lindsay
| cana over theY pressed him hard 70 do 50!
| They said England WAS ready to acknowledge the
South and would do so il it no! believed that
France would refuse 10 foOw. That if he would but
say the word their proposition iof acknowledgment
then pending ia the House OF Commonsl would pass
| A. opep He answered that he had given England no
cause TO believe he would net oct with hor that the
only d. opostion to any ion IN cur affairs had been
| made by him to England, and eject by her. They
then ure that he should make the proposition fer &C
kno 9ment TO England, which he declined to do
Tbey n e asked ii they might communicate biz views.
He answered to this merely that h views on the sub
ieot were no secret but N. Douyn de PHuys says be
never dreamed of their attempting to use them, as ey
| Afterwards did, in the House of commons.
He furthermore ;od them that he would net act alone
unon apy important matters either on the Continent or
| Amercs and more especially would he not act alone IN
/ our affairs.
would scarcely permit me " nai'n .nS 'SA'enous VI
what Trey were. He began shaking bis head as went
on and at the close promptly said, Baron Gtos never
made such remarks He bad never said anything OF the
Kind official or unofficial public private, as know
ing the views of the Baron the question. He dis
claimed the sentiment for him in the most positive and
explicit manner.
eror in reereroe to the South he said he had more;
he waited on events This you may remember long
since apprized YOU was in my Judgment what be was
doing but confess begin TO far thai, unless events
mended he might think that he had waited about long
| enough After some other remarks a questions by
NJ Drouyn de EHuys to recent successes 1.-THE i'm
portance of which, especially that at Vcksburg, lie
seemed fully to appreciate) conversation closed"
/ IL annaara from the documents that u. Dr0uyn de