Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1864-10-19
The Negro Problem.

Since the commencement of the war II
has been mooted question whether or not,
in the last extremity, the rebels of tile South
would arm their slaves to fight against the
North. Events are rapidly tending to a
practical solution of the problem, and there
is now little doubt that, should LINCOLN be
reelected, and all hopes Of compromise
or peace disappear, the million Of negroes
in the South will be armed, officered by
their masters, and induced to fight by the
promise of their freedom and grants Of
homesteads in the South. Freedom in the
South will be a practical benefit in the eyes
of the negroes, who know full well that
freedom in the North means nothing but
degradation, starvation and neglect. There
is reason to fear that under such promises,
and under the training of their masters,
they would prove more formidable than
the negro regiments now fighting under
our officers. The Cincinnati Commercial, in
discussing the question, from the Abolition
standpoint says:
"They certainly do not intend to give up
until they are thoroughly whipped. The
indications are that they intend to fall back
upon their black reserves. That they can
put every able-bodied negro within their
military lines in the army, If they elect to
do so, there Is no question. They can be
impressed as easily as horses or grain. How
efficient they would be, fighting for their
masters, is problem that the trial by bat
tie only can determine. That some of them
have more regard tor their master than for
their Northern enemies, the history of the
race would lead us to expect"
This is admittinga good deal when we re-
member that this same Commercial, three
years ago, Joined in the Abolition cry that
the South would not dare TO engage in war
because of fears of slave instructions. But
again the same paper says:
"Aside from the military aspect of the
case, the arming of the negroes by the reb-
els is their liberation also. They must be
freed before they will fight. They will be
practically free when they are armed and
Taught the use of arms. A military order
from the Richmond War Office, putting the
abe-bodied blacks In camps Of instruction,
and providing them with the accoutrements
of soldiers, will be q proclamation Of free
dom immensely more effective than that is
sued by President Lincoln. 1t would not
be a document giving freedom where we
were incapable of enforcing 1t, and permit
ting slavery where we had the force to ex-
tinguish it; but it will go right to the spot
"Aside from the military aspect of the
case" it would be interesting to know what
effect such a proceeding would have upon
the war and the Abolition party and Ad-
ministration. LINCOLN has in effect de-
clared that the object OF the prosecution Of
the war is to compel the Southerners to
free their slaves. The New England Abo-
litionists certainly regard that as the only
legitimate effect of the war. If the slaves
were freed, would the radicals insist upon
the prosecution of the war? or would they
insist upon the immediate cessation Of hos
tilitiesp The South, after making such sac
rifices, would insist on independence, and
with the negro freed, would not New En-
gland be prepared to grant It? Most as
surcdIy she would; and LINooLN's Admin
istration would be committed to the same
thing. LINCOLN would be compelled to
abandon the war, acknowledge the indie
pendence of the South, or rely upon the
Democratic party sor support in prosecu.
ting the war for the Union only. Weshoult
like TO have the candid views Of our Aboli-
ton cotemporaries upon this subject.
II cannot be denied that, when pushed Il
the last extremity, the South gains her In
dependence by sacrificing slavery. We be