Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-01-11
Forlthe Daily State Sentinel.
Tne inequality OF COnscrfptfOn.

roads or Tor Othef similar PUBIC W0rksy Is scaIcc
" noticed. In the neighborhood of cities, if
the greater part of the real estate near to such
public works isfin the hands Of few persons,
this inequality IS more evident and in cities it
is so manifest tat the personal service system
is not resorted to- This system is not an equal
one because useful public expenditures common
ly benefit the wealthy more than the poor :. and
if a nation was composed of poor men only, the
expenses of its government would necessarily be
light: and besides this, poor men have not the
same ability to bear burdens for the public benefit,
whether. the tax is one of time and labor or of
money, that rich men have. To tax poor
man as many days labor as rich man is taxed
is as unequal as to tax both the same amount OF
money. The principle upon which this system
is based, is that Of placing burdens of the same
weight, for the public benefit, upon every man,
without any regard to the amount of his prop
erty.s The assumed obligation of every able
bodied man, rich or poor, either to serve in the
ranks of the army for a certain time or. to fur
nish substitute, bears unequally more on the
two classes than the burdens just referred to.
The rich viii nearly always procure substitutes
for prices which poor men are unable to pay, but
which are often mere tri1es TO the wealthy
while the poor are forced into the ranks without
any opportunity of escaping. The poorer class
es may often feel that the system is an unequal
one, without observing wherein the inequality
consists. 1t consists in requiring them to bear
burdens as great are imposed on rich men,
and in offering as an alternative an opportunity
Of escaping from personal service which only
rich men can avail themselves of. rs-
In order that this inequality may be more
manifest, we may transpose the substitute law,
without changing its provisions, so that it win
read thus, land this is in fact its correct read
ing, )--every able-bodied man that is drafted,
whether he is wealthy or poor, shall be taxed
an indefinite amount, equal to the market price
of substitutes &c the time of the draft; but if
any one is so poor that he cannot pay this tax,
he shall be forced into the ranks of the army for
three years. In comparing the burdens placed
ON each class, the fairest method is to take that
kind of burden which is commonly chosen BY
those who have money enough to permit them
to choose,-the price of the substitute The same
amolntof tax,-the price of the substitute, Is i'm
posed on the poor that is imposed on the rich :
and as the poor man cannot pay it, he is COM
PEELED to work it out. 1t is true that this money
is not paid directly into the treasury, but the
law makes it the equivalent of the personal ser
vice tax and therefore it is in effect tax levied
by the Government. To an intelligent freeman
however, scarcely anything can really be the
equivalent of involuntary servitude.
| If the same principle was applied to the i'm
provcment of streets and the construction of
other public works in large cities, its inequality
would be manifest to every one at a glance.
Suppose that every able-bOdied man in such
cities, whether owning million dollars worth
Of property, or living in a rented hovel, was
compelled to work the same number of days or
to hire some one else TO work that number of DAYS
| for him. II might be pretended that the law
vas equal because the same burden was placed
on every man but this is precisely what makes
It unequal, for the poor man has not the same
ability that the rich one has, to pay taxes,
whether in money or in labor. The proper
method is to tax all in proportion to their
wealth, and then with the proceeds to hire men to
do the work for whatever their services worth:
and this is the proper plan also for raising
armies. 1t may be objected that drafted
men have already been offered the same pay as
volunteers but the amount of wages for which
one man Is willing to serve does not determine the
value of the services of another; and there can be
no hiring where the service is compulsory
and the bargain is all made by ono party.
Men in state of slavery receive certain
allowance at the pleasure of the MASTER but they
cannot be said to be hired.
1t may be pretended too that even in just
wars, troops cannot always be raised without
CONSUMPTION. Whether they can or not, the
principle of enslaving both the consciences and
persons of men by attempting to compel them to
take human life in wars which their consciences
do not approve of, is wrong, and should never
be adopted. But If in a just war, such wages
were offered as would be an inducement to men
in moderate circumstances to enlist is there any
reason to believe that the volunteer system
would ever be inadequate Suppose however
that after the enlistment of those who were will
ing to accept lower wages, the pay offered in the
military service was found to be less than those
who remained at home could earn in other en-
ploymenis this presupposes that men are will
ing to serve the public for less than their services
are worth nor would it be strange if they were
then slow in volunteering. But if society is ben
Gifted. those who procure the benefit should not
be made losers above Others, for the public good:
its cost should be equitably distributed among
all the tax payers.
What then is to be done say the wealthy and
influential classes who are in power. We will
not go into the ranks: we will not consent that
these poorer men shall be paid as much as their
services are worth at home; and if we permit such
an increase of wages, the same increase must be
made in the pay of the whole army. We will
compel them to go by draft for they will hard
ly be able to pay the market price of substitutes:
but to present some appearance of fairness, our
names also shall be enrolled. We will first
gamble to see upon whom the burden shall fall,
instead of dividing it proportionately among all
the tax payers and then after catching in the
net large numbers of men who cannot es-
]
hire substitutes; those among the wealthy
who are losers by the game, can avoid personal
service in the ranks by employing substitutes.
If any one shall attempt to influence public opn-
ion, to have the CONSUMPTION law repealed, by
showing its inequality, we-can have him arrest
cd, if necessary, for alleged disloyalty.
These remarks are not intended TO apply to
all the wealthy, for all of them do not approve
of the destruction of liberty of conscience and of
a. h.
such as that now in force.
If it is said that patriotism should induce men
to willingly in the ranks, for less than their
services are worth at home, j may be Asked
do the wealthier classes manifest that patriotism
themselves If they did, i'm any Just war draft
ing could not be necessary. To the wealthy, the
substitute law assumes the form Of pecuniary
tax and to deal fairly, poor men should also be
allowed the option of pecuniary equivalent for
personal service so proportional to the amount
of their property that il will be possible for them
to pay it. If they arc not, the law Furnishes men
for being poor.
A fair and effectual plan for raising volunteers
in just war, land only such should be waged,)
would be this;-that those who are well off, as TO
property, should consent that the wages offered
to volunteers should be fixed at as high rate as
they possibly afford to pay; and if that fails,
and the wealthy find it more economical, they
can voluntarily go into the ranks themselves.
But if they viii make no such sacrifice of pri-
vate interests for the public good they should not
seek to force others to do so.
The usual argumsn t for military conscriptions
is, that a draft appears to be necessary. But the
only reason upon which such a supposed neces-
sity could be based, generally escapes observa-
ton. Is it that the poorer classes fail to volun
tccr in proportion to their numbers No; only
that the classes who are better off have thus fail
ed. On account of this it viii be said that