Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-02-01
(From the New York Verdi
A Republican Publicist ON the resi- .
dents Proclamation.


only the mems by which this opinion Is made
efficient. the agencies by which public opinion
is formed and enlightened are not less worthy of
attention than the measures and policy of the
government ITSELF We therefore offer no apollo
gy for giving prominence to the opinions of an
individual writer when they supported by
skill OF statement and force of logic which f.
them to make powerful impression on the pub
lie mind
DIR. Orestes A. Brownson, the eminent aud
learned, but somewhat erratc, Catholic publicist,
announces in the January number of his Qarterly
Review that he will not hereafter discuss theo-
logical questions in its pages, which will be de
voted TO philosophy. science, politics, literature,
and the interests OF civilization especially Amer
ican civilization We take pleasure in com
mending his Review to our readers as worthy of
their attention-not as guide of opinion. but
provocative of thought. DR.. Brownson, though
a Republican and a partisan. has mind too
teemng and vigorous to be the servilc echo of
any party or administration, and. like all inde
pendent thinkers, he strikes out views worth con-
sideration even when he is in the wrong.
In the January number of the review there is
a bold discussion OF the Presidents message and
proclamation of amnesty, which so riddles the
scheme of reconstruction therein presented that
there is little left of it but logical shot holes.
Dr. Brownson is an advocate of Senator Sum
ner's State suicide theory, and has in this same
number long article on the Federal Consttu
ton, in which he wanders through maze of
political metaphysics to find authority for that
doctrine We do not choose to follow him into
this labyrinth, but thought it necessary to state
his position in order to show that he looks upon
the subject of reconstruction from Republican
point OF view. His article the message is
valuable demon strating the esregous absurd
tv OF the Presidents scheme. on the suppostion
that the seeded States are still in the Union He,
indeed equtlly demonstrates its absurdity on
more general grounds; bnt IN the piit of the
gument Just alluded to. he shuts up the President
and his supporters in a corner from which there
is NJ escape without accepting the State suicide
doctrine. fhis is a valuable service, it re
duces the abolition controversy to single point,
and makes t turn on the truth, of the new cr0chet
of which Mr.. Sumner is the inventor and sole
plfentee. DR.. Brownson's positions cannot be so
well stated as in his own language, and no reader
will regret that so large portion of what follows
is in quotation marks.
DIR. Brownson is, on the whole, rather an ad
mirer of Mr. Lincon's character, or at least he
credits him with large share of ability and
good nten ions AS most of his Republican
friends would claim for him. But he regards
the Presidents plan as all the more dangerous
from the strong hold he has on the respect of his
party. 1--WE honestly believe the plan unconsti-
tutonal and fraught with hardly less danger to
belion itself. aud all the more dangerous because
it is not unlikely to enlist in its support large
a portion of the most fearless and devoted friends
of the Union" He considers il ingenious and
astute. "but it seems to US the plan of the poll
tician rather than of the statesman. and to look
more to the Presidential election than to the real
welfare of the nation"
DE- BrownsOn does not object TO the plan on
account Of it's be ring on the Presidential cleo
obi ffir.r fsNrfh
tant plan with such view and for such rea.
SON"
DR. Brownson dislikes the Presidents plan
primarily because il is an assumption by the
executive Of powers which belong to Congress.
Ii he had simply recommended the me isure to
Congress, and given his reasons, he would have
proceeded To the full extent of bis constitutional
powers. "Wbat we object to il the attempt by
executive action, to forestall the action of Con
gress, or to place the whole question in such a
position to render it next to impossible for
Congress TO refuse its sanction. The President
proceeds ON the assumption that be is clothed
with the whole war power of the nation; and as
the war power is unlimited while the lasts
he may do anfthIns he judges proper" The
following paragraph sets in clear light the
essential absur.iity of the Presidents assump-
ton:
=, l'ne civil organic ,tion of government cannot
be done even by Congress under the power.
and If done at ALL must be done under its peace
powers, as specified in the Constitution. The
secedcl States are still States: that is, civil aud
political organic itions in the Union, or they are
not. III they are, the executive. neither under
the war power. NOR any other power, has any
authority to establish military any other gov
ernmeuts within their limits. lf they are not.
their reorganization is the work of Congress
under its peace powers. The executive has then.
fhoro Tn. i,, viii ri yil
gan:zttiou till Cougre has actei, and then only
To carry out the las of Congress. Congress Is
competent to reorganize them under the peace
powers OF the government or II is not, tor under
the war power only military governments can be
instituted The institution or reorgsiz ition of
civil government IS ways the act of the supreme
political power, OF the sovereign authority of the
State or nation. and it is the work OF peace. not
of war. The President. then, when he tells
Congress il must hold ON tn the war power, as
the power under which the rebeious States are
to be reorganized. forgeis that neither he nor
Congress can reorganize them under thit power
The moment we came to the civil reorganization
OF conquerel territory the belgerent rights
have ceased, and only the rights of peace are in
operation"
DE Browpson having thus concusively. as il
seems us. disposel of the Presidents claim to
act at all, and of every claim to reorganize state
governments under the war power, he turns 10 the
pretense of doing il under the pardoning power.
and makes nearly as clean work of that He
claims, by virtue Of his power to pardon gener-
al dispensing power. for daring to exercise which
James III. of England lost the crown of three
kingdoms" The writer says he is the last man
in the world who would deprive the President OF
the power TO pardon and OF the attribute of mer
cy, "but." he adds. with significant emphasis,
I'VE do not wish TO see it very grossly
abused" The practical absurdity OF Mr.. Lin
coln's use OF IL is placed in novel aud striking
light. IAN he asks OF any rebel, as the con
dtion of iull pardon and full restoration tc
his political and civil rights is that he take the
oath of allegiance. All the prisoners OF we
now hold. under the rank Of Colonel. have the
right under the Presidents proclaim ttion to de
mand the O itb aud ts be tre.ted free aud 10y
al citizens the moment they have taken it " On
the practical effort of the amnesty, if carried oo
as proposed, DIR. Brow, sons reasoning is mark ed
by vigorous sense. We quote:
1--WE said we objected primarily to the execu
tive plan, because il is sn executive paI. Every
feature OF it is marked by what seems to US al
extraordinary assumption of power on the part o.
the executive The President prescribes tn,
oath. prescribes on what conditions the States il
rebellion may recognize State Governments, ans
be recognized and represented la Congress a
loyal States ia the Union. Any one OF them
with not less than one tenth of the number o
persous who voted in the Presidential election o
1861, may recognize themselves as the State, ans
have the full Fedesl represent ltion Ia Congress
to which the State under the census OF 1860 wal
entltiedl Why, the President could easily, b'
the distribution Of Federal Offices and patronage
In any seeded State unle-s there are fewer UnioI
men than is pretended induce at least one in ten
II assured of Federal protection. TO swallov
without scruple the prescrlbel oath, or any nun