Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1864-08-19

- GAIaOE fALAOIGOs uA4I1t
War is a nost deplorable thing, aud every
man should desire the country toavoid it as fai
aspossible. But as the world now stands, theirs
certainly is no method by which nation cssll Sc
cure its rights without the ability to defend
them with the sword. II nation may Justly
contend for its rights rather than tsinely con-
sent 10 surrender them, then peace Is not always
the duty of a nation. 1t may be duty TO make
war, and TO choose war rather than peace, when
peace means injustice. ~
Many great benefits have beeh secured TO the
world by war What true American viii con-
tend that it would have been better for this
country or the world, if the Colonies had re-
manned dependent upon the British crown in
stead of resisting tyranny Was theNvar of the
Revolution right on our part? If it was, then
our fathers did right in preferring war to peace,
in the circumstances. For eight long years did
they fight for peace, and yet refuse every kind
of peace which did not give them Independence.
And the results which they wrought OUT
were they not worthy of the eight years con-
fiict? Was not the cause of liberty served by
that conflict Let the tide of emigration to this
country answer? When it shall set in the 9TH
er direction we may conclude that we are not
what we should be, and are not true to the prin-
ciples of our fathers. 1t appears, then, that
peace is not the greatest of benefits, nor the most
imperative of duties.
There are many who are now clamoring for
peace. They would have us make peace with
traitors and armedrebels. s'Peace, " they cry.
They viii have peace at all hazards. Well,
peace is so great blessing that it is duty un-
less inconsistent with some higher duty, some
more important obligation. 1t is well, there
fore, 10 examine every call for peace If there
be a peace policy which is safe and right, sure
ly the people ought TO urge it, and demand it.
But the clamOr for peace is not accompanied by
any consistent or plausible explanation of the
method by which we can secure it. What steps
will promote it? What kind of peace will be
safe and honorableI The advocates of peace
policy do not answer But we are at liberty,
and it is duty to examine into the possibility
or practicability of peace. We can have peace
party is ready to do that. Looking at the mat
ter from our point of view at the North, the
following propositions certainly seem true, VIZ:
1. We cannot now have peace without con-
senting to adiyision of the country. The reb-
els will make peace whenever we will acknowl-
edge their independence. They are not yet SUI
ficiently subdued to yield that point. Every
intelligent Northern man must know that no
negotiations for peace could be had at all with
out beginning at the point which would concede
Southern independence. The cry for peace in
the mouth of Northern man, is cry for the
separation ofthe country into two sections, with
two governments. To be sure, the advocates
of peace claim that they want only one country,
only one government. They pretend to want
peace for the sake of union. But they do not,
and cannot tell us how we are to promote union
by dividing asunder. Or if the peace effort
We're successful at the North now, we are met
by another proposition TO, wit:
2. We cannot secure peace and union as yet,
without yielding our whole country to the con-
troll of rebel policy. Peace with union, GER
tainly means nothing less than most pusillan-
imous submission to the rule of southern aris-
tocrats. The rebels have rebelled because they
were losing their controlling influence in the
Government. Slavery could not cope with
Freedom. The North was distancing the
South. They have now, and constantly culti-
vate spirit of most malignant hatred towards
the 'sYankees There could be no peace with
them noao, that would secure union, without a
total surrender to them. We should have to
become absolute slaves.
3. On the basis of recognition of the Con-
federate Government we could not secure peace
without the surrender of all that our brave sol
diers have achieved hitherto in the struggle
Suppose the peace party toprevail at the north.
The offer of peace is then made by us. We say
to the powers of the erebellion-.sWe will make
peace with you. What them The very atti-
tude of offering peace would put us at an i'm
mense moral disadvantage. We must then
stand and receive the terms upon which peace
would be made. We could not dictate the
terms And at this disadvantage the first reb-
el claim would be-as already shown-inde-
pendence. The second claim would be bound
ary line which would give the South Virginia,
Kentucky, Missouri and all the States living
South of them. There can be no doubt of this.
Or, if the South were TO yield somewhat of the
claim rather than to continue war SO destruct-
i've to them, we could at least make terms with
them only by basely compromising ourselves.
Our armies must be Withdrawn, and we must
abandon the fields which they have so gallantly
won. We must undo whatever we have done
in vindicating the Federal authority. Are we
ready for this?
A. We cannot make offers of peace, or con-
sent to them, without moral condemnation of
ourselves. At the breaking out of the rebellion
it was question with us whether our govern
meut would prove itself strong and compact
enough for self-defense Now after we have
vindicated our strength for three years, that is
no longer question. The question is, wheth-
er the people have enough of moral principle
and heroism 10 maintain a conflict for their kind
of government. five waver now we shall in
effect condemn ourselves for standing for our
rights and integrity in the first place. If our
action has hitherto been right, it is our duty to
continue it s'on this line" We have no right
o repudiate the past unless the past was wrong.
If We do SO, and offer peace to our enemies. we
must therein condemn all that we have done in
Vindication Of our authority. Are we ready to
do this? Have We done all our duty?
). We cannot adopt the peace policy with
,ut consenting to the establishment of a nation
by our side, which will fall Immediately into
harmony with European nations in hostility to
Us. We have many individual friends every
where. But no nation is our friend, save only
Russia. There can be no doubt that the Eng
ish nobility would be glad if we could be over
brown today, We have been in the habit of
expressing our determination to maintain our
peculiar form Of Government on this continent.
We cannot regard with Indifference, any at
empt of foreign nations 10 plant their institu-
ions by our side. Were it not for our domes-
ic troubles Napoleon before this would have
net our opposition in his operations against
Mexico. How dangerous to our liberties then
must it be to have an aristocratic government