Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-02-15
THE OATH OF OFFICE.
speech OF Senator Bayard OF Deta-
ware. i'm the United states Senate,
January 26, 1864. r-1

ware, in the United states Senate,
January 26, 1864. e. sl'
Senator Bayard, after taking the oath Of Office
prescribed by the act of July 2, 1862. asked the
unanimous consent of the Senate to make some
remarks personal to himself, which being granted
he proceeded to speak as follows: KS
Ma President: In the course of the debate
upon the rule adopted yesterday by the Senate,
stated to the body having exclusive jurisdiction
over the subject. l should hold myself bound by
its action, and that but one alternative remained,
if the rule was adopted: either to comply with
the decision or relinquish my seat in the Senate
Subsequent reflection has convinced me that /
was partially in error Another course is open:
to submit to the decision and resign.
The gravest consideration has induced me to
pursue this latter course; and in a brief period,
my connection with this body, which has lasted
nearly thirteen years, will cease iol,n.r
/ desire to assign the reasons which control nv
action. Without any decision upon the cors;itu
tonal validity of the act Of July, 1860, all the
members of the Senate and House to whom il
applied belonging to the political party with
which / have acted have voluntarily taken the
oath prescribed by that act, deeming. doubtless.
that the constitutional questions involved were of
less moment aud the precedent made less danger
Gus than they seemed to my mind. could not
but reflect that the unanimous action of those
with whom / coincide in general political views,
might give cause even to men unbiased by the
pervertng influences of political or personal hos.
tili;y. who do not know me personally. to doubt,
if not 10 believe that declined to take the oath
for reasons other than the considerations that in
INV judgment, il was a dangerous innovation upon
fundamental principles OF the Constitution.
AS believed that the law had been passed
without a full discussion and a decision on its
validity by the proper tribunal had been waived
at the special session when / was not present, |
content To leave Others to their own action,
and govern mine by my conviction Of duty. The
decision now, however. has been judicially made,
after hearing my objections TO the act and the
oath il imposes, and that decision. though in nv
belief dangerous precedent, IL obligatory TO the
extent OF taking the oath. as | have already
held the seat for nearly one year since my re
election. tss
Sir, admit that coyet the appreciation of
the good, the wise and the rejecting and would
not willingly subject myself TO their or to
reasonable suspicion as to my motives of action;
though am utterly Indifferent to those calumni
Gus, groundless and vndictive attacks to which
every msn in public life. even in less excited
times, is subjected by personal maleyolenee or
political hostility. But though desire such ap-
probation, have never made either opinion or
popularity my standard of action. but my own
sense Of right and duty; and l owe a respect to
INV sincees convictions of public duty which
will never sacrifice. Many of you are aware that
before civil war commenced expressed fully my
views as to the course of action which thought
the welfare and prosperity of the whole country
required after the secession Of seven States.
Those views differed from the course pursued
subsequently by the Administration, and its
course was approved BY majority of Congress,
and indeed, by the people at large. after their
passions had become excited by actual war.
| told you then that did not consider seces
sion constitutional reserved right OF the
States, but an act of revolution; but a revolution
by organized communites-not rebellion in the
modern sense of the word, but only in its old
Roman sense-the revolt of people. / told
you, also. that in my judgment, Cancellation, and
the removal OF real or even apprehended griev-
ances or dangers, and not coercion by arms. was.
in such crisis, the true policy of the statesman
aud that the framers of the Constitution had
wisely left such state of affairs without any pro-
vision one Of those mortal feuds' which. in
the language of Hamilton, when they happen.
commonly amount to revolutions and dismember-
ments of empire"
| admitted that secession was a breach of the
compact by which the Federal Government WAS
established, and that il rested with the United
States TO determine whether they would and
could. by war. compel the seeding States to
repair the breach. or whether the act by which
they severed their political relations with US
should be assented to, and peaceful separation
permitted. in the hope that past memories and
the ties of blood and marriage. with continued
commercial intercourse might in few wears re-
store those seven States TO the Union; similar in
hueDces having at the origin of the Government,
induced North Carolina aud Rhode Island. after
years delay, to become members OF the Union,
though the former had ie the irst instance re
ected the Constitution. and the latter had refused
TO be represented in the Convention
| may be psrdoned here for quoting u short
extract from a speech made on the condition
of the country" in March, 1861 as illustrative
Of my opinions before the sword had been
drawn:
'.Yon may attempt by war to keep the States
united-to restore the Union-but the attempt
will be futile. Cancellation aud concession may
reunite US war never The power NAV be ex
ercised for the purpose Of punishment and ven
geance. IL may be exercised il you propose to
conquer the seeding States, and reduce the IA
ton into consolidated nation but if your in
tentiou he TO maintain the Government which
your ancestors founded-that is, n common Gov
eminent over separate. independent communi-
ties--wsr can never effect such an intention"
| preferred then peaceful separation to civil
war rs the lesser evil, but the Administration and
the d0mnaut party ueclued I'd resort 10 an en-
forcement of the laws by the coercion of arms,
as against insurrection. Civil war has since
ragged, and its events and consequences have
streng hened my conviction that the prosperity OF
my country and the happiness and morals Of the
people cannot be promoted by its continuance.
To these views an overwhelming majority OF Con-
gress Is opposed, and, so far the elections OF
the past year can be accepted as evidence of pub
lie sentiment. that majority is sustained by the
Il A
in the progress of war as to its mode OF conduct
and object. and have produced conflict Of opinion
among the people.
But on the question of peace--even by tempo
rary separation if essential--the Democratic party
with which have been connected is divided and
many of its leading and most influential adherents
indulge in the visionary idea that a common
government, based on ''the consent Of the gov
erned. over separate political communities, with
diversified habits. manners. customs and institu-
tons, be restored and maintained by the
sword, without the abandonment of Federal
and its conversion into n, imperial and central
izei government So Thoughts not the Presidens
oflthe United States OF the Secretary Of State on
the 10Th Of April. 1861. before war had begun.
and to my mind such an idea is deluson and a
mere chimeras 4 -, - ~ r
] i have also the fixed opinion and belief that
the lite Of nation depends upon the preserva-
ton Of its liberties. and not upon the extent OF
it's dominion Standing. therefore. almost alone
An this bOdys have lost the hope that / can
longer be OF service 70 my country or my State
4 Never an ambitious man. the pas-ion Of ambition