The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1864-01-22

ing pOpulatlOn into the support OF the gov
ernments thus created. There will be
every iuducement of power, of gold, and
of ambition to perpetuate the condition
of affairs so favorable to individual pur-
poses. 1t will also be for the interest of
the national administration to continue
this system of government, SO utterly at
variance with representative policy. Is
not this the same mistaken theory upon
which other nations have tried to govern
their dependencies Has complete sub
jugation for centuries produced the quiet,
the obedience to law, the order, the Sc
curly to life and property, the kindly
feelings, or the mutual contributions to
prosperity which belong to real peace
Governments thus formed would repre-
sent not the interests of their citizens but
the wills and interests of the power that
creates and sustains them. The nine
States thus controlled would balance in
the House of Representatives in the choice
of President, and at all times in the Sem
ate, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, In
diana, Massachusetts, Missouri, Kentucky
and Wisconsin, with a united population
of 16,533,3 1888; which is more than one
half of that of our whole country. The
one-tenth who would accept the procla-
nation for the pride of power would not
only govern the State made by executive
DEGREES, but they would also govern the
North. While the plan is harsh to the
body of Southern people, it is still more
unjust towards the North. Fourteen hum
dred men in Florida would balance in the
Senate of the United States the power of
New York. Less than 10000 voters in
the nine States named in the Presidents
proclamation would WELD power suffi-
cient to weigh down the most populous
States in the Union.
We should thus have, with the nominal
States of Eastern and Western Virginia,
a system of rotton boroughs which would
govern the Union and destroy the repre-
sentative nature of our government. This,
in connection with existing inequalities in
State representation, would be dangerous
invasion of the rights of majority of the
American people. 1t would enable an
administration to perpe!uate it's power.
1t is fact full of significance that every
measure to convert the war against armed
rebellion into one against private property
and personal rights at the South, has been
accompanied by claims to exercise military
power in the loyal States of the North.
The proclamation of emancipation at
the South, and the suspension of the writ
of habeas corpus at the North the con-
fiscation of private property in the seced-
ing States, and the arbitrary arrests, i'm
prisonment and Punishment of its citizens
of the loyal States; the claim to destroy
political organizations at the South, and
the armed interference of government in
local elections have been cotemporaneous
events.
These acts at first were justified upon
the ground that they were necessary to
save the national existence. We now find
that new and more extreme claims to ar
bitrary power are put forth when it is de.
clared that the strength of the rebellion
is broken and that our armies are about
to trample out every vestige of its incen-
diary fires. More prerogatives are as
serted in the hour of triumph than were
claimed as a necessity in days of disaster
and danger.
The doctrine of southern disorganiza-
ton and revolution is doctrine of nation
al bankruptcy and Of netional ruin; it is
a measure for lasting military despotism
over one-third of our country, which will
be the basis for military despotism over
the whole land. 1t does not contemplate
the return of our soldiers to their families,
or relief from the cost and sacrifices of
war. 1t will make an enduring drain
upon our home, and impose crushing bur-
thens upon our labor and industry. It
will open a wide and lasting field for pee,
ulation and fraud. It tends to perpetu-
ate power by making and unmaking States,
as the interests Of factions may dictate.
1t will be a source of internal disorder
and disquietude, and national weakness in
our external relations. 1t will give dam
gerous allies to invaders of our soil.
If this war is to make social revolution
and structural changes in great states, we
have seen only its beginning. Such
changes are the work of time. If they are
to be made by military power, it must be
exerted through long periods. Whether
white or black troops are used, the diver
sion from labor and the cost of war will
be equally prolonged, and we have just
entered upon course of certain costs and
uncertain results No such changes as
are now urged have ever in the worlds
history been without struggles lasting
through more than one generation of men.
What has Government accomplished in
the territories wrested from rebellion by
the valor of our armies? Has it pacifed
them? Has it revived the arts of peace !?
Has quiet and confidence been restored
Is commerce renewed? Are they not
held as they were conquered, at the ex-
pense of northern blood and treasure?
Are not our armies wasted by holding
under armed control those who, under a
wise and generous policy, would have been
friends2 The spirit which prompts the
harsh measures OF subjugation has driven
off many in the border States, who, at the
crisis of our country's fate, broke away
from their ancient sympathies with the
seeding States and chung to the Union.
States which, by the elections of the peo-
PIE, ranged themselves upon the tide of
the constitution, are not allowed the free
exercise OF the elective franchise. In some
quarters discomfort has been increased !;
in no place has the w;sdor, &c ~, Oororn