Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1864-01-08


and dismsyed the champions Of Slavery to
rejoice the hearts Of its sdverssries2
Your letter, gentlemen, puts in bold re-
lief the reasons which hindered Mr.. Lin
coin from adopting, at the outset an abo-
lition policy. The President could disre-
gard neither his oath Of office nor the Fed
eral Constitution; he had also to keep in
mind the opposition which plan of emsn-
cipstion would encounter in the loyal
States. The head Of great government
cannot act with the freedom of philoso.
pher in his study. In simple truth, Mr..
Lincoln should be accused neither Of timid-
ity nor Indifference.
NATIONALITY.
PAssias Aa-t tn the thenry that the war
is one of nstionalities the writer's say;
In vain we seek in the United States for
a nationality striving to regain its inde-
pendence. Notonly has independence been
nowhere ssssiled, but there is absolutely
no trace of a separate nationality. No
where, perhaps, is there more thorough
national homogeneity. North and South
the race is the same; faith, language, his
tory, and, we boldly add, interests are all
the same. All these States have struggled
together, suffered together, triumphed to-
gether. Their glories, their defeats, are
common. Their Constitution spIsng from
the free consent of all all pledged them
selves alike 10 remain faithful to its obligs-
tions.
The pledge is no empty word with which
esYrioe may idly sport. Among the inven-
tions Of our epoch there is none more eX-
traordinary than the right of secession.
Those who discover it will no doubt teach
us where it should stop.
If each section has a right Of secession
from the country as n whole, why not each
State right Of secession from such SEQ
tien Why not each county right Of se-
-eession- from the Stats.2
It is not surprising that the North and
the South each stroVe actively, energeti-
cally, noisily, for the triumph Of their can
didate and policy. But when one of them,
losing the battle Of the ballot plunges,
without hesitation, into another kind Of
battle; when it resisis, arms in hand, the
result Of regular election when on the
very day that it ceases to rule it tears into
fragments the common country, it is guilty
Of crime for which it is difficult 10 i'm.
sgine an excuse.
THE REBELLION SOON TO BE CRUSHED.
H-You will crush the revolt, gentle
men. You will succeed-sueh is our belief
i'm re-estsblishiug the Union. 1t will
emerge from the bloody trial stronger,
more free, more worthy Of the noble desti-
ny 10 which God summons it.
It has qeen demonstrated to rs, tits true,
that the establishment Of the Union was
impossible; but vas il not also demonstrat-
ed to US, and by irrefutsbls argument,
that you be slways and Of necessity defeat
ed; that you would never know how to
handle musket; that recruiting would be-
come impractieable; that your finances
would be exhausted; that your loans would
not be taken; that you would become bank
rupt; that riots would rsVRge your cities;
that your Government would be over
thrown. You have given 10 all these ora
oles the simplest and best snsWer. You
will reply in the same manner to those
who assert that the re establishment ST the
Union is impossible.
What seems really impossible is not to
restore the Union. Where draws the line
between North and South2 How maintain
between them q state Of peace, or even of
truce2 How shall slavery and liberty live
side by side2 How, moreover, restrain the
south from European prottctOrstes, and by
what means arrest the frightful conse-
quences ofsuch protectorates2 Geograph-
icslly, morally, politically, separation
would create an unnatural situation, a sit.
ustion violent and hazardous, where each
would live arms in hand, waiting for the
hour Of conflict.
We have full faith, gentlemen, that such
q trial will be spared to you It is not
that we overlook the difficulties which still
remain for you to overcome; they are
great-greRter, perhaps than we imagine.
War has its Vicissitudes and you may per
hRps be yet called upon to pass through
periods of i'll fortune.
ENCOURAGEMENT.
The letter closes with the following brill
liant paragraph:
Couragel You have before you one of
the most noble works, the most sublime that
can be accomplished here bsloW-s work
in the success Of which we are IS interest
ed as yourselves work the success of
which will be the honor and the oonsola-
ton of our time.
This generation will have seen nothing
more grand than the abolition Of Slavery
lin destroying it with you you destroy it
everyWhere), and the energetic uprising
of people which in the midst Of its growing
was Yisibly sinking under the weight Of
the tyranny Of the South, the completely Of
the North, odious laws and compromises
Now, at the cost Of immsnse sacrifices,
you have stood up against the evil; you
have chosen rather to pour out your blood
and your dollars than to descend further
the slope Of degradation, where rich, unit
ed, poWerfsl, you we're sure to lose that
which is far nobler than wealth, or union,
or power.
Well, Europe begins to understand, will
ingly or unwillingly, what you have done.
In France, in England, everywhere your
cause gains ground, and be it said for the
honor Of the Nineteenth Century, the Oh
ftacle which our i'll will and our evil pas-
sions could not overcome, the obstacle
which the intrigues Of the South could not
surmounb is an idea, principle. Hatred
Of Slavery has been your champion in the
Old World. A poor champion, seemingly
Laughed at, scorned, it seems weak and
lonely. Bat what matters It; ere the ac-
count be closed, principles will stand for
something, and conscience, in all human
affairs, will have the last word.
European emigration will hasten to-