Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-03-14

Il
store 'the Union as it was under the Constitution
as it is'-an expression sir, would here say, as
grossly misunderstood as it is grossly msrepre-
sented; and to the true friends Of the Union as
the Constitution made it the speech will suggest
the pregnant question, is this a war for the
UnionS And they may further ask: To what
good does the blood of our people flow like water,
and taxation lay its iron hand upon our labor and
our estates, if the Union and the Constitution be
no longer our cause and iustifcatonl Many
men, yes, tens and hundreds of thousands, who
give the yar earnest support, and would still
support it forts Just and constitutional purposes,
will inquire, If the gentleman from Pennsylvania
be the exponent OF our war policy, whether IL IS
not better to say to~the States and people now
composing "the foreign country" to the South Of
us. and once our sister States. Maynard sis
tiers. 60 in peace" than to attempt to force
upon them, by the power Of war, the iron
bonds which the iron policy of the gentleman
! from Pennsylvania Mr.. Steyensl would forge
for them
! II rs common, cir, for gentlemen on the other
side to denounce Us, and the great Democratic
party of the North, as dsunionists, sympathzers
with rebellion, secessionists. disoyal men; and
the word 'traitor" almost fell from the lips of
the gentleman from Ohio Mr.. Spaldingl the
other day in bis allusion TO his Democratic col
league Mr.. Cox. Sir, if Jefferson Davis ever
gave utterance to sentiments more disunion or
disloyal, or ever indicated a more fatal purpose
toward the Union and Constitution, than the gen.
tleman from Pennsylvania has done in his speech.
/ have yet to find the record of such utterances;
and 60 further. sir. and say thatif the President
of the United States accords with the sentiments
and purposes of the gentleman from Pennsylva-
mia, and is carrying on the war for such purposes.
then he is as essentially infidel to his oath of
Office and his high duty as a magistrate and a
citizen as was Jefferson Davis when he CON-
manded Beauregard to open his batteries against
the walls OF Sumter Sir, il is soecism,
mockery, and an sbsurdity to call such senti
ments those Of the gentleman from Pennsyl-
vania 'Union sentiments" or such a he
would wage against the people of the South, now,
as he claims. an alien and foreign people, ga war
for the Union" IL is the creed of the gentleman
from Pennsylvania, urged from year TO year with
all the energy of his powerful intellect and iron
will, that has poisoned the minds of the people of
this nation, North and South, toward each other
and their common Constitution, and brought dis
union and civil war upon us with all their woes
| Sir, the men disloyal to the Union and Constitu
ton are not all adherents of the Southern Con
federacy, nor in the ranks of that "Odious" Dem
ocratic party whom the gentleman from Penn
| sylvana seems so much to loathe and despise;
the names of many may be found in the rolls of
the Loyal Leagues" and not a few even IN high
places of Federal power. - F.
desire to deplete and demoralze the Army of the
Union, and take from il and give TO the rebel
lion all the moral power of just cause; if they
desire to remove all inducement for the free en-
listment of men TO recruit our Army; if they
desire TO make the conscription law dead letter
on the statute book; if they desire to sap the
unsteady foundation, and tumble into ruin hope
less and irretrievabe. the already inaatedeand
unsubstantial structure of our public credit; il
they desire to prolong the war. to aggravate its
horrors and intensity its hate, and enlist against
us the sympathies of the civilized world, and
finally to secure to the Confederate States their
Independence a nation. leaving the name and
! glory of the United States as but the shadow of
a once mighty name and power in the earth. let
the President and his party adopt and persist in
an attempt TO carry out the policy of the gentle
man from Pennsylvania
! In the view have of the character and pur-
poses of the party in power, as revolutionary
party, it seems to me of little Importance, except
as to form, whether the joint resolution reported
by the Judiciary Committee, or the proposed
amendment of the gentleman from Pennsylvania
Mr.. Steyensl, or that suggested by the gentle-
| man from Ohio Mr. Spalding1, be adopted by
Congress. Either would remove the restriction
virtually imposed by the President himself upon
the act of July IL. 1862 That act as drawn was
intended to work complete forfeiture of the
real and personal estate of the classes of offend
ers designated by it. Congress, under duress per
nniRas from the President, we eare told limited,
by their joint resolution of July IL. 1862. the
forfeiture of real estate under the act to the life
of the offender. The object of all the PROPOSE
tons now before the House on the subject is to
remove that Limitation.
The real ISSUE then, raised by this debate, as
| is manifest from the tenor of the argument on
both sides is the issue Of absolute, sweeping con
fscaton. either by legislation judicial process.
assuming to be within aud according 10 the Con
stitution, or by the laws and process of war out
side Of the Constitution.
Upon that issue, were there TO constitutional
limitations limitations of be..igerent rights
under the law of nations to affect it, woull op-
pose the joint resolution now before the House
and the amendments proposed to it. on the broad
grounds of Christian humanity aud public policy.
Assuming for the Federal Government all the
rights and power of war claimed for il. by the
gentleman from Pennsylvania Mr.. Stevens, ]
the spirit that would prompt their use to the ex.
tent he contemplates is the tyrants spirit. the
patriots nor the philanthropist's. 1t is never
wise nor we'll sir. for any government to do all
| in the way of punishment or revenge toward its
! own people or an alien people that it has power
70 do. On the contrary, we are told by wise
master Of human nature that
! Earthly power doth then show likest Gods,
| When mercy seasons JUSTICE
1 L
something, more by way of general discussion
than Of legal argument. for that has fallen to
ADLER hands, upon the questions involved in this
debate. And first, my sense of what is due TO
my position as one Of the minority here leads me
| 10 alude briefly TO some offensive remarks adj
dressed to us by gentlemen on the other side oi
the House. -
We have been told. sir, by one gentleman
[Mr Lovejoyl that we are here without con.
stituency; by another Mr.. Davisl that we were
sent here to embarrass the Administration. and
that support not needed and would bt
looked upon with suspicion; and the word traitors
was almost used by another gentleman Mr.
Spaldng1 in alluding to the Democracy of Ohio
while the gentleman from Pennsylvania Mr.
Stegensl spoke of the Democratic party generally
as an .odious party, inspired by the love of slav
cry Alone" and destined to ''sink into utter con-
tempt and despised Of all men,"
Sir, shall not comment upon the spirit tba
evidently animated these remarks. further thar
TO say that il is one not friendly to the wis
and patriotic legislation which the peril of thh
nation now demands, and to further say that !
the gentlemen on the other side viii look to tn,
returns of the fall elections of 1868. think thel
viii find that the minority represent upon thl
-four the opinions. the patriotism. and the determ
ined purpose OF not less than one million and
half OF free intelligent electors in the State
from whence we come: and, sir. that purpose j
firm that neither the Federal Executive, Of who's
Revolutionary policy and unconstitutional. .edict
the majority of this House seem to be the willing
echoes and instruments, nor the revolutionar,
confederation governed by Jefferson Davis, shall
ever destroy the Federal Union, the Constitu
ton Of the United States, which is it, life and il
bond t.. .,. ta
Oar constituency, Mr.. Speaker. are intereste