Columbia Democrat and Bloomsburg general advertiser. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1850-1866, 1864-03-19

have been different. But it is obvious that,
under the Cons titution, the rule must be
.he same for all, whe ther black or white"
To which we answor tina! the laws arc
not confined to persons of color, that is, to
negroes and mulattoes, but embrace, "all
persons held to service or labor under the
laws Of State" The majority ia another
part of their report state that white appren-
tees have been returned ID their masters
under the laws in question, aud doubtless
under just construction os hem and by |
those parts Of these laws which relate to
tugitives from justice, whito persons ner-
ely accused Of crime in tho State from
which they flee are to bo returned upon !
executive demand, and without trial in |
the States where tsey are found.
3, The majority say : "As it is for |
the public veal that thero should be an
end Of suits, so, by the consent of civilized
nations, these must be instituted within
fixed limitations of time but this act,
of 1851 exating slavery above even
this practical principle of universal justice,
ordains proceedings against freedom with
out any reference to lapse of time"
To this we answer: that the right Of
reclamation under the Constitution being
without limitation Of time,it was no. with.
in the power of Congress to apply clause
of limitation to it.
4. The majority say: "Contrary to
the declared purpose Of the trainers ofthe
Constitution, it sends the fugitive back 'at
the public ex penso'. The allusion here
is to what occurred in the constitutional
convention, August 25, 1897, when it was
moved TO require fugitive slaves and SER
wants 'to be delivered up like criminals :"
to which Mr.. Wilson objected, "bacauseis
would oblige the executive of the State TO
do it at the public expense'-that is, at
the expense of the Stale. rhe form of the
proposition was subsequently modified,
and the objection thus made by one men,
Der Of the convention has no relation to the
act of 1850, which imposes no expense
upon State. The expenses are borne by
the claimant, or by the Unitad States.
s, The majority further say: "Adding
msanuess 80 the violation Of the Constitu-
ton, it bribes the commissioner, by a
double fee, TO pronounce against freedom.
If be dooms q man to slavery, the reward is
ten dollars; but saving him to freedom,
his dole ia i've dollars, To this state
mont it may be answered that the pay Of
! the commissioner is simply proportionec:
to the service performed, as is usual in re-
! ation to ali officers who receive fees. No
| certificates or other papers are 10 be issued
10 claimants when fugitves are discharged, ,
and therefore tho compensation is less. II
there were apy substance in this sm all OBJ.
| lection, tie law would be corrected by
Congress without hesitation, upon appli-
cation made to it,
6. The majority insist a. much length,
that where words have double intend
ment, or are ambiguous in their meaning,
that construction should be given them
which is favorable to liberty, or least odi.
Gus. We do not propose to impeach the
authority of the several sutbors who are
cited in confirmation Of this doctrine, or
the doctrine itself, But We arc quite un-
able TO perceive what application 1t has to
the subject before us---thc construction Of
tho Constitution and the fugitive laws. -s
Negro slaves are persons held to service
and labor under the laws Of some of our
States, and we are net aware ofany words
which would more certainly designate
them. 1t is true that these words describe
apprentices but because they describe
them it does not follow that we are at lib.
erty TO exclude slaves from their applca-
ton. These words, as used in the Con-
stitution, have no double intendment, and
are lot ambiguous. They exactly describe
negro slaves, and it does not derogate from
their clea-ness. propriety, or force that
they describe other persons also. Admit
ting that they are more extensive in mean
ing than the word slaves, they still con-
tain the Specification Of that torn.
Against the conclusion sought to be
drawn from verbal criticisms of the ma
jority, stand opposed the declarations OF
those who made, and were contemporane e.
GUS with, the making of the Constitution
the clear language OF the fugitive act OF
1893 and of other statutes tho decisions
of courts of tie United States, authorized
10 construe the Constitution and the geu.
e.al understanding and consent of ,he
country, when the Constitution was made
and subsequently. 10 which may be ad.
ded, as we think, the clear import, the
ps.in meaning, of the language itself
Slaves we're mentioned in the convention
in connexion with this clause, as the ma.
jorty themselves show, and they were al.
SO mentioned in such connerion in conyeu-
tions which adopted the Constitution, and
yet the majority assert that the clause
does not apply to them because the Ian.
guage used does not sufficiently declare the
intention. This We conceive to be re-
markable argument-that the Constitution
is no, to be taken in the sense ia which il
was made and adopted, and, in fact, acted
upon aud applied by the government. Of
the United States, but according to some
strained aud unnatural Interpretation,
founded upon slight verbal criticisms made
more that half e century afterwards In
this case we do rot know which lc admire
most, the folly of the proposition or the
exuberanoe ct bad faith which it implies.
T. We are not imnrassed hv tho arou.