The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1864-10-24
MONDAY, OCTOBER "a, 1854.
COUNT DE GASPARHN,S LETTER.

country. IL Is a document which reviews az
length the different positions Of the two parties
to the election; and there is amost remarkable
and thorough knowledge Of the principles Of
these parties exhibited in the letter. Count
GAsPABIN does not rush into his subject with
out having FIRST acquainted himself with all the
points at issue. He has mastered the subject
Of the Rebellion; has kept up with its progress;
and as a Liberal in that land which sent us a
LAFAYETTE in the days of the Revolution,
he sympathizes with our National Govern
ment, and hopes and believes in its ultimate
success.
The first position which he assumes il, that |
the Union must be maintained. de compre-
bends Mr.. LTScoLN's policy Of carrying on |
the war for its defense, the supremacy Of its |
power, and the restoration of those States
whichwere wicSedly severed from that Union
But he does not understand how an armsticc
is to aid the national cause. The word
"Pesce" is insidiously whispered throughout
the land in the Chicago platform, but the
Count cannot find out the conditions Of peace.
|The insurrecton," exclaims the writer, "was
" In its death-struggle; an armistice viii
restore il to life it was without resources;
they (the Peace mem viii restore its arms
and credit; the army of GRANT was at the
borders of Richmond; they will withdraw
cit"
Allowing that MCCLELLAN should be
elected President on the platform of peace
he further remarks that the mere fact Of his
election would have such significance
" that he would be carried further than he
" imagines to-day These popular impulses
/" are terrible; the reaction once commenced
I" in the direction of peace at any price, OF the
Union at any price, of concessions at any
"price, no one knows how far he VIII go.
Pretensions, and perhaps acts of cowardico,
" will then ensue, the very thought Of which
causes us to blush for shame. Men will not
fear, be sure, to propose, to discuss gusran-
tees In favor OF slavery.
" In any case, the Generalization which
now exists at the South will be transferred
70 the North. The NORTH ,gil be GiDen up
TO decisions, 10 iBtrigues; haoing no longer
before 70 simple and porspicuous end
10 pursue, It aviH imperfechy resist the
fonaticol unanimtty Of the South. II Is
ne North that agiu appear to be conquered.
"H Is 10 the North Hot The lao ,oiu appear
ODE dictated"
There is prophecy which the North will
see fulfilled to the letter should MCCLELLAN
be elevated to the Presidency. Are we ready
for such condition of affairs? are we yet
quite willing to sacrifice our manhood, our
rights, our liberties, to party whose assump-
ton of power would assuredly entail upon the
free States the distractions and evils foretold
by this eminent foreigner?
The second point in the letter is an argu-
ment on the assertion made by the peace
men that Mr.. LINCOLN wishes to deprive the
Southern States of their rights by subju-
cation which will grant them no privileges
This charge he refutes corclusively, and
proves that when they return to the Union
"the rebellious States regain the plenitude Of
their rights" Mr.. LINCOLN has done good,
notevil, He confines himself TO no vague decla-
rations Of a platform, but converts his system
into practical decisions already in the act Of
execution.
Thirdly, the Count argues that Mr., LIN.
coin has due respect for the Constitution and
laws. The dictatoral tendencies ascribed to
him by his opponents-his arbitrary arrests" i"
and the suppression Of disloyal journals, do
not prove that he is tyraut. His position as
the ruler of the nation, striving honestly and
faithfully TO preserve it against the violence OF
red-handed rebellion, gives him the right to
exercise national power, not only against
those who are in open war, but those who at
home do all they can 90 aid and encourage
traitors. "Here Is Government" he continues
" engaged in an armed struggle with the most
60 formidable Rebellion Of which human annals
make mention; this Rebellion took its rise ia
a vast treason for which the way had been
paved by goodly number Of those who were
q directing affairs al the moment when Mr.
LINCOLN was elected. Il Ind for It's almost
constant point OF support complexities which
betrayed to the South Che secret OF the ope-
& ratiOns meditated against it at the moment
+" when the South was most In need Of eificij jnt
mid, there arose. now resistance to the con
scription, then The hldeous and bloody New
York riot, then maniiestos designed, as il
/" seemed 10 restore courage to the Rebels, and
announce TO them that the war could not by
sustained. Well, this Government, thus
" attacked, has not suspended JoT a single da,
q tbendtionaI liberties. We receive the Ameri
can Journals, and we know whether they are
TSSL7tCteu On OtWHeHys WftW Ht SS' no eisS wv
Ience of which at times cOJyoundS as, the
policy of Mr.. LINCOLN, his person, his inten
tions. Have not both houses OF Congress:
sat every year during long months, and have
not their discussions taken place in broad
daylight2 Have the Legislative assemblies
of the separate States been subjected to an
exceptional regiusel Have the parties that
divide America lost the right Of convokiAg
immense meetings, and Of discussing there
(" all the interests Of the countryP Have men
ceased to speak, to publish, to organize
"We Europeans have not perceived IT,"
And yet losd-mouthed demagogues in the
North continually assure their readers and
hearers that they have lost their libertiesl
The fourth point made is on the re-estab-
lishment OF peace, in which the Count argues
fopcibly and eonyincingly, to honest minds,
that the surest way TO honorable peace Is in
the adoption Of a frm policy with the Rebels
. I.n "a "a