Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-05-02

would have been pronounced by our Republican
brethren the vilesto of apprehension; but nova
days it makes vast difference as to who cores
the OK In the light OF passing events. especially
| Tie recent call Of the Western Governors for
IS 900 one hundred days men, ask the sup
porters of the Administration to read the fol-
lowing scathing review of the policy. past and
present. of the individuals who have been manag-
ing public affairs for the past three years:
The maxim that '.compar,sons are odious," is
| true only with those who sink in their rcbuke.
| With the general hearer, comparisons are very
handy mode of reasoning. and often accelerate
an argument more rapidly than any other form
of illustration.
An able writer, to whom for the last three
weeks Including this,) we have renquished our
first page, is convinced that Mr.. Lincoln has of
late been laboring to protract the war; and his
deduction is that the sooner serve notice of
eectment" upon an Administration capable of
such policy. the saier will become the pros
poets of the future.
We entirely agree with him. Indeed. we early
detected4j3 the bent of Stewards mind was TO
temporize with the revolt; aud as long back as
eighteen months ago, proclaimed. through these
columns, that Mr.. Lncoln's counselors had de-
termined that prolongation Of the war should
buoy them into the next Presidential period.
At every step since, we have had these fears
confirmed Nay, not only established, but ex-
tended and comparing them with results more
recent, we fall to the conclusion that the Junta
| which now sways the Gv'e'nIIivnt, prefer Laht
this war should be settled by negotiation (even
after recognition) rather than il should be ended
by direct subiugauon through the sword. Every
symptom exhibited by the Administration since
the war began, tends to this conviction, and
irresistbly invites comparison with the acts aud
Of Anniftf nv viii rh
\ preceded.
Poor old Buchanan, who now stands execrated
of all loyal men, commenced handling the rebel
lion under the advice of Seward. He. however,
did not receive the Rebel Commissioners-Sew-
ard did He did not notify Charleston to open
her bombardment upon Sumter; but Seward did.
Feeble aud bewildered aud passing out OF power,
il was his timorous doctrine that rebelloGs States
could not be coerced lincoln, Immediately on
coming in. proclaimed they never should be sub.
iugated Buchanan had doubts about the power
of the Government to undertake the war; Lin
con ordered the on, but proclaimed that il
should not interfere with rebel property. To the
Border States Lincoln granted long and in
famous neutrality, and when Congress threatened
to make treason somewhat perilous. by general
confscaton BILL he boldly usurped the functions
Of the Legislature. aud wfrned il not TO venture
such act. on pain OF his dispeasure. In short
rather than cxasperate the rebels, he subjugaed
the National Legislature, and by threat OF his
veto, united it, functions with those of the Ex
ecutve. Never did equal degradation fall
upon this nation; and the marvel is. IL was sub
mitted TO Mt the hands Of humorous clown. who
is not chartered with one attribute OF terror. In
the hands Of a Bonaparte Cromwell such -
potism fluids n means Of APP easing the imagina-
ton. The dignity of the tyrant compensates for
the humiliation OF his vassas; but our picture is
one common sense Of shame.
Congress knuckled, knet down. humbly re-
called it, intended severity against "Our South
ern brethren" Abraham took the brand of
"Imperator." and Seward felt that he was at
last master Of the nation. The in his
hands from that time forth; so he Welded TO Con-
gress little line, in order that IL might recover
sham self respect; but he took good care to
emascuate all subsequent conhScation pastlmes,
by adroit amnesty and reconstruction acts By
every movement of the Administration, the reb-
els were encouraged and protected; and in no
way have they been more sigually sustained.
| than by the deliberate formation, under the pat-
ronage OF the White House, OF a Conservative
party, to head off and restrain the aggressive pa
triotism of the people.
Such a party could of course, be nothing more
nor less than practical ally Of the rebellion.
War represents hatred aud extremity Its first
object is the subiection death of its opponents
Being understood properly; on the other side, it
l. constantly and unscrupulously waged: and any
division, hesitation, subtraction of purpose
upon ours Is so much contributed TO the advan.
tage of the enemy Mr. Seward and his associ-
ates know this; he and they hourly watch its
consequences; they rejoice At the equipoise of
arms. which the COnfederacy Is able 20 maintain,
and their main hope is that the relative balances
will not be much disturbed. until they have
hOated TRANQUILITY over the bar of the November
contest. They will then, doubtless, address
| themselves in earnest To the task of ending up
the war; but they will depend still upon Negota-
ton. rather than the Sword IL is not difficult.
from what has gone before. aud what we have
seen Of the character of Seward, To conceive the
turns which things would take on the recurrence
of such "a national calamity. Truce, compromise,
and what would be termed a temporary recOgni-
ton, would speedily ensue; and having thus put
the Confederacy in negotiable attitude. the shall
low optmist of the State Department, would try
to exhibit the transcendent superiority at his tai
ents AS politician, by negotiating them back
into the Union. This is the role which Seward
has reserved for himselfthroughout the whole of
the rebellion. he expected TO exercise il sue
cessfuy. aud be the great figure OF the scene
during the first sixty days. His next attempt
was when he induced Mercier to say. in Rich
mond. he would welcome the rebel chiefs b,ck
to their p ices in our Senate if they would only
trust the thing to him. His final experiment is
to be reserved until Lincoln shall be re elected,
and then he doubtless will concede them the
titude of Independence, in Orler To catch them in
the merciless grip of his superior powers Of ne
gotiation.
Such is the vanity of man, and none who, with
Us, have watched Stewards course in this rebel
lion. from his tampering with Ne rebel commits
missiouers to his creation of party To divert the
too earnest purpose of the people from the suffice
ton of the South, doubt that we have truly
traced his scheme. Every at of his Secretery
ship has been to convince the rebels of his imper
turbable good will He has not failed them at
single pinch; and lastly. by way of giving
mistakable proof of the rational adhesion of the
Administration to their cause, he has sustained
their mouth pieces. Messrs Long and Harris, in
in the seats they unworthily retain in Con
gress. Not only did every Lincoln member of
the House vote with the copperhea'is to protect
these traitors from expulsion. but the special
gan OF Mr. Lincoln earnestly entreated them not
to take the vote Of censure so deeply TO heart,
as to induce them to resign.
All these things not accidental OF capri
cious; they betray consistent and deliberate
method; and our settled app ehension l., that rs
soon the prolOngasion OF the shall have
performed its part, by floating the Administration
once more into power. il will be settled with un-
seemly haste and in full accordance with the
dogmas of the copperhead oracles who Messrs
Lincoln and Seward so unblushingly defend
The fear is not extravagant Let it be borne i'm
mind that l. and s. both stand solemnly pledged
TO the rebels and before the world, that the Sc
coded States are not to be reduced to obedience
by force IF arms; and let US ask ourselves,
whether il will seem very strange, should they
keen this pledce after thew snugly in their