The Jeffersonian Democrat. [volume] (Chardon, Ohio) 1854-1865, 1864-03-11

Constitution, aud their removal would
not interrupt or derangc its perfect
operation. They were designed to be 10.
cal and temporary in their effects, to en-.
body no enduring principle, and, il not
before rescinded, to become a dead letter
when the deplorablc evil 10 which they
owe their origin should be abolished. as
The trainers OF The Constitution fondly
hoped ii ultimately would. One has been
a dead letter since the year 1908 and,
now that Slavery is generally regarded
MS q doomed system, there can be no valid
reason why all should not be stricken
from The Constitution, while, on the con.
trary, national pride, honor and consist
ency, TO say nothing of motives Of Justice
and humanity, demand that they should
be.
Whatever may be the issue of The war.
it is unsafe to leave any provisions in the
Constitution whereby Slavery may here.
after, In any contingency, be secured an
existence in this country. While it is rec.
ognized, directly or indirectly, nationally
or locally, by the Constitution, many dan
gerous and embarrassing questions will
constantly arise. We see it already as.
serted that the Presidents En- ,ncipation
Proclamation applies only to TIE particu.
lar slaves liberated by it, and does not
permanently affect the legality of slave.
holding in any State ; and that, when the
war is over, and the Rebel States have
returned to their allegiance, they may
hold slaves, provided new victims can be
found. BY the terms Of the Presidents
Amnesty Proclamation, and by the ma.
ture OF our Government, ali such cues.
lions are subjec. to tho adjudication of the
Supreme Court and who dare say, af.
ter The bred Scott decision, which stands
unreversed to this day, that, under all
possible circumstances, they are safe in
the hands of tina: tribunal d? Public sen.
l'ment, like everything else that is bu.
man, Is liable to change ; and, though a
revival OF the Slave Power now seems i'm
possible, as did onco such an act "a tho
Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, or such n do.
cision as in tho case of Drod Scott. srmo
new discovery or invention, or some now
combination of political or social interests
may work as great a moral revolution in tho
country as that which preceded those iniou;.
tics, and made them possible. In that
ovont, without q previous amendment IF tho
Constitution, what would become of tho
safeguards which that instrument throws
around personal and political Freedom A
Pro-sIavery Administrations, aided by n
Pro-Slavery supreme Court, might sweep
thom al away. We do not think such n
result probable, but il certainly is no, i'm.
possible; and, in providing against future
contingencies, 1t is the part of wisdom
to take counsel of our fears as we'll ms
hopes.
Tho present is tho time to 80 amend tho
Constitution as forever to obIitorato tho
foul stain upon our national character =: and
now arc wo to BIO justified by postoritv. if
wo do not improve it: Mono can opposo
such action but those Who desire n reyivaI
OF tho Slave Power. That they are actuatcd
by no vonoration for tho Constitution ns II
is, is shown by tho fuct that they favored
the compromise proposed by tho lato Soma.
tor Crittondon, whereby tho Constitution
would havo beon so amended as to mako it
directly fostor and sustain Slavery. Their
counseIs deserve not to DO hoedod by those
who arc to legislato for tho millions to sue.
Good us In this land, and to whom it should
bo' IN truth as well as in ma mo, a land of
freedom. Tho mon to whom this great
work is entrusted should remember that no
party, however truo to principle, has n per.
manent 'oaso of power, and act wisely and
~ei' wh''o there 10 yot an opportunity.