The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1864-03-21

tration those things which its judgment con-
dennis. We ask no one to approve the acts
or the policy Of the administration unless he
believes that policy or those acts to be wise
and polite. Its the privilege Of every man
to think for himself--to entertain any opin-
ions which result from candid exercise of
his Judgment or an intelligent exercise of
his reasoning powers. For no such thing do
we find fault with or condemn the Argus.
But we do complain OF that paper or any
other paper, OF its editor or any other citizen,
for all unfair carping at and misrepresenta-
tions of the acts OF our rulers with a view
to breed or foster spirit of discomfort in the
public mind, or to undermine that confidence
of the people in their government without
which popular institutions cannot long be
maintained. If the Argus thinks the admin
tration at fault in conducting the war to put
down rebellion, it should point out better
way, and not content itself simply with fault
finding. The merest yandal may tear down
the temples which the wisdom of the ages
alone has been able to rear. 1t is poor phi
losophy that will be content with destruction
ANU pun iofLn uO cuOfts soI ucttcl IcCon-
struction.
The Argus will probably agree with us that
somebody or some power must decide upon
the war policy of the government and shape
the various means necessary to carry that
policy into effect. The highest law has left no
ambiguity as to the parties upon whom these
duties shall deyolve. The President is the
Commander-in-chief, and as such is the right
full Judge of military necessities and of the
proper policy to be observed in the conduct
of the war. There are other powers which
devolye upon Congress. Congress has the
war-making but not the war conducting
power. If the President does not execute its
will, or If he does it unwisely, then Congress
may cut off his supplies. Now we take this
ground: that while every citizen has an I'M
questioned right to dissent from the policy Of
the government and to believe it unwise or
impolitic, when that policy has been decided
upon by competent authority no citizen can
oppose it without opposing the Government
itself. He can labor to secure its modilca-
ton or entire change, but to oppose its opera
ton while II Is the policy of the government,
authoritatively settled, is, to say the least OF
1t, but little better than open rebellion, and
certainly no more honorable and no more enti-
tied to respect.
A common sailor before the mast may feel
quite sure that the order from the quarter
deck is wrong, and that its exeuction will re-
suit in disaster; but that order having been is
a l...x
the ships course, must be obeyed, and the sea-
man who should attempt to evade 1t or to en-
ter his protest openly before the men, would
be guilty of mutiny, and no amount of supe-
rior knowledge on his part, and no setting-up
of his right of private judgement in the case,
would avail to save him from the consequent
ces of disobedience.
The private soldier may very seriously
doubt the wisdom of an order from headquar-
tiers, but shall he set up his opposition to the
execution of authoritative commands? The
rules of the service do not allow him to know
,ohat is best in the case. The law has delega-
ted to others the power to decide such mat
tiers, and his duty is to aid in executing that
decision.
So, too, in the case in point. While we
have no intention of asserting that military
or naval or even marine regulations-necessa
rily arbitrary-should obtain in civil life and
in controlling our conduct towards the civil
administration of the government, we do in
sist that when any action Of the government
has been decided upon by the rightful and
only competent authority, as good citizens
we have no right to oppose such action SO
long as itremains unrepealed OF unmodifed.
Factions opposition to authority is no legiti-
mate right of citizenship. This is true even
in times ofpeace; how much more so when
the life ofthe nation is in peril.
Great exigencies are constantly arising de-
manding prompt action on the part of the gov
eminent. That action must be had to save
the national honor and the national integrity
Somebody must decide what this action shall
be. Earnest, honest, loyal men are bound to
presume that such decisions are made in
good faith and in accordance with the best
judgement of the deciding tribunal. True.
the President is imperfect and like other men
may err, but his errors are entitled to be re-
garded as the errors ola wel-meaning man,
having the good of his country at heart. And
in an hour like the present, when armed reb-
els are grasping at the nations throat, and
the life of our institutions is still 10 peril. and
when united public sentiment is needed to
secure the early suppression of rebellion, and
when traitors find hope and encouragement
only or chiefly in the dissentions of those who
should be united in opposing them. we look
upon it as very spurious kind of patriotism
that will fold its hands and refuse to work
because it objects to some of the means or
some of the workmen, or which can do moth
ing but find fault and by all the arts of an intern
al spirit seek to SOW the seeds of discomfort in
the public mind, to destroy confidence on
the part of the people, and to breed mutiny
among those needed to aid in defending the
Ship of State from the pirates who are threat
ening to board her
In 1916 Mr.. Polk, in his annual message.
charged treason upon that large class of the
American people who, he said, aided and
comforted" the public enemy, though that en-
envy was on foreign soil, by Withholding
their sympathy from the Mexican war. How
much more guilty are those who, when the
enemy is at the door, aid and comfort" him.
not simply by Withholding sympathy from
the efforts put forth for his subjugation, but
by open and constant assaults upon the gov
eminent that is laboring to maintain its au-