The Burlington weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington [Iowa]) 1860-1876, 1864-09-03
The vital Question /.

a 5
! The vital Question.
Before the people rush into the arms Q
the Democratic party, on the general prop
osition that that party alone 10 capable
: terminating the war and concluding peace
it is proper and essential that they shou!t
know what kind offs peace the Democratic
party will consent 70 make. It will not do
In 20 important an emergency, to rely q
general promises, and to take on trust TN
pledges ofa party that nestled in its bosom
70 the latest moment the vipers that have
stung almost 70 death the Union whose 10
storation and prosperity it 10 the devout
wish Of every patriotic heart to see. Un-
doub tedly peace can be concluded with the
rebels upon . basis Of separation and In
dependence. That can b accomplished -
speedily by the Administration in power -
by the Administration which the Chicago
Convention proposes to put In power. The
question IL, whether the Democratic Adj
ministratien would consent to make 80 hu.
initiating peace. We know that Of Mr..
Lincoln will not. The rebels, from the BE-
ginning Of the war, have had before them
the simple terms upon which peace can BE-
made ct any time. When they consent to
put aside the government set up at Rich
mOnd, cease to make war upon tbegovern-
ment, disband their armies, and return to
!ueI 0i1es!.uCcs lucy Wuu W received OoCA
into the fold from which they have gone
estray, with open arms and q brotherly
welcome, and the terms of reconciliation
will not be exacting or hard, but liberal
and generous. The fact IL, that thus far,
they have refused any terms. They have
preferred war. They have made it, and
their honor, their lives and their fortunes,
that they will not discontinue war till We
do consent to let them go, and recognize
their Confederacy as an independent and
sovereign power.
Now It becomes vital question to know
what the Democracy will do, when they
ocratic as under a Republican Admins
tration. Suppose an armistice granted and
negotiations entered upon. Suppose we
offer to conclude the war, pay our own
debts, guarantee that their State rights and
institutions shall be as they existed before
ply with the demands Of the Richmond
papers-agree to pay of their enormous
debt in conjunction with our own, indem-
nifty their States and their citizens for
losses by war, restore their negroes to
them, and by all means in our power strive
their former position under the Constitu-
ton a. it was, and the Union as it was
Suppose all this done, and added to it the
temptation Of sharing with them the un-
limited spoils Of uncounted Democratic
Administrations-the chief and most lu--
crative offices IN the Cabinet, on the Su-
preme Bench, In the Custom houses, in
the Post Offices, the Foreign Embassies; in
fact, humbly ask them, cap In hand, to b
20 good and condeocending a. to come
back, be our masters, accept n our tribute
the most honorable and lucrative positions
in the nation, and resume the dignities
and honors which they mon0polized b.
fore they haughtily spurned us and made
war upon the Government. Suppose al
this done, and yet they refuse to come
back, and tell NJ they will hight NJ -
sharply and - bitterly in the four. years to
come ~ In the four years past, will the
Democratic Administration consent to pur.
chase peace At such > price, and appropri-
ately close the history Of rebellion COM
menced under one Democratic President,
by an act declaring It honorable and suo-
cessful under another
This, after Ill tho fussv defamation and
PARTISAN clamor, 10 the vital point; and We
think We are safe in saying that there il
not Democratic orator or speaker-savo
those who are for unconditional peaco-
who has answered It. The question has
been sharply put to them and they have
uniformly avoided it. In the last discus
non between Governor Morton, of Indiana,
Mcdonald, at Lawrenceburg, Governor
Morton put the question in the most ex-
plicit and direct language. We give his
precise words:
II an armistice was granted, and nego-
tiations opened, and the rebel States should
make peace except upon the condition OF
recognizing their Independence, would you
then be in favor Of resnming the war, or or
making peace upon the terms Of granting
their independence ?"
Now, We happen to know that among the
thousands who listened to that debate,
there was not man, Republican or Demo-
crat, who was not anxious 10 hear Mr.. Me-
Donald's response TO it. But they waited
in vain. He was vOluble en- Governor
Morton's official record, which, 30 far, has
not furnished him any appreciate capital;
he could roar about emancipation and
negro equality before the law; waste his
words on minor and incidental topics, and
indulge in the usual partisan palaver about
the tremendous governing capacity Of the
Democratic party, (which. by the way,
since it lost its Southern leaders, has not
Exhibited any particular capacity in that
but the main point, the great
own party TO the administration, and the
war, he would, or did not touch, and he
left the stand without single reference
to it. @-s@
This singular reticence is characteristic
of the Conservative Democracy just now.
The question. 1t is the dividing question
between the Conservative War and the
Unconditional Peace Democracy. The Fer
nando Woods, the vallandighams, the
Longs, have answered it. They
IRE ready tc make peace upon the basis Of
separation. They say SO individually, and
were they certain they could carry the
country with them in the Presidential cleo
lion. they would say so collectively. They
know that they are powerless minority
unless the Conservatives act conformity
with them. Hence this ultimate conside-
ration will be kept in allegiance. aud we
shall have in place OF clear, definite and
basis tor an arm>tice, me-
yotiations for peace, and convention Of
The States. q multitude Of giiiterirlg and
,pecious pledges, and the old. old story OF
superlative Democratic wisdom III allmat-
.ers OF statecraft and policy. The people
will not know whether the Democratic Adj
headed by either Mcclellan.
Spvfpor1r nr Fillmore voull ,naLa rooco