Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1864-10-24
DESPERATION OF THE SOUTH:
ARMINc The NEGROES.
Freedom to All Who right for slavery.
THE MOST SIGNIFICANT SIGN OF WEAKNESS

The following article from the Richmond
Enquirer, Oct. 18th, will attract very
marked attention throughout the country I;
ooNsCRIPTING THE SLAVES.
The proposition to extend the Conscript
Law TO the slaves of the States was for
mally advanced by this paper in its issue
of the 9th inst. Since that time We have
received many assurances of its popular
favor, and none whatever of opposition to
it. We learn that the planters in the ex-
treme Southern States favor the PROPOSE
tion, and some have signifed their resdi-
ness to free five, ten or fifteen of their
slaves if they will enter the army. The
near approach of the time when the Con-
gress meets again, requires that expression
be given to the sentiments Of the country
upon this important measure. We there
fore, earnestly invite its discussion, and
open our columns to opponents as well as
friends of the proposition.
The result of the late elections is still IN
doubt, and whether Lincoln or Mcclellan
will be elected, it is yet impossible to de-
termine, but there is no uncertainty as to
the question of carrying on the war
Whether Lincoln or Mcclellan be the
next President, the voice, and the almost
unanimous voice, of that people Is Tor a
vigorous prosecution OF the war. Inc
duty of preparing to meet that issue Will
be before the approaching session Of the
Confederate Congress; that body will
have before it, for consideration, the wsys
and means, as well Of men as of money,
for carrying on the war, on our part.
The war of the enemy, "no parley with
rebellion in the feld-no csmpromlse with
slavery in the adjustment" fully inform
our people that, in plain vernacular, the
whites of these States are to be subjggsted
to slavery, and their slaves reduced to the
miserable condition of Yankee free ne
groes. This is the view of the people
among our enemies, and this will be the
result of the war, whether ended BY Lin
coin or Mcclellan, if the people of these
States permit themselves to be conquered.
The consumption of negroes should be
accompanied with freedom and the privi-
Iege of remaining in the states; this is no
part of abolitionism, 1t is the. exercise by
the master of the unquestionable right OF
manumission; it is remunerating those
who defend our cause with the privilege of
freedom. Nor should this important ques-
tion be preiudiced with questions about
putting the negro on an equality with our
friends, brothers and fathers. Many OF the
soldiers in their childhood were fondled
and nursed BY faithful negro nurses, and
vet no question of equality was ever raised.
Many man has manumitted slaves with
out ever being subjected to the suspicion OF
being an abolitionist.
The issues involved in this war are to
exalted in their importance and character
for us to permit them to be compromised
by being degfaded to question of proper
ty. The liberty and freedom of ourselves
and of our children, the nationality Of our
country, the right of enjoying any kind OF
property, the houses over our heads and
the verY graves ofour children and friends
are involved in the struggle. Failure
makes slaves of all, white and black; ro6s
all of property, real and personals divides
our lands among our conquerols, who Will
plow up the very graves of our dead as
fertIlized ground for making money. We
have in our midst half million of fighting
material which is property-shal we use
that property for the common cause
Justice and sound policy demand that we
make freemen of those who fight for free
dom. We conscript the master, and we
impress his horses, cattle, wheat, and every
other property, except slaves. This very
exception is an imputation that this war is
for slavery and not for freedom By con-
seripting the negroes, we show to the world
the earnestness that is in our people; we
prove to our enemies that at the moment
of our supposed exhaustion, in the fifth
year of the war, we shall meet them with
larger armies than we have before raised /;
and we explode the false accusation that
we are fighting for slavery, or a slave
holders Confederacy.
There are those who doubt whether sound
policy would trust negroes with arms. We
are not of those who entertain any fears
upon that subject. Drill and discipline
make valuable soldiers of Russian serfs, and
nonegroes in these States are so ignorant and
brutal as those serfs. Between service
with the Confederaey and with the Yam
KEGS, between living among US, with all their
strong local attachments, and going among
strangers, who are now openly buying and
| selling them to recruiting officers, our
slaves will find no difficulty in choosing.
| And when it is once understood that Free
dom and home in theSouth are the privi-
leges offered by the Confederate authori-
ties' while the enemy extend the beggarly
hospitslities of Yankee philanthropy, not
only will deseTtions from our ranks be un.
frequent, but the drafted negroes of the
Yankee armies will exchange services.
We are to lay down our arms and
submit to the kindness of the Buffers
Grants, Shermsns and Sheridans; to the
fate of New Orleans, the condition of the
Valley, the misery of Atlanta, and, sftel
all that degradation, to give up all oul
slaves in the adjustment. If there are any
reasons against extending the conscription
to slaves, we should like to have them stated
but we are decidedly of opinion that the
whole country will agree to the proposition
and that at an early day the next Congress!
will be called upon to provide for it By
| Law.