The daily register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1863-1864, 1864-02-16
stitutional liberties, than in the benefit Of

tne Afrlc4A.
si | have been aud am willing to assert the
power of this Government against rebel
lion, and have, by virtue of my location,
deeper interest in the preservation OF the
Union under the Constitution than gentle
men resideing in States more remote from
the scene of hostilities I therefore would
20 as far as he who goes farthest to exert
every constitutional power for the restora'
ton of the Union; but cannot, consistent
" With what believe to be the true policy
in the attainment of that end, consent tc
the exercise of powers clearly not within
the scope of the Federal Government.
claim no sympathy for the authors ol
this rebellion; grant your power te
use physical force against armed re-
bellion; but think true policy requires
as we'll as humanity dictates, that we should
distinguish between those in rebellion
against your authority, those in arms snd
those who arc not willingly engaged in an
effort to sever the connection that hereto
fore existed between them and this Gov
ernment. Bring to bear your power against
offending individuals; but at the same time
bring to bear your power in favor of those
who are not engaged in the strife, or who
have been made the unwilling instruments
of power which they were unable to re.
sist. --.. l..
In the war with Mexico instructions were
sent out from the War Department to our
Generals to purchase even thei- supplies
from the Mexicans. No one doubts the
right in time of war to levy contributions
on the enemy for the support of the Army;
but that law of war was modified by our
Government in its instructions to the com
manding Generals in Mexico. Shall we
treat these people worse than we treated
the Mexicans? If it was deemed right to
accompany the Army with one empowered
to treat for peace with foreign nation, is ii
improper to accompany the Army with the
olive.branch now? Will you exact obedi.
ence to your laws where you are unable to
give protection?
In the beginning of the struggle We
clearly defined its character, clearly defined
the over of the Government of the United
States as against the citizens of the sece
ded States. We declared 1t to be, what
alone it can constitutionally be, an exer-
tion of tho physical power of the nation
against individuals, and not against States.
In the Instructions of Mr.. Seward to our
ministers in Great Britain and France, in
April, 1861, he expressly declaimed all
right or all power on the part of the Gov
ernment of the United States to interfere
during this war, if you call itsuch, with the
rights of any State and he said, in SO
many words, that whether the rebellion
should succeed or should fail the status oi
the slave would remain the same. The
President of the United States, in his in
augural address delivered from the eastern
portico of this Capitol, expressly disclaimed
all authority to Interfere with the domes.
tic institutions of the States, and all desire
to do so. Let us adhere to the position ia
ken by these different organs of the Gov
ernmeHt and by the Congress of the United
States in its resolution of July, 1861, pros
ecute this struggle against individuals for
the purpose of asserting the supremacy of
the Constitution and enforcing obedience
to the laws made in pursuance thereof.