Dayton daily empire. [volume] (Dayton [Ohio]) 1850-1865, 1864-08-19
The Cincinnati Commercial on
the Dayton Empire.


In brief paragraph Of ours few days
ago, we expressed the opinion that the
ground assumed by Mr. McDoNAtD, the
opponent of o. p MORTON, Tor Governor
of Indiana, was untensble that il it be
conceded that State may be coerced
that in any war is iustifable emef
gency by the Federal Government to
constrain the obedience Of sovereign,
though refractory States. it is conces-
sion Of the whole argument, and that
MoRToN, it not an ass, would beat his
opponent in discussion. We adhere to
that belief, although the Commercial pro-
nouncos it shameful and distressing" that
such an opinion should be held by any
body in the North The Con,meroiai
says
1--WE Rre not a nation--there is no promise
OF stability in our Government. and no public
security Of any sort--if this doctfine Of
South Carolina traitors, as exaggerated by-
subservient Northern copyists should prevail u
There is the despicable cant and slang
Of Black Republicanism in the quotation
we have cited to which we have long been
accustomed. Whether this has been the
doctrine in South Carolina. Georgia, or
Massachusetts makes no manner of differ
encc. 1t is the true doctrine, and we
seize upon truth wherever found" Nor
does the Commercial make any point a
gainst us, that at all distresses us, when i
asserts that if our incuIcations be accept
ed, then eve are not nation" In point
of fact, we are not nation, in the legiti
mato meaning--the European meaning OF
that word. We are confederacy Of
Sta,es 1t would be more proper to say
that we are q coniederacy of nations, than
to designate as nation the United States
at large. We accept whatever conclu-
sions follow these Premises. We have
no responsibility for them, whatever they
may be. We state the true theory of our
AhioiiSah y otctu VI OuNeInmeut. we
define and describe it as we know il TO be,
and we leave con equences to take care of
themselves.
/ The Commercial speaks, in captivating
language of the Imperial idea of Ameri-
can nationality" What it means by this
gaudy phrase, would be far better express
ed as the "imperial idea" of consolda-
tion and despotism. Forr it will be OBJ
served that while zoe are entirely willing
every power delegated to the Federal Gov
ernment shall be exercised, the Commsy-
ciul mauifests no desire whatever to retain
a single one of the reserved rights of the
States. What State Rights are is not a
question between us. The Commercial is
prompt 10 surrender every poWer to the
Federal Government, making it supreme,
and therefore despotic in all things.
The Commercial, finally takes another
view of the subject, making the question,
as it does of its politics and opinions gem
orally, a matter of dollars and cents.
Texas cost us great sum, and so also did
Louisiana, says the Commercial, and it
asks triumphantly, shall we sacrifice this
immense amount of money, rather than
resort to coercion 10 retain the States thus
purchased? a? Let us ask the Commercial
a question Is it not better to sacrifice
the hundred or two millions of dollars that
our acquisitions have cost us, than TO con-
tinue war which has already burdened
us with public debt of four thousand
millions, spilled the blood of at least a
million of our gallant soldiers. filed the
land with cripples, and made bereavement
and mourning the rule at our once happy
firesides But we meet this argument OF
the Commercial otherwise In the first
place, the power to acquire territory was
not in the Constitution, though the great
name of MIR, JEFFERSON gave it sanction,
and the people acquiesced in its exercise.
Perhaps wisely. Let that pass. But sup
pose the power to acquire territory be one
Of the implied ones of the Constitution,
was not the expenditure made with dis
tinct understanding of whatever rights
were conferred by the Constitution on the
States This brings us back to the start
ing point in the argument, The scquisi-
ton Of territory could not alter the provi-
sions Of the Constitution-could not aug