The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1864-10-21

teristic Of despotism. II the same power tina
makes the law. can cOnstrnH 1t to suit his IL
terests, and apply it to crafty his vengeance
If he can 90 farther, and execute according +
his own passions. the Judgment which he
himself, has pronounced upon his own con
struction of laws which he himself has made
! what other features are wanted to complet
il proposed to be done by this act; by it th,
President alone is empowered to make the law
to fix in his mind what acts, what words
| thoughts or looks, shall constitute the crime
contemplated in the BILL He is not only au.
thorized to make this for his own conduct
but to vary it at pleasure, as every gust Of
passion, every cloud of suspicion, shall agitate
or darken his mind.
The same power that formed the law, then,
applies 10 the guilty or innocent victim, whom
its own suspicious or the secret whisper OF
spy have designated as its object. Inc Ire e.
dent then, having construed and appheu ~, tic
same President is, by the bill, autnoli.eu "
execute his sentence, in case OF dlsoDeoi a
by Imprisonment during his pleasure. !.ls,
then, comes completely WITHIN !ne uenmi.;on
OF despotism-a union OF teG .h;S Hi does MOI
and judicial powers. But this Dili ooes NOT
stop here its provisions are refinement upon
desn6tism and present an image OF the most
faarfoi tyranny. Even in despOtisms, though
the monarch legislates, judges and executes,
vet.hg Iegislates openly; his laws, though OPP
nressiye. are known, they precede the offence,
penalties of disobedience, yet he judges and
executes by proxy, and his private interests or
passions do not influence the mind of his
deputy.
But here the law is closely concealed in the
same mind sthat gave it birth, the crime is
exciting the suspicious of the President,"-
that no man can tell what conduct viii avoid
that suspicion; careless word, perhans mis-
represented or never spoken, may be sufficient
evidence; look may destroy; an idle gesture
may ensure punishment; no innocence can
protect, no clrcumspectiOn can avoid the jeal-
Ousy of suspicion. Surrounded by spies in
formers and all that infamous herd which fat
ten under laws like this, the unfortunate stran-
ger will never know either of the law Of accu-
sation or of the judgment, until the moment it
is put in execution he will detest your tyran-
ny andlhy from the land OF didtators, inquisitors
and spies. The law is equally
inaccessible to high and low, safely concealed
in the breast of its author; no industry or eau
ton can penetrate this recess and attain
knowledge of its provisions, nor, even if they
could, as the rule is not permanent, would it
OF all prevail.
What the Congress then without the
power assumed to authorize President
ADAMS to do, LINCOLN is assuming to to
without even asking the leave of Congress.
The living arguments of LIVINGSTON, the
friend and compeer of JEFFERSON, MADI-
SON, MONROE and JACKSON, against ADAMS
ALLEN bill," apply with ten-fold force
against the w;lful usurpations and exercise
by LINCOLN of the very powers sought to
be conferred on ADAMS by that act of Con-
gress L1NooLN's fate should be ten-fold
more speedy, salutary and severe than that
of ADAMS. 1t will be if the people are true
to themselves, to their Constitution and
to the memory, precepts and examples of
the Fathers of the Republic.