Gallipolis journal. [volume] (Gallipolis, Ohio) 1837-1919, 1864-08-25
NzATxz HxHUUTED on
SHORT NOTICE.

, concessions to The Slave Power, and
their only effect waste encourage az.
gression- This style Of Statesman
ship went on unrilit was arrested by
the rebellion: and it b to be hoped
that it win never be renewed.
We could gain nothing by cornpro-
missing. The rebels would have
nothing to give us; and we would
lose all the respect that we have
hitherto made them feel for us. All
the. concession would be on our
part, and the only return we would
receive would be the contemptof our
! enemies. 1t might do US good to be
humbie at the peoper time and plaees
but it would not be pleasant to be
despised, even by the rebels. Com
promise for the sake Of .peaeei If
peace is indeed our object, let rs de-
lnsnd It as right and enforce the
demand. A ,por rebellion is before
as. five fee from it, it VIII follow
US; if we bow our heads to it, we will
be trampled to the earth; but if we
resist it and make good use Of our
strength and resources we cannot
fail to conquer 1t. Then we can
have peace-peace worth having,
peace based on eternal justice. The
peace that we want is the Enion.-
Our compromise should be the auth
oritv and supremacy of the govern
ment, our olive branch, the Star
Spangled banner. In our operations
against the rebellion we can not dis
regard the bearings Of the Slavery
question. There are many who af-
feet to despise this question; but it Is
one which no wise man will disre-
gard. Much as we may desire to a.
void this question it viii continue to
press itselfupon US until it is settled.
We can not putt off until the war
is over; 4 IS a part Of the ,rar. Sla-
very and the rebellion are IN such
close alliance that we can not sue
cessfully oppose one without oppo-
posing both. They can not be sepa-
rated in life, or in death.
The material advantages which
the rebels derive from Slavery can
hardly he over estimated. Whatev-
er may have been its influence upon
their prosperity in timr of peace, its
present strength to them is immense.
They can conscript their entire white
population capable of bearing arms,
ard then derive subsistence for the
army and the people at home from,
the proceeds of slave labor. 1t is Of
the utmost Importance in a strictly
military point ofview, that we should
deprive the rebels of this strength,
as far as it is possible for us to do so.
The magnitude of our task demands
J that we should improve every ad-
vantage in our way, and profit by all
the weakness and exposed points of
the enemy. Whether we could ever
succeed without this policy is not the
question. Emancipation has been
called ''rnilitary necessity" 1t
may not be so in the most intense
meaning of the term. Its defence
does not require a mathematical de-
monstration that the Union can nev-
er be saved without it. All that
need be proved is that it is wise
military measure, and that it can be
carried out IN accordance with mill
tary law. Ali sound military men
act upon the principle of weakening
the enc ny and Strengthening them
selves by every means in their pow
er not forbidden by the rules of civ
ilized warfare. The point of war is
success; and every lawful means for
securing success should be adopt
ed.
We are in a state Of var, and we should be
guided by the laws of war. While men are
in arms against the government thew cannot
claim any rights as citizens Of the govern
m-ht. III we allow them the rights Of bel
ligcrents We cannot forgo the advantages
which the laws Of war viii give Us over them.
The true principle Of war is, "an eye for All
eve, and a tooth for a TOOTH"
OUT right TO take away their slaves from the
rpbelsis a part Of our, right TO carry on the
war against them. We are seeking to con-
ouer them, and we are not bound TO spare any
Of their local laws and institutions that stand
in our way. If we consider the rebels as a
belligervnt power, which we must do, their
laws for the puotsction Of slavery are entitled
to no more consideration than their ordinance
of secession. They were in a great hurry to
get into war and they must submit to ITS
rules.
Moreover this policy is not an effort TO make
new order Of things as they are. The free
ing Of slaves - a logical result Of military
conquest and occupation. As our army ad-
vauces into the South, slave property becomes
insecure and improbable. The negroes either
run away from their masters, or their masters
run away frcm them. They come into our
lines for protection and support. 1t is our
dutv TO take care OF them, and we have q
right 10 vhatever assistance they can give Us.
Emancipation is not without its difficulties
and dangers Il is but too true that many OF
the negroes cannot take proper care Of them
selves The debasiug influences Of their long
enslaveTnent cannot easily be shaken Of. If
we free them or assume to free them. line OF
policy should be adopted which will be Just
TO them and beneficial 70 the government.
This can be done. Their enlistment into
the military service Of the government, 80 long
delayed for reasons that will hereafter be
laughed at. has proved an enninently wise
measure. The success which has attended
this experiment has almost sileneed theunrea-
sonable opposition which wss at first raised to
it Experience has fnlly shown that the ne
groes oan DO, made faithful and efficient sol
disrs. that trey can endure the hardships md
rriyafions of the service and that thsy VIII
do th-ir duty on the battlefield. There can
.be no sound oIj-etion 10 freeing the negroes
sndenEloynz th-n IN This way gssrlg Ell