The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1864-10-31
POLICY or THR ADHINIsTRaTIOW
WITH RRssAnD rO SLAVERY.


One Of the things for which the President
has been most severely and persistenty abused
Il his action In reference 10 Slavery. His
opponents charge him with shameful inc IN
sistency in reference to the whole subject
alleging that he has pursued policy in the
last two years Of his administration which
directly contradicts the promises and engage
ments he made on assuming his high office.
They refer With special satisfaction to that
passage in one Of Mr.. LINCoLN's speeches,
quoted by himself in bis inaugural nd lrcss, In
which he declared as follows:-"l have no
purpose directly or indirectly TO interfere
with the institution orSlaycry in the State
" where It exists. 1 believe have no lawful
=" rieht 10 do so, and have no inclination 10
d" do so. Those who nominated and elected
me did 30 with the full knowledge that
4" had made this and many similar declarations,
" and had never recanted them"
When the foregoing asseveration Is con-
trasted with the emancipation proclamation,
and other kindred measures Of the Executive
! touching Slavery In the States where IL existed,
there would seem, at first sight, to be plain
incongruity. And yet a little reflection will
show that what the President has done does
not, in reality, disagree with what he had pre-.
viously said.
Unjust be recollected, in reading the passage
above quoted from his inaugural address, that
! Il was uttered at period anteceding the COM
mencement of actual hostlities against the
Government, and when Mr.. LINCOLN OBJ
yiously entertained hope and wish that those
hostilities might be avoided. Hence, when he
said that be had no purpose nor inclination to
interfere with the institution of Slavery In the
States where 1t was established, he spoke of
the States which were not at that time com
pletely and openly in condition of
open rebellion against the national authority,
and which had not therefore forfeited their
claim TO the protection Of the Constitution
and the laws And had the South not rebslled
at all, but sought redress for any of its
real or supposed grievances in the Union and
under the Constitution, It is to be presumed
that the President would not have departed in
the slightest measure from his original nten-
ton not to disturb the domestic institutions Of
the slaveholding States.
But circumstances alter cases. Principles
applicable to one state Of facts will not apply
to another and different state of facts; and
where there occurs q radical change of ad-
ministrative policy 10 government, we must
be careful to see whether that change is not
fairly attributable to the action of those who
complain of it, and but for whose folly and
crime no such modif cation of policy would
have been necessary.
When the South revolted and fired on Fort
Sumter, the status of the revolted States In
relation to the Government was mndlment-
ally altered. That act of treason worked a
forfeiture of their rights, to the full extent TO
which it was necessary to interfere with or
abolish them, in order to put down the Rebel
lion. 1t was their own act which made such
a course as the President has since pursued
towards Slavery both Inevitable and justiAa-
complain Of that which was the consequence
only of their own conduct.
Moreover, a state of war brought at once
into play the "war-power" and all the laws of
war; and what the President saw and said he
had no right to do against the institution of
Slavery in a time ofpeace, he felt constrained
and fully authorized to do by virtue Of what
are known as the rights of belligerents. On
this point the President has so ably vindicated
his Emancipation Proclamation in the letter he
wrote under date of August 20, 1868, to the
Unconditional Union men of Illinois, that we
shall end this article with the following eX-
tract from that document Mr.. LINCOLN
suid:--
"You arc dissatisfied with me about the negro.
Quite likely there is difference of opinion
between YOU and myself upon that subject.
" certainly wish that all men could be free, while
| You, / suppose, do not. Yet, have neither
| " adopted nor proposed any measure which is
| Z" not consistent with even your view, provided
| " that you are for the Union. 1 suggested com
| " "pensated emancipation; TO which you replied
| you wished not 70 be taxed to buy negroes
But had not asked YOU TO be taxed to buy
negroes, except in such way as TO save yOt
from greater taxation to save the Union eXclu
Sively by other means.
" You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation
" and perhaps would have it retracted. You say
| +" IL is unconstitutional. | think differently.
" think the Constitutions invests Its Commander
=" In Chief with the law OF war in time OF war
" The most that eau be said, ii so much, Is, tina
" slaves are property. Is there, has there eve
been any question that by the laws of war, pro
"prTty, bO;h of enemies and friends, may bt
taken when needed And is il not needed
whenever il helps us aud hurts the enemy
Armies, the world over, destroy enemies pro
petty when they can not use IL and ever
3" destroy their own TO keep il from the enemy
| Civilized belligcTcuts do all Ia their p0Eer L
help themselves or hurt the encmy, except
few things regarded as bar.arOus or cruGl
Among the exceptions aro the massacre of van
"quished foes and non-combataats, male anc
female