The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1864-10-22

Ofcourse they cannot do this, but they may
Hrun the vote close" again, and this is discre-
ditable TO our party-to the Union. BY
little extra exertion and watchfulness, aided
BY GRANT, SHERMAN, and SHERIDAN, we
may carry the State by at least forty thousand
majority; and If the soldiers vote is thor
oughly polled, we can do better than this.
nRsPERATION OF THE SOUTH-PRO-
POSED CONSCRTPFION OF SLAVES.
The Southerners have said more than once,
since the war began, that they would, in a
certain contingency, set their slaves free.
They did not distinctly state the contingency
upon the happening of which they would adopt
the policy of emancipation. But 1t was evil
dent enough to any intelligent mind that the
only condition on which the institution of
slavery in the South would be formally and
deliberately abolished was that of securing
the success of the Rebellion, in the event of the
failure of every and all other means.
That the South would ever willingly part
with the @institution" while it was possible to
save 1t short of sacrificing the South itself, no
man Of common-sense supposed. But strong
~ always has been the attachment Of the
Southern shareholders to slavery, their repug-
nance to being conquered in this war for their
independence Of the National Government is
even stronger. Certain Southern papers have
repeatedly declared, within the last two years,
chat rather than be overcome by the armies of
the North, and reduced by force of arms to
return under the jurisdiction OF Government
against which they revolted, and of which
they have freely avowed their hate, the So
called Confederate Government would pro-
claim the emancipation of the negroes.
When, therefore, the Southern press and
statesmen begin to adopt measures with view
TO enlist the slaves in the Southern army, on
the condition Of their manumission, it may be
safely inferred that the Rebellion has reached
that last desperate extremity which alone
could compel the people of the South to give
up the very interest to save which they COM
menced the insurrection. They have made
up their minds that whatever may be the
result of the Presidential election in the loyal
States, the war is to go on to the end Of either
their subjugation or independence; and taking
that portentous view of the situation, they
pee that they must prepare to meet the issue
by drawing on all the reserved resources ye
remaining to them.
1t must go hard with the proud and impe
rious lords Of thousands Of broad acres, tile
By their predial serls, to give up that cherishe
Cornerstone and attribute of aristocrati
society; but the sacrifice, 1t seems, must b
made under the severe pressure of the wa
and the fact that the proposition to abando
{ Is now being seriously discussed and recon
nended in tho leading Southern journals,
IN incontroyertible proof that the Rebellion
pushed 10 its EXTREMIST necessity.
The Richmond Enquirer Of the 18th fms
In q long and earnest editorial, openly adv
Gates the conscription for military service Of
large proportion of the slaves in the Sout
and says that it learns that "the planters
|" the extreme Southern States favor &
proposition, while some have signihed thC
" readiness TO free FIVE, ten, or fifteen Of tn,
slaves If they viii enter the army"
urging the measure the Enquirer uses I
following language:-
"The result Of the late election Is still in don
" and whether LINCOLN or MCCLELLAN will
" elected it is yet impossible 20 determine;
there is no uncertainty rs to the question
carrying on the war. Whether lISCOLN
MoOLBLLAk be she next President, the vol
"and the almost unanimous voice, of that peOl
" is for vigorous Prosecution Of the war. [
" duty OF preparing 20 meet that issue will
" before the approaching session OF the COnleC
" rate Congress; that body will have before
" for consideration, the ways and means, as W
cot men as Of money, for carrying on the "
4" on our part.
"The war. cry of he enemy, no partly M
= rebellion IN the heid-ao compromise i0th stare
IN the readjtBtD'cHf,' fully informs our peoF
" that, in plain Yernacular, the whites of the
81 States are t. be subjugaled to slavery, and tn
slaves reduced to the miserable condition
Yankee free negroes. This IS the view OF {
"people among our enemies and this viii be :
result Of the war, whether settled By LIScol
" or MCCLELLAN, If the people OF these stat
permit themselves TO be conquered.
The conscrption of negroes should be accoI
"paned with freedom and the privilege OF r
A" naming in the States. This is no part of abo
4" tionism, It is the exercise by the master of q
unquestonable right of manumissionj 1t IS r
munerating those who defend our cause wi
" the privilege of freedom. Nor should this ~
"portant subject be prejudiced with question
about putting the negro on an equality with
friends, brothers, and fathers. Many Of the 81
diers In their childhood were fondled and nur5
"by faithful negro nurses, and yet no questiC
" Of equality was ever raised. Many man hi
manumitted slaves without ever being sui
jected TO the suspicion of being an abolitiOnis
The issues involved in this war are too c.
" allied In their importance and character for
70 permit them 10 be compromised by bel1
!, degraded 70 question Of property. III
!, hDetty and freedom OF ourselves and OF Of
a, Shndren, the nationality Of our country ti
!. right Of enjoying any kind of property, IL
Srsss eDr ~ oyer our heads and the very graves
ssrl % Snilcren and friends, are involved In th
0and4Sse.. Failure makes slaves of all, whit
asonal. Az tobs all of properly, real and PEI
0ors. who stn our lands among our conquer
q, Out ,sn, usao x IS iertlized ground fot maxim
Of ssStios massSs1 SssS ,1 our MIDST half millio
" we use that property for he iapy iploperty-shal
Justice and sound policy demand that ~ sSa AZ
ffeemen Of those who fight for freedom Ses rs A4k
This is pretty plain talk, and notb,D. !,
the direst exigency could have drawn II s,rt ~