The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1864-09-10
Greuiua telegraph
SPIRIT OF THE NEW YORK PRESS.
GENERAL McCLELLAN's LETTER or
ACCEPTANCE

GENERAL McCLELLAN's LETTER OF
ACCEPTANCE.
The response Of the Chicago nominee has been
awaited with a good deal Of interest. The nine
days grace he had taken had shown the extreme
unpopularity Of the platform on which he was
Nominated Would he rcpudiato that platform
and yet keep the nomination Such an iucon-
sistency would disgust everybody. Would he
renouncc the nomination; Nobody who knew
what he had been 80 long in training for believed
that. Would he accept the platform sluarely
II would ruin him. How then was he to manage
Naturally the people we're curious.
Well, we see at last General Mcclellan prac-
tices his fayorte strategy-with bold front he
fights shy. He makes a loud fanfarronade about
his devotion TO the Union, and all that, but does
not put himself at all to the practical matter in
hand. The prime points in the platform-those
which give its distinctive character-were these
The failure to restore the Union by the ex-
pertinent OF war; and " demand that imme-
diate efforts be made for cessation of fhostiltes"
lhe idea was as clearly put as IL was Compre-
hensiye, and so was the practical sequence. A
candidate Of thorough manhood would have met
both with downright assent or dissent They
are points upon which the people have a right to
know precisely what the nominee thinks and is
prepared to do This letter gives them no such
knowledge.
Whether he considers the "experiment of war;
failure or not, 1t is impossible to determine.
He gives an opinion that the war should have
been carried on in a different way; but upon the
point whether as conducted under the Iicutc-
nant. .Generaship of Grant, It's or is not failure,
he gives no opinion. Every man of the least sense
knows that the practical question is, not what
some other kind Of war would have DONE but
what the kind of war now actually existing has
done vi "a l.,
letter which we published yesterday, has given
his opinion this point with sodier-like direct
ness. He says :-"All we want now to insure an
early restoration of the Union is a determined
unity of sentiment North, f" and "the draft quietly
enforced" The Chicago Convention in the di-
rectest manner, denied that the Union could be
restored in any such way. General Mcclellan
neither atfrms nor denies it. His study Is sim
do it.
Upon the other point Of the Chicago Platform,
that there should be "an immediate effort for the
cessation of hostilities, General McCelan's sole
reply Isl
$50 soon as It is clear, or oven probable that
our present adversaries are ready for peace, upon
the basis of the Union, we should exhaust all the
resources of statesmanship practised by civilized
nations, and taught by the traditions of the
American people, consistent with the honor and
interests of the country to secure such peace re-
establish the Union, and guarantee for the future
the Constitutional rights of every State"
The platform says Immediate" which Is ex-
plicit. The nomiuee says $50 soon as it is clear
or probable" which is saying just nothing at ALL
Pbe practical question Is, whether this is the
time. Does or does not General Mcclellan be-
lieye that the present situation at the South is
such as to call for immediate efforts for the Cessa-
ton of hostilties 1t is plain question. Instead
OF boldly meeting 1t, he lodges under an unmean-
ing generality.
He has something elsewhere to say about 90
spirit of cOnciliaton and compromise" being
necessary ITO restore and preserve the Union,"
and this is nicely balanced in another part of the
letter by little OutgVing concerning "the re-
sponsibility of ulteriOr consequences" In case all
pacific efforts should fail As an effort to mount
peace platform with Quaker guns it is ridicu-
lous
The aim throughout is to give no ofTense to
any portion of his party but what is worse yet,
to give no otiense even to the Rebels themselves.
There is not syllable from one end of the let
ter to the other derogatory to the Confederates.
They are very respectfully styled "our present
adversaries," and not Rebels-as If it were some
foreign power at war with us. As in the plat
form, so in the letter-all the Opprobrium is
reserved for our own Government, as now admin
istered. A stranger to our condition would Judge
from this production that it was treason and
usurpation In Washington, and nowhere else, that
was producing our civil troubles.
1t is humillating. What pitiful exhibition
this man, with the epauletteS of a Maior-G General
still on his shoulders, makes as party posture
master! What contrast between his little
twistings and lodging, and the solid, straight
forward tread OF the Lieutenant General. II were
fortunate that the letters of the two should have
chanced to come before the public eye simulta-
neously. The two productions were life.like
photographs of the two characters--him they style
Little Mac" and him they style unconditional
Surrender'-the one calculating, whifing nous
. ing, hopping here little way, and there a
little way, full of consequence and yet ever try
ing to hide in his own little shadow all ambition
and no courage, all desire and no decision; the
other moved by will that knows no waverng
X OF absolute singleness of purpOse above all fear
as direct as the torrent and yet steadfast as the
hills, hatred of treason his master passion, tread
ing upon every bait OF party, doing the soldiers
work he was set to do, true man every inch of
him.
We tell this nominee of the Copperheads that
his evasions cannot possibly deceive the people,
He is fatally mistaken If he imagines that the
Presidency can be compassed by such little tricks
at time like this. There never was a situation
lees adapted than this for his sort of character,
and his style of action The country needs posi-
tive men, who are dominated by positive princi-
pies, for it is positive ruin that threatens it..