The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1864-03-09

passibte and inpregnable barriers to our
brave and gallant men when assaulting
them. We drop the curtain in the veil off
night on the bloody field Of July the first,
ana the many brave men, dead and living,
who Agured upon 1t. When we come again
we shalt lift the curtain, and so let the
reader be prepared along with Us to pass in
review the events OF the second days tgnt
AMERICAN AFfslsS IN EUa0PE.
BRITISH OPINION OF Mr.. ADAMS RErLHrIon
OF skWARD's DEMAND.
From the London Pos, (Goverum', c-gan) Feb II
It appears that Mr.. Stewards dispatch.
which Lord Derby described as "peremp
tory" and Sir Hugh Cairns as "peculiar,"
has never been delivered to Earl Russell. to
whom 1t was addressed. In the exercise of
discretion which is also somewhat peculiar,
Mr.. Adams, 1t would seem, abstained from
reading this document to the Foreign Secre-
tary, and leaving with him copy, as he was
directed to do. The dispatch has been laid
upon the table OF Congress, but as 1t hos not
been communicated to Her Majesty's Gov
eminent It could not be included in the Pc
pers laid before Parliament. Some curious
member Of the Federal Legislature may be
able to elicit further Information, but the
Government OF this country have, as we un.
derstand Earl Russell and Mr. Layard. no
official knowledge of the existence of such q
dispatch. There Is little mystery about
the matter in regard to the sub ;equent dis.
patch from Mr.. Adams to Mr.. Seward. to
which Lord Derby adverted; but in whatever
manner the American Minister here and the
American Minister at Washington NAV have
settled what concerns themselves and their
own Government, the distinct affirmation of
our Foreign Secretary, that no such dispatch
has been delivered to nim, is sufficient TO
account for Its omission In the correspond
ence which has been published, aud to satis-
~ the country that 1t has only not been re-
piled to because 1t has not been received.
Reasonable neople will, we apprehsnd, be
inclined to agree with Lord Russell. that it
was not worth while to get up wrangle
with the American Minister about diepafch
that gentleman thought proper to keep to
himself Mr.. Adams probably said he had
got the missive in his pocket, and he was
perhaps little vexed that it should have
been sent to him. There can be no doubt
that he strained his ministerial discretion to
suppress It, and that he acted wisely In so
doing : beyond aii question: i may be that
can Congress than fUrtre Engfisii taoycrn-
ment. That, however, IL no affair OF ours.
We can understand the pressure Of political
necessity, aud We know that greater men
than Mr.. Seward have been constrained to
acknowledge the force Of circumstances
Still, 1t is very much to he regretted that
dispatch of such an irritating character
should have been made public by the Gov
ernment whose Minister refrained from pre-
senting 1t. II Mr.. Seward was % well ac-
quainted with the present temper of tho PEG
pie Of this country as Mr.. Adams Is. he
wonld as soon havas thought of lighting his
seSar In powder magazine. Coming, too,
at time when ouf Government is earnestly
endeavoring to prevent any Infringement of
the laws which regulate the national neu-
traliiy, o. is doing so, it cannot be conceal
cd, without regard to popular favor, this gra-
tuitous exhibition of Iii feeling is calculated
not to impede, but certainly to embarrass its
action.
= We have ceased to hope that our
conduct and demeanor in carrying out the
neutrality we have determined to observe
will be appreciated by either of the bellig-
ercnts. While, however, we are sorry that
course Of action which we believe to be in
strict accordance with the laws OF nations
has failed to secure to Us the respect which
might possibly have been commanded by
the adoption Of lesa impartial policy, we
are persuaded that our Intentions will receive
q more favorable construction In history, and
that when the sngry passions which this fra
tricidal contest has engendered have sub
sided, the Americans themselves will admit
that we have been both just and forbearing.
If we had consulted our commercial inter-
ests; il We had consented to take part with
France In an Intervention to bring about q
pacific settlement of the quarrel; Ii we had
listened to the suggestions Of public opin-
ion or il We had taken offence when offence
was evidently intended, the Confederate
States would ere noW have been recognized
I,,, q <b<,E d.
Our foremost Statesmen not O few who think
we should have taken some steps in that di-
rection. There are MANY who insist that
the Confederate States have made them
selves q nation. But our G overnment has
steadfastly refused to depart from the prin-
ciple 1t laid down for its guidance when the
struggle commenced, and by that principle
1t 10, as Mr.. Adams well knows, resol7ed to
abide. We desire to live in peac6 with both
belligerents but they must not mistake our
meaning, nor attempt to impose upon our
good will. We can afford to disregard the
absence Of courtesy, gratitude we do not ex
pect, and We can make large allowance for
emotional ebullitions. There Is, however, .
language which no country can permit to be
used In addressing its Government; and II
we ara ayerse from war, 1t must not be In
ferred that we are prepared to accept peace
on any terms that are Inconsistent with our
honor.
IMPORTANT DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT.
In the British Parliament, on the 4th inst
Lord Derby attacked the Queens speech On
the ground of its omission 10 make any re-
ference to the American wnl and other sub
jects. In relation to our affairs, Lord Derby
said:
It appears, Notwithstanding the cences-