The Portland daily press., 1864-07-27

JOHnscus acceptance OF tue OuioH uohiihH-
ton for the Vice Presidency. Mr.. Johnson's
letter is as follows:
NASHVILLE, TENN, July 2, 1854.
Hon. William Dennison, Chairman, ana out-
ers, Committee Of the National Union Con-
reati0R:-
Gentlemen-Your communication OF the
9th ultimo, informing me OF my nomination
for the Vice Presidency of the United States
by the National Convention held at Baltimore,
and enclosing copy of the resolutions adopt
ed by that body, was not received until the
18th ult.
A reply ON my part had been previously
made to the action of the Convention in pre-
senting my name, in speech delivered in this
city on the evening succeeding the day of the
adjournment of the Convention, in which
indicated my acceptance of the distinguish
ed honor conferred by that body, and defined
the grounds upon which that acceptanance
was based, substantially saving what now
have to say. From the comments made upon
that speech by the various presses of the coun-
try to which my attention has been directed,
considered it TO be regarded as a full accept
ance.
In view, however, of the desire expressed
in your communication, l will more fully al
Jude to few points that have heretofore been
presented.
Ny opinions on the leading questions at
present agitating and distracting the public
mind, aud especially In reference 10 the re
bellion now being waged against the govern
ment and authority of the United States, l
presume are generally understood.
Before the Southern people assumed bel
ligerent attitude, land repeatedly since), /
took occasion most frankly to declare the
views i then entertained in relation TO the
wicked purposes of the Southern politicians.
They have since undergone but little, ii any,
change. Time aud subsequent events have
rather confirmed than diminished my conf
1 dence in their correctness.
At the beginning of this great struggle l
entertained the same opinion Of 1t that / do
now, and in my place in the Senate deuounc-
I ed it as treason, worthy the punishment OF
/ death, and warned the government and peo-
pie of the impending danger. But my voice
/ was not heard or counsel needed until it was
too late to avert the storm. 1t still continued
to gather over us without molestalion from
the authorities at Washington, until at length
it broke with all its fury upon the country
| And now If we would save the government
from being overwhelmed by it, we must meet
it in the true spirit OF patriotism, and bring
traitors TO the punishment due their crime.
aud by force of arms crush out and subdue
the last vestige Of rebel authority in every
State.
felt then as now, that the destruction of
the government was deliberately determined
upon by wicked and designing conspirators,
whose lives and fortunes were pledged to car
4 ~ il out, and that no compromise, short OF an
unconditional recognition of the independ-
ence OF the Southern States, could have been,
or could now be proposed, which they would
accept. The clamor tor Southern rights"
as the rebel journals were pleased TO desig-
nate their rallying cry. was not TO secure
their assumed rights in the Union and under
the Constitution, but TO disrupt the govern
ment, and establish an independent organiza-
ton. based upon slavery, which they could at
all times control.
The separation OF the government has for
years been the cherished purpose Of the South
ern leaders. Bafiied in 1882, by the stern,
patriotic heroism of Andrew Jackson, they
sulenly acquiesced only to mature their dia-
bolical schemes, and await the occurrence OF
more favorable opportunity TO execute them.
Then the pretext was the tariff, aud Jackson,
after foiling their schemes of notification and
disunion, with prophetic perspicuity, warned
the country against the renewal of their eflol Is
TO dismember the government.
In a letter, dated May /, 1888, TO the Rev.
A. j. Crawford, after demonstrating the heart
less insincerity of the Southern nullifiers, he
said:
Therefore the tariff was only n pretext,
and disunion and Southern confederacy the
real object. The next pretext viii be the ne
gro, or slavery question
Time has fully verified this prediction, and
we have now not only negro or slavery
question: as the pre.ext, but the real cause OF
this rebellion, and both must go down togeth-
err. 1t is vain to attempt to reconstruct the
Union with the distractiDg element OF slavery
in il. Experience has demonstrated its in-
compatibility with free and republican gov
ernments, and it would be unwise and unjust
longer to continue ii as one of the institutions
of the country. While 1t remained subordi-
nate TO the constitution and laws of the United
States, yielded to II my support, but when
it became rebellious and attempted 10 rise
above the government and control its action,
| threw my humble influence against it.
The authority OF the government is SUI
preme, and will admit of no rivalry. No in
stitution can rise above it, whether /. be
slavery or any other organized power. In
I our happy form OF government all must be
/ subordinate 10 the will of the people, when
reflected through the Constitution and laws
made pursuant shereto-Siate or Federal
This great principle lies al the foundation OF
/ every government, and cannot be disiegarded
without the destruction of the government it
SELF
In the support and practice Of correct prin-
cples we can never reach wrong results; and
by rigidly aihering to this fundamental truth.
the end will be the preservation of the Union
and the overthrow OF an institution which has
made war upon and attempted the destruction
OF the government itself.
The mode by which this great change-the
emancipation of the saye-can be effected, Is
properly found in the power to amend the Con
stituiion OF the United States. This plan is
eifectual, aud OF no doubtful authority; and
while it does not contrayene the timely exer-
else of the War Power by the President In his
Emancipation Proclamation, it comes stamp
ed with the authority of the people them
/ selves, acting 10 accordance with the written
rule OF the supreme law of the land, and must
therefore give more general satisfaction and
quietnde to the distracted public mind.
By recurring TO the principles contained in
the resolutions so unanimously adopted by
the Convention, find that they substantially
accord with my public acts and opinions here
tofore made known and expressed, aud are
therefore most cordially Endorsed and approx
ed; and the nomination, having been conferred
without any solicitation on my part, is with
the greater pleasure accepted.
In accepting the nomination might here
close, but cannot iorego the opportunity of
saying TO my old friends of the Democratic
party proper, with whom / have so long and
pleasantly been associated, that the hour has
now come when that great party can justly
/ vindicate its devotion to true Democratic pol
icy and measures of expediency. The war is
a war of great principles. 1t involves the su-
premacy and life OF the government ITSELF II
the rebellion triumphs, tree government,
I North and South, fails. Ii, on the other hand,
the government is successful,-as | do not
/ Doubts destiny is fixed, its basis perma-
nent and enduring, and its career OF honor and
/ glory just begun.
1 In a great contest like this for the existence
E of free government, the path of duty is patri-
otism and principle. Minor considerations
/ and questions of administrative policy should
give way to the higher duty of first preserv-
ing the government; and then there will be
time enough to wrangle over men and meas
ures pertaining 10 administration.
This Is not the hour for strife and division
among ourselves. Such differences of opinion
only encourage the enemy, prolong the war,
/ and waste the country. Unity Of action and