The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1864-01-14
French Statesmen on the Re-
belliOn.
An Eloquent Letter from Messrs.
De qasparin, Laboulaye, Martin
and Cochin.


The following is the reply of Count De
Gasparin, M. Laboulaye, Prof. Henry Martin
Henri Cochin and others, to the letter address
ed to them some time since by the Loyal Ma
tional League of New York City:
| GENTLEMEN We would have thanked you
much sooner but for the prolonged absence
of one of our number. 1t would have been
painful to us to have lost the collective char
acter Of this reply; for the blending of our
four names is proof of that great unity OF
sentiment upon all that concerns the cause Of
justice, which, by Gods favor, manifests it
self here below i'll spite of political and relig-
ious differences,
Yet we are careful not to over-rate cur per-
sonal Importance. The League does not ad-
dress us as Individuals it speaks to France,
who chelishes as q national tradition, the
! friendship of the United States. 1t speaks tc
European opinion, which will rise up and de.
clare itself more clearly as it recognizes that
the struggle is between slavery and liberty.
You have comprehended, gentlemen, that
neither France or Europe haze been free from
misappreheusiona Light did not at first
dawn upon the nature Of the snlutary but
painful crisis through which you are passing
it was not plain to all, at the outset, that the
work inaugurated by the election of Mr.. Lin
coin yielded nothing i'll grandeur to that which
your fathers accomplished with the aid of La
fayette, and under the guidance of Washing
! ton.
Europe has had her errors, her hesitations,
for which we are paying dearly to-day on
both sides of the Atlantic. What blood would
have been spared to you, what industrial suf-
fering avoided by us, had European opinion
declared itself with that force which you had
the right to hope for! There is protest Of
the universal conscience between which man
kind necessarily recoiIs. forces are, after all,
the great forces.
The revoted South, which needed our aid,
which relied, and perhaps still relies upon US,
would not have long dared to atfront the in
dignation of the civilized world,
Why has this indignation been withheld !
Why has a sort Of favor been granted to the
only instruction which has had neither mo-
tive or pretext-to the only one which has
dared to unfurl the banner of slavery? What
has been the merit of this instruction? BY
what charm has it conciliated the sympathy
or more than one enlightened mind? This is
a question humiliating to put, but useful to
solve.
In the first place, Europe doubted whether
slavery was the real cause of conflict
Strange doubt, in truth! For many years
slavery had been the great the only subject
of strife in the United States. AT the time
of the election of MIR. Buchanan the only is
sue was slavery. The electoral platforms
prove this fact; the manitestoes of the South
were unanimous in this senss her party lead
ers, her Governors, her deliberative assem-
blies, hsr press spoke but of slavery; the Vice
President of the insurgent Contederacy had
made haste to declare officially that the mis-
siou of the new State was to present to the ad-
miration OF all mankind society founded on
the corner stone Of slavery. Lastly, it would
seem that to all rejecting minds, the acts Of
MIR. Buchanan and other Presidents named
by the South was proof enough of this truth.
The South thinks only of slavery. In her
eyes all means are right to secure to slavery
it's triumphs and boundless conquests.
But it is objected that Mr. Lincoln and his
friends were net abolitionists. That is GER
tain. The programme went no further than
to stop the extension Of slavery and shut 1t
out from the territories. Was this nothing !
Was it not in fact everything? Who could
have foreseen that, on the appearance OF such
a programme, of a progress so unexpected, OF
an attack so bold upon the policy which was
lowering and running the United States, the
friends of liberty would not have all fastened
to applaud Was not this the time to cheer
and strengthen those who were thus entering
Oh the good path Was it not due to urge
them on in their liberal tendencies, 80 that,
the first step taken, they should take the sec
ond and go on to the end? Ought not that
which terrified and dismayed the champions
of slavery to rejoice the hearts OF its adverse
ries?
Your letter, gentlemen, puts in bold relief
the reasons which hindersd Mr. Lincoln from
adopting at the outset an abolition policy
The President could disregard neither his oatl
of Office or the Federal Constitution; he hac
also to keep in mind the opposition which g
plan of emancipation would encounter in the
| loyal States. The head of great govern
1ment cannot act with the freedom Of 90 phil
osopher in his study. In simple truth, mir
Lincoln should be accused neither OF tImldltJ
or Indifference, Your letter recalls the meas
ures of his INSTRUMENTATION OF slavery II
the CAPITAL and in the District of Columbia
the proclamation of freedom totugltiVe slaves
the principle of compensated emancipation
submitted to all the loyal States, the deatt
penalties actually inflicted on captains O
slavers, the treaty Of England admitting The
right of search, the establishment OF dlplo
nations with the black Republics of Liberia
and Hayti, the arming of free negroes and a
last, when the length and gravity OF the wa
sanctioned au extreme exercise Of the power
of Commander in Chief, the absolute and ii
nal suppression Of Slavery in all the revolte'
States.
ave, gentlemen, are abolitionists; an(
we declare that we have never hoped nor
wished for a more steady, rapid and resolut
progress We have understood the dliilcul
ties that surrounded MIR. Lincoln. We have
honored his scruples OF conscience with re
gard to the constitution Of his country, whic
stopped his path We have admired the cou
rageous good sense with which he moves
straight on, the instant he could do SO with
out danger to his cause or violation Of tn
|, law,
Wonder is expressed that slavery is abol
Iished in the revolted States and yet preserV
ed in the loyal States In other words, ther
is wonder that he who has sworn to ODE
the Constitution should respect it. Let II
one take alarm at this. There is 40 DANCE
that the domestic institution" crushed i
the Carolinas and Louisiana, will long Eurviv
in Kentucky or Maryland. Already, as 20
have stated to us, a solemn proposition IA
been made to all the loyal States alread
one Of the most important, Missouri, has 81
the example Of acceptance. Te be thus un
easy about the maintenance Of slavery in tn
North, argues, to our minds, quite too muc
tenderness for the South. We look wl4h SUI
picion npon this pretended Abolltlonlsm' who's
unfriendly exaGtions we're hEst put fq I a. 2
dawn Of abolition. We frankly say W
could never have foreseen that the electio
of Mr.. Lincoln and the several acts which "
have just enumerated would be an endle
$ cause of complaint, and diEtrust and unwo
thy denunciation from SO many men WI
! plume themselves in Europe upon their h