The workingman's advocate. [volume] (Chicago [Ill.]) 1864-1877, 1864-09-17


opinions upon that subject are formed, and are
such as | am free to avow every where he
lieye the introduction Of slavery into these
States was permitted by God, for wise purposes,
and that when those purposes are accomplish
ed, or ripe for accomplishment, it will cease 10
ezist. And, sir, when the time does come
some ledy-some wise and suitable means will
open for then escapement. | have no fears
that there then viii be found men with ability
to perceive both the means and the necessity
of their LIBERATION"
(This is not very weak doctrine for a
CHARGED with being "slave-driver to preach
fourteen years ago in the Capitol Of Old Vir
ginia.
But again, on the question Of property and
taxation, | said ssThe interest other than
the interests of property, are equal or superior
to those of property, and are entitled to equal
or superior weigh I'd consideration"
Again, " 1t is cot denied that man is entitled
to protection in his rights Of property, as he
is in all other rights or means of happiness,
but il IS objected TO make it his equal, and il
is denied that it enables him
Again, . 'Tis true that we find much inequal-
ity of wealth and fortune in this world which
may have been produced honestly or otherwise
may be productive of much good, and GER
tainly of much evil, and which is shared by
the evil and the good Yet, sir, it affords no
conceivable reason for inequality IN persons The
good would scorn to claim superiority for
wealth, and evil or good, they are entitled 10
none We find distinctions and inequality
enough, in grades, ranks and positions, aud
yet, sir, we see il only 70 despsse and condemn
II. The only true distinction and inequality
which can exist between men is that Of talent
and utrias The only nobemen Of nature. are
those who, with high aims, and earnest souls,
rcrsne noble ends, with holy means. The only
position which true man should desire, is to
be enshrined in the hearts of his fellow men
for benefits conferred. This nobility of nature,
we find to be the offspring Of no rank, Of no
class, and confined to no sections, no climates,
and no countries.
Again, on taxation, said: q L have formed
some opinions upon this subject, one which L
think is just in the abstract, equitable in it,
application, andswhich is less liable 10 abuse
than any other knoTn to me- ! shall attempt
to give you my views in relation to them. Ii
is oontended then, as the true principle Of gov
ernment, that those WHO enter into q social
compact, aud enjoy its blessings in the security
obligations 10 support that society, to the
tent of their ability. If they have money or
property, and not physical strength, let them
pay and not work or fight. If they have phys
ical strength without money or property, let
them labor or fight. If they have both, let
them contribute both, ABILITY being the
| true criterion Of mans services and contribu-
tions. Where little is given, let little be re-
quired.''
Again: Z" 1t is contended that, where prop
| erty Is taxed, it should al be taxed, and taxed
uniformly and according to its paII' "
| Again on the Virginia aristocracy: The
following paragraphs are selected. They SHOW
| a very deep and bitter antipathy, even unjust
| ly and extravagantly expressed:
sit is objected that this inequality is doubly
odious, from the fact that it has been concocted
and supported for the sole purpose Of main
tanning the political scendency Of the lcora-
oat and ssouLd-6s aristocracy Of Old VirgiEia.
| Again: . 1t is said Of this body that We
are pigmies, dwarfs-nst 10 be compared with
the men of the Convention of 1929. And who.
sir, is il that passes such sentence of whole
sale depreciation Who is it that doats with
such Iondnsss on the memory and labors Of the
men Of the last Convention? Need pause for
a replyl Sir, they are the degenerate get proud
ana clabtsred sons Of the tate roaLdbe dris0cTacy
( Of TrgsRid--their trucnlent t0adies, and the
old buzzard roost of Office-holders, who have
walked from heir long lream of repose, amid
the frtid air Of decaying common wealth, to
behold the peoples hand upon the wall, tracing
lines Of doom. This Convention needs no
eulogy from any man, much less from me.
The result of lis labors viii be the criterion Of
its destiny. For the present, it is enough that
others than those of whom have spoken, viii
judge If US, our abilities and our efforts. This
Convention, / surmise must look elsewhere for
justice, than to those feeble echoes Of past
age-must and should, ] Imagine, look to the
great body of the people who sent them here,
and not to the snarling death rattle of the quasi
artstOcrdcy and doomed ofhce-holders Of Vir-
! ginia.n
"Sir, have examined the action of the last
Convention. They were mighty men, sir, some
mighty minds, more mighty names, and most
of mighty families but veritably not three
great men among them! For, sir, no essentially
selfish man can be truly great, and such were
they, most Of them, who made the present
! constitution. / have examined the instrume at
they framed, and, to me, it seems to do Meth sr
credit to theif head or heart. Il is now only
twenty years since they made it, and the decree
for its utter annihiation has gone forth. 1t is
a constitution without principles. 1t is neither
fish nor fowl Far from being republican--yet
not wholly aristocratic. They have yielded to
the masses just enough to prove themselves
democrats in head, and yst have refused enough
nay, moro than enough-to prove them
doubly aristocrats at heart. Sir, their labors
were eminently selfsh-self- -selfshness, class
selfshness, and observation-disclosures, CLEANS
from every page Of this hermaphrodite Of their
creation Sir, have lived under its operation.
Ihavs struggled for szistencs pith 10 frat susiIics
| I'm ha@L ,us and T hava saon and oh,va I