Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1864-08-20

ernment and ours 10 nAtOWeu 0OWn 10 |
lhis:-UniOn or disunion.'
yes, or to put it in other words: inde-
pendence or subjugati on
Then the two governments are irreeon-
cilably apart. They have no alternative |
but to fight it out But it is not so with |
the people. They are tired OF fighting and
want peace; and as they bear all the bur
den and suffering of the war, is it not right
they should have peace, and have II on
such terms as they llke2
Il don't understand you. Be little
more explicit.'
NIB. DAVIS REFUSES An ARNIsTICE.
well, suppose the two governments
should agree to something like this:-TO
go to the people with two propositions,
say peace with disuniou and Southern in
dependence as your propositiou-and peace
with Union, emancipation, no conhscauon
and universal amnesty as ours. Let the
citizens of all the United States las they
existed before the war; vote Yes or No
on these two prositions at special cleo
ton within sixty days If majority
votes disunion, our government to be bound
by it, and to let you 60 in peace. If ma
jority Union, yours to be bound by it, and
to stay in peace. The two governments
can contract in this way, and the people,
though constitutionRlly unable to decide
on peace or war, can elect which of the
two propositions shall govern their rulers.
Let Lee and Grant meanwhile agree to an
armistice. This would sheAthe the sword;
and if once sheathed it would never again
be drawn by this generation
The plan is altogether impracticable.
If the South were only one State, it might
work; but as it is, if one Southern State
objected 10 emancipation, it would nullify
the whole thing; for you are aware the
people of Virginia cannot vote slavery out
of South Carolina, nor the people of South
Carolina vote it out of Virginia.
But three fourths of the States can
amend the Constitution. Let it be done
in that way-in any way, 80 that it be
done by the people. | am not a States
man or politician, and l do not know
just how such plan could be carried out;
but you get the idea-that the people shall
decide the question:
That the majority shall decide, you
mean. We seeded to rid ourselves of the
rule of the majority, and this would sub
ject US to it again
But the majority must rule finally,
either with bullets or ballots
Il am not so sure of that. Neither cur
rent events nor history shows that the
majority rules or ever did rule. The con-
trary, think, is true. Why, sir, the man
who should go before the Southern people
with such proposition, with any PROPOSE
ton which implied that the North was to
have voice in determining the domestic
relations of the South, could not live here
a day. He would be hanged to the first
tree without judge or jury
ALLOW me to doubt that. / think it
more likely he would be hanged if he let
-. 10
couldn't rule replied, smiling.
Il have no fear of that rejoined Mr.. Ds-
Wis, also smiling most good humoredly. Il
give you leave to proclaim it from every
house top in the South
But, seriously, sir, you let the majority
rule in single State why not let it rule
in the whole country
Because the States are Independent and
sovereign. The country is not. 1t is only
a confederation of States. or rather it was;
it is now two coufederations.'
Then we are not a peOple-we are only
political partnership p
That is all"
Your very name, sir. United States, i'm.
plies that said Mr. BeDjsmin. But, tell
me, are the terms you have named-eman-
cipation, no coniscation, and universal am
nesty-the terms which Mr.. Lincoln auth
orized you to offer US ?
No, sir; Mr.. Lincoln did not authorize
me to offer you any terms. But think both
he and the Northern people, for the sake of
peace, would assent to some such condi-
tons
They are very generous replied Mr.. Da.
Wis, for the first time during the interview,
showing some angry feeling. But, am
nesty, sir, applies to criminals. We have
committed no crime. Confiscation is of no
account, unless you can enforce it. And
emancipation l'I' You have already emanci-
pated nearly two millions of our slaves and
if you will take care of them you may eman-
cipate the rest. l had a few when the war
began. | was of some use to them they
never were of any to me. Against their
will you 'eInancipate' them, and you may
'emancipate' every negro in the confedera-
cy, but we will be free. We will govern
ourselves. We will do it If we have to see
every Southern plantation sacked and eve.
ry Southern city in flames"
so, Mr.. Davis, it is useless to cOntin+
ue this conversations replied; 'and you
will pardon us if we have seemed to press
our views with too much pertinacIty.
We love the old flag, and that must be
our apology for intruding upon you at
ALL
You have not intruded upon me , he
replied, resuming his usual manner. Il
am glad to see you both. l once loved
tine old flag as we'll as you do; would
have died for it; but now it is to me only
the emblem of oppression
Il hope the day may never come, Mr..
Davis, when l say that said the Colonel.
CLOSE OF THE INTERVIEW.
A half hours conversation on other
topics, not of public interest, ensued and
then we rose to go. AS we did so the
rebel President gave me his hand, and,
bidding me kindly goodby, expressed