Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1864-09-17

Abraham Lincoln. So In 1850, there was
abundant competition as to which State
should furnish the Republican nominee for
Presidents but no one ever suggested that
among the eminent and honored Republic
cans OF Illinois, there was another possible
candidate than Lincoln.
Andrew johnson entered Tennessee an
illiterate tailor youth, poOras Lazar us in ell
but hope aud ambition, without q relative
or friend who could help him to a corpo-
poraIship in the smallest company of
he was a member of Assembly; next we
hear from him in Congress; then Governor
of his closely balanced State after spirit
ed canVassj for Tennessee was then pre-
ponderently Wing State, and her Wings
always ran for Governor one of their ablest
and cleVerest debaters. Johnson had al
ways been very ardent and active DEM
ocrat. and had made himself widely OBJ
noxtous to his political adverssries. His
birth and breeding were matters of COM
mon noteriety and the cultivated aris-
tocracy of Nashville and the surround
ing region were not at all inclined to
be ruled by the exIjourneyman tailor
Of Jonesborough. They could not help
themselves, however; and Johnson, after
serving his term as Governor, was chosen
to the United States Senate, where he made
good his position against the ablest and
prouGest in the land. Probably no other
Senator had enjoyed so scsnt opportunities
for intellectual culture; but the debates, in
which he freely mingled, give no sign Of
this. In the absence of that education of
the schools, which he would gladly have
enjoyed and improved, he had his full
share of the rugged discipline of poverty
and privation, and was thoroughly trained
in the keen encounters of an active, ardu-
GUS public career. Doubtless, he feels and
regrets the deficiencies of his early Gull
ture; but who will say that he has not no.
bly, supplied them7
Mr..Johnson, as leading Southern Dem
ocrat, and a supporter of Breckenridge for
the Presidency, saw the slsveholder's re-
bellion take form and body under his i'm
mediate observation. He knows it, 'egg
and Bird its impulses, ideas and aspira-
tons. Nearly every other prominent Dem
ocrat of his State and section was drawn or
driven into its tolls he never countenanced
it for a moment Ror regarded it with the
least allowance. he knew it to be as hos
tile to the class from which he sprung in
the South as to the ''mudsills" at the North,
and he "stood by his order" like any Brit
ish Peer. He exposed the hollowness of
its petexts, the Wickedness of its aims, in
the presence of its contrivers, before they
had imbrued their hands in blood. He
warned the simple against their mschina-
tions, and warned them of their inevitable
failure and ruin. Had other Southern
Unionists been as faithful and fearless as
he, the madness of secession would have
been stayed at the northern limit of the
cotton region, and our country would not
now beIreeking with human blood.
1t is a common pro Slavery caVil that
"Yau Abolitionists talk of what you do
not understand" This cannot be said of
Lincoln and Johnson, who were born
in Slave States, and have been familiar
with Slavery since they frat opened their
eyes. Mr.. Lincoln was neVer'an Abolition
ist till Slavery declared war on the Union;
yet he says he never regarded Slavery in
itself otherwise than as he now does, "If
1 Slavery is not wrong, then nothing is
wrong" says he in his letter to Hodges.
Mr.. johnson was tacit supporter of Sla-
very until Slavery struck at the life of his
country; but he now holds with Lincoln
that Union and Peace are only possible
through the final, complete overthrow Of
their assailant.
Are these men fanatics? If there were
an easier or shorter way to Peace, would
they not choose it7 What possible motive
can they have for preferring the wrong
way to the right oneI Consider and judge