Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1864-12-20

do love my own native North Clroina; but more |
than both together do cherish and venerate, with all
the affection of my heart the immuable eternal prin-
Ciples Of civil liberty.
The second excuse for suspeuding the privilege Of
the writ suppose may be found by careful pc
rusal of the recent message Of the President.
He declares that ''the exemption from military du-
ty accorded by law to all persons engaged In GER
tain specified pursuits professions is shown BY tx
perence tn be unwise is it believed to be defens
BILE in theory"
"All telegraph operators professors, editnrs, ply
sciaDs, &c., aud the numerous other classes mention
ed in the laws cannot in the nature of things be e
thor equally necessary in their several professions nor
distributed throughout the country, &c.
A discretion should be vested in the military author
tiles THAT is, in President Davis that sufficient
numLer of them essential to the public service might
be detailed &c."
Is it that President Davis wishes to have control of
the pulpit the press of State officers of all and every
class of our people, Docs he wish to have the pow
er Of detailing the Judges who coustrue the laws and
the members Of the Legislature who enact them p
Do the members Of this Legislature know that every
Judge within the Southern COnfederacy, within the
cunScrpt age, his exemption, at this time, &C
cordug to the theory OF the President aud OF CDn-
gress to the certificate of the Governor that he is
tssary State officer? The last CONSUMPTION act
declares all white men, residents of the Confederate
States, between the ages of II and So in the service
of the Confederate States for the war, and then5As
q
the members of the several State Legislatures and
such State officers the Governo may certify to be
necessary for the proper administration OF the State
government. The judges of our Courts are omitted
from the enumeration, aud are made, according to
their theory to claim exemption through the G"ver-
nors certificate. Our courts have declared that State
officers not exempted by virtue OF this provision,
because they arc not liable. Thus Congress has no
power to interfere with the sovereignty OF the State
which attaches to each of her officers But if this act
becomes the law, and the privileges Of the writ of
habeaS corpus again suspended what will prevent
the President, under the law which he proposes, from
sezing every ctonable State officer, and detailing
man to fill his place? The decisions Of our Judges
may I've disrcg rded, if they should declare that the
suspension dues not extend to of this character,
and the rights and sovereignty of the State tramped
n the dust.
There is third reason, it is supposed by some for
this susper sion.
The President is DESTROYS of employing slaves in the
military service, of arming them, if in lis judgment it
becomes necessary, and this intimaon is made in the
message that emancipation should he held out tn the
slaves reward for faithful services, that it
should be granted at once upon the promise of such
services. The plan is to obtain them by contract
with their owners if possible If not IT, impress them
and the attention of Congress is invited the pro-
rriey of radical modification IN the theory # the
law of the 18th February, which provides for the I'M
preSsmeut of slaves for a limited time.
Now, sr, it appears to me that the impressment Of
slaves for day, by the Confederate government is
forbidden by the Constitution. It's therin declared
that private property shall not be taken for public
use without Just compensation; and again, that no
law impariug the right OF property in negro slaves
shall be passed. Ny construction of this is that Con-
gross shall not have power to interfere 10 any degree
with slave property Int leave it entirely to tie con-
troll of the States The State of North Carolina is
willing TO give her consent that her slaves may be
used as laborers but with the clear understanding
Kk.kt 4, ko-, Al,
Congress has any control over the sui jet matter.
If Congress has the right to impress then the prop
erty in the slaves would become vested in the govern
ment, and the government have the right to emanc-
pate them If 1t sees proper. thus Introducing into our
midst class of free negroes who would be pest to
society. This termination never be reached
long the people free to assert their legal rights
against the government But suspend the privileges
Of this writ in the manner proposed allow the Pres
dent to proceed 10 his plan Of emancipation, and it
will not be long before the doctrine Of negro equality
will be publicly prnpagatel | am opposed TO arm
ing slaves and placing them in The army, because
wish to preserve institutions. Let it I've done, and
we will soon see that slavery Is doomed and that
providence in our blindness has made us the instru-
ments in its destruction
But, sir the question has been often asked, care
we afraid 10 trust President Dlvis2 d. we disLrust
his wisdom believe that he would abuse the power
If placed 10 his hands2" have made it point 10
speak respectfully of President Davis and have often
refrained from expressing my disepPrnval of his
course, because feared that it might injure the
of our common country. But to-day standing here
a legislator, in view of the nfractons of
the Constitution already perpetrated and that
10 contemplation, duty I'd my constituents rcquircs
me to say that there is nothing in President Davis
past course present action to justify in saying
that the Constitution would be safe if enrustod solely
| to his hands.
1t is generally believed that years ago Mississippi
through his controlling influence induced to vo-
| late that clause of tho Constitution fortiiding any
State to ''upair the obligations of contract" Un-
der his leadership she perpetratsd that act of repua
| tion which branded her a bankrupt amongst ma
tons And upon two occasions at least since he has
been President nc has either deliberately violated the
Constitution himself permitted it to be done when
he had the power to prevent it. One OF those
sions Is connected with the suspension of the prvil
eyes Of the writ Of habeas corpus. There have been
three suspensions by the Congress Of the Confederate
| States The first and second acts uucnnstutionay
conferTed the right Of suspension upon the President
and he exercised the unconstitutional power when il
was his duty to have vetoed the bills The third
act expressly states that Congress alone has the plw-
Of suspension, and the President signed it, although
his signature convicted him of the previous infrac
| tons.
| 1t may be that President Davis was ignorant of
the unconsttuonaty Of the previous acts. If So the
well-being of his country made it incumbent upon
him to acknowledge his and thus quie the appre-
tensions of those who witnessed his exercise OF uncon-
stitutional powers.
The second violation is without excuse unless the
ever ready plea of necessity avail. The Const-
tutiou Of the Confederate States declares that "No
Gapitation other direct tax shall be laid unless in
proportion to the census enumeration herein be-
fore directed to be taken" This clause in the Pres-
dents own estimation, prohibits the laying of direct
until the census is taken. AMI yet in his mes
sage to Congress-n December, 1868, he recommend
cd that such tax should be laid, in violation of this
| provision.
But, entirely aside from all these considerations, it