The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1864-06-10
What shall be done with Them 2

Whatever may DO the divisions of scnti-
ment among Us in regard to tho manner in
which the Government has received and dis
posed Of the black men in this war, there is
no disputing these fcts-that we have upon
our hands large number Of blacks, num-
bering at least four hundred thousand;
were the Emancipation Proclamation repeal
cd to-day, and peace secured, whether by
compromise or subjusation it matters not. all
negroes now within our lines are and shall
DO forever free.
Starting, then. with this last fact we'll es-
tablishcd, a question Of vast importance
comes up before the Government and second.
arly before US all-what shall tc done with
this large population which have suddenly
obtained their freedom? A satisfactory So
luton of the question may be somewhat diff
ficult to all, but it win be aggrayatingly so
IN those who, although obliged to acknowl-
edge the freedom of the black man, attempt
it with minds prejudiced by hate and rebel
sympathy. The Government has not yet de-
vcloped line OF policy in regard to these
freedmen beyond this, that all persons with
in our lines are free. Those persons consti-
tute two classes, the free whites and the free
blacks. The white man occupies his former
status Of citizenship prior to this rcrulsion I;
his rights are neither impaired nor enlarged
he had perpetual lease OF the soil, the
courts were opened for the redress OF his
wrongs, and the means of education were his
70 make himself equal to all Others in the
prosecution OF acquired rights. With these
citizens the Government has nothing to do
save to protect them in the enjoyment Of
their retained rights. But with the other
class the situation is entirely different. They
have had no acknowledged right to them.
selves. much less to any possessions. and by
the fortunes Of war "greatness is thrust up
ON them" in the shape Of freedom, while
they are in totally unprcparcd state to re-
ceiye that freedom except in their ability to
improve upon II under possible circumstances.
What those circumstances shall be, is On
appropriate subject of inquiry.
The liberation Of tho blacks is in no sense
an object Of or in this war, but II is incident
70 IL; and therefore tho slave is rs much
benefited by an advance Of our armies, as
though his liberation was the sole cause OF
contention. Let him then fight for the ben
c6e no receives. Yet for thus taking up
arms in oar and his own defence. proper in
duccments must be held out 10 him. u he
performs the Same service as the white sol
der, he must receive the same treatment.
He now cnlists for ten dollarsa month and
no bounty, and this perhaps is equal to the
pay received by his white comrades, since the
pecuniary rclations Of the two classes prior
to enlistment were not equal. Conscriptipg
all ahle-bodied blacks within our lines, the
Government supports and is bound to support
all those dcpendent upon their labOrs, and
any one disposed to find fault at this oxpend-
iturc. must bear in mind that il costs no
more to support the dependents Of black
soldier than tho family Of white one, and
therefore that account Is balanced. Thus
Tar we have simply indicated what appears
to he tho settled policy OF tho Government.
Blu. ssyond the pressns military necessity
beyond this soldier liza Of the black man. an
other question comes up; What shall we do
with the then four millions OF blacks