Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-07-12

Every DAYS bloody experience and slaughter
only serve TO show that there canbe no other ter
mination Of the contest
The terrible evils 70 Is, as well as 20 them. Of
subiugation and the unparalleled cruelty of ex-
termination, are so we'll known and appreciated
that IL Is hardly necessary 10 allude TO them TO
this audience | would fain believe that those
who CRY out for the determination Of eight mill
ions OF christian men. women and children, the
descendants of those who fought with Us in the
war Of Independence. are either insane or. in the
hea; Of passion. give vent TO feeling that they
would be the last to carry into effect If they
are sincere and sane. they are monsters who
would be too highly honored by tcrming them
iends Their idea Is as impossible as il is wick
cd and devilsh.
Two friendly republics having a common an
cestry com mon glores and recollections lying side
by slde-having laudable emulation in running
the race of national freedom, prosperity and
greatness. are infinitely preferable to one proud
and splendid. but gloomy despotism. resting like
a dark shadow upon the future Of the American
continent.
When Mr.. Lincoln called upon the non seced-
ing States to furnish him seventy FIVE thousand
men, TO be used against the States which had
ceded, he announced in effect his intention to
destroy the old government and when certain
States acceeded to his demand, they declared
also that they were willing that it should be de-
stroyed
None of the conditions requisite to make
revolution in the government complete were
wanting The officers of State whose sworn
duty n was to protect and defend the old govern
ment, forsook il and the people abandoned it,
From that moment il ceased to exist, and we
have been living practically for more than three
years under new government. government
necessarily despotic. because the Constitution
hoi Of 10 hn nj los ma ic oka
lutely without restraint of any kind, except that
imposed by his own will We have not even the
benefit OF those restrictions upon power, which
in other absolute governments have been i'm
posed by ancient and long established usage.
Our lives. our liberty and property are wholly at
the mercy of Abraham Lincoln The thirteen
colonies, while dependent upon Great Britain,
we're wholly independent of each other: existing
under separate charters, or royal grants and hav-
ing each its own Governor, legislative assembly,
and courts of Justice
When these colonies declared themselves in
dependent of the Mother Country, they each
became sparate and independent State or
Nation. and subsequently recognized by
name as such in 1883. by the only Government
interested i'm the denial The articles of confed
Grafton which were entered into by the State
Governments during the revolutionary war in
IVA, remained in force until the adoption of the
in 1889. Ii did not impair the sovereignty of
any one of these States or Nations, any more,
than did the offensive and defensive treaty of
France and England. in the with Russia,
diminish the sovereignty of either of those
nations The Federal Constitution, as framed
by the Convention. which met in Philadelphia, on
the 25th of Nav, 1851, did not, nor have any of
the amendments subsequently made thereto i'm
paired, or taken away, sovereignty from any
State by which IL was adopted.
The people of each State retained their sepe-
rate existence and nationality, as completely
after they had severaly adopted the Federal
Constitution, rs before. There was in the Con-
vention, (as appears by the Madison papers and
as We are informed by Luther Martin in his ad-
dress before the Maryland Legislature) semi
monarchica or consolidation party, and this party
of course in favor of Capitalization, but
when 1t found. as il soon did, that the semi mo-
narchica idea was wholly impracteable in the
then state Of feeling. both in aud out of the
Convention, il abandoned along with il. the
idea of consolidating a territory vast with so
great variety of soil, climate, production and
material interests; and in which the habits and
character OF the people in the different localities
must differ so widely under one republic as an
absurdty too great TO be contemplated for an
instant
Two separate attempts made in the con-
vention 10 consolidate The first by Edmund
Randolph, of Virgna. who proposed in his sixth
resolution to confer upon he government of the
United States the power to coerce disObcdient
or refractory State The second bp Patterson,
of New Jersey. who submitted a similar resolu-
ton. though couchei in different language.
The folly aud dangers of these resolutions
having been fully exposed In the convention by
Madison. Hamilton. Mason and Martin. they
were voted down unanimously. each State cast
Ing one vote These were the only attempts
which were made In the convention to consolidate
the people. and to transfer their sovereignty TO
new nation proposed to be created by tho con.
vcntion. Their failure was most signal and
complete
Tho Philadelphia Convention was body of
delegates from each State only authorized 20
draft Constitution, and not empowered 70 give
II the least validity
The draft Of the Federal Constitution was re-
ported by Washington TO the Confederate Con-
gfess, and nv its order submitted for adoption 20
the people OF the separate States, ma a separate
community or nation. aud. OF course, derives all
Ia powers, within State, from the consent OF
the people thereof. to whom II occupies the Same
relation ne that held 10y their separate State gov.
etnments
The conclusion u which | arrive IL. that the
people Of each State constitute substantially a
sovereign nation, that each ono. by the adoption
OF the Federal Constitution, aud also OF a State
Constitution. created Iof Itself two distinct gov
etnlnents or agents, upon each OF which II cOn.
iefe1 certain specified powers, aud that the pow.
eta OF ono or both OF these agents may be 70
suked by the people oi any State themselves,
whenever, Ia their sovereign will, such revocation
may become desirable
Having, ~ ihlpk, shown that each State ID
really sovereign. aud that this Ia the main pfIne-
pie the very cornerstone OF oaf syaiem oi gov
efnment u necessarily follows that the call OF
NJ, Lincoln for seventy five thousand men. and
the aeauieseenoe Of certain States in that call
tho man ~ loo usod 10 var against States which
had asserted their sovereignty, and solely be
cause they had asserted u, was not merely an
lnlfacllpn Of the Consultation, but total nulll-
/ hoatlan al such instrument=it waH stab 40 the
heart nl our political system, aud created an
oyershadowing centralized power Nv fellow
citizens beware OF centralized power, twas the
great source ~ anxiety 10 our revolutionary
/ fathers when they created our federal Hystem
There was nothing which they so much dreaded.
aud against which they put 50 many safeguards
/ Ia the Constitution.
Capitalization OF power does not lead 20 dca
potlsm, but u despotlsm Itself The Federal
/ Government u the agent of the States, II va.
created by the States, with few we'll defined
delegated and limited powers, and MAS forbidden
/ by tho states 90 exercise any authority not OK
| pfessly conferred by them The great mass OF
/ power was lett ca the States who ATE the prinel
1 pals Ia the Constitutional compact
IL Is the great effort OF this Administration
aud II will he the result ot this war In h