Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1864-06-10
srnli -WrekEq 5tanharh,
REMARKS OF MR.. WARREN,
OF BEAUFORT,

Carolina, Wednesday, May 70, 1864.
Mr.. SPEAKER: feel great embarrassment in
undertaking to discuss the subject Of these resolu
tions before this body. 1t has been fully discussed
by some of the ablest statesmen and lawyers OF Tue
country, and their arguments are before u.s. can
scarcely hope to present the question IN any new
light vet as the organ of the committee, feel
called upon as far as. may be able, to Vindlcate
and sustain the resolutions.
lesl embarrassed also because of the great lati-
tude OF debate in which the Senator from Ne"-
Hanover CMr. HalD has thought proper to indulge:
He has circumnavisated the globe in search OF
topics which he chooses to say are german to the
subject Ee has regretted the introduction OF the
resolutions because IN his opinion, they nave
tendency to revive party feeling and dlstract anu
divide u.s. and has referred to the condition OF parties
IN this State at the beginning of this revolution
He has also discussed the subject of slavery, the
Wilmot Provisu and the manifold Entertainments OF
the North upon the South, and has not omitted the
question OF the genealogy of different portions OF
the American people, aud the comparative purity OF
Northern and Southern blood l,should be GLAD 70
Know what any or all of these things have to DO
With the subject before Us? They belong IN ho"ay
to tins OCCASION, aud | will only say IN general
terms, that if any party feeling shall be aroused
here the Senator is responsible for it. He has, N
the very beginning Of the debate, uttered the rally
ing CRY of party and in the course OF long speech
has only briefly touched the propositions we are
ranbles The resolutions involve nothing but dry
questions of constitutional law and OF the
necessity for tie suspension Of the privilege OF the
writ Of Labeas corpus and 10 these shall connne
myself
Upon the question of the necessity for the act OF
Congress shall say but little. The reasons Whlch
iuunced Congress to pass the act were communIca'
t.I to that h9iy in secret session. We do not yet
knny what they were The Vice President (Mr
Stephensl intimates that the law was intended
mainly 70 operate upon North Carolina, and we
have much reason to believe this TO De true, from
what we have learned of an interview between the
President and the Ncrth-Carolna delegation In
Congress, near the close of the last session. Ihere
Ia reason TO believe it also from the avowal OF the
Senate. from New h&nover who uses the Governor
as authority that there is widespread dlsatfecnon
IN this State; although the Governor simply says
that there is some disafection here but only to MI
DayiS'S administration. And 1t Is stated oy q
member of Congress, that Mr.. Baldwin, OF virginia
recently declared that four reasons were assigned
al the time for passing the act-FIrstI because (aS
the Is,r stood negro testimony could not be used
against reasonable pe:sons second, that It was TO
prevent the assembling of a Convention IN North,
Carolina; third that when man was conscrlPteo
there might be no chance for him to get out On the
army; fourth, to prevent the discharge OF persons
ARRESTED as spies The first is too abomlnable for
comment but it MI be observed that only ono OF
these reasons applies particularly to North Carroll
Ia and if the blow was aimed especially at her, 1t
struck also Mississ pp and Georgia, both OF which
States have passed resolutions condemning the leg
isIation Of Congress. They felt as trust we feel
that it strikes at the civil liberties of all the people
of the Confederacy. But whatever may have been
the reasons given by the President for the suspen
sion it is fair to presume that they were general,
in favor of some act not particular II favor OF the
present act-that they went to show the necessity
for suspending the writ according to the consttu
ton, not the necessity for an unconstitutional en-
actment. And at ali events they failed to satisfy
any of our present representatives IN Congress,
except Mr.. Gather.
The act is a most extraordinary one. II would
seem from the preamble that we are to be treated
to little constitutional legislation Congress has
power to suspend the privilege of the writ when
in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety
may require t." and Congress is the sole judge of
the occasion for exercising the power. There is an
invasion; Congress has decided that the suSpen-
sion is necessary for the public safety and Con-
gress has itself suspended the writ without under
taking to delegate authority to do so. All this the
L.eanhle very carefully recites together with the.
fact that the President requested the passage of the
act. Now sir, the Senator from New-HanoVer.
says in his minority report: "Nor does he accept
as true facts stated in the resolutions. He denies
the repeated and manifest attractions of the consti
tuen by Congress of the Confederate States and
has yet to be pointed to single instance" Yet it
so happens that Congress, two occasions, passed
acts by which they expressly delegated to the
President the authority to suspend the writ when
ever in his judgment the same might be necessary.
There have been, then, repeated and manifest in
fractions" and it significant that the preamble of
this act contains a clear declaration that the two
previous acts of the same Congress on the same
subject were unconstitutional. A death-bed repen-
lance is better than none; and it is peculiar
ISOLATION to know that in of the latest acts of its
. existence, Congress seemed to have had "compunc-
tous visitings," and to be inclined for moment to
regard the obligations of the constitution.
The preamble is carefully drawn and SO far as it
asserts correct constitutional principle is to be
admired. 1t is shrewdly drawn also and was prob
ably intended to convey to the people the idea that
the entire government, so far as it has yet been
organized, conquered in the necessity for the act
1t is plainly to be inferred however, that Congress
saw the exigency with the Presidents eyes.
Now, sir, with respect to the act it is, in its
general import an alarming declaration that there
are, among the citizens of the Confederate States
traitors, consplratorS, plotting to overthrow the
government to defeat its military operations, to
assist the enemy, and even to excite serVe insur-
rections, SPIES emssaries of the enemy and Others
and that these criminals too numerous or too
formidable to be dealt with in the ordinary way by
the civil tribunals will not dwell on this intense
attery of the patriotism and unanimity of the peo
pie The compliment Is aggravated, if that be pos
sible, by the fact that everybody is now entitled to
consider himself suspected of being suspicious"
since Congress has locked up in its own breast those
conditions Of public danger" which were made
known to it by the President-not foreseen by
itsef-and which made the act "a measure proper
for the public defence"
But the fruit of constitutional legislation, prom
sed in the preamble, turns to bitter ashes in the
act The constitution declares: "The right of the
people to be secure in their persons houses papers
and effects against unreasonable searches and sez-
ures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall
issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath
or affirmation and particularly describing the pla-
ces to be searched, or the persons things to be
seized" Again: "No person shall, be held to
answer for capital or otherwise Infamous crime,
unless on a presentment or Indictment of grand
jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval