Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1864-01-19
FREE GOVERNMENT.

Free governments have ever been exceptions ana
have usually been of brief duration. Within lew
months the whole fabric Of free government, reared
by the Constitution of the United States, has tum-
bled into ruins. Louis XIV was not more despotlc
in Selling citizens by Lettres de Gatchet and cast
ing them into prison, than President Lincoln. Inc
writ of habeds corpus and trial by jury are gone.
The Autocrat of all the Russias is not more OF des
pct than Abraham Lincoln.
Military authority and military discipline have,
always been supposed to be adverse to public lber-
ty. The reason is obvious. Military authority and
discipline establish a despotism. To command on
the one side and to obey the other, are Its prn
ciples. Public liberty, on the contrary, can exist
only in the atmosphere of free enquiry A Tree
press, and free debate in all assembages of the pe
pie are the two grand instrumentalties of pubic
liberty Hence, one Of the first things the govern
ment of President Lincoln did, when it determined
to establish a military despotsm over the North,
was to abolish the freedom of the press. The other
instrumentality of liberty, freedom of speech and
debate, they also abolished in the primary assem-
blages of the people by mob 0iOtence
A practical despotsm has thus been established
on the other side of the Potomac. Is it not the
dictate of the most manifest prudence for the people
of the Confederate States to watch narrowly their
own government? The military authority absorbs,
proportionately, more of population than othe
United States. All males from eighteen to, forty
five years old, are in the army and most probably
all to fEyfve will also be called into the military
service of.the Confederate States. By the Articles
eff War, soldier can say nothing against the gov
ernment There will shortly, therefore, absolutely,
be no people who can speak out in defence of their
liberties are they likely to know what is going
on or to vote at the elections for their representa-
tives, held far away from their camps. In this
state of things, the temptations to despotism from
the army to the government must be most obvious.
The government is without responsibility to the
people, because it holds them under its military or
ganization in complete subsection to its will
This being the condition of affairs the other two
great instrumentalties to maintain free government
amongst us-free and open debate and the liberty
of the press-become of increased value and impor-
lance. The former has been latterly completely
suppressed in the Congress of the Confederate
States. The Constitution both of the Provisional
and of the present Confederate government requires
that " each House of Congress shall keep journal
of its proceedings, and from time to time publish
the same excepting such parts may in their iudg
ment require secreSy" Secresy is clearly the ex-
ception and publicity the general rule of the Con-
stitution. Congress has reversed this rule, by
making publicity the exception. This course is
not only inconsistent with the mandates of the Con-
stitution but of the first principles Of all representa-
tive free governments.
What measures have been proposed in Congress
to promote the welfare of the people, and by whom
proposed, and the votes of their Representatives
upon them-the people know nothing What course
the Executive has pursued-what measures have
been recommended, and what defeated by the Ex-
ecutive-are kept from the people 1t is only after
measure has been ripened into Executive approval
that it is published and known. Free debate is
therefore, practically abolished because it does not
reach the people, whilst the responsibility Of the
Representative to the constituent is also abolished
The other fundamentally of free government
the freedom of the pTess-has not been essentially
infringed upon as yet A bill, however, was Of.
fered in the Provisional Congress of the Cohfede-
rate States 10 authorize the President and the mill
tary authorities to suppress it The bill failed.
The Constitution expressly says congress shall
make no law GJridging the freedom of speech or of
the press"
Freedom of the press like all human institutions,
is liable to abuse but it is pregnant with infinitely
more of good than evil. Giving utterance to the
various views and feelings of the people, it deve-
lopes public opinion in tangible form. Public opin-
ion is the breath life to Republics 1t has usually
been considered the bulwark of popular liberty, and
an nallible criterion of the freedom of government
Nothing is easier, especially in troubled times
than unscrupulously TO support the government
To support it when it is right and to oppose it when
it is wrong, is an ungrasious and generally most
thankleSs and improbable service, although by no
other course can free government be preserved
Jealousy and watchfuness are the essential attri-
butes of liberty-blind confidence and subserviency
are the attributes Of despCtism.-Chdr. Mercury.