, 1864-01-07
.Q(jifagoj!:::Q :Qribnne.
THURSDAY. JANUARY, 1854.
Z -.
fREEGH STATESMEN ON TIE
REbELLION.

tnHNGh STATESMEN ,UN LII
REbELLlON.
Ar Eloquent Letter from Hessrs. De
Gasparin, Laboulaye, Martin
~, and Cochin.
Reply 10 the Loyal National
'1eas,z'e Of New Yorl1-
The following Is the reply of Count DE-
Gasparin, N. Laboulaye, Prof Henri Martin,
H. Cochin and others, to the letter addressed
to them eome time since by the LoyaI M.
tional League Of New York city:
GENTLEMEN: We would have thanked you
much sooner, but for the prolonged absence OF
one Of our number. Hwould have been painful
to Us to have lost the collective character OF
this reply; for the blending Of our four names
Is 3 proof Of that great unity Of sentiment
which, BY Gods favor, man1fests itself here
below in spite Of political and religious differ
cpces.
Yet we orc careful not to over1ate our per-
sonal importance. The League does not ad.
dress Us rs individuals; It speaks to Frnnce,
friendship Of the United States. It speaks to
European opinion, which will rise up and
declare itself more clearly Us 1t recognizes
t1at the struggle is between slavery, and lib.
crty.
fou have comprehendcd, gentlemen, that
neither Franco nor Europe hare been free
from misapprehensions. Light did not at
first dawn upon the nature Of the salntary
but painful crisis through which you are
passing; 1t was not plain to all, at the outset,
that the work inaugurated by the election Of
Mr.. Lincoln yielded nothing in grandeur to
that which your fathers accomplished with
the aid Of Lafayette, and under the guidance
of Washington
Europe has had her errors, her hesitatlons,
for which We are paying dearly to-day on both
shores Of the Atlanttc, What blood would
have been spared to yon, whit Industrial
suffering sui avoided by Us, lad European opin-
had the right to hope for! There is a pro-
test of thc universal conscience between
which mankind necessarily recoils:, moral
forces azc, nfter al, the great forces.
Tho seyolted South, which needed our mid,
which relied and perhaps still relies upon us,
wouldnot have long dared to aftfont the in
tnssna1ion Of tho civilized world. ~ i,
... /.
Why has this indignation been withheld !?
WY has sort of favor been granted to the
only insurrection which has had neither mo-
tive Or pretext-to the only one which has
dared to unfurl the banner Of slavery What
1as been the merit Of this insurrection ? BY
what charm has it conciliated tue sympathy
OF more than one enlightened mind I? This Is
question humilfatfng to put, but useful to
solve.
In the first place, Europe doubted whether
slavery Was the real cause Of conflict.
Strange doubt, in truth For many years
slavery had been the great, the only subject
the election Of Mr.. Buchanan the only issue
was slavery: The electoral platforms prove
this fact; the mauiIe6toes Of the South were
unanimous in this sense; her party leaders;
her GoTetnore, her delberatiye assemblies,
her press spoke hut Of slavery; the Vice
President Of the tnsurgent Confederacy had
made haste to declare officially that the mis-
sion of the new State was to present to the
admiration Of mankind a society founded on
the "corncr 6tone'' Of slavery. Lastly, it
Wonld seem that to all rejecting minds the
uct6 Of Mr. Buchanan and other Presidents
named BY the South were proof enough Of
this truth. The South thinks only Of slaYery.
lnher eyes all means arc right to secure to
slavery its triumphs and bouDdless conqucsts.
But is ID objected that Mr.. Lincoln and bis
friends were not abolitionists. That is Ger
tain. The programme went no further than
to stop the extension Of slavery and shut It
ont from the territories. Was this nothing?
have ioresecn that, on the appearance Of such
programme, OF progress SO unexpected,
OF LII attack 50 bold upon the policy which
was lowering and running the United States,
the friends Of liberty would not have al1 has
tened to applaud: Was not this the time to
tering. on the good path. Was In not due to
urge them on In their liberal Tendencies, so
thrt, the first step taken. they should take
the second and 20 On to the end? Ought not
tlat which terrified and dismayed the. cham
pions of slavery to rejoice the hearts Of it's
aayeTfaries
Your letter, gentlemen, puts in bold relief
the reasons which Kindred Mr. Lincoln from
adopting at the outset an abolition policy.
The President could disregard neither bis
oath ofoffce nor the Federal Constitution:
he had also to keep. In mind the opposition
which plan of emancipation would encoun-
ter in the loyal States. The head. Of q great
9 philosopher in his study. In simple truth,
Mr. Lincoln should be accused neither OF
timid1ty nor Indifference. Your letter recalla
the measures Of his Presidency-abolitiou OF
slavery in the Capital and In the District Of
Columbia, the proclamation Of freedom to.
emancipation submitted to all the loyal States,
the death penalty actually inflicted on can
tains Of sluSeEs, tho treaty with England ad-
hitting the right Of search, the establishment
of diplomatic relations with: the black re-
pnblics OF Liberia and Hayti, the arming of
and grayity Of the war sanctioned an ex:
trcme exercise OF the powers Of commander
in-chief, the absolute and final suppression
Of slavery IN all the revolted States.
We, gentlemen, are 4bolftionists; and we
declarc that we have never hoped nor wished
gre6s. We hare understood the difficulties
which surrounded Mr.. Lincoln. We have
1onorcd his 6cruplee Of conscience with IT,
gard to the constitution of his country which
stopped his path We haye admired the cou-.
rageous good eensc with which he moved
etTaiglt on, the instant he could do so with:
out danger to his cause or violation Of the
law.
Wonder Is expressed that slavery is abo1-
ished in the rcyolted States and ret preserved
IN the loyal Stafes! In ether words, there is
wonder that he who has sworn to obey the
Constitution should respect it. Let no one
take alarm at this. There fs no danger that
the domestic institution" crushed in the
Carolinas and Louisiana, will long survive In
Kentucky or Maryland. Already, as yon
bare stated to us, solemn proposition has
been made to all the loyal States; already one
Of the most important, Missouri, has set the
example Of acceptance To be thus uneasy
about the maintenance Of slavery In the
North, argues, to our minds, quite too much
tenderness for the South. We look with sus-
picion upon this pretended Abolitionism,
Mh9ee nnircndly ,l .e. exactaons wore hrst put
BY Tie dawn Of abolition. We frankly eay
NC could nerer have foreseen that the cleo
ton Of Mr. Lincoln and the several acts which
We hare Just enumerated would be m endless
cause OF complaint, and distrust and unwor-
thy denunciation from so many men who
plume themselves In Europe upon their hatred
Of slavery.
And since, to destroy the North in publ1c
opinion, it vas not enough to ACCUSE it Of too
much hsor for elavery, another grievance
las been found. The North Oppressed the
South The struggle was Of two nationali-
tiesl The South had risen for independence!
lte independence! there were then subject
provinces in the heart Of the UnionY Doubt
lces these provinces had no part in the gov.
ernment Of the country; the South had not
the same rights as the Norths OF course the
South was held in tlis state Of inferiority and
subsection BY numerous Federal garrisous
Not ut all. all the States enjoyed the same
rights, took like part in elections. II nny
section was favored 1t was the South, to
which further sufrage was granted In pro-
portion 10 ihe number Of Its slaves: If any
advantage had been enjoyed It was BY the
South, which had given the majority Of PresI:
denis and chief officers. Yet in this free
country, country without an army, and
whose material means as we'll Us 1aNs were
sufficient barrier against oppression, in such
country ne are told OF province claiming
irdtpCndcucet =
Nc are of your opinion, gentlemen, that
Independence and nationality are words too
noble to be abused. In their abuse, things
nrc compromised, and the more noble aud
sacred these things; the more careful should
We be not to contound them with what Lis
neither noble or sacrcd-a revolt in the name
OF s-aTeFy. fratfcidal revolt, which would
destroy q free constitution and tear asunder
common country for fear lest there might
be interference with the fnternal slave traffic,
the continued breeding in Virginia, the sale
and separation Of families, and Test perchance
some Territories should be shut out from the
conquests Of slavery. '-'-..
/ In vain NC seek in the United States for q