Muscatine weekly journal. [volume] (Muscatine, Iowa) 185?-1890, 1864-01-15

action Of this Government and peopls, can
settle any question. - s
During the first months Of this war. in
common with what I believe to have been
decided majority Of the people, both in and
out Of the army, INDUCED the hope, and ex-
pressed the belief that it could be successfully
t. rminated without . direct attack upon the
local institutions Of the south. The Govern.
ment itself seems to have entertained the same
view, for a remarkable tenderness character
lied its dealings with traitors, and the war
was prosecuted during the first year, with
eminent success, upon the theory Of doing
the rebellion as little damage as possible.
Bitter experience and observation, however,
finally convinced me al it did Others, that
slavery was not only 'the corner stone Of the
Confederacy," but was the poscer which sus
teined, and the motive which impelled the re.
bellion. Every negro that worked with a
hoe, or drove mule on o southern planta
ton, was as much enlisted against the Union,
as the soldier who served with his gun in the
ranks Of the rebel army; and more effective
iy so because the grain upon which our enc
my subsists, renders him more formidable
than his shells or his bullets.
Slavery stood like mountain before the
advance of our armies, and could neither be
avoided nor defied. 1t enabled the insur-
gents to place their entire militia force in the
field again, us, and added more than one
half their available strength. While slavery
existed, treason had power and object, and
SO long would the rebellion continue and the
war be protacted
AT the commencement of this rebellion, the
four millions of slaves inhabiting the South.
ern States, were peaceful and loyal subjects
Of this Government; owing allegiance to it,
and amenable to its laws. And although
they became the unwilling instruments Of
treason, yet their allegiance has not been and
could not be dissolved. Upon this people,
therefore. as its legitimate subjects. the Gov
ernment had as high claims as it had upon
the white population Of the south. By State
laws only, they were held as slaves, but this
was In subordination to their status as SUBJ
ijects for, at any time the Government could
have taken them from their masters, and pun
ished them like other men, for violation Of its
laws, and the fact that they were slaves
would have been no defence. By no act, or
deed has the Federal Government ever relin-
pushed its sovereign claim upon this class of
its people; and it could not have done 80,
with due regard to the peace and safety of
the Union. No wise Government would Der
NIT large and permanent population to re-
side within its limits, who are beyond its
ultimate control. Whatever n az be the char
ac'er G wen them by mere local regulations,
can not effect the authority of the sovereign
power over them. These people are not only
denominated as persons by the Constitution,
but they have so been treated by the Govern.
ment, for all purposes, during its entire his.
tory. In all these respects, at least, the
slaves were the equals of their masters; they
could perpetrate the same crimes, be tried
therefor by the same tribunals, incarcerated
in the same prisons, and hung upon the same
scafolds. And while their masters commit
atrocious treason against the Government
which shelters all, have not these oppressed
subjects right to fight for it, and shed their
blood in defense of its flag? -
II by the offer of freedom we could induce
these bond subjects to leave their reasonable
masters, and return to their legitimate SOW
ereign,whom they have never willingly offend
ed, what principle of law or right would be
thereby contravened? Has not any established
Government an absolute right to exer-
else this sovereign authority over its own
subjects If it be alleged that this would
be violation of our faith with the Southern
States, the conclusive answer is, that they
had already violated theirs with us by at
tempting to dissolve the Union. We could
as rigntully do this, as we could induce the
soldiers in the rebel armies to leave their ranks
and return to their allegiance by the offer of
general pardon. And to deny that we can
rightfully do either, IS to hold that the indi-
vidual claims Of traitors, the rights and local
regulations ofinsurgent States, are paramount
to the sovereignty Of the General Govern
ment.
The period at length arrived when, to in
sure success to our arms and make the over
throw of the rebellion speedy and certain
event, an effectual blow at this formidable
element of rebel power was imperatively de-
mauded. Our authority over the subject was
broad and ample, and the necessity for the
step no longer doubtful. Why hesitate to
terminate the war and save the Union by los
ing slavery? It became obvious that amid
the throes of this mighty revolution, one or
the other must 60 down. The Union and
slavery cannot both b. saved from the wreck,
for the same power which rescues the one
must inevitably crush the other. Which is
the more valuable for preservation After
all its manifold crimes against liberty and
humanity, against God and His holy laws,
what claim has Slavery upon this Govern
ment for protection and perpetuity2 To this
reckoning had the Nation come on the first
day of January, 1863. l 10
l thank Almighty God that at this momen-
RI of.,ro rad A. r
this Government who fully realized the situa-
ton, and possessed the sublime courage to
perform his duty and place the seal of con-
domination irrevocably and forever, upon this
convicted criminal Of MANKIND. The deed is
done; the righteous judgment has been pro-
nounced, and from his honest heart the author
tells us it cannot be retracted." No earthly
power can send back to slavery these millions
of freedmen; for between them and such
power stand more than twenty millions of
other men to defend the broad sea, which that
proclamation bears. .i....-
In its diminished and attenuated form, sla-
very still fingers, but it is robed in the habit.
iments of; the grave, waiting only for the
rites of sepulchre. How these shall be per-
formed the world may not care for over its
accursed remains the star of freedom shall
forever shine, and the loud hosannas of an
enancipated race be sung through all sue
ceeding ages.
The victim of morbid and reasonable
ambition, slavery has been murdered in the
house of its friends. Upon them, not us, the
of its death must forever rest.
The Union as it was, the people of the North
were willing to maintain and alb de by; but,
as the South have determined otherwise, it il
our duty now, to insist upon the Union as it
should be. and as our fathers Intended it. y
My ardent wish is that this desolatng war
may speedily close, and the insurgent States
resume their political rights in the Union.
That we may properly understand the
theory of reconstruction, it is important to
avoid misapplication of the term TIE re.
bellion having failed of success, the Union is
not dissolved and therefore the d;svooan;zod