Dayton daily empire. [volume] (Dayton [Ohio]) 1850-1865, 1864-03-30


friends have himself elected from term to term
during his natural life
II the military" supplies q reason now for
his nomination, and the extraordinary pat
ronage occasioned by the war furnishes the
means of his election, as matter of course
his interest is then to prolong the war as
means OF perpetuating his power
No man with patriotism OF a Washington
or Jackson would seek to place himse { 10
position where his interest and his personal
ambition would be coincident with the contin-
usnoe OF the rebellion aud the perpetuty OF
the war
Bur, aside from the consideration OF the
second term principle, there is still another
and more iorcible objection to the nomination
of Mr. Lincoln
The people have lost all confidence in his
ability 60 suppress the rebellion and 70 store
the Union. 1t is impossible to put out of View
the fact that there is a general feeling of dis.
appointment in the loyal North, that after
s1ch wasting of It's precious blood, and such
a vast expenditure OF treasure, the rebelli On
continues unsubdued and all the promises Of
the administration time aud again, for iis
speedy overthrow have been fasiied
The truth is, that there is no man who does
not the livery of office, or is not Ia the
pay Of the general government, who does not
feel mortified and BUNDLED that our nation,
wits its twenty millions of loyal people in the
North, with iourImillions of auxlliares in the
South TO say nothing ofa large host of Union
men there, has not succeeded yet in overthrow
ing the insoleHt slave oligarchy which does
not number FIVE milioss all told
How is it that Jefferson Davis, with his
slender resources, without navy, without
manufactories is still defiant at Richmond,
and has twice sent rebel hords across the
Potomac, putting in jeopardy even the person
al liberty Of Mr.. Lincoln himself
It is impossible to prevent the American
people ftom making humliating comparisons
between the rebel chief and the President OF
the United States They well understand why
this condition Of things exists at the end Of
the third year of Mr. Lincons term The
fault is not in want ofintelligence and brave
ry on the part Of our soldiers, or the skill Of
our officers. For both soldiers and officers
have proven, on many battlefield, that 10
endurance and yAlor, and all the elements
which constitute the great soldier, they are the
equals il not the su periors, of the rebels
1t will not do 10 throw the blame upon the
country, for it has furnished all the men and
all the money the President has asked
1t will not do to charge it upon thu rebel
sympathizers at the North, for they have had
no means Of interfering with the orders Of The
President The responsibility rests alone up-
on him. He has been,weak and Vacillnring
throughout, seemingly incapable Of settling
upon any definite line OF policy in regard to
the rebellion.
Two theories in regard to it have and nnw
divide the American people. One is that the
Southern States are still States of the Amori
lean Union that their coeval constitutions
and laws, though silent in the presence Of the
rebel power, will, upon the suppression of
the rebellion, revive, and the people return to
their former rights
The other theory is, that they are no longer
States in the American Union, in the sense
Of the constitution, but the rebellion having
acquired the strength and consistency OF a
belligere1t power, the status ofthe entire pop
ulation has been changed from citizens to
aliens, and they do not returnto their rights
upon the suppression of the rebellion, but
only TO snch rs the supreme legislative power
may give them
Had Mr. Lincoln adopted either one of
these theories, and adhered 10 it vigorously,
he might long since have ended the rebellion
Had he chosen the first, he could, before
this, have brought back the States, with their
institutions and laws, slaves and all
Had he adopted the other, and sustained
Fremont and Hunter, the friends of freedom
kaOlO, that the rebel armies might long ago have
been OveFthrown, and the whole rebel terrific
ry inpossession Of the United States, with the
MANAGES OF every slave stricken of from the
Susquehanna TO the Rio Grande.
This vaoilation and indecision Of the Pres
ident, has been the real cause tohy our sOeH
appointed armies hare not succeeded in The
destruction of The rebellion.
He has constantly been going between these
two theories, taking no positive ground for
either, but holding on TO theskirts OF both,
Whether from the ieebleness Of his will,
which has been unequal to the alternate pres
sure Of the respective leaders Of those theo-
res, or whether from the want Of intellectual
grasp, he has really been unable to compre-
hend their philosophy, or from the want Of
political principle aud indifference 10 truth,
be has ,cith that species Of cunning, Vhieh
ehardctsrizes certain class of iaigyers
sought 10 ride both theories, for the purpose
of securing his reelection.
The cant about "Honest Old Abe" was at
frs; amusing, it then became ridiculous, but
nov it is absolutely criminal
Honesty signifies nothing, unless there is
capacity 70 WELD the power. In the language
OF Wendell Phillips, "who cares for the hon
esty of the President, unless he be capable
il is not honesty but capacity that is wanted, "
When the nation again places in the hands
Of a eommander-in-chief the lives Of all its
able bodied men, and all its material wealth.
il will want better guarantee than the ante.
eedents OF our iocular President furnish, that
the power will be welded ably, efficiently, and
e. tkair t,arpafuftv 10 tha Ifntnn