Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1864-11-15

have enabled Charleston to withstand tht
most terrible aud prolonged siege of modeFr
warfare. With the spade and the hoe; 7oul
slaves are more powerful than an army
with banners, but with arms in their hands
they at once become source of fearfu
weakness and inevitable destruction.
We caution the people and the press il
all solemnity against counteDancing thil
new and mad scheme of abolition this
scheme to convert the Southern States into
free negro colonies to make the slave the
equal Of the white man to rob the master
Eof his rightful property; to emancipate the
IisIaVe against positive State ensctments
to destroy all hope of civil liberty, in the
South, and make to Lincoln and the world
the humiliatiug confession that we are In
capable of defending our property or our
freedom.
PEACE aEeoT1AT1oHs.
Prom the Minedgeville Recorder.
We perceive with much regret that few
papers IN Georgia advocate the sovereign :
| ty of the States to such degree as to au.
thorize each for itself to make the best
bargain it can with Mr.. Lincoln for the
cessation of hostilities. We regard this as
exceedingly unfortunate. 1t not only gives
an Interpretation to the Southern compact
which that instrument does aot justify,
| DuL II 10 du IuuIEGSS Va "Wedhu66S
IN the confederacy most hurtful to the
cause. We do not impesch the fidelity of
those who maintain this doctrine of State
rights, but we feel persuaded that the ers
ror, honest as it may be, is calculated to
exert an unhappy influence on our strug-
gle for national independence. The pros
position, at this gloomy juncture of re-
verses in Georgia, implies an abandon
ment of all hope of ultimate success, and
in this respect it is very Objectionable, even
if nothing more serious could be alleged
against it.. Such pretension is wholly
Inconsistent with the power to conduct our
foreign relations which has been delegated
to the Confederate government.
Coupled with this romantic idea is that
of convention of all the States North and
South, to adjust the terms Of settlement.
When the relative composition of such a
body is taken into view, either on the ba-
sis of State sovereignty, on which the
North stands about two to one against the
South (twenty.tWo to tWelVe,) or in repre-
sentative power, which largely preponder-
ates in favor of the North, as our tariff ex-
perience in Congress has ever shown, the
Seeded States would have no voice what
ever which the blasts of tanaticism would
not instantly silence in the convention. As
for Southern independence, no one dare
breathe it in such presence. Then, with
absolute dishonor from such arbitrament,
the South would meekly ask for recon-
struction with constitutional guarantees of
property, sc.
Driven to this humiliating extreme, and
scorned for the audacity of expecting the
recognition of property in sour fellow. cit-
lzens of African descent" the delegates of
the naughty South, once SO jealous of
their honor as not to permit even the
highest law to assail it by implication,
will return with burthen which will at
tract the LIdicule of Europe and the con-
tempt of all high-minded men at home
Such would be the legitimate result of q
convention of all the States. We are great
" mistaken in our estimate of Southern
sensibiIities and Southern valor if any
measure of the kind will be sanctioned by
even oue-tenth of the people, however
clamorous few timid and speculative
politicians may be in urging this course to
quiet our national troubles.
We are 10 the fight and we must carry
it on to the bitter end until We can close it
with honor. 1t is no time for US to pro-
pose negotiations or to ask forbearsnce.-
The sword can be sheathed after victory.
TIE QUESTIONS OF AIMING TIE SLAVES AND
OF RECONSTRUCTION.
FROM the Mobile Tribune
The question of fputting negroes into the
army is being discussed somewhat ginger
ly by some of the papers. One of them,
(the Charlottesville Chronicle) declares
that it might be done as a last resort, but
objects to the governments giving com
pensation to the owners, and ii gets to this
conclusion by showing that the slave is
not property in the full sense of the term
that his relation is mixed one-that he
is considered person by the State and
municipal authorities, and was also by the
constitution of the United States. The ar
ticle is ingeniously written, but while its
premises are correct, its conclusions are
not true.
A slave, under the law, is sort of mix
ed person. He has been represented in
the legislation of the country-has the
right of trial, as freemen have-is protect
ed within his sphere as carefully as is the
owner. All this is true; but he is, never
theless, nothing but property as regards
the rights of the owner. He is bought and
sold like other property. he is to the
owner worth given sum paid for him or
improved by time, as one pays for farm
or improves it. So that, while in law
person, he is nothing but property to the
loWner-that is, not R'person so far as the
Law of bargain and sale is concerned.
1t follows, Of course. that to impress
slave is to impress a certain amount of
property-just as much properly as is
mule, or horse, OF an amount of corn
And the government is' 'as much bound to
pay for the one as it is for the other.
The question of using the slave for SER
vice in the army is not by any means a
complex one. 1t is as easy as an elemen-
tary arithmetical problem, and it's sub
stance is simply this:-The independence
of the Confederacy is paramount. Every
thing must be sacrificed to that. All the
negotiations, whether with Abraham Lin
coin or General Mcclellan, will amount to