Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-09-15

SuDStanuai IN Mr.. 6eWardS argument under this
head What follows! Why simply this, that it
does not lie in his mouth to addres, any plea on
this ground to his fellow-cizens in behalf Of Mr..
Lincoln, because the party TOR aohom he spfdks
a0as The first to shoW its contempt Of this theory
Mr.. Hamlin, as Vice President of the United
States, was elected to preside over the senate Of
the uhole United STATES Not having had the
privilege of doing SO from the prevalence Of armed
treason in the land, he was entitled according to
the logic of Mr. Seward, to be elected for second
term quite as much as Mr.. Lincoln. But the
Baltimore Convention in his person expressed its
utter disregard Of this doctrine, though previously
made aware of its existence by the public decara-
tions of Mr. Seward. When, therefore, Mr. Seward
ventures to pres. this doctrine into the support Of
Mr. Lincoln, he should address himself to those
who have been the first to fout it, to wit, the Re-
publican party. If the doctrine is purely vision
ary the less that is said about it the better If
Is substantial and sound il has already been gratu
itously trampled under foot by Mr.. Stewards polit-
ical friends, aud one would suppose that the anxi
ETY. he betrays on this subject might be more
properly directed to those who were first in the
transgression And this is all we think that need
be said on this topic
In another portion of his speech Mr.. Seward,
speaking in the same sense, says:
Nothing is certain than that either the United
States and their constitutional President the called
Confederate States and their usurpng President must ue
within the limits of this Republic therefore regard the
pending Presidential election as involving the question
whe ther hereafter we shall have Constitution and
NJ.
from this fearful daOger?"
That is either Jefferson Davis or Abraham Lin
coin must rule over the territory of the United
States, and this is the question at issue in the
pending election. As nobody who knows Gen
Mcclellan will suspect him of yielding the suprem-
acy of the constitutional government of the United
States to the usurping sway of Gen Jefferson
Davis, we were at some loss to apprehend the force
of this language until we found the possible ex-
pana,ion of it in the following significant intima.
tions made by Mr.. Seward in another part of his
speech. Referring to the contingent success Of
Gen Mcclellan, and to the prospect, in that event,
of Convention being invited for the settlement of
our troubles, he said:
aWhat, now, if there be Convention at ALL if the
Convention fail to agree submission to the Federal
Dv: hsR He WITH IN III b.
res, gone forever Nay, more II such thing could
happen as that the Chicago candidate nominated upon
such agreement should be elected President of
United States the st Tuesday OF November next ,cho
pouet fer the safety Of the country against the rebels
during The nterpa ohieA eiapsc bere the I'D
ninistration constitutionaiy come into p0pera
that such election mould tend equally
democrat the Union TO inoite the insurgents to
their efforts for its destruction"
Aye, we ask with Mr.. Sewarl, "who can vouch
for the safety of the country against the rebels
during the interval which must olapse before the
new Administration can constitutionally come into
Loyalty and patriotioally devoted to the Union and
the Constitution, if it would be expected to have
that respect for the popular will in tho event of
its defeat which it will ask at the hands Of its
opponents in the event of its success, there
would be no need of "vouchers" for the /" safe
interval specified" But as Mr.. Seward admits
that there may well arise question on that
point, we leave it for him to answer the question
which he has propounded, as it is one which sole
ly concerns the honor and integrity and capacity
of the Administration, and cannot be allowed to
exercise of their elective franchise. 1t is indeed
conceivable that the Administration, in the event
of its defeat, stung with rage and modification,
might conclude hasty and disgraceful peace with
the insurgents in the fear that its successors in
flee might win for themselves the honor of re-
storing peace and union under the Constitution,
but, though Mr.. Seward suggests to the minds of
the people question this point, we must refuse
to believe in the possibility of such tremendous
and premeditated act of treachery on its part. If
indeed it be open to the suspicion of such an
astounding breach of public faith, it would be
with all patriotic people only an additional
for ejecting it from the trust which, this suppo-
sition, it would have already betrayed in its heart
And tie very discussion of such question is SO
derogatoy to the honor of the Administration that
wo wonder that so prudent and cautious states
man as the Secretary of State should have started
any question in the minds of the people on this
point And, whatever question there may be in
the minds of any, after this untoward intimation,
ace do not doubt that Mr.. Lincoln in his rival
should be constitutionally elected, will resign his
high prcrogatives into that rivals hands, and we
would fain hope that he loves his country SO much