Sunbury American. [volume] (Sunbury, Pa.) 1848-1879, 1864-12-03
Democratic pIsroynrty 10 Truth.

The World has Washington letter Of the
goth. which thus states the issue now pend
ing between the loyal and revolted States OF
our Union:
"The c. s. A. is neither tottering to Its
fall, nor is 1t likely to be swallowed up sud
denly, even By the earthquake of MIR. Lin
coin s reelection. Il still contains the only
necessary elements of war--men, food and
powder. 1t has never endured one half of
the sufferngs of the colonies during our
war of the Revolution. it has never been
reduced to the straits of the colonies; its
currency is not degraded yet to the condi-
tion of the continental money; its form OF
government is better adapted to the strain OF
war than was that of the colonies aud the
object of our administration is more tho
rough, widc-reaching, and destructive, sthan
was that of the British ministry.
"The claim is indeed identical, but the
object Of the claim is differant. Great Bri
tain insisted upon the right of thinking fol-
the colonies upon the money question; VIZ
! insist upou thinking for the Slave States
upon the Slavery question. Long after
/ fighting commenced, Great Britain coult
have retained the colonies by yielding he
cain. Long after fighting had commenced
We could have had the Union under tbt
I Constitution, by yielding our claim; but w
haue chosen to persist rs Great Britain
chose to persist. and therefore we have tt
conquer as she did not, or to give up ms sh
did or to find middle course of safety.
"Our intestine trouble we take to be this
The inhabitants of the Free States determin
ed in 1860 to have q voice about Slavery
The people of the Slave States insisted tina
under the Constitution, the Free States no
only had no voice, but were actually estopped
5y good faith to that instrument, from
wishing to have voice.
"Is it not perfectly clear that such q dis
pute can only be settled by the utter pro;
tration of the South physically, or of til
Free States financially, or 10y the des.ructio
Of the subject of dispute =
is it not atrociouslv impudent in thi
Rebel sympathizcr to talk Of the cause O
the Union as sour side" and speak of wha
"uG insist on, "re could have had" &c
&C.. as if he were on the side of TIE Natio
and not on that OF the traitors "Our il
tcstine trouble we take to be this" says thi
Copperhcad: "Thc inhabitants of the Ere
States determined in 1860 to have voic
about Slavery" Why, thou foolish iuggler
} "the people of the Free States" had an III
questioned, potential "voce about Slavery
in 1885, when the vote was taken in Cor
gress on Mr.. Jefferson's proposition thu
Slavery should be excluded by positive ord
ance from all the territories or emary
States, present and prospective, pertainin
to our country They had "a voice abor
Slavery" in 1907, when congress, by til
vote of every State then represented, decide
that Slavery should be prohibited in ever
square rood of territory then belonging t
, the United States. Tney had "a voice abor
Slavery" in the Convention which framed oil
, present Constitution, whereby it was vote
that, ,,apportioning representatives in Coz
gress, fifty thousand slaves should count {
thirty thousand freemen, and that Congre
D might prohibit the African Slave Trade q
ter 1907. So they had when Indiana Teri
D tory came repeatedly to Congress, askin
= permission to hold slaves for q limited tcrr
| and was sent home again with flea in h
ear, on the reports of John Randolph of VI
J and Jesse Franklyn of n c., advising Co
gress to grant no such permission. S
again in the Missouri struggle, in the pu
e chase oc Florida, in the annexation of Texa
+ in the Nebraska contest and forty mo
q such. the Free States had "a voice abo
Slavery" no ono questioning their righ
i You might as plausibly assert that the III
;, verse was created in 1860, as that the FIR
| States then first determined to have q vol
f about slavery"
But you falsely assert that the Free Stat
insist upon thinking for the Slave States
the Slavery question: We insist only
thinking for ourselves. We did so in 1876
and gave fair notice that, regarding r
t Slavery as an evil. yo would not assent
:. its extension into the Federal Territori,
! bnt should prevent such extention if Y
could. That was the sum and substance
> the Chicago Platform of that year. Th
= Platform did not go one inch beyond NJ
Jeffersons position in 17S4-a positi'
|. which New York Qhen a Suve State) al
all the North unhesitatingly maintaine
1t did not go beyond the position where
' .he South stood unanimously with us IN pa'
; ing the Ordnance of 1887. Yet you virtu
: ly affirm that the South is right in rebellii
y and sheddiRg oceans Of blood because t
C North stands where Jefferson eighty yea
n since taught her to stand, and where t
South unanimously stood with her in us
~ y. Tribune.