Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1864-09-28


Igood were of no greater account than the
exhibition to the Powers of Europe OF 3
desire on the part of the Northern people
to listen to reason and to withdraw their
lqua1el from the bloody arbitrament of
tbattle. -. .a- @
I WILL TIE sOUTHERN sTATBs ATTEND coz
vESTIoE I-sKETOH OF THEIR TERMS OF
4 NETTING. EnG l.s
1t will ldoubtless be asked in Europe
whether the Southern States, though gladly
and for 0bsioHs rsaSoRs Consentisg TO an
armistice, would consent TO send delegates
to the proposed convention. believe am
justified in stating, as the conviction lett
upoR my mind after repeated conversations
on that subject with the diplomatists who
have taken mp their abode on the Canadian
side of the Falls of Niagars-gentlemen
| who claim to possess the entire confidence
of the Confederate government, and to rep
Present its views and wishes in this and
other Respectfully every Southern State
would do SO on the following terms:-
FTrst-That the federal government
should consider Virginia aS one STATE and not
as two, iuasmueh as the creation OF the
State of Western Virginia without the con-
sent of all Virginia was illegal and uueon-
stitutionaL ---
Sseond-That in any State partially oc-
cupied by the federal armies, or menseea
by federal navies, sueh as Louisiana, Ten
nessee, Georgia and Alabama, the federal
soldiers should possess no vote, and that
the utmost freedom of election of delegates
should be guaranteed to all bona fde
citizens.
TAirdly-That in such border States as
Kentucky, Maryland and Missouri, where
there is SO strong sympathy for the South
ern cause, that not ever the most brutal
of military despotisms can repress il, tbs
federal government will re-establish civil
and suspend martial Law, and allow the
delegates to be elected by the ordinary ac-
ton of the people.
These condition 9 cannot be considered
unreasonable. They are founded alike up
on the principles of the federal and the
confederate constitution, and seem to be
inherent inSRny truly republican form of
government. If conceded they would give
the South the representation of fifteen of
the thirty-fonr states that once comprised
the Union, viZ:-TeIas one, louisiana two,
Arkansas three, Missouri four, Mississippi
Eve, Alabama six, Georgia seven, Florida
eight, Tennessee nine, Kentucky ten South
Carolina eleven, North Carolina twelve Yir-
Rinia thirteen, Delaware fourteen and
| MARYLAND fifteen. Were the North united
| in purpose, and rent by no political dis
lsentions, it would, under this arrange
ment, be able TO slect clear majori-
| ty of the convention /; but as it is
slmost certain that Ohio, Indiana and
Illinois, If not New York, New Jersey and
PennsylVGuia, Wonld, for social and COM
mercial as we'll as political reasons, cast
their votes with the South rather than
break of negotiations and renew a hope
less as well as ssuguinsry struggle, 1t may
be anticipated, if the Convention shall eT-
er meet, that the South will hold the
stronger hand, and play the winning game
in conference as in war. If New England
and the sparsely peoPled States of the Far
West should, under such circumstances,
prove recAlcitrant and rebellious, the
Southern and Middle States would be quite
content 10 permit their Peaeeable seees-
sion, and to recognise their independence
as g. separate commonwealth. They Wonld
not mete out to the Puritans the measure
that Puritapism has meted to the South,
but would rather be rid of them than con-
sent to be any longer encountered with
their advice, their assistance, their inter
ference, or their partnership.
sEwARp's DIPLOMACY on THE PEACE IDEA.
But though Mr.. Lincoln, Mr.. Seward and
other influential members of the party in
powsr look favorsbly rather than other
wise on the proposal of an armistce, and
would cbeerfully adopt it if by that means
thew could take the wind out of the sails
of the democracy Bt Chicago, and defeat
General Mcclellan, Dean Richmond, or
whomsoever may be the nominee on the
2sth, the rank and file of repuohcAnlsm
and abolitionism distrust and denounee the
project They foresee that a general con-
vention, if it restored the Union could
only DO so by yielding to the South on the
question of slavery. For such q result
they are not prepared They love the
Union much, but they hate slavery more,
land are willing to sacrifice the Union rather
than fail in securing the emancipation OF
the whole negro race on this continent.
| They believe in the superior strength and
determination of the North and in the GER
tain collapse of the South, and prefer the
! determination of every STAKEHOLDER, male
and female, and of every shareholders fam
] lily between Texas and DelewAre, to nego-
| tihtion 90 any other basis than that SO
succinctly laid down in MF. Lincoln q letter
''to whom it may concern"
TIE RELIGIOUS ELEMENT AND THR CHURoHEs.
A clergyman dstiug his letter from
! Philadelphia, breaks ground in this sense
in the columns of the Tribune, and though
! asserting himself TO be ga minister OF the
| Gospel of peace" declares against an ar
mistice, against g convention, against
the making of any terms except those of
emancipation and uuceoditional surrender
and in favor of war to the extremity Of
determination against what be calls the
"infernal rebels" Unhappily, there are
too many in America who desecrate the
pulpit by language and sentiments like this
TO allow it to be believed that this fiery
fanatic stands alone in his wrath. The
bishops, archbishop, and leading clergy
of the Episcopal and Roman Catholic
churches have IN large numbers signed a
petition to the President in favor OF an
grmisrce, but the Calvanists, independents,