The Portland daily press. [volume] (Portland, Me.) 1862-1921, 1864-11-08
Tuesday Morning, Nov. 8, 1864.
What kind Ct Peaoe2

WRaC KIM CT I6hC6I
From the New York Methodist
Yes, what is the peace which now fills the
air and crowds the columns of the neWspa.
pers? Is it cry Of agony or wall Of dis
content2 Is it the watchWord of q party or
the demand OF an enlightened conscience
Is 1t the wish of the many or the call of the
s few? Will it take the nation backward or
forward in moral her0ism? Will it vindicate
us or the rebels? Fae laiest 9la
Some, apparently large and thoughtless
class, seem by peace to mean nothing but
cessation of hostilities without regard to con-
ditions, circumstances or principles. They
do not tell us who is to stop lighting first, the
+, rebels or our own government, or whether
both parties are to lay down their weapons at
one and the same moment of time. Or if
this latter is their plan, they do not inform US
how it is to be brought about nor how long it
would last They forget that if there was
reason for beginning there must also be rea-
son for stopping, or else the stopping win
soon be followed by another beginning.
'a The peace must come for cause. 1t must be
such as both belligerents are willing to accept.
II snch u peace cannot be contrived, however
we may regret 1t, the dreadful strife must pro-
coed until one of the parties is exhausted, and
compelled to yield to the superior force Of the
other. What description OF peace, then, is
possible? What can be offered by either par
ty that will be acceeded to by the other? So
far as we can understand the posture of az
fairs between the belligerents, there are but
two forms of peace which could, BY any posi-
bility, be acceptable to Jefferson Davis and
his fellow leaders in the rebellion. The first
is On acknowledgment of Southern indie
pendence; formal acceptance Of the South
ern view Of slavery. 9.tL1s
The first of these methods of securing
{ peace can be seriously thought Of by very
small number OF persons only in the loyal
States. These must be found, if anywhere,
, in the border slave States, and consist of those
who are thoroughly devoted to slavery and
who would naturally expect that the same
power which might divide the Union could
also transfer Maryland, Western Virginia.
Kentucky and Missouri to the Southern Con-
federacy. Or, if this were found to be inn
possible, such is their adherence of free So
ciety that they would take themselves over,
bag and baggage, to the new slave empire.
This class of pro-slavery men is, perhaps,
small but still it exists aasa rs
In the free States this description of peo-
pie may be sought for in vain PrO-slavery
men may indeed be found in the North, but
their love of slavery is rather platonic; it
seeks only the good of others. 1t results
from political afIiniLes and time-honored par
ty associations. II the country should be
severed by any line Whatever between the
cry man would lose, at once and forever, his
connection with his slayeholding brethren, to-
gether with all the political power thence re-
sulting. At one blow, peace by Secession,
formally accepted, would deprive him of the
votes of fifteen States. Is this what's wished
for by the Messrs Wood and Vallandigham?
Certainly not. They want power In the I'm.
ion. The peace, therefore, Of which we have
heard so much in the last few weeks does not
. mean disunion. However resolved aud eager
the rebels may be to have such peace, we
cannot offer it and they can only secure it by
such complete overthrow Of the power of
the nation as would make them our masters,
and render separation needless. II they can
conquer us, they may convert the whole ma
ton into slave kingdom. sasa
A second form of peace to which the rebels
might possibly submit, even in their present
truculent frame ofinind, is such one as would
include our formal acceptance OF their theory
4 of slavery, and its theory of Incorporation in
10 the Constitution of the United States.
This we regard as the only Union peace pos
sible, while the rebels have power to resist,
while they have hope, either from their own
resources or from. foreign impatience or weari-
ness with our contest. Even upon such terms
they would submit to the Union with the
greatest fear and trembling. They would just
ly fear the revival, or rather the uninterrupted
continuance of the old anti-slavery excitement
and the return and ceaseless repetition of all
their former trials, Nothing but the presence
ofextreme suffering, and a profound conVic-
ton OF complete and abject humiliation on our
part, would induce them to make another ex-
pertinent ofthe Union. aft
b Does any thoughtful and web informed per
son doubt this ? Does not every man know
what it Is which alone constitutes the very
life and soul of the struggled The South rush
ed to war when slavery was only remotely
threatened; they have fought for more thad
three years with unfaltering courage; and
during all that time the inspiration of theil
endurance has been their hatred of tchGt hey
call Abolition, and their deuOtion TO Slavery
If slavery had not been, rebellion had not; l
slavery were removed from the passion as
well as from the soil Of the South, Union
would again be as charming as it is natural
aud logical-as desirable as it was in the first
Revolution. lssers AItrE3 I5oe
To Imagine for moment that slavery II
not the first care OF the rebels is to forget the
whole spirit of their civilization; is to ignore
.l the whole character of their legislation; is tc
shut ones eyes to the structure ofevery South
ern family; is to be oblIvious of the fierce
con gressional struggles of the last forty years
A civilization cannot be unmAde in an hour
The Ethiopian cannot change his skin, no
the leopard his spots, even when he wills it
but, in this instance, he does not will it bu
reeists it.
Jefferson Davis presents the simple alterna
Neutrality-suspicious. or extt termination; betwee
these lies the Union, with slavery made forev
er secure in the Constitution Less tnan TN
can never be accepted by our foes until tn
loyal States are in position to dictate tn
Terms oi final settlement. II any peace maj
thinks the rebels are willing to return to thel
allegiance at a less price than this, let him re
member our many drawn battles; let him re re-
call the repeated invasons of Northern soil
let him recoect rebel skill, rebel force, rebe
pride, and rebel selEsuiiicency. The very or
for peace, with the respect and attention it
now receiving, ought TO convince us that th
enemy will come back in his place in the Re
public again only on condition that his darlin,
m Is made seeure, ai y
Now, Is this the peace which the mil,
-ie NeiUs and other papers OF the same TYNE ar.
about to offer us 2 Is this the meaning Of M
Messrs Wood and Vallandighana We an
swer certainly, beyond q doubt, The cas-
stands thus: This class Of men and thes
newspapers, with all their clamorops retinu
are the devoted friends Of slavery. Fernand
Wood spoke for the whole of them when
declared in Congress, month or two ago, u
normal condition of the black man to be 81
very. He and all his friends are bent {
placing and keeping the negro in his "norm
ghis Is the foremost article in their creed.
1t is ever on the lips Of their orators and Il
1a9 pens Of their writers. This view pnites the
indissolubly with the South, and induces the
TO wish and to seek the prevalence of SOut
qsl ern ideas and Southern influences. To SUI
'peace men" it would be no sacrifice, but
grateful and hopeful investment, 70 secu