Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-04-25
rne Freedom Of pebate.


The Republican majority in the Federal House
of Representatives lost ground in the attempt to
expel a member for a difference of political
opinion. That was the offense The Journal,
in apologizing for Mr.. CoLFAx, endeayors TO
change the issue. 1t says Mr.. LONG Advocated
the destruction Of the Government. therefore it
justifes the expulsion resolution of the Speaker
Elsewhere we give extracts from the speeches of
Mr. CONWAY, of Kansas, and Governor STANTON,
of Ohio. members OF the last Congress, who, in
contingencies which have occurred, advocated
the recognition of the Southern Confederaey.
The speeches Of those gentlemen were certainly
as Objectionable, in Mr. COLFAx's view of the
case, as is that Of Mr. LoSG. yet no proposition
was made by the Republican members of the
House to either expel or censure them. Why
this distinction, unless we place it upon party
groundsl Mr.. LoSe is a Democrat, hence he
has no right to differ in opinion from the majOri-
ty; but Messrs. CONWAY and STANTON are Re
publcans, and for that reason they were allowed
the widest latitude of opinion and expression by the
same radical majority who now seek to tyrannize
over the minority. If the minority in Congress
are denied the right of discussing measures of
public policy, as in the case of Mr.. LONG, we
have arrived at the end Of liberty, and the vote
of censure by the majority is equivalent to de-
NAL Of free discussion.
The New York Times. radical Republican
paper condemns most decidedly and ably the
folly, if not the crime of the dominant party in
Congress in its attempt to stile the freedom of
debate. 1t says most forcibly:
We have protested against the attempt TO expel
representative Long the ground of expediency-
We now wish to say few words in respect to the
right of the matter. The Constitution takes care
to secure the utmost freedom of debate in COn
gress by making special provision that =" for any
speech or debate in either House, members shall
not be questioned in any other place"
What could have been the object of this un
limited immunity, but the recognized necessity
that every representative should be in a position
to do comDletest Justice to his own sentiments
and those of his constitueutsf That is princi-
pie which lies at the very foundation OF every
representative Government. But why is it not
as much violation of this princple.fOr men in the
Capitol to deter representative from speaking
his sentiments. as for men outside the CdpitOlT
II is the intimidation that is the evil, and it doDt
matter particle whence the intimidation pro
ceeds For any power in Congress or out Of
IT,
most sacred principles of the Constitution.
Mr. Long has denied the right of coercion.
Why should he be expelled for that? No Con
gress ever sat in Washington in which the same
denial has not been made. The denial has been
met thousand times by argument, by ridicule.
aud by GenunciatiOn; but no man before ever
dreamed OF meeting it by resolution of expnl
sion Mr.. Long also affirmed that in his belief.
it was impossible to sUbdue the rebellion. If he
honestly believes that, he has not only the right
but il is his duty say it. 1t is the duty of every
honest legislator, when great public concerns are
at stake. to declare his honest convictions. 1t is
none the less, but all the more his duty to DO
this. if these convictions are opposed to the domi
nant sentiment. 1t is the weakest side that has
the strongest need of argument; for il is their
only power Mr. Longs only responsibility in
his arguments is to his constituents. We haveno
business to assume that in this speech he did not
utter the sentiments of his constituents. If he
did, we are sorry for them Tbeis views Of the
Injustice and the inexpediency of this war are as
wide as the poles from ours. But that gives US
in New York no right to disfranchise them in
Ohio: and not whit better right has our repre-
sentative in Congress to silence, or aid in senc-
ing their representative i'm Congress.
The preteDse that Mr.. Long uttered treasona-
bic language is prepOsterous. Ii is not treasona-
BILE to advocate. or question, or gainsay any con
struction of The Constitution. IL is not treasona-
BILE to look at the gigantic proportions of the re
bellion and draw the conclusion that it cannot be
put down. Were it so, there are not thirty men
10 that Congress who have not at times in the
course Of this struggle been very strongly tempt
ed to turn traitors. Never has the faith of this
journal in the final triumph of the Government
wavered for a single instant, as every daily reader
of can testify; but Heaven save us from the ar
rogance of denOuneing and prescribing as traitor
eus every press which has at times shown appre
hension or dependency. Treason is not a thiDe
which lodges in the nerves. il has seat in the
heart. And until we see the evidence of it there
we call DO man traitor.
Freedom of debate in Congsess, we say, can
not be constituti0nalIy restricted. We ssy de
bate, for that Is the constitutional word.
These sentiments are in striking contrast viii
the iptolerant utterances of the Republican or
gan here and of the Republican press and part,
generally In this connection we give the fol
lowing extract from the New York Journal o
Commerce. which 10 clear and forcible msnne
illustrates the necessity of maintaining the Ire
speech and vote of member Of Congress to pre-
serve our Republican institutions:
member Of Congress Is in his sphere as muc
a constituent part OF the administration OF gov
ernment the President of the United States
He Is bound to think for. .tiimself, speak Tor hin
self. act for himself lf he believes that %
country will be bestleerved by prosecuting tn
war to the expenditdrpof the last drop oil bloc
and treasure. he is bqDnd to say 50, and 70 per
suade. il he can. hisassocistes to vote with him
If he thinks the hour has arrived when the ma
ton ought 10 consent TO the dissolution OF th
Union. he is free TO express that opinion. and
is his duty to express it. On other principl
caa the people govern. On no other principle
the nation free. IL Mr. Lincoln thinks the VA
hopeless, he will at once with reference 1
that opinion. Is be traitor IL be 30 acts