Mineral Point weekly tribune. (Mineral Point, Wis.) 1859-1868, 1864-01-13
French Statesmen on the Rebellion.
An Eloquent Letter from Messrs. De Gas
parin, Laboulaye, Martin and Cochin.
REPLY TO THE LOYAL NATIONAL LEAGUE
OF NEW YORK

LHuCu oooAitt bul IOT lLt prolonged absence
of one of our number. 1t would have been
painful to Us to have lost the collective char
acter of this reply; for the blending of our
four names is proof of that great unity OF
| sentiment upon all that concerns the cause OF
justice, which, by Gods favor, manitests it.
! self here below, in spite of political and re-
hgious differences
\ ct we are careful not to overrate our per
sonal Importance The League does not ad-
dress Us as individuals; il speaks 10 France,
| who cheriShes, a national tradition, the
| friendship of the United States. 1t speaks to
| European opinion, which will rise up and de-
| clare itself more clearly as it recognizes that
| the struggle Is between Slavery and Liberty.
You have cOmprehended, gentlemen that
neither France nor Europe has been free from
| misappreheEsions. Light did not at first
dawn upon the nature of the salutarv but
painful crisis through which you are passing
it was not plain to all, at the outset, that the
| work inaugurated by the election of Mr. Lin
coin yielded nothing in grandeur To that
| which your fathers accomplished with the aid
| of Lafayette and under the guidance of Wash
inston.
Europe has had her errors, her hesitations
| for which We are paying dearly to-day, on
| both shores of the Atlantic. What blood
would have been spared to you, what indus
trial suffering avoided by US, had European
| opinion declared itself with that force which
| you had the RI ht to hope for There Is u
| protest OF the universal conscience, before
which mankind necessarily recoils Moral
forces are, after all, the great forces.
The reVolted South, which needed our aid
which relied and perhaps still relies upon Us,
would not have long dared TO affront the in
| dignaton of the civilized world.
I.-Why has this indignation been with
| held? Why has a sort of favor been granted
| to the only insurrection which has had neither
| motive nor pretext-to the only one which
| has dared TO unfurl the banner OF slavery ,
| What has been the merit of this insurrec-
| ton By what charm has it conciliated the
| sympathy OF more than one enlightened min 4?
| This Is question humiliatlng 10 put, but use
| full to solve.
| In the first place, Europe doubted VII sther
| slavery was the real cause of the conflict
| Strange doubt in truth. For many years, sla-
| very had been the great, the only subject of
| strife IN the United States. At the time of
| the election of Mr.. Buchanan the only issue
was slavery. The electoral platforms prove
| this fact; the manifestos of the South we're
| unanimous IN this sense her party leaders,
| her Governors, her deliberate assembliesx.her
| press, spoke of but slavery; the Vice Presi-
dent OF the mSurgent confederacy made haste
| to declare officially that the mission of the
new State was 70 present TO the admiration
| of mankind a society founded on the corner
stone" of Slave-y. Lastly, it would seem that
to all rejecting minds the acts of Mr.. Blu
| chanan and other Presidents named by the
| South were proof enough of this truth The
South thinks only of slavery. In her eyes, all
| means are right to secure to slavery its tri-
umphs and bCundless conquests.
But, IL is objected that Mr.. Lincoln and his
friends were not abOlitiOnists. That is Ger
! tain. Their programme went no further than
! to stop the extension Of slavery, and shut it
out from the Territories. Was this nothing :
Was It not, in fact, everything: Who could
have foreseen that, on the appearance of such
i programme, OF progress so unexpected, of
| an attack so bold upon the policy which was
lowering and running the United States, the
friends of liberty would not all have fastened
to applaud. Was not this the time TO cheer
and strengthen those who were thus entering
on the good path: Was it not due TO urge
them on in their liberal tendencies so that
the first step taken, they should take the sec
ond and 90 on 20 the end Ought not that
which terrified and dismayed the champions
| OF slavery to rejoice the hearts Of its adver-
series?
Your letter, gentlemen, puts in bold relief
| the reasons which hindered Mr.. Lincoln from
adopting at the outset an abolition policy
The President could disregard neither his
oath of office nor the federal constitution; he
had also TO keep in mind the opposition which
I
the loyal States The head Of a great gov
eminent cannot act with the freedom OF a
philosopher in his study In simple truth Mr.
| Lincoln should be accused neither of timidi-
| ty nor Indifference. Your letter recalls the
| measures of his Presidency: abolition of slav-
| cry in the capital and in the District of Co
| lumbla, the proclaiming of freedom to fugi-
| tive slaves, the principle of compensated
| emancipation submitted TO all the loyal States,
| the death ppDalry agtualiy inflicted on car+afn-
| of slavers, the treaty with England admitting
! the right of search, the establishment of dip
| lomatic relations with the black republics of
| Liberia and Hayti, the arming of free ne
grOes and at last, when the length and gravi-
( ty of the war sanctioned an extreme exercise
| of the powers of Commander-in-Chief, the
| absolute and final suppression of slavery in
/ all the revolted States.
| We, gentlemen, are abolitionists; and we
| declare that we have never hoped nor wished
| for a more steady, rapid and resOlute progress.
| We have understood the difficulties which
| surrounded Mr.. Lincoln. We have honored
| his scruples of conscience with regard 10 the
| constitution of his country which stopped his
| path. We have admired the courageous good
| sense with which he moved straight on the in
slant he could do so without danger to his
cause or violation Of the law.
| Wonder is expressed that slavery Is aboI-
| ished in the reyolted States and yet preserved
| in the loyal States. In other words. there is
/ wonder that he who has sworn to obey the
/ constitution should respect it. Let no one
| take alarm at this. There is no danger that
| the g domestic institution" crushed in the
Carolinas and Louisiana, will long survive in
Kentucky and Maryland Already, as you
| have stated to Us, solemn proposition has
been made to all the loyal States already
one of the most important, Missouri, HIS set
| the example of acceptance To be thus IN
| easy about the maintenance of slavery in the
North argues to minds quite too much
| tenderness to the South. We look with sus-
picion upon this pretended abolitionism
whose unfriendly exactions were first put
| forth on the very day Illuminated in America
| by the dawn of abolition We frankly say We
could never have fOreseen that the election
| of Mr. Lincoln and the several acts which we
have just enumerated would be an endless
| cause of complaint and distrust and unworthy
| denunciation from many men who plume
themselves in Europe upon their hatred of
| slavery.
And since TO destroy the North in public
| opinion it was not enough TO accuse II of too
much favor for slavery, another grievance
has been found. The North oppressed the