Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-01-07
NATIONAL iNTELLlGENCER.
A FRENoH VIEW OF OUR srRueeLE.


Henry Martin, and Augustine Cochin, of Paris,
addressed to the Loyal National League of New
York city, in reply to a communication received
BY these distinguished gentlemen from that organi
zatcn, and in general commentary on the phases
and issues of the war, regarded by intel-
gent persons ia France who are well-affectod to-
wards the national cause The friendly interest
taken in struggle by each of the sgners of this
address has been Already proved in many ways,
not only by words of sympathy but by elaborate
expositons designed to elucidate to European
minds the questions involved in the great wager
of battle now pending between the Government of
the United States and the armed instruction
against its authority.
There are many advantages to be gained from
knowledge of the aspects under which the war pre-
sents itself to the contemplation Ct thoughtful
observers across the Atlantic. They see the great
features of the contest in a perspective which, if
the proper point of view be taken, enables them to
discern the elements and forces of the mighty
conflict in their due moral and political as we'll
as physical relations of prominence and subor-
dnation. In word, such is the inter-communi-
tory and such the power of public opinion in de-
termning the policy of Governments and the issues
of events, that the European world is to US sort
of coniemporaneous court sitting in judgment on
the acts and men of our land and times with some
what Of the impartiality aud calmness which give
to the awards of posterity their weight and infu-
ence in summing up the true historic lessons of
"A IF yho -, III. otnJ
the drift and eddies Of the strife that now pre-
occupies all minds in this country are perhaps not
in either the mental state or topical position to
discern with perspcacity what is phenomenal and
what is substantial, what is transiory and what is
permanent, in the successive Developments of the
eventfu drama in which we occupy the place
rather of actors than Of spectators
We need not say that the French correspondents
to whose paper we allude ascribe the first import
ance to tie relations which slavery bears to our
contest, and they award to President Lincoln the
merit of having, by his policy on this difficult
question: stored his way skilliuly so as justly to
escape the reproach of having been either timid
or Indifferent" They add
We, gentlemen, abotonsts, aud we declare that
have never hoped wished for more steady
rapid and resoluts progress We have understood the
difficulties which surrounded Mr. Lincoln We have hon.
ored his scrupes Of with regard the consi
tuition OF his country which stopped his path We have
admired the courageous good with which he moved
straight the instant he could do without danger
HE cause or yiolstOn Of the law"
This is high compliment coming from Adolf.
tionists in Europe, at time when their oonfeder-
ates in the United States are in the habit of re-
fecting with SO much severity on the Resident
because he is not what Wendell Phillips calls q
leader Of men but is rather the representative
and embodiment of the conceived average OF tive
popular mind aad purpose at any particular stage
of the crisis through which the nation is passing
We refer however, to the letter Of these eminent
publicsts not much for the purpose Of sgnalizug
their estimate Of the issues involved in the war; or
Of giving prominence to their appreciation of the
Chief Magistrate, Of calling the attention of our
readers to something Of more immediate and prac-
teal concern in the proximate future which lies
before in the path Of civil and social restoration
These writers, as Abolitionists, avow the opinion
that slavery should be permitted to survive the
war On this point they say
I'VE hold il TO be Of the first Importance that the cause
Of the shall not survive the that your real foe
slavery shall not remain upon the field We have often
the proongaton Of This bloody struggle Was that
the real might present it.ef with perfect clear
nessF
And We give prominence to their opinions on this
point for the purpose Of procuring from American
Abolidonists a candid hearing to the recommends
tons of their French brethren when the latter i'm
mediately proceed TO write follows
There be question as you have often said, Of
an occupation Of the South conquest OF the South of
reducing the Southern States 10 the condition of provinces
where copqueror will maintain bis garrlsons and the
public life will be suspended. Save in the districts yet
ravsged BY guerra aud in the heart of which the Fed
era troops finish their work victory will every where
bring with the re-estabishment of the Union the esab
lsLnent promptly possible Of constitutional rights
You hope gent. men, that those whom you conquer to-
day will tomorrow meet in debate, and you will accept
in oil their truth the struggle Of the press Of the egisa
tive hall, and Of the ballot which will replace the strife Of
the battlefield
We all feel il is much better that you should have to
encounter difficulties fruitful Of liberty, than that you
should seek for yourselves the deceul advantages OF
dCatoral ifgimc To apply to the South an exceptional
rule would be- aiae quite easy 1t would be easy also 10
pronounce the death penalty outlaw execute cons
cation bills but IN teadtg this path Of vulgar tyranny
you would sacrifice two thlnPsyour high renovyn in the
present lasting union with the South in the future
But If, the other hand, you show the world the no.
especscle 0 victory without repnsas 0f liberty strong
enough to survive civil IL your Constitution remain
and slavery alone fall in such conflict; il the morrow
Of the struggle the law remain supreme if elections for
the Senate aud House Of Representatives be- again open