Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1864-04-11

( into Le1gues, and arms distributed 70 them by
this PARTY Governor. il was charged.
On the 26th day of January, 1868, the House
had, by resolution, called upon the Governor
for full statement Of the arms purchased those
on hand, and those distributed, and h. whom
I On the IOh of February, by way of answer the
Governor refers the House to the reports of the
i Qaarter-Master General Stone and Chief of Ord
nance, and r. ID. Owen. This sentence occurs
The report o. General stone win show that only nine
hund ed aud three guns have been issued within the
river and these i<sued 20 companies regularly
organized under The law, and upon acquisitions made.
The Governor knew, when he penned this sem
tence, that the resolution was but the result of
rumors that were rife, all over the State, to the
effect that he was arming bis friends; that even
during the sittings of the Legislature he was
sending arms abroad to other counties, and
openly avowing that civil strife was fast ap-
preaching in Indiana. In this view Of the reso-
luton and the causes which called for its adop-
ton, there is really not one word in response to
it. He cannot shield himself behind the fact
] that be should operate through these officers,
for il IS part of the well known history of the
Stale, that he IS continually attempting TO diSre
gard the fact that these officers exist with duties
| fixed by law, and striving to assume all porer in
the State, as witness his issuing commissions
without the signature or authority of the Secre-
tary of State. His attempts TO coerce the Audi
tor and Treasurer into violation Of their official
duties in the payment of money without an ap-
preparation, and, upon failing, his establishment
of finance bureau" as he calls it, without
even a shadow of legal right, in which the money
of the people is being handled without bond or
other guarantee for its safe keeping. Now, If
this kind of man desired to secretly arm a
League, he would not stop to operate through
known and responsible officers A reference,
therefore, TO tie report of such officers is no an
i r L
was doing with the money and arms intrusted 70
him. Some facts were even then known, and more
have since become notorious, namely: 1t was
known arms were shipped from Indianapolis and
placed in the hands of those Leagues members
thereof had said they were obtained from or
through Governor Morton. Whether this latter
really was so, and if so, whether they were State
or United States arms, and TO what amount dis
tributed were facts not then known BY the mem
bers of the Legislature who appealed TO him to
know the truth, and, for answer received nought.
! They were. under these circumstances, and
others to which we viii vet allude justifablc in
refusing appropriations of money TO place muni-
tions of war in his hands.
| But he says that he was informed by Mr..
Branham that he had repeatedly urged the Com
mittee of WAYS and Means 10 report bills at an
early day making appropriations, and they re-
fused. 1t is an old trick TO dodge behind false
witness when you want to tell an untruth and
it is an old maxim in law that if witness will
be false as to one thing; he will in all things.
Who is the witness, then On tue 5th day of
February, 1868, he was making O violent spt ech
in the House, threatening to bolt, and said
he, for one, would return TO this Hall, if he
left IT, and forced hack by those who would
thus trample down the laws, only to assist in
hanging those who would attempt to do it."
Brew. Rep, 100. Mr.. Niblack asked him: did
not the gentleman state at Columbus lin speech
on the Saturday before) that the majority on this
floor were in communication with JEFF. Davis,
through an emissary, who had been in their
council room 2" Mr.. Branham-"I did not.
did not say that the majority of this House were
in consultation with JEFF. Davis, but that an
emissary of jeff Davis was in consultation with
members of this House on a certain night"
Drcv. Rep, 121. Several members, Democrats,
asked him TO name the persons, and if it was
true thev would vote to expel them. He re-
! fused. On the next day, resolution, reciiing
the said charge, was adopted by the House, and
a committee appointed to investigate the truth
thereof with power TO send for witnesses. Brew.
1 Rep, I23-House Journal, 1856. The Republi-
cans voted against the adoption of the resolution.
| The committee reported House Journal, 743,)
that /" Mr.. Branhsm had been subpenaed, but
] had declined to appear. The committee there
fore. conclude that Mr.. Branham had no founda-
ton for his charge, and made it simply for polit
ical effect" Brew Rep, p. 236.
If, as q sworn officer, man would, for politi-
cal effect, make false charge, the inference
would be very strong that to produce the same
effect he would, as an individual tell lie. Such
men Morton needs and uses.
These al; r)pria, ions, then were not passed,
and the Governor undertakes 10 give, as a
son, the unconstitutional action of the majority
in attempting to pass
MILITARY BILL.
In point of fact this is not the truth, as we will
| be able to show. For it was desirable TO defeat
the passage of any law recognizing the militia;
or the Board of the Benevolent Insiitutions or to
guard the purity of the ballot box through police
commissioners; or TO apporti0n the State for
! Senatorial representative and Congressional pur-
/ poses; or to regulate the management of the
! Arsenal. Bills for all these purposes were be-
! fore the House, and ought TO have been passed,
in some form, as required by the Constitution
| These measures were all defeated by the bolt of
| the Republican members. The apportionment
of Congressional Districts would stand for ten
wears for Senator's and Representatives for six.
| It was, no doubt, thought BY the Republicans
that if they could defeat these appointments
until they were in the majority, they might so
unfairly shape the districts as TO perpetuatc them
/ selves in power That they intended TO do so
unfairly, is manifest from the fact that they
not find anv reasonable objection 10 the bills pro-
posed by the majority, and therefore pretended
/ to bolt on the military bill but that this was a
mere pretence is evident from their own acts, for
| ffty-nine members of the House signed state
ment that this minoriiy-the Republican men,
bers who bolted-submiited to members of the
m lority conditions upon which they would
turn to the House and proceed with business.
These conditions required that legislation
should be hal upon either of the subjects above
mentioned. TIE after thought Of the function
airy, o. p. NJ, is therefore merely for Buncombe.
| See Address of Democratic Members, &C., PIP. z
and 8. These were the reasons that influenced
the action of Republicans in the House; but be-
fore we are through we think we will show that
there was still another and more potent reason
which controlled the Governor in advising such
bolt We will, therefore, not spend as much
! time as we might, under other circumstances in
/ discussing this military BILL Before doing at
all, we will recur to the constitutional PROPOSE
tions contained in the first part of this article,
where il is shown that the iasc making power is
vested in a General Assembly. The law exc
cutting or executive power in Governor, &c.
The adjudicating upon the laws to be per-
formed by the courts In this instance Gov. o.
p. NJ. undertook to Lgislate by debating, through
the minority in the House, not only as to laws
that might and those that should not be passed,
but also as to the form they should assume. He
undertook to adjudicate upon bills before the
House by saying, in advance, that If passed they
would be invalid--not only so, but that their
passage must be defeated because the whole ju-
dietary would act either ignorantly or corruptly,
and would sustain such laws In other words,
in advising the breaking up of the Legislature,
and in giving the reasons therefor he now does,
i'm this speech he in effect says: 1, Oliver Perry
Hazard Morton am alone honest capable, and
faithful; and / will therefore efassume-seize to