, 1864-03-12


OF NEW YORK.
GrxrrE EvEx We would have thanked you
much sooner. but for the prolonged absence Of
one Of our number. II would have been painful
10 Us to have lost the collective character of this
reply for the blending Of our four names is n
proof oi that great unity of sentiment upon all
that concerns the cause Of Justice which by Gods
favor manii,s's itself here below. in spite Of po-
Iitical and religious differences.
Yet wcnre careful not to Overratc Our personal
importance. The League does not address us as
it speaks 10 France who chcrishcS,
as national tradition, the friendship Of the
United States. II speaks to European opinion,
which will rise mp and declare itself more clearly
as il recognizes that the struggle is between Slav
cry aud Liberty.
You have comprehcndcd gentlemen, that nc-
thcr France nor Europe have been free from mis-.
Light did not at first dawn upon
the nature of the salutary but painful crisis
through which You are passing: il was not plain
to all, at the outset, that the work inaugurated
by the election of Mr.. Lincoln yielded nothing in
grandeur to that which your fathers accomplished
with the aid Of Lafayette and under the guidance
of Washington.
Europe has had her errors, her hcsitations, for
which We are paying dearly to-day on both shores
of the Atlantic. What blood would have been
spared to you, what industrial suffering avoided
by US, had European opinion declared itself with
that force which You had the right to hope for !!
There is q protest of the universal conscience
before which mankind necessarily recoils: moral
forces are, after all, the great forces.
The rcToltcd south, which needed our aid
which relied and perhaps still relies upon us,
would not have long dared TO ailront the indig.
nation Of the civilized world.
Why has this Indignation been withheld
Why has sort Of favor been granted to the only
instruction which has had neither motive nor
pretext? 10 the only one which has dared to un-
lurl the banner Of slavery? What has been the
merit Of this insurrectiOn? by what charm has
it concilatcd the sympathy Of more than ono
enlightened mind! This is question humilat.
lug TO put, but useful 10 solve.
In the first place, Europe doubted whether
Slavery was the real cause Of conflict. Strange
doubt, in truth! For many years Slavery had
been the great, the only subject of strife IN the
United States. At the time of the election Of
Mr.. Buchanan the only issue was Slavery. The
electoral platforms prove this fact; the maniies-
tos Of the South were unanimous in this sense
her party leaders, her governors, her delberative
assemblies, her press, spoke but Of Slavery; the
Vice President Of the insurgcnt COniederacy had
made haste to declare officially that the mission
Of the new State was TO present TO the admira-
tion Of mankind a society iOun'cd on the corner
stone Of Slavery. Lastly, il would seem that
to NIL rejecting minds the acts Of Mr. Buchanan
and other Presidents named by the South were
proof enough of this truth. The South thinks
only Of Slavery. In her eyes all means are right
TO secure 10 Slavery IFS triumphs aud boundless
conqucsts.
But it is objected that Mr.. Lincoln and his
friends were not Abolitonsts. Thatis certain !:
their programme went no further than to stop
the extension Of Slavery and shut Il out from the
Territories. Was this nothing? Was Il not. IN
fact, everything? Who could have forescen that,
progress so unexpected, Of an attack so bold upon
the policy which was lowering and running the
United States, the friends Of liberty would not
all have hastencd to applaud? Was not this the
time to cheer and strengthen those who were Gu
tering on the good pathy Was il not due to urge
them on in their liberal tendencies, so that, the
FIRST step taken, they should take the second and
go on TO the endY Ought not that which terri
fed and dismayed the champions Of Slavery 10
rejoice the hearts OF its adversarirs!
Your letter. gentlemen. puts in bold relief the
reasons which hindercd Nj. Lincoln from adopt.
ing at the outset an Abolition policy. The Pres
dent could disregard Beithet bis oath o Office nor
the Federal Constitution he hal also Keep in
mind the opposition which plan Of cmaneIpa.
tion would encounter in the loyal States. The
head OF gpeat Government cannot act with the
freedom OF philosopher in his study. In simple
truth, Mr.. Lincoln should be accused neither OF
timidity nor indifference. Your letter recalls the
measures Of his Presidency, abolition Of Slavery
in the Capital and in the District Of Columbia,
the proclaiming OF freedom to fugitive slaves the
principle Of compensated emancipation submit
ted to oil the loyal States, the death penalty nc
tually inflicted on Captains Of savers, the treaty
with England admitting the right Of search, the
establishment Of diplomatic relations with the
black Republics Of Liberia aud Hayti, the arm.
ing OF free negroes and ut last, when the length
and grdvity OF the war sanctioned an extreme
exercise " nc powers Of Commander in Chief
the absolute and final suppression Of Slavery in
all the revolted States E ~
We. gentlemen. are Abolitionists and we de-
clare that We have never hoped nor wished for
more steady, rapid, and resOlute progress. We
have understood the difficulties which surrounded
Mr.. Lincoln. We have honored his scruplcs Of
conscience with regard TO the Constitution Of his
country which stopped his path. We have ad-
Hired the courageous good sense with which he
moved straight on, the instant he could SO do
without danger to bis cause or violation Of the
law.
Wonder is expressed that Slavery is abolished
in thc rcyoltcd States and yet preserved in the
loyal States! In other words, there is wonder
that he who has sworn to obey the Constitution
should respect it. Let no one take alarm at this