Charles City Republican intelligencer. [volume] (Charles City, Iowa) 1861-1864, 1864-01-28

NUMBER 4.

cHteitulucu TIE same view, IDr ~ re-
markable tenderness characterized its
dealings with traitors, and the war
was prosecuted during the first year,
with eminent success upon the theory
Of doing the rebellion as little dam
age as possible. Bitter experience
and observation, however, finally con-
vinced me as it did others, that sla-
very was not only the corner stone
of the Confederacy," but was the po,c-
er which sustained, and the motive
which impelled the rebellion. Every
negro that worked with hoe, or
drove mile on southern plantation
was as much enlisted against the Un-
ion, as the soldier who had served
With his gun in the ranks Of the rebel
army /; and more effectively so be-
cause the grain upon which our enc
my subsists, renders him more formid-
able than his shells or his bullets.
Slavery stood like mountain be-
fore the advance Of our armies, and
could neither be avoided nor deiied.
1t enabled the insurgents to place
their entire militia force in the field
against us, and added more than one
half to their available strength.
While slavery existed, treason had
power and object, and so long would
the rebellion continue, and the war be
protracted.
At the commencement Of this re-
bellion, the four millions of slaves in
habiting the Southern States were
peaceful and loyal subjects of this
Government owing allegiance to it,
and amenable to its laws. And al
though they became the unwilling in-
struments of treason, yet their allc-
glance has not been aud could not be
dissolved. Upon this people. there
fore, as its legitimate subjects, the
Government had as high claims as it
had upon the white population of the
South. By State laws only, they we're
held as slaves, but this was in subor-
dination to their status as subjects,
for, at any time the Government could
have taken them from their masters,
and punished them, like other men,
for violation of its laws, and the fact
that they were slaves would have
been no defence. BY no act, or deed
has the Federal Government ever re-
linquished its sovereign claim upon
this class of It's people and it could
not have done SO, with due regard to
the peace and safety of the Union.
No wise Government would permit
large and permanent population to re-
side within its limits, who are beyond
its ultimate control Whatever may
be the character given them by mere
local regulations, can not effect the au-
thority of the sovereign power over
them. These people are not only de-
nominated as persons by the Constitu-
ton, but they have SO been treated by
the Government, for all purposes. du-
ring its entire history. In all these
respects, at least, the slaves were the
equals of their masters they could
perpetrate the same crimes, be tried
therefor by the same tribunals. incar-
cerated in the same prisons, and hung
upon the same scaifolds. And while
their masters commit atrociouS trea-
son against the Government which ,
shelters all, have not these oppressed
subjects right to fight for it, and
shed their blood in defence of its
flag?
If by the offer Of freedom we could
induce these bond subjects to leave
their reasonable masters, and return
to their legitimate sovereign, whom
they have never willingly otleuded,
what principle of law or right would
be there contravened 7 Has not any
established Government an absolute
right to exercise this sovereign au-
thority over its own subjects If it
be alleged that this would be a viola
tion of our faith with the Southern
States, the conclusive answer is,
that they had already violated theirs
with US by attempting to dissolve the
Union. We could as rightfully do
this, as we could induce the soldiers
in the rebel armies to leave their
ranks and return to their allegiance,
by the offer of a general pardon. And
to deny that we can rightfully do Ell
ther, is to bold that the individual
claims of traitors, the rights and lo-
cal regulations of insurgent States,
are paramount to the sovereignty of
the General Government.
The period at length arrived when,
to insure success to our arms, and
make the overthrow Of the rebellion
Il speedy and certain event, an etfectu-
al blow at this formidable element Of
rebel power was imperatively demand
ed. Our authority over the subject
was broad and ample, and the neces-
sity for the steps no longer doubtful.
Why hesitate to terminate the war,
and save the Union, by losing slavery?
1t became Obvious that amid the
throes of this mighty revolution, one
or the other must SO down. The I'm
ion and Slavery cannot both be saved
from the wreck, for the same power
which rescues the one mnst inevitably
crush the other Which is the more
valuable for preservation After all
its manifold crimes against liberty
and humanity, against God and His
holy laws, what claim has Slavery up
on this Government for protection
and perpetuity I? To this reconing
had the Nation come on the first day
of January, 1868.
l thank Almighty God, that at this
momentous juncture, we had a man
at the helm of the Government, who
fully realized the situation, and pos
sessed the sublime courage to perform