Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-08-25

concurrence of antagonisms to the Gold Union,
we should despair of its restoration. But Is We
have recently great reaction in public sent-
ment at the North, we are not without the hope
that under auspices calculated to produce It, there
ght be an equal reaction at the South-dispens-
Ing with the necessity of calling National Con-
vention. 1t could be called only by the concurrent
voice of the Legislatures of twothirds Of the States
uniting in this request at the hands OF Congress,
aud it would have to be preceded by an armistce
for period long enough to permit It's assemoiage.
But if National Convention is "impossibie, ana
if an armistice is "impossibe," what soluuon OF
our complication can commend itself to the claim
of being "possible2" President Lincoln ana zen.
Jefferson Davis have no right or power to settle
between themselves the terms on which the nation
shall have peace, except as the former shall ask
what the latter shall agree to acceptthat is re-
turn of the Seeded States to their allegiance under
the Constitution, with all the rights and dntes de-
fined by that instrument But as the terms OF Mr.
Lincoln ignore the constitutional rights of the Be-
ceded States, and as the terms Of Gen. Jefferson
Davis ignore their constitutional dties, it is plain
that negotiations between the President and the
"rebel chief" according to the idea of the Tribune,
are impossible"
We question whether in the present stage OF
the war there many who believe that the policy
of "subjugation and determination and conhsca-
ton" is among the possibilities Of our situation,
as those who uttered these words, under the de-
lirum of their sectional phrenzy, are fast coming
to speak in more rational and sober dialect.
Like the Tribune, we do not disguise from our
selves the difficulties of the crisis. With it, We
do not affirm that San immediate settlement o.
our national troubles is perfectly feasible, but
on former occasion we know it avowed readi
ness to see National Convention called at th'
close Of the war, it has occurred to us that ou
contemporary, in whom we recognise no less sin
cere than influential advocate of peace, might b.
willing to accept this arbitrament for the purpos
of closing the war itself. As preliminary to such
conference Of the States it would be entirely prope
for President Lincoln Cor his successor) to open
| gotiatons with Gen. Jefferson Davis for an armis
tice, based on the principle of ut possidets durn
the term of its continuance, and which should b
concluded for period long enough to admit OF sue
a conference; Tor, as the President is commander
in chief of the army and navy of the United States
and as Gen. Jefferson Davis is 6 the authorit
which controls the armies at war against tn
United States" it would be entirely competent 70
them to conclude an armistice with this end il
| view.
| We shall not be suspected Of wishing to turf
the thoughts of any from the things that make 70
peace when we say that it is possible for the pa
irons Of this boon to allow their zeal to outrun thei
discretion. 1t is easy to cry "peace, peace" whe
there is no peace; for, as Napoleon once, in sub
stance, said, "Peace is word-the conditions Q
peace are every thing" When the fountains Q
the great deep have been broken up as they hay
been in this distracted country, it would be i'd
to expect an immediate and total subsistence of th
surging waters. In the days of the Hebrew mon
archy under King David, the sacred historian re
cords that the children of Issachar were men tho
had ande, standing Of the times 10 hnoD uhat Isrde
ought TO do Our country is perishing for tn
| want of men like the children of Issachar-mel
who have understanding of the times to know wha
| the nation should do.