Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1864-12-07
For the Standard.
A letter from Hon. j. T. Leach.

q
letter from Hon. j. T. Leach.
Messrs Snead Smith and Banks:
demonstration Joint letter Of October 26th,r
is to hand, and the fact of your being members of
the Legislature of North Carolina and the repre-
seutatives of my native county in that body, are /
sufficient reasons for aspeedy compliance with your
request on my part . So.
The expression of your continued confidence in
my Judgment and zeal in the cause CT civil and re-
lgious liberty, is properly appreciated. trust
I may continue to merit it, by prompt and faith
FIJI discharge of the onerous duties imposed on me,
as the representative of the people of the third Con-
gressional district Of North Carolina. !"
In your letter you expressed the wish that I
might give you my views on the state of'tle coun-
try. 1t is subject nj such vast magnitude and in
wolves so many contingencies that fear shall not
be able to 1ojustice to it in the small compass of
letter; and III complying with that WISH shall
necessarily contne myself 70 the bloody war now
desoiating Cur country.
1t is Subject of paramount importance, in COM
pasison with which all others dwindle into insig-
nihcsncs. 1t is the pivot upon which not only our
future happiness or misery turns, but our very
existence one in which | feel the deepest So
citude, and if there is any one thing on earth in
which l desire TO bear an humble part, it is the
bringing this bloody strife to an honorable termina
ton. No sacrifice is too great for nae II make, not
Incompatible with sense OF honor, my duty to my
constituents and my God. ~
The condition of our country like all others SIM
ilary situated, is deplorabe indeed. That we have
arrived at important and fearful crisis in the his
tory OF this war is patent 10 the mind Of every
thiaking MN aud the recent election of Mr. Lin
coln the Presidency of the United States is well
calculated to intensity the feeling and add interest
10 the subject our part. His election is
dorsement of hipast policy on the part OF majority
Of the NortuerH people and whether be pursues in
the future the same policy that has marked his past
course is for him TO determine. Upon that policy
|. We most shape course Though among the
Noithern peop lie there may be intestine ieuds and
differences yet il opposition to they are en- unit
That fact alone should ad,nonlSh US to husband our
resources and oring to Dear full strength in do
i fence oil Cur inaenable rights as freemen If Mr..
I Lincoln is still uexorable to the demands of Justice
and the cries of suterng humanity, the fearful re-
| ,sponSibity rests upon him and not upon When
| the alternative Of death, or suhjusation without
terms, is presented freemen will not hesitate to
brace the former, and abide its consequences be
they fearful. We trust in Cod that that al.
tentative may never be forced upon US. These two
peoples have bed long enough, their past sacrifices
ought to suffice. Ii unfortunately Mr.. Lincoln
should be memorable .be subject OF peace, mott
withssauding our disparity in numbers and their
OF nature and our rights as freemen demand that
We should prepare fer the worst; that We should
bring to bear ali our resources, and confront his
hosts with an g unfalterng trust, strong arms and
unbr0ken front
The past history of this war on our part shows
many shortcomings, indiscretions and abuses Of
power that are well calculated to create distrust in
the ability of our authorities and dissatisfaction
among the people. A disposition to usurp powes
on the part Of the federal government, is, reg ei
to say, oae OF the most prominent and whether il
be FROM patriotic wicked motives is for them, no,
me to say. will do them the Justice to say that
up to this time the disposition greater to &C
quire upwarranted powers than 10 exercise them
We should watch with vigilant care the landmarks
of civil liberty, and rebuke promptly any attempt
to ovefstride the laws either by the civil military
authorities The strong arm of civil law is omnip
otent against crime if placed in the hands of honest
men. Sad indeed would be our condition, if at the
close'of this strite, we should find ourselves under
the heel OF military despotsln without independence
or civil liberty.
/ While it is our imperious duty to h lsband our
resources and bring to bear the energies 81 the
whole country in defence of our rights u. the SAME
time deem it equally Important that we should
attempt to open lne door for peace by Initiating
negotiations with the federal government. Onjec
tions are raised to negotiations by the anointed be
Mr.. Lincoln has refused in advance to nego
tate with the Confederate authorities. Admitting
the truth of their objections, is that any WHY
we should not endeavor to iiud some other door, BY
which the federal authorities might be approaches
on the subject OF peace? Surely not
Heretofore we nave tried various nostrums TO
peace that neither common sense nor the expcrlenc
: Of nations has sanctioned Let US profit by the ex
r periences of the past Let US not despair of tn
republic before trying remedies, in 10Y juigmen,
more likely to Succeed, than those that have bee
tried aud failed The most successful plan is tina
of State action based on State sovereignty and indie
+ penderce; aid Toe sooner the States move in til
matter, the better twill lie for the country and th
? termination of thewar. l do npt wish to unde,
stood as recommending separate State action, with
out our first s21rsuting with sister States. thin
= there Should IL concert Of action. 1t would bc
movement Ct stch magnitude and Importance, tha
" the niaturest deberx ton should preccde action.
- would be the lat man on earth, who woud know
i0gy add any thing 10 the horrors q: this
q None but madmen and IEonarchsts could obIet
to the action of the States in this important crs
where so much is to be de and little has bee
h done towards bringing 1e and fraricidal stri
- to an honorable termination. base my argumet
for State action upon the fact, that the relations
the States to the Confederate government are yer
dierent from what those relations were in the fet
l. era government Under the federal compact IL
States surrendered part of their sovereignty for II
- purpose OF forming more perfect union than e.
. listed under the articles OF the Confederation. u
3 der the Confederate league the States surrendert
:: neither their sovereignty nor Independence, but e.
= ercsed both in the formation of that government
=. Hence the government has right to exercise At
powers that the States iu their sovereign and ind
y, pendent capacity have not the right to exercise
On the other hand am clearly of opinion that Il
ID States have the right to exercise any powers tn
n they delegated to the Confederate government tn
n their agent refuses or negecss to exerci
y. for the common good. The Confederate COVER
81 nent not created for the purpose Of exercis
e any extra legislative or extra judicial powers,
d for the more convenient execution of the laws al
administration Of justice.
>, regard it as an fortunate thing that the Legs
- ture Of North Carolina meets at SO early u do
e. That body has an important uty to perform IN Il