Civilian & telegraph. [volume] (Cumberland, Md.) 1859-1875, 1864-08-25

9 The laugh was upon me, and Mr..
Benjamin enjoyed it.
well, sir, be that as it may. if | uri-
dcrstand you the dispute between your
Government and ours is narrowed down
to this: Union or disuniou."
" Yes; or to put It in other words: In
dependence or suhiugstion'
- Then thu two Governments are IT.
reconcilably apart. They have DO alter
native but to tight it out. Ba; il is not
so with the people. they are tired Of
lighting and want peace: and as they
bear all the burden and suffering of the
war; is it not right they should have
peace, and have it on such terms as they
like q '
" don't understand you. BE little
more explicit" r, a.
Mn DAVIS REFUSES IN AKMIsTIcr.
"Wcll, suppose. the two Governments
should agree to 10 something like this
To 60 to the people with two propose
tons, say, peuce with disunon and
Southern independence as your PROPOSE
t:on--and peace with unun, cinancpat;cn.
no confiscation and universal amnesty, as
ours Let the citizens Of all the United
States Gas they existed bclurc the war;
vote +" Yes or g No" on these two promo
sitions ut n special election within sixty
days If majority vote disunion, our
Government to be bound by it. and to let
you 60 in peace. liza majority votes Union
yours to be bound by it, and to stay in
peace The two Governments can CON
tract i'll this way, and the people, thougl,
constitutlonally unable to decide on peace
or war, can elect which of the two pro-
positions shall govern their rulers. Lief
Lee and Grant, meanwhile, agree to All
armistice. This would shcathc the sword,
and if once sheathcd, it would never
again be drawn by this generation"
1.-The plan is altogether impracticablc,
IT the South were only one State, it might
work but as it is, if one Southern State
objected to emancipation, it would nuliry
the whole thing; for you are aware The
people OF Virginia cannot vote slavery
out of South Carolina, nor the people Of
South Carolina vote it out of Virginia"
But three fourths of the States can
amend the Constitution. Let it be done
in that way in any way, so that it be
done by the people. l am not d states
man or politician, and do not know lust
how such Il plan could be carried out
but 20" get the idea, that the people shall
decide the question H
THAT the majority shall decide it, you
mean We seeded to rid ourselves Of
the rule of the majority, and this would
subject us to it again.
" But the majority must rule finally,
either with bullets or ballots"
am not SO sure of that Neither cur
rent events nor history show that the ma
jority rules, or ever did rule The contra
ry, | think is true Why. sir, the man who
Should go before the Southern people
with such proposition, with any propo-
'ition which implied that the North was
10 hanc voiccin determining the domcs-
tic relations of the South, could not live
here day He would lie hanged to the
first tree without Judge or jury " s.
Allow me to doubt that think it
more likely lie would b. hanged, if ho
let the Southern people know the MAORI
ly couldn't rule" replied smiling
:. have no fear Of that, rcjoincd Mr..
Davis, also smiling most good humoredly.
81 give yon leave to proclaim it from
every house top III the South
But, seriously, sir, you let the ma
jority rule in \ single State why not let.
it rule in the whole country? =
Because the States are independent
and sovereign. The country is no.: 1t
is only confederation of States or rather
it was it is now two considerations.
''Then We arc lot II people, We arc
only political partnership q
That all"
Your very maine, sir, United States,
implies that" said Dir. Benjamin but
tell me, are the terms you have named
Emancipation, DO confscation and uni
versal amnesty-thc terms which Mr.
Lincoln authorized you to offer lis p
No, sir; Mr.. Lincoln did not auth
orizc me to offer you any terms But L
think both he aud the Northern people.
for the sake of peace, would assent to
some such conditions.
They are very generous" replied
Mr.. Davis, for the first time during the
interview showing some angry feeling
" But. amnesty. sir, applies to criminals.
We have committed no crime. Coniisca
ton is Of no account unless you can en-
force it And emancipation I. You have
already emanciputcd nearly two millions
of our slaves, and if you will take care
Of them, you may emancipate the rest.
I had few when the war began. was
of some use to thcm they never were of
any to me. Against their will you
'emancipatcd' them, and you may 'c,nan
cipatc' every negro in the Confederacy.
but we will be free We will govern
ourselves. We will do it if We have to-
see every Southern plantation sacked and
every Southern city in flames"
Il see. Mr.. Davis, it is useless to con-
tinue this conversation. | replied I" and
you will pardon us, if we have seemed
to press our views with too mach peril
nacity. We love the old flag, and that
must be our apology ftr intruding upon
you at all"
q You have not intruded upon me, he
replied, resuning his usual manner. 81
am glad to have met you both I once
loved the old flag as well as you do; l
would have died for i /; but now it is to-
me only the emblem of oppression
q hope the day may never come
Mr.: Davis, when | say that" said the
Colonel.
| CLOSE OF TIE INTERVIEW.
A half-hour's conversation on otter
topics, not Of public interest, ensaaef, and
then we rose to 60 AS We did so the
Rebel President gave me his hand,
and bidding me a kindly goodbye, OK
pressed the hope of seeing me again in
Richmond in happier times. when peace
should have returned ;, but with the Col.