The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1864-02-21
palltlclnn. ID Dc Iaen.

A politician may have mouthed and
ranted Of Democratic principles all biz
life; CT he may have delivered most
pOnderously and protrActedly on the
slavery question; he may have been q
champion Of freedom, and great on great
utierances for liberty be may be able to
rush in of-hsnd TO set UP an easy
working, popular government, based on
enc voter ia ten, and be the swiftesi
sWearer; bis speeches may be sown
broadcast over the land ~ the great
speech Of Br. so-and.So on the state OF
the country" and yet be may not have
sufficient staiesmanship TO equitably lay
tax to create q new means Of revenue
TO assess general burden without special
oppression or special injury to industry
and trade. The fact is, that between
Slavery in one party, which was the be-
ginning and ending Of politics, and Anti
Slavery in The other, which was She same,
the real business of government has yet
to be learned in this country.
Reader, when you feel inclined to fol-
low blindly your political leader, take
the extract and read it thoughtfully I;
and do this, whether your fsvOrite poll
tician il called radical" or "conserV-
alive. Learn to think for yourself; for
free government can only be maintained
by rejecting people. How painfully
true is il, that between Slavery in one
party, which was the beginning and
ending Of politics, and Ani-Slavery in
the other, which was the same, the real
business Of government has yet TO be
learned. If you pride yourself on con-
serVatism, and regard the Gazette as a
radical paper, that fact cannot weaken
The force of we'll spoken truth. II the
word radical is your keynote Of politi-
cal music, we know you will not pro-
nOunce the Gazette "cOpperhead"
BY needless anxiety for the perpetua-
ton and extension Of slavery, the peo-
pie of this once proud, happy State, have
brought upon themselves incAlculable
evils. While We should have thought
for ourselves, upon all the mighty inter-
ests Of q growing country, we hearksned
TO frothy demagOgues who narrowed
their teachings, by converging lines, to
the er-present ever-irritaiing negro.
Somebody in Maine, Massachusetts, or
Ohio ssid the negro ought to be free;
that human bondage was morally wrong,
and no man had s right to own another
man. His language excited us; The
demagOgue saw il, and said within him
self, "ThaPs the available question"
Within few days, there were nomina-
tions made for Congress, or for the Gov
ernorship, or for the State Legislature.
On the one side, : man Of ability and
integrity was nominsted-a useful citi-
zen, in whom bis neighbors could confde.
But perhaps be had said candid
~, on some occasion, that Tennessee
would be happier snd weather. without
slaves; or perhaps be had been in Con-
gress or the Legislature before, and had
cast 3 vote which was construed into an
abolition vote" The demagogue man
sged to have himself nominated by the
opposite party; and you remember how
we suffered him 10 defeat the good man,
by repeating 8 stereOtyped speech about
the horrible abolitiOnists. Even those
Of us who voted sgainst the demsgogue
were perhaps silly enough TO say, when
we had listened TO his memorized decla-
nation, " be is very smart man" And
this foolish habit of mind grew upon us,
Till cur youths at college, if they had
political ASPIRATIONS, studied chiefly how
they might be able to prove their fancied
opponents abolitionists.
Unto what has all this foolishness
brought us -Four years ago we were
free; and we travelled whittier we would,
asking no man how far we might proceed
or what we might carry with US. We
possessed our souls in peace, and our
property in security. But to have the
United South" preached by mounting
and rSniing politicians, VIC have reduced
ourselves ID fewer privileges than were
enjoyed by the slaves before the rebellion
Before the war, if slave murdered his
master, he could claim q trial by jury.
Now white man may kill negro in
self-defense, and be tried by military
commission. Did you ever think of that2
This is q glance At what we have brought
upon ourselves, BY listening to men Of
one idea. Il is plain enough; we can
sec il now, on that side.
But the end of the world il not yet.
Our sad condition may be temporary,
or il may not. That it may is the hope
ful side, and we prefer to look upon il.
Yet il is not wise 10 blind ourselves, that
we may remain ignorant Of approaching
sorrow. AS we came into this torment
by suffering men Of one idea frst to lead
and then 10 drive us so may we prolOng
our misery and vassalsge, by suffering
the zeAlots Of another one idea to lead or
drive us whittier they choose. Remem-
Der, that when fanaticism OF any kind
obtains the ascendant, knaves esp ouse
the fansticsl side TO subserve the
ends of avarics or ambition. At the
present moment, it is fashionable TO
question the loyalty Of any who may
doubt the justice or expediency Of what.
ever is done in the name Of freedom.
And freedom is fast obtaining = defni-
lion distinct from any reference 10 the
rights and interests of men and
women who boast Of no Afri-
can blood in their veins. Yet,
we may assert without fear Of personal
arrest, perhaps, that very numerous and
highly respectable class Of the people in
this Stsle can lay no claim 10 African
descent. While we are free to confess
our earnest desire for the ultimate ex-
tinction Of African slavery, like candor