Delaware State journal and statesman., 1864-02-23
THE TERMS OF PEACE.
by WILLIAM II. ALltS, ll.r

No Ss-niANeFy Auht Oic that the OAtOh
Live.
If the government cannot, without the ruin Of
the country, accede to the terms demanded by
the rebels, can t propose terms which the peo-
pie Of the insurgent States will accept? The
President has thought that the time has come to
try. But he clearly perceives, as his letter to
the Springfield Convention shows, that while the
rebel armies dominate the States in revolt, no
| terms can be accepted by the people Of those
States except such as the rebel government and
| its armies may approve. He repeats the same
thought in his proclamation Of December, 1868
as an incentive 10 vigorous prosecution of the
war. This proclamation extends both the sword
and olive branch. 1t means war, and it means
peace war against the rebels in arms, and peace
on liberal conditions to all who will lay down
their arms and return to their allegiance. To
treat with rebels in fragrant defiance of the 60
vernment, would be sowing the seeds Of future
rebellions, and a confession of national weak
ness. The States must learn that they can take
nothing from the government by war. Those
which have tried the hazardous experiment, are
learning quite thoroughly this salutary lesson
Tho government is stronger now than ever be-
fore, both in military resources and 10 the conf
denee aud affection Of its loyal citizens. We
have suffered many defeats, but like Antmus,
tho athlete, we have gained strength every time
we have touched the ground. The rebellion, on
the contrary, is weaker than ever. Its leaders
may say truly few more such victories and
we are ruined. They have put their Inst man
into the field. Their financial system has ex-
ploded, their credit is broken down, aud their
armies go reeliDg backto the famous "idst-
ditch" where We will accord them q General
Grant to bury their dead, including the rebellion
and its Confederacy. Then the time for terms
| will have come.
Every word Of the Presidents proclamation,
including the onth which he proposes as cOndi-
ton of amnesty has one single aim Union lDith.
out slavery, by The act Of the loyal people in the
revotted States. The only concession which he
demands of the people, is recognition of the
truth, which Mr.. Jefferson and the Continental
Congress held to be self-evident, "tbat all men
are created equal, and are endowed by their
Creator with certain inalienable rights, and
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit
Of happnes
On the fourth of July, 177G, when the old
state-house bell in Philadelphia proclaimed lib
ery throughout all the land, "unto all the in-
habitants thereof" the declaration for which il
rang the peal of jubilee was not solemn mock.
cry Of words, with mental reservation as to iu-
habitants of certain color. The logical conse.
quenoe Of that declaration was, and is liberty to
every one in this land who has the form Of a soul
of a man. 1t was proclamation Of emancipa-
ton more authoritative than that of the Presi-
dent, which marked the advent Of the year 1868
as an era in history, because it was not made
on the ground Of military necessity, but on
the sanctity, of sef-evdent truth. What though
the oheins did not fall at that moment from the
limbs of every bOndman Fall they must in
due time, or that declaration must be annulled,
and the government which was founded on it's
principles must be oyerthrown. The rebellion
is protest against the Declaration of Indepen.
dence, and reaction against liberty. 1t is an
earnest, intelligent, well-ooncerted, powerful at
tempt to destroy government Of which freedom
is the head Of the corner, and build on its ruin:
a government of which slavery shal be the fun,
damcntal law.
The rebels know very well what they are
about. They are politically and logically con-
eistent when they attempt TO substitute slavery
subordination and government BY a class, foi
liberty, equality, and fraternity. The war is al
issue between aristocratio despotism and repub
lican liberty. 1t is a renewal, on American soil
Of conflict as old as history, between those VIII,
live by the labor Of others, and those who live
by their own. 1t was undertaken to consolidate
Il form Of cyization-not to say Of barbarsn
. in which all social influence and oil politcs
i power oe0lre in an ohgarohy which own botl
y the laud aud the labor, and which, having ''se
its life upon cast, will stand the hazard of tn
Z die" He who lmagines the end will be anythin
i less than striking down the main prop Of thei
z oligarohy, or the subjugation OF the free North
N
aud the temper of the enemies Of liberty.
. slaVeholding aristocracy or free democrac
"a must rule this country.
d The issue which trembled awhile in suspens
'e is no longer doubtful Slavery was the ini
cause of the war, and the war will make fnl
end Of slavery. Wars for the wrong have bee
sucoesslu, and wars for the right have failed
? and yet there is a God But if the people al
true TO themselves and TO God this war for slt
b. very is not to succeed, and this war for liberi
7, i. not to fail. The rebellion will die. Again
is the moral sense Of Christendom, against Il
n, protest OF struggling millions In other land
nd against the stouthearts and arms Of every 10y
ID man in our land, against the cry of humani
=, pleading for her children, and against the vol
Nv Of religion, prooaimng that for these all
Christ died, it will not, cannot, shall not su
ceed.
"a Win you then wage n war Of determination
: answer that the determination of slavery W
be the determination of slaveh9lders and III,
st. the war will 'sheath its sword for lack Of arg,
\, ment." II is easier to exterminate them in Il
NJ way than to kill them, and just as eifectual
ay The war is a savehoders' war, and when slAy
alI holding dies the var will die. You may pat
nd nd up sort Of peace on other conditions, but
al will not last. The antagonsm Of hostile ipte
If, ests, and social antipathies, and incongruo
~ civilizations will remain; and the interval
peace will be but truce 10 take breath and gat
er strength for more deadly encounter.
Here the advocates of slavery meet US with
argument. We are glad when these men "
condescend to reason. You allege, say the
! that no State has right to secede. Admit th
Then all the States are legally and oonstil
tionally in the Union, and have never been out
it. But the Constitution does not give to a
department of the government, neither to
President, nor to Congress, nor to the Supre
md Court, the power to abolish slavery in the Stat
nor to emaucipate a single slave beyond the lin
,,, of the District Of Columbia. II, then, one
'1' more of the States in rebellion shall ground ar
l. aud elect senators and representatives to CC
gress, are these not entitled to seats, whether
A states which they represent shall have emau
Of pated their slaves or nof There are two AusE
md TO this While il is admitted that the Preside
s'S acting iu his civil capacity in time of peace,
l. no power 10 smancPase, it js claimed that o.