The mountain Democrat., 1864-10-01


swearing ct the election, or for admitting
bed, or rejecting COED votes Il VIII be
the farce Of Louisiana and AFA1susas eet-
ed over again under the forms Of this bill,
but not by authority Of Law.
But when We come to the guarantees Of
future psaee which Congress meant 10
enact, The forms - we'll as the substancs
Of the bin, must yield 70 the PRESIDENTS
will that none should be imposed.
II was the solesn resolve Of Congress
to protect the loyal men Of the nation
against three great dangers, ~ the return
to power Of the guilty leaders of the re-
beIlion, (2) the continuance Of slavery,
(O the burden of the rebel debt
Congress required assent to those pro.
visions by the Convention of the state !;
and if-refnsed, it was to be dissolved
The President "holds for naught" that
resolve Of Congress- because he is unwil-
ling to Be infexibly committed to any
one plan Of restoration" and the people
Of the United States are not to be allowed
to protect themselves unless their enc
mics agree to It.
The order to proceed according to the
bill is therefore merely at the will Of the
rebel states; and they have the option to
reject it, accept the proclamation Of the
9th Of December, and demand the Presi-
dents recognition
Mark the contrast The bin requires
a majority, the proclamation is satisfied
with one.tenth; the bill requires one oath,
the proclamation another; the bill ascer.
tains voters by registering, the proclama.
ton by guess; the bill exactS adherence
to existing territorial limits, the proclaim
alton admits Of others the bill governs
the rebel States by law, equalizing all be-
fore it, the proclamation commits them to
the lawless discretion Of military govern.
Ors and provost marshals; the bill forbids
electors for President, the proclamation
and defeat Of the bill threaten Us with
civil war for the admission or exclusion Of
such votes the bill exacted exclusion of
dangerous enemies from power and the
relief of the nation from the rebel debt,
and the prohibition Of slavery forever, so
that the suppression Of the rebellion will
double our resources to bear or pay the
national debt, free the masses from the
old domination of the rebel leaders, and
eradicate the cause Of the war; the procla.
nation secures neither of these guaEan-
tees.
1t is silent respecting the rebel debt and
the political exclusion Of rebel leaders
laving slavery exactly where it was by
law at the outbreak of the rebellion, and
adds no guarantee even Of the freedom oil
the slaves be undertook to manumit. II
is summed up in an illegal oath without a
sanction and therefore void. The oath is
to support ell proclamations Of the Presi
dent, during the rebellion having refer
ence to slaves.
Any government is to be accepted a
4, the hands Of one-tcnth Of the people no
contravening that oath. Now, that oath
: neither secures the abolition OF slavery
nor adds any security to the freedom o.
the slaves the President declared free.
1t does not secure the abolition of slsv
cry; for the proclamation Of freedom mere
ly professed to free certain slaves while II
recognized the institution.
Every constitution of the rebel States
at the outbreak of the rebellion may be
adopted without the change of letter
for none of them contravene that procla
nation none Of them establish slavery.
1t adds no security to the freedom o.
} the slaves.
For their title is the proclamation O.
: freedom.
1fit be unconstitutional, an oath t.
support it is void. Whether constitution
: al or not the oath is without authority o.
law, therefore void.
| II IL ho valid aud oh~o.uoj sk o~.nA, ~
enactment by the State, either in law OF
Constitution, to add State guarantee to
the proclamation title, and the right of O
slave to freedom is an open question be-
fore the State courts on the relative au.
thority of the State law and the proclaim.
alton.
If the oath binds the one. tenth vic
take it, it is not exacted of other nine
tenths who succeed to the control of the
State governments; so that it is annulled
instantly by the act Of recognition.
What the State courts would say ol
the proclamation, who can doubtf
But the master would not 60 into court
-he would seize his slave.
What the Supreme Court would say,
who can tell
When and how is the question to get
there?
No habeas corpus lies for him in the
United States court; and the President
defeated with his bill its extension of that
writ to this case.
Such are the fruits of this rash and "a
tai act of the President-a blow ct the
friends of bis administration, at the rights
Of humanity, and at the principles Of re-
publican government. The President has
greatly presumed on the forbearance
which the supporters of his administra-
tion have SO long practiced, in view of the
arduous conflict in which we are engaged,
and the reckless fcrOcity of our political
opponents.
But he must understand that our sup.
port is of cause and not Of Q man; that
the authority Of Congress is paramount
and must be respected !; that the whole
body OF the Union men Of Congress will
not submit to DO impeached BY him Of
rash and unconstitutional legislation, and
If he wishes our support he must cOnfine
himself to his executive duties-to Obey
and execute, not make the laws-to sup.
press by arms armed rebellion, Ghd leave
political reorganization to Congress.
If the supporters Of the government
fail to insist on this, they become respon.
sible for the usurpatious which they fail
to rebuke; and are justly liable to the in.
dignation Of the people whose rights aud
security, committed to their keeping, they
sacrifice.
Let them consider the remedy for these
usurpations, and, having found It, fearless
ly execute it.
B. r. WADE,
Chairman Senate Committee.