Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-08-25
"EECUTIvE MANSION,
!" Washington, July IL, 1864.

Dsrnment Of the United States and will be met by liberia
terms other substna and collateral points, aud the
bearer bearers thereof shall have safe conduct both
ways. ABRAHAM LINCOLN" I
would receive and consider any proposition for
peace If it embraced " the integrity of the whole
Union and the abandonment of slavery" did not
mean to say that he would not receive and coLsi-
der any proposition unless it embraced both these
conditions. He was simply saying what kind Of a
proposition he was willing to receive and consider
without implying that he would not receive and
consider proposition which embraced neither Of
these terms 1t follows, then, according to this
exegesis of the Presidents meaning, that he has
not concluded himself against receiving and con-
ssaering" proposition which shall omit to en-
brace in its terms the integrity of the whole
Union" for, SO far as the force of the Presidents
language goes in the manifesto ITSELF the Times
has the same right to infer that he would receive
and consider proposition which should fail to
embrace g the integrity of the whole Union" as
one which should fail to embrace "the abandon
ment of slavery" The President places them on
par in enumerating the conditions on which he
will receive "any proposition;" and if he did not
mean to exclude the inference that he would Gre
ceive and consider" proposition looking to the
dissolution of the Union or to the rehabilitation Of
slavery, or to both, we have only 10 say that the
encomium which the Times passes on perspicuity
as writer is much misplaced.
But, if there be any ambiguity in the terms of
the Presidents manifesto, the Times argues that
Mr.. Lincoln's past history has left no room for
certain reiterated declarations of the President
which are to the effect that the war is waged for
the preservation Of the Union, and that when this
object is attained the war will stop, without regard
to the state in which slavery may be left
The reader may remember that in our number
of the 26th Of July cited at greater length than
the Times has done the precise declarations to
which it refers, for the purpose of placing them in
contrast with what we conceived to be the avowal
made in the Niagara manifesto. For 50 citing
these declarations we were gravey arraigned in
the Morning Chronicle of this city, which then
not only understood the Presidents manifesto as
we understand it, but proceeded to show that in
the existing state of our affairs Mr.. Lincoln coud
not have properly held any other language. 1t
said in its mum Der Of the 29th ultimo:
"The Iotelgencer is aware that as the result of the
patton policy and the employment of negroes sol
ders very large proportion OF the slaves OF the South
have actually c"ms free. Would that conservative jour-
nal re- nsave these with their wives and children
Have results of the declaration of emancipation
made important change IN The circumstances Of the case
the Hood Greeley letters uritten, and
IL y Al. II a..
ta,h ptghted these black The face of The eiprized
100, d2 And the GODersmen-t 0ngress and he Pre-
sdcnt-recede from IT'S declarations this SUBJECT SO
far as the slaves actually id free concerned which
includes all who have been brought under h jurisdiction
OF military suthorte, and who have been promised
freedom order withdraw them from he service of
their rebel masters we presume that even the lntegencer
will admit that they cannot bs reensiaved without foul
dlsh NOR justic,, hnd cruelty But what would the in
sttuton of slavery be wi these exceptions Would 1t
not be better for all parties to sweep away slavery entirely
than 10 leave the South half free, half slave Military
cesy dictated the proclamation OF emancipation and the
employment of negro troop- and the necessity p
justly the enforcement Of that policy The Government
enslave allow the eusavement Of the
groes who have become actually free under he procama
under the laws Of Congress- under the pledges OF the
commanders of the Union armes and the DEGREES Of State
Conve nons n Virginia in North and nth Caroiua, in
Georgs and Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana,
in Tennessee and Arkansas as ue those slaves in the
Border States who have entered the army And fto all
heseamouutine perhaps TO anil on-who have been made
will be clpated by the people of Maryland, West Vr-
gina aud missouri have aggregate body of free
gToes Southern so in addition those who born
free which would make it next to impossible to restore
without sowing the seeds ~ perpetual strife
between The white and black This great fact
of the quencts Of the rebellion that had not deoetop,d
itself nhen the President the Wood and Greeley letters
may hun upon tbs enforcement Of the
cmancl lpation taps proctanattons, and pledges.
Here 1t will be seen that it is not only assumed
to be fact that the President had stipulated con-
dition when ho specified the abandonment of
slavery" as one of the terms on which he would
receive any proposition looking to peace and the
integrity of the whole Unon but that the proprety
of such O condition is vindicated and maintained.
Nor is it difficult to perceive the ground on which Its
propriety can be vindicated by those who believe
in the policy it contemplates; for every body rs
aware that the declarations of the President under
this head have been ambiguous-we will not soy
doube-tongued- for we charge him with no wilful
duplicity in this matter. 1t quite true that in
his preliminary proclamation of freedom, on the
22d Of September, 1882 he was careful to premise
by saying "that hereafter as heretofore the war
will be prosecuted for the object of practically re-
storing the constitutional relation between tho
United States and each Of THE STATES, and the
people thereof, in which States THAT RELA-
TIoN is or may be suspended or disturbed"