Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-09-15

here soiM Hns,osroag Gdsliiy 10 s Union ader tho Con
sition as the only solid foundation of our strength
government equally conducive to the welfare and
OF all tho States, both Northern and Southern,
RfsotDed That this Convention does explicitly declare
Of failure to restore the Union BY the experiment Of
during which, under the pretsnce OF military necessity on
war power higher than the Consultation, the Constitution
and private right alike oddsn down. and the material pros
perIty OF the country essentially mpairedusoe human
y, liberty and the public welfare demand that immediate
eports &c made Jor csssation Of hoss, ,oih vieO TO
an ultimate C0avsnton Of all tie States or oher psaesabe
me- MS to the end THAT at the earliest practicable moment
peace may be restored the basis Of Federal Union of
the States. ts .E.a ,#t $500 .,a,
Ii will be seen that the first of these resolutions
is as express and decided it is possible for words
to make it in pledge of answering fidelity to
the Union under the Consti tuition" This point
being settled, the Convention proceeded to affirm
that, after four years of failure to restore the
Union by the experiment Of war, fjustice, hu-
manty, liberty, and the public welfare demand -
what! An armistice "a reconstruction" with
slavery spared? No such things. But that Gin
mediate Efforts be made for cessation of HOSTILE
ties sciM vieW to an ultimate Convention of the
States, or other peaceable means, to the end that
whatl The Union be surrendered? Not so, but to
the end that, cat the earliest practicable moment,
peace may be restored on the basis of the Federal
Union of the States"
On the 25th of August the Republican Secre-
tary OF the Senate, writing from this city to his
journal in Philadelphia, declared that every body
|" North and South, the humblest and the highest,
was discussing the problem of the casiss, road to
peace" We were informed that the people of the
North, "as the stronger party could afford to offer
generous and magnanimous terms to the people of
the South, who, however erring, are still our
brethren" The national unity being premised,
all other issues might be entrusted to National
Convention" These, be it remembered, were the
topics of which "the loyal mind was thinking"
on the 18th of August, 1S6I--the very day on
which Mr.. Raymond had been in consultation "all
day with the President, the different members of
the Cabinet, and the other friends of the Admins.
tration of the Federal Government" Gin which
latter category it i, fair TO presume Mr.. Forney
was numbered) Now let the reader compare
these thoughts Of the "loyal mind in Washington
on the 25th of August, 1864, with the views of
the "disunionists and traitors" assembled at Chi
cage four days afterwards, and mark the ccrre-
spondence between them. Did the loyal mind"
in Washington profess fidelity to the Union? So
did the Chicago Convention. Did the "loyal
mind" in Washington declare that " Southern in
dependence" had already bravely asserted itself on
the field OF battle, and that the South and the
North had " each shown its ability to defend
itsolf I" The Chicago Convention was much
less reserved in its speech-merely saying what
every body knows to be true, that the expert
ment of war has thus far failed to restore the
Union. 1t did not say that the South equally
with the North had shown its liability to defend
itself" This is the opinion of the "loyal mind"
for which Mr.. Forneyi, authorized to speak. Was
Mr.. Greedy supposed on the 25th of August to be
willing to take any ground consistent with the
national dignity to secure reconciliation between
the contending sections, and to see the slaves
embraced in the emancipation edict left in bondage
Was the "loyal mind" in Washington ready to
remit all issues except that of national unity to the
decision of National Convention The " loyal
mind" represented at Chicago merely asked that
"cforts be made 10Th oieac to an ultipate Con-
vention of all the States, other peaceble MEANS"
to the end of restoring peace con the basis of the
Federal Union of the States"
Now, from this comparative view of opinions in
Washington, and of opinions in Chicago, who does
not perceive that there was q substantial identity
between them The only difference between them
is to the disadvantage of the "loyal mind" Of
Washington, if squinting towards peace on the
/" easiest terms be held to prove the presence of
treason. And now that Gen. Mcclellan has visi-
bly, placed himself on platform which, in being
true to his own character, rises to "highcr plane
than that Of partisans belonging either to the Re-
publican organization or to the "Peace Democra-
cy" who wonders that the adherents of both should
agree in opposing his electionY But who does not
sec, at the same time, in the doube-headed oppc-
stion he is thus called to encounter the evidence
of loyal patriotism which, because it rises above
the level Of any mere party, is worthy Of the con-
6dence and support of all who are devoted with o
single eye to the restoration and maintenance Of
the Union under the Constitution
Those who contrast the avowed state of tho Repub-
lcan mind on the 18th of August last as reflected
by it's representatives and leaders, with tho pro.
fessed mood of the same mind at the present lay