Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-11-03
a LOYAL" ELECTOR.


York to occupy the first place on the Lincoln an
johnson electoral ticket placed in nominatio
before the people of that State-a position assigne
to him, we must presume, from recognition of hi
representative character, and in token of the rus
and confidence reposed in him by his party.
The public utterances of such man have there
fore political significance indicative Of the ten.
denotes belonging to the most influential wing Of
the Republican party. 1t appears that Mr. Gree
ley made speech at Hartford, Connecticut, on the
18th of October, in which he re-avowed his will
ingness, at proper time, to submit to a popular
vote the question of letting the South 60"
We quote from two reports of his speech, one
that of the leading Republican paper of Hartford
the other that Of the leading Democratic paper Of
the same city.
From the Coursnt's (Republcsn) report of Mr..
Greeley's speech:
He referred to ths secession movement and said he
he'd never had any objection to people establishing
government of their own. He willing, if the Southern
people, by fair VOTE should declare that they desired to
live outside oItte Union, TO LET THEM CO."
From the Times report Democratic }
have objection to people establishing govern
ment of their willing, if the Southern people,
by vote, shall declare that they desire 10 tDc outside
Union TO LET THEM CO."
So the people of New York will understand that
in voting for Mr.. Greeley they vote for ono who
sustains the war with view to submitting to a
popular vote, at the end of it, the question whether
the people of the South desire to live outside of
the Union " or not, and if they shall vote in the
affirmative he is ready to renounce the Union
To what end, we ask, are the burdens and sacri-
fees of the war assumed by the Government if this
is the issue to which they arc to conduct US?
1t is known that such disunion views are not of
recent entertainment by this distinguished leader
and exponent of the Administration party In
the winter of l860-'6l the Tribune affirmed the
revolutionary right of secession, and pledged its
best efforts to forward the views" of the insur-
gents if it could be convinced that the Southern
people care conclusively alicnatcd from the Union"
[ Tribune february %, 1861.
On the 22d of January, 1868, the Tribune was
in favor Of "the best attainable peace" after three
months of "vigorous fighting" during season.
was impossible.
At the same time it added that the rebellion
was much moro likely to be "crushed out" during
the said three months "term" (when it was not
" crushed out') than it was ever likely to be af-
terwards.
few months later the Tribune was in favor of
" owning the rebels" as our masters if Gen. Lee
could succeed iu watering his horses in the Della.
ware. u Tribune, June II, 1863
There is no reason to suppose that the conduc-
tor of the Tribune either believes in the restoration
of the Union or that he desires it. The war is
with bin question of boundaries, or alternating
between this and question Of emancipation, when
he does not ntermit both the one and the other to
sue for the best attainable peace" What he
thought about secession at its outbreak may be
read 10 the following exposition, with which VIC
will conclude our "reminiscences" for the pre-
sent. 1t is quoted from the Tribune of February
5, 1861:
Fear magnifes the secession movement into wholly
undue proportions 1t trembles in its shoes as though
secession were mailed giant, capable OF spreading ruin
and death wherever it chose to tread Fear cries
skuk and hide, turn and fAe oh truth honor Justice
consistency for secession terrible secession
Fall on your keees, proptate and pray abdicate and
succunb, all ye political combinations called parties for
secession terrible secession with his lordy strides and
his mailed hand threatens to overwhelm aud DESTROY II,
sn Let us look at the monster thus suddenly held IN
to by the startled vision and bursting eyebas of
apprehension, and try to its true proportions
Slavehoding States departing from the American
Union. number have gone. More are going Let d,
that all Of them south Of the Potomac and east
the Mslssipp river, will go out and form iude pendent
Confederacy We suppose nobody is abe TO doubt tha
the Power now known the United States Of Amercs
is able TO enforce Of its ideas at least TO The proper
boundaries Of The neC COntsd,racy. And suppose il
will not be questioned that if this Power insists upon great
natural frontiers, like the Potomac the Ohio and the
Mississippi 1t will find to make t, determination
respected But we need not stand even upon this pre-
sumption. Let us admit that the United States will be
very liberal and otbesrng toward the new organization
10 the matter OF boundaries and in every other way We
shall start upon almost kind Of suppostion for argu
ments sake to show what secession m aud what it pro-
misses.
"Such briefly sketched is the coming history Of seces
sion if il shall far as TO get the States mentioned
into its fatal embrace Instead, therefore of its being h.
terrific monster pictured By urmany fright, it's REAL
LIZ RESULT NOT TO BE SERIOUSLY DREADED. 1t may
the contrary rather be fairly regarded natural
historic Development of bensccn promise instead of the
unnatural distorted hdeous movement which il
is believed TO be by the TIMID, sHoRTsGHTED, CoMPRo
missing STATESMAN OF THE HOUR.
LET it be checked and hndered and stopped by the
natural operation OF the Government in the exercise of III
just functions in just that way and to just that extent tha
wise regard for the nstonal safety and the future
tonal devt lopment sha dictate We shall thus dpoid un
necessary collision lo the Seeding States and unite th
people of the Free States upon the ground Of main
tanning those national advantages which, after the sepas
ton, they will find essential to their own security AM
nran Wa haua harat oE~ Ia