The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1864-09-02
FRIDAY. sEPrRMBER 2. 1854.
THE DEMOCRATIC PLArFORm.
rTERNOON NEwsPAPER.

ton swallows up all others, for all Others arc
subordinate TO Il in Importance. The party
OF the Administration occupy no uncertain
ground in reference to the matter. They
have repeatedly and explicitly defined their
position. They have said that the war may
end whenever the Rebels viii lay down their
arms and cease their atrocious efforts to des-
troy the Union. This makes the preservation
Of the territorial integrity of the nation an in
dispensable condition of peace, while It
throws on the insurgents the whole response
biity Of protracting hostilities. The Presi-
dent moreover, has more than once
declared his disposition to receive and
consider propositions from the Rebel
leaders for an honorable and proper settlement
-four national troubles. He has always held.
and still holds, the way open for the return Of
the reVolted States to their allegiance to the
General Government. If, then, the Rebels do
not avail themselves of the opportunity
afforded them to end the war on the only
terms on which it can ever possibly be ended
satisfactorily, with view TO the establishment
Of the Union on the basis of the Constitution,
and with the assurance ofa permanent security
against Its future disturbance, it surely is their
iAult, and not the fault of the Administration
But what does the Democratic party, speak
ing through the Chicago Convention, propose
TO do In order to compose finally the great
difficulty in which a set of revolutionary
demagogues at the South have involved the
whole people? On this subject their "plat-
form" Is quite evasive and Incomplete. The
nrst resolution declares shat in the future as
: In the past, we will adhere with unsueru-
ing fidelity to the Union under the Consti-
tuition" &c. The second resolution asserts
that 'the experiment of war" to restore the
Union has failed, and that immediate efforts"
must "be made for a cessation of hostities,
90 with view to an ultimate Convention of all
\" the States, or other peaceable means, to the
Z" end that, at the earliest possible moment
peace maybe restored on the basis of the
- Federal Union Of The States" This is all
that the Chicago platform" of the Democracy
proclaims as regards the mode and conditions
ofa pacifcation. AS far as 1t makes, or seems
to make, the maintenance of the Union an alb
solute condition of peace, the declaration Is
well enough.
But suppose the Rebels will not make peace
on that condition? Suppose that, after an
Rrmistice for several months is agreed on, and
Convention of all the States is assembled, it
shall be found impossible to end the war by
return Of the seeded States to the Union,
with or without certain constitutional amend
ments, deemed necessary to avert recur-
renee Of a similar trouble. What thenp On
this point the Democratic delegates recently
ar
They make no utterance, they give no pledge,
they leave us in total darkness. Whey do not
say-they seem carefully and deliberately to
have abstained from saying-what they would
Q do In the contingency we have suggested.
May we, from their professed answering
fidelity TO the Union, conclude that, if they
cannot save the Union by Convention of
al the States" they will, in that event, renew
The war and seek to preserve the Union by
force ofarms? This would appear to be i'm
piled; but can the people allow 80 vital
question to rest on mere inference and specu-
lation aloneP If the Democratic Convention
really meant only to suspend hostilities for the
purpose of trying a different mode Of sup
pressing the Rebellion, with the intention to
resume them again in case their new remedy
or experiment should fail, they could easily
have said 80 in few brief and positive words.
But they did not. They left that very i'm
portant provision out of their resolutions, and
1t may be reasonably presumed that they left
It out because they did not wish to bind them
selves and their constituents by any such
engagement, which might prove inconvenient
and embarrassing in the future.
In this omission, therefore, to say what they
would do, should the grand National Peace
Convention proposed by them dlsappoint their
hopes and plans, we think their platform"
fatally deficient, and the majority Of the peo-
pie in the loyal States will be likely to be oi
the same opinion. There can be no doubt
that the Rebels would gladly consent TO an
almstice with view to negotiation. Be
cause, while that would not commit them in
any way to an obligation to make peace,
except on their own terms, il would afford
them a valuable respite from active military
operations, in which they could greatly
strengthen themselves against the resumption
of the war, If the wBr, once suspended for six
months, could be, or would be likely to be,
resumed.
In short, we can readily see how the armis-
tiee and a Convention Of all the States, to
confer about terms of peace, would certainly
fortify the Rebellion, but we cannot see how
IL can possibly benefit the cause of the Gov
ernment The Rebel papers and the Rebel
authorities have recently and most emphati-
cally informed US that they viii not accept
peace, except on the condition Of independ-
ence, and we are quite sure that they mean
precisely what they say, In the face, then, of
Buch afhrmations, is It not vain and idle, is il
not pusillanimous and dishonorable on the
part OF the nation, to be making to the Rebels
oter'ufes ofpeace which they reject in ad-
vance, and suing to them for renewal Of
Poh.lca ana social relations which they dis
dAinially PremOAish Us they win persistenty
There Is but one way to qusli the Rebellion
and save the Union. 1t must, If praetIeabla he
conquered BY force OF arms The Rebels tbsr,
selves seem determined to force this nece.s,,,,
upon US. To effect the end may cost much
time much money, much blood unnch sneg