The evening telegraph. [volume] (Philadelphia [Pa.]) 1864-1918, 1864-11-01
TIE ENnI.Y OF THE SnurM.

Nobody can fail to see that the South has
loved slavery more than the Union. 1t is more
than probable that but for slavery the South
would never have made war upon the National
Government. Every true lover of the country
must deeply regret that any such element Of
division and conflict should ever have entered
into the political arrangement which orig-
nally brought the States together. II is true
that all but one of the thirteen colonies which
first entered into the political association held
slaves, and that they agreed to let each other
dispose Of the institution Of slavery in such
manner and time as might best consist with
tleir individual convenience and welfare.
And this principle of independence with
regard to the matter worked admirably wcll
in the beginning.
Under its mild and impartial action, one
State after another got rid of the incubus, and
the rest we're in course of releasing them
selves from it by the same wise and peaceable
means. And that salutary process of abolition
| Of the only great drawback on the prosperity
and harmony and true honor of the nation
might have been continued TO the end, had
not the arrogance OF the States in which
slavery still existed driven the free States to
an organized protest against their unreal
sOnable and inadmissible claims.
The Republican party was never intended,
when it was first formed, to attempt any inter-
ference with slavery where it was Ialre idy
established by local law. repeatedly and
distinctly disayOwed any such design. They
built their party organization only on the
principle that slavery was local, and not
national; and that, while the constitutional
compact disallowed any intervention by the
Federal Government TO destroy the institution
where il legally existed there was no national
covenant TO warrant an extension of slavery
beyond these limits. In other words
the Republican party Contended that Che ter
ritOries Of the nation were the common pro-
perty Of the whole people of the United
States, and that it was the clear political
policy, as well as the moral and religious
duty, Of the whole people to prevent the ex-
tension Of slavery into the yet unsettled
domain of the Republic. They held, more
over, that as the territories were equally the
property Of the people Of all the States, a
majority Of all the people had clearly the right
to determine by tho legislative action og Jhcig
representatives in Congress, whether slavery
should or should not go into the national
+ territories.
On this basis the party was founded; aud
though it failed to elect Its first Presidential
ticket on that platform OF principle, it sue
ceeded in 1861 in placing the present Admin.
istration in power.
The South rebeled against the idea OF
principle, that the national TERRITORIES were
never 10 be opened 10 the Introduction o.
slavery, and undertook to set up Govern
ment OF their own, under which they might
secure to their peculiar institution" an
indefinite extension southwark and west
ward. But the war which has become
necessary TO suppress the Rebellion is no
only likely 20 Illustrate the schemes Of th,
Southern propagandists Of slavery, but vii
probably extinguish the institution where
but Tor the Rebellion it would not have beeI
interfered with by the national authorities
Indeed, even after the war had progressed fo
a considerable time, and it had become evIden
that slavery must go down before il, the Pre-
sident offered to the slave States the alterna
tive Of compensated emancipation. But the!
stubbornly refused the proposition, and mus
now take the consequences Of their folly.