The mountain Democrat., 1864-10-01


sentAtives sFe admitted, the state govern.
ments, under whose authority they we're
chosen, is conclusively established; whes
they are rejected, its existence is as con.
clusively rejected and denied; and to this
judgment the President Is bound to sub
init.
The President proceeds to express bis
unwillingness to declare . constitutional
competency 10 Congress to abolish slavery
ia states" as another reason for not sign.
ing the bill.
But the bill nowhere proposes to abol-
ish slavery in states.
The bill did provide that ell slaves in
The rebel states should be manumitted.
But as the President had already signed
three bills mauu0itting several classes Of
slaves 10 states, it is not conceived posi-
ble that he entertained any scFuples touch
ing that provision of the bill respecting
which he is silent.
He had already himself assumed riggt
by proclamation to free much the larger
number of slaves in the rebel states, an
der the authority given him by Congress
to use military power to suppress the re-
bellion and it is quite inconceivable that
the President should think Congress could
vest In him q discretion it could not exer.
else itself.
1t is the more unintelligible from the
fact that, except in respect to small part
Of Virginia and Louisiana, the bill cover
ed only what the proclamation covered
added . Congressional title and judicial
remedies by law to the disputed title un.
der the proclamation, and perfected the
work the President professcd to be so anx.
ious to accomplish.
Slavery rs an institution can be abol.
ished only by 9 change of the COnstitu-
tion of the United States or of the law of
the state; and this is the principle of the
bill.
It required the new constitution of the
state to provide for that prohibition and
the President, in the face of bis own proc
lamation, does not venture to object 10
insisting on that condition. Nor will the
country tolerate its abandonment-yet
he defeated the only provision imposing
it'll
But when he describes himself, in spite
OF this great blow at emancipation, as
" sincerely hoping and expecting that a
amendment abolishing
slavery throughout the nation may be
adopted" we curiousiy inquire on what
his expectation rests, after the vote Of the
House of Representatives at the recent
session, and in the face of the political
complexion Of more than enough of the
states to. prevent the possibility Of its
adoption within any reasonable time; and
why he did not indulge his sincere hopes
with so large an installment Of the bless
ing as his approval Of the bill would have
secured.
After this assignment of his reason fol
preventing the bill from becoming law
the President proceeds to declare his pur
pose to execute it as law by his plenary
dictatOrial power.
He says:
Nevertheless I am fully satisfied with
the system for restoration contained ir
the bill as one very proper plan for the
loyal people Of any state choosing to adopt
it; and that | am, and at all times shall be-
prepared to give the executive aid and
assistance to any such people so soon as
the military resistance to the United States
shall have been suppressed in any suct
state, and the people thereof shall hav,
sufficiently returned to their obedience L
the Constitution and the laws of>the Uni
ted States; ia which cases military Cover
nors will be appointed, with directions tc
proceed according to the bill"
A more studied outrage on the legisla
tive authority of the people has never
been perpetrated.
Congress passed o bill the President
refused to approve it, and then by proc.
lamation puts as much Of it in force as be
sees fit, and proposes to execute those
parts by officers unknown to the laws oil
the United States, and not subject to the
confirmation of the Senatel
The bill directed the appointment o.
provisional governors By and with the ad
vice aud consent of the Senate.
The President, after defeating the law,
proposes to appoint, without law, and
without the advice and consent Of the
Senate, military governors for the rebel
He has already exercised this dictate.
rial usurpation in Louisiana, and he de-
feaeed the bill to prevent its limitation.
Henccforth we must regard the follow
ing precedent as the presidential law OF
the seeded states:
EXECUTIVE MANsToN,l
"Washingt0n, March Is, 1864.
I" His Exeelleney, Michael Hahn. Governor Of
louisiana: >-...-----.
'' Until further orders, you are hereby invested
with the powers exercised hitherto by the military
governor of Louisiana. Yours,
"ABRAMAM LINCOLN"
This Michael Hahn is no officer of the
United States; the President, without
law, without the advice and consent of
the senate, by q private note, not even
countersigned by the Secretary Of State,
makes him dictator Of Louisiana
The bill provided for the civil admin.
of the laws Of the state-till it
should be in fit temper to govern itself
all laws recognizing slavery,
and making all men equal before the law.
These benefcent provisions the Presi.
dent annulled. People will die, and mar
~, and transfer property, and buy and
sell; and to these acts Of civil life courts
and officers of the law are necessary
Congress- legislated for these necessary
things, and the President deprives them
Of the protection of the law
The Presidents purpose to instruct his
military governors "tO proceed according
to the bill"-a makeshift to calm the dis.
its defeat has occasioned-
is not merely grave usurpatiOn, but
delusion. He cannot "prO-
coed according to the bill" after prevent
ing it from becoming a law.
Whatever is done will be at his will
and pleasure,b by persons responsible to no
law, and more interested to secure the in
Lerests and execute the will Of the Presi.
dent than of the peopla: and the will of