The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1864-06-17
GEN. FREMONT'S LETTER OF
ACCEPTANCE.
SEVERE CONDEMNATION OF
THE ADMINISTRATION.
The Waged for Personal Ends
Lincoln's denomination Fatal to
the Country.

-
the Country.
GEN. FREMONT'S ACCEPTANCE.
GENTLEMEN: In answer to the letter which
have had the honor to receive from you, on
the part of the representatives of the people
assembled at Cleveland the 31st of May, de.
sire to express my thanks for the confidence
which led them to offer me the honorable and
difficult position of their candidate in the ap-
preaching Presidential election.
Very honorable, because in offering it to me,
| you act in the name of great number of citi-
zens, who seek above all things, the good of
their country, and who have no sort of selfish
interest in view. Very difficult, because in
accepting the candidacy you propose to me-
am exposed to the reproach of creating a
schism in the party with which have been
| identified.
Had Mr.. Lincoln remained faithful to the
| principles he ,cGS elected to defend, no schism
could have been created and no contest would
have been possible. This is not an ordinary
| election; it is contest for the right even to
have candidates, and not merely. as usual, for
| the choice among them. Now, for the first
time since 1776, the question of constitutional
| liberty has been brought directly before the
| people for their serious consideration and VOTE
The ordinary rights secured under the Constitu-
ton, and the laws of the country hare been VIC
lated and extraordinary poaOers hare been usuped
By the Executive. 1t is directly before the peO-
| pie now to say whether or not the principles
established by the revolution are worth main
| tanning.
If, as we have been taught to believe, those
| guarantees for liberty which made the distinc-
! tive name and glory of our country are in truth
| inviOlably sacred, then there must be protest
against the arbitrary violation which had not
| even the excuse of necessity. The schism is
made by those who force the choice between a
shameful silence or protest against wrong.
| In such considerations originated the Cleveland
| Convention. 1t was among its objects to arouse
the attention of the people to such facts and to
| bring them to realize that while we are satdr-
ating Southern soil with the best blood of the
| country in the name of liberty, we have really
parted with it at home.
To-day ace hare IN the country the abuses Of a
military dictation without its unity Of action and
vigor of erecution. An administrator marked
at home by disregard of constitutional rights,
by its violation of personal liberty and the
| liberty of the press, and as browning shame,
by its abandonment of the right of asylum, a
right especially dear to all free nations abroad,
its course has been characterized by a feeble
ness and want of principle which has misled
European powers and driven them to belief
that only commercial interests and personal
aims are concerned and that no great princi-
| pies are involved in the issue. The admirable
conduct of the people, their readiness to make
| every sacrifice demanded of them, their for
bearance and silence under the suspension of
everything that could be suspended, their
many acts of herOism and sacrifices, were all
rendered fruitless by the incapacity, or, to
speak more exactly, by the personal ends for
which the war was managed. This incapacity
and seltishness naturally produced such results
| o. Ind fhn E,1rO H.,
enough. to the conviction that the North with
its great, superior population, its immense re-
sources, and its credit will never be able to CO.
cree the South. Sympathies which should
have been with us from the outset of this war
were turned against US, and in this way the adj
ministration has done the country a double
| wrong abroad. 1t created hostility, or at best
indifference, among those who would have been
its friends if the real intentions of the people
| could have been better known, while at the same
| time 1t neglected no occasion for making the
most humiliating concessions.
Against this disastrous condition of affairs the
Cleveland Convention was protest.
The principles which form the basis of its
platform have my unqualified and cordial APP
probation, but cannot so heartily concur in
all the measures which you propose I do not
deliere that confscotion, extended to the property
! of Rebels is practicable; and if it were so, do
not think it measure of sound policy. 1t is,
in fact, question belonging to the people
| themselves to decide, and is proper occasion
for the exercise of their original and sovereign
| authority. AS q war measure, in the begin
| ming of a revolt, which might be Guelled bv
! prompt severity, l understand the policy of
| cOntiscation; but not as final measure of re-
construction after the suppression of an insur-
rection.
In the adjustments which are to follow peace.
| no consideration OF vengeance can consistently
| be admitted.
The object of the war is to make permanent
| ly secure the peace and happiness of the whole
| country, and there was but a single element in
| the way of its attainment. This element of
slavery may be considered practically destroyed in
| the country. and it needs only your proposed
! amendment of the Constitution, to make it's
| extinction complete.
With this extinction of slavery the party di-
| visions created by it have also disappeared.
| And if in the history of the country there has
ever been time when the American people,
without regard to one or another of the poll
teal divisions, were called upon to give solemnly
their voice in q matter which involved the safe
ty of the United States, it is assuredly the pres
! ent time
If the convention at Baltimore will nomi-
nate any man whose past life justifies well
| grounded confidence in his fidelity to our car.
| dinal principles, there is no reason why there
| should be any division among the really pat
riotic men of the country. To any such
shall be most happy to give cordial and &C
tive support. My own decided preference is
| to aid in this way, and not to be myself can
didate. But, if Mr.. Lincoln should be nominated.
| as I believe it would be fatal to the country
to indorse policy and renew pow
| er which have cost us the lives of thou
sands of men, and needlessly put the coun
| try on the road to bankruptcy, there will re-
main no other alternative but to organize against
| him every element of conscientious opposition,
| with the view to prevent the misfortune of his
| reelection. In this contingency accept the
nomination at Cleveland, and, as a preliminary
step, have resigned my commission in the
army. This was q sacrifice it gave me pain to
| take, but had for q long time fruitlessly en-
| deavored to obtain service. l make the sac.
! rifice now only to regain liberty OF speech, and
| to leave nothing in the way of discharging
| to my utmost ability the task you have set for
| me. -,.-.p -..-e,.l.tk--.
With my earnest and sincere thanks for your
expressions of confidence and regard, and for
the many honorable terms in which you ae-
quaint me with the actions of the committee.
am, gentlemen,
a n Very respectfully and truly yours.
| - - j. C. FREMONT.
New York, June 4, 1864.
To Warrington G. Smother, OF Maryland,
Edward Gilbert of New York, Casper Butt, of
Illinois, Charles e. Mass, of Missouri, N. P.
Sawyer, of Pennsylvania, Committee.