Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1864-01-20

and finally destroyed in these States, and tnat II
will be impossible to reestablish the institution
Its sudden destruction would involve the whole
social structure in ruin. We believe that by the
end Of the period mentioned the rights Of the States
and the liberties Of the people, by the very force OF
circumstances to say nothing of the aggressive dis
position and purposes of the government at Rich
-mond, will have been blotted out or will be at the
mercy of that government We believe that peace
can never be obtained as long as We contend for
Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, and West Virginia;
and that, in all probability, it can be obtained only
by the sovereign States cooperating with the
common government We are, therefore, TOR
a Convention, and for . co operation with our
sister States of the South in obtaining an armis-
tce, so that negotiations may be commenced.-
1t is not for US to say what suehfa Convention
should do; but We may be sure it would omit no
proper steps to secure peace and meanwhile to pro-
tect the State against the entertainments Of arbira
~ power 1t would see to it that the proud head
of the State was bowed to no despot 1t would in.
sist that the civil law should prevail in all cases;
and being in existence, if not constantly IN session.
it would have the right to speak and act for the
State as sovereign, and to demand that the Con-
gress and the military power should respect that
civil law and the inalienable rights Of our people
1t could appoint Commissioners to treat for peace,
Just as State Commissioners assembled at Washing
ton in March, 1861 to devise plan for harmonzing
the federal Union; and any terms or treaty that
might be agreed upon could be laid before the two
governments. Is there any treason in these propo-
sitons We think not Are they unnatural or unrea.
sonable? We think not. We wish, first, to save hu-
man life and prevent the mpovershment and ruin of
our people; secondly, to prevent the sudden abol-
ton of slavery, the blghtng effects of which would
beseen this continent for generations and thirdly
to prevent the extinction of the State soveregntes
which, if it should take place, would reduce US to
the condition of territorial dependents on the favor
of some great central, despotic government But
why elect delegates to Convention now? Be.
cause the State may be so occupied by the enemy
as to render the election, at some future day, of .
majority of the number Of delegates authorized i'm
possible; and because the the delegates can
be in their seats the greater will be the certainty
that innovations and usurpations by the common
government will be checked, and the greater the
Carolina is true and will be true to the Confederate
government as 1t was formed, in its integrity and
purity but she would not be bound by govern
ment which had lost its original CHI nRHInheen
perverted to despotic purpose
rights and the rights and lib
1t is not true, as charged
others, that the object Of the e.
cede from the Confederacy, or recsAl0lu ~ old
government, or humble the State at the feet Of Mr..
Lincoln. The object is to preserve the government
by combining it to its constitutional powers, and to
cooperate with it. if such cooperation be practica
BILE, in obtaining peace. Neither the Legislature
nor the Governor possesses sovereign power, but
Convention would possess such power Such
body could not only greatly relieve those two de-
partments of the government of the heavy respon-
sibities devolved upon them but it could do things
in aid of the common cause which they cannot
If the people cannot be trusted in Convention, who
can? If we have reached point in this revolution
at which it is dangerous, or not allowable to trust
the people in their sovereign capacity, We may we'll
pause, and endeavor, if possible, to anticipate the
consequences. A Convention, for example, could
say to the government, The suspension of the
writ Of hubeas corpus would silence our Judges ST.
lence the press deprive our people of the freedom
speech, and destroy personal liberty: we cannot
submit to it; but zoe will see to it. as faithful CO.
+ workers in q common cause that every constitu-
tional act Of the government is promptly enforced
If you need more power, look to US for it, but do
not usurp doubtful, or exercise despotic power
Or, "You have already destroyed our militia sys-
TEN, which is guaranteed to US by the Constitution;
and now propose to conscrpt all our white males
from sixteen to fifty. We cannot submit to that,
but We will keep our full quota of men in the field.
We are the best judges of our own wants. We
can spare you certain portions of our fighting men
better than we can others; and we cannot consent
to any system which leaves our people at home to
the danger of starvation" Or, eve cannot spare
the precious grain to be distilled into whskey; but
if you must have the article, will furnish you all
We can IRON our present supplies, or we will i'm
port it from abroad" Or, I'VE can arrest and keep
in the ranks our own conscrpts and deserters. We
do not want Confederate troops in our midst for
that purpose" These are some of the many things
which Convention might do, and the cause, in
stead of being injured, would be promoted BY it
But whatever may happen. it must be berne in
mind that we are contending, not for a separate or
independent despotsm, but for Independence and
liberty. In the language Of Gov. Graham, in The
State Convention, Tour people are resolved to 30
Independent and free, not only in the end but in
the moons: they are resolved not only to be free.
at the termination Of the contest but they will
not surrender their liberties during its progress'
All history s full of the lesson that power once OBJ
tanned, no matter by what means, is never yielded
without struggle If we should emerge from this
I'VE understand that Nr. Davis the Attorney General
haoG. 10 xn;nu H.