Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1864-01-20

NH. EDITOR.-lQ0 f0V0tbeS WusCu uosO ossSnNS~
,ur arms within the past twelve months, have NOT,
,een more disastrous in military point Of view
han in their effects upon the civil and political as.
oect OF affairs The dangers Of civil and political
nature which have been threatened almost from thea
|, announcement of the war, seen about to culmnate
With the present session Of Congress gs,
1t il prudent at this time, 70 refrain as much as
possible from cersure 1t may be that the exigen
cies of the country are the unavoidable result of in
attach to any official or department Of the govern
ment, further than for the want of foresight which
IS generally inseparabe from the ftsilty Of human
wisdom. But, emergencies have arisen that seem,
in some degree to justify measures very dangerous
not only in their consequences but by reason of the
precedent, which may be made tn, ground for fu:
ture action and still further departures from those
fundamental ma1ims Of law and liberty, up, n which
alone rest the security and freedom of the people
and the States. By reference to the many bills, res
olutions and proposals for action now before Con-
gress, the most inexperienced observer is obliged
to see that assumptions Of power the most danger
GUS, and measures the most questionable are sup
posed requisite to the public safety, and to the sue
cesslul prosecution of the war; it is evident that
the powers coded to the general government by the
Confederate Constitution, are not deemed sufficient
for the crisis under the well settled interpretation
of their meaning and jmplication and that powers
nOt ceueu nuSG DO SSSuIneu, OF new ana Que8COna-
BILE constructions given to the Constitution, to
bic the government to grapple with the dangers and
perplexities Of its present position Here is gov
eminent pressed by the force of arms to the immi-
nent danger of subversion, but still laboring under
the restraints of limited and defined powers and be-
set by the very proper and natural jealousy of its
people anu constituent States-vigilant as they
should be, of the least threat upon their liberties,
and alarmed at the first appearance of arbitrary
power. Add to this the fact that the Confederate
government is not recognized by any nation, and is
entirely repudiated and ignored by the federal gov
eminent, with which it is at war. And then, the
conflicting judicial decisions of the State Courts
the conflicting views of Executive duty held
by the Governors, and the diversity Of private sent
ment and interest, all conspire to add perplexity
and embarrassment -
untangle this web of cultes but in Conventions
to be called by the individual States! Let each
State call Convention Of its people under the forms
and requirements Of its own Constitution, and thus,
in its sovereign capacity, speak upon the present
posture of affairs. The partial suspension of active
hostiities during the winter affords present op-
portunity for this course Of action, which may not
again occur, until too late North Carolina may as
we'll lead as any other State. The Governor might
convene the Legislature, at once and the Conveu'
ton be called without delay and commissioners be
sent to the other States for the purpose Of urging
cooperation 1t could do no harnl-while the in
dcations clear that such step is not only
sary, but Indispensable to the safety and preserva
ton of the country and its institutions 1t might
indeed, cause similar action on the part of the
Northern States and bring their sovereign authori-
ty and rights to bear upon the government at Wash
ington.
But it may be asked, what could these Conven-
tions do? They might do much Should they see
proper to advise sanction, the exercise Of ques-
tionable powers or doubtful sxpedients on the part
Of the Confederate government, the people of the
various States would yield more ready obedience
and appreciation. And by such advice and sanction
any evil precedent would lose its force upon future
action, because it could not be appealed to without
bringing up the necessity of again resorng to SINH
lar authority from the several States This view Of
the effect upon the force of dangerous precedents,
supposed to be necessitated by the emergency of
the present time is matter of small Importance
intrinsically-but taken in connection with the &C.
customed jealousy of the people and the States, it
cannot with safety be overlooked. 1t is fully un.
derstood and deeply felt by the people and the States
that the justification of the least assumption of arb
trary power, on the ground that it is required for
the "public good," should be most carefully scrut
nized, because it is, of all pretexts, the most easily
made. If assumptions of power, at this time, are
really necessary for the "public good" their sane
ton by the State Conventions would remove not
only the evil of the precedent, but also State iea-
ousy-and it would 60 very far to quiet the fears
and opposition of the people and such Conventions
might prevent adverse decisions in State Courts and
conflicting Executive action.
will not mention any measures Of the Confeder-
ate Congress nvidiously, or for the purpose of
sure. But for exempli6cation, somewhat in detail,
let US recur to the seeming breach of faith by re-
tanning the twelve months men-by the conscrip.
ton of principals who have furnished substitutes,
and by laws affecting the contract as set forth on
the face of Treasury notes. Add to these the legal
suspension of the writ of ha6eas corpus within
limited districts threatened by the enemy followed
by the illegal suspension of it in districts not so
threatenei-and the virtual suspension of it. in all
parts of the country, by the actual arrests by mill
tary officers of citizens not connected with the army
and their transportation to military prisons, where
the writ of hdbeas corpus is denied and resisted
And now, propositions of still more alarming char
acter are pending and likely to become laws-and
even the establishment Of military dictatorship is
mentioned and discussed. All this is urged upon
the ground that the condition of the country has
reached that critical point of extreme danger where
pressed by armed foes and internal necessities, ex
traordinary measures must be taken, or all be lost
If such be really the case, the time has arrived
when the States should hold Conventions TO consult
upon the state of the Republic, and to take such
steps as are most proper for the "public good -
be those steps either the strengthening the handl
of the Confederate government or urging upon i
the submission of propositions for an honorable
peace. ..-..-.
Would it not be well for North. Carolina to move
at once, while comparatively free from the inhuelc
of federal armies ? The vicissitudes of war ma,
soon place the State in condition in which tn
election Of delegates to Convention would not b.
ustrammelled. 1t would be better to elect Con
vention now, than to be compelled to hold the cleo
tons under such circumstances as environ the State
| of Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, Arkansas an
Louisiana OBSERVER.
TIE SrRAeGLERs.-A gentleman who has travelle
of late extensively in the Confederacy informs u
that he has met everywhere vast number of SO
ders-as large number, he thinks, as there are i
camp-who are now absent from their duty. Thi
agrees with the reports we receive from ever
Quarter and which are confirmed by the decaratlo