The Plymouth weekly Democrat. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1860-1869, 1864-04-28


the injured would not secure to them the
blessings Of liberty: it would avengc their
wrongs, but they would themselves share
in the common ruin. The Constitution
cannot be maintained, rot the Union pro
served in opposition to public feeling, By
the mere cxertion OF the coerciyc power
Of the government"
But this opinion, that the Union cannot
be preserved by the cocrcive powers OF the
government, was not confined to the de-
parted statesmen of the country.
William H. Seward. in his letter Of
April II, 1861, to lIr. Adams. cur Min
ister-o England. said
For these reasons, the President would
not be disposed to reject a cardinal doc
trine Of theirs (thc rebels namely: That
the Federal Government could not reduce
the seeding States to obedience by con-
quest. even though he were disposed to
question that proposition But in fact,
the President willingly accepts it as true
Only an imperial or dcspotic government
could subject thoroughly disafiected and
insurrcctionary members Of the State
This Federal Republican system of ours is,
OF all forms OF government, the very one
which is most untitled for such labor"
Such was the language ofthe Secretary
of State in April. 1861, three days before
the Sunday on which the President wrote
his proclamation calling out seyenty-fye
thousand troops, but after seven States
had seeded. The Secretary shared in the
fears of the President that the attempt to
subiueate the South would destroy the
government. Three years Of civil war in
a vain and fruitless attempt at Subjugation
attest and prove to-day the correctness OF
the opinion then held by the PRESIDENT:
Only an imperial or despotic government
could subjugate thoroughly disaffccted
and insurrectionary members Of the state" !"
This Federal Republic of ours is of all
forms Of government the most untitled
fer such Labor" Who does uot be-
licve it? Is there truth in the
Declaration Of Independence, and
the gentlemen on the opposite side Of the
House will certainly not dispute it, since
they incorporated it in the Chicago plat
form which became law unto The Prcsi-
dent; who, ask, can deny the conclusion
of the Secretary of State, having in view
always as he and the President undoubted-
| ly had tie great cardinal truth underlying
ali republican governments, deriving
their just powers from the consent of the
governed" If the President and his Sec
retary OF State gave utterance to truth in
1861, is il amy less truth to-day? Has
not rather Inc experience Of three years OF
war confirmed it? | believed It then
believe it HOW. But, Sir, propose to call
another witness to testify against this
coercivc policy, who also spoke in advance
Of the war Edward Everett, in his letter
of May 30, 1860, to Washington Hunt
accepting the nomination as Vice President
of the Union party. OF which | believe the
distinguished gentleman from Maryland
Mr. Henry Winter Davis was MEM
Der, and fer when number Of gentlemen
upon this floor voted, said:
The suggestion that the Union can be
maintained by numerical preponderance
and military prowess of one sectlon o-Au.,,a
to coerce The other into submission is, in
nv judgement. as contradictory as 1t Is
dangerous. 1t comes loaded with the
death smell from fluids wet with brothers
blood. If the vital principle OF all repub-
lean governments is the consent OF the
Governed much more does a union of coe
qual, sovereign States require, as its basis,
/ he harmony OF It's members and their vol
untarv cooperation in its organic iunc
tons
It NAV be SAID that ilr. Everett has
changed his views upon the subject That
may be so, but have not. | believe 1t
sound doctrine in 1860, Eefore secession
occurred or coerci0ns began. Three years
of experience In attempting 10y numerical
prcponderancc and military prowess OF one
section exerted to coerce the other into
Submission has convinced me more thor
ouchlv that it is 'as self contradictory as
/ il is dangerous ''-contradictory because 1t
violates the great principle OF free govern
ment. which derives their just powers
from the conSeEt of the governed; and
dagerous, because by its exercise. especial
" when welded by weak, yascillating and
unscrupulous man. it destroys, instead OF
maintaining the Union, Constitution and
organic law; civil liberty and personal Sc
curity are forced to yield TO what is claimed
to be Il military necessity, and the govern
ment itself, in the brief space Of three
short years, is today verging upon the very
brink olrun.
| am well aware, sir, that the cry Of dis
loyalty, want Of patriotism and lack OF de
yotion to the government, which Is IN
every place and at all times raised against
those who have the independence to disap-
prove OF any OF the acts of Mr. Lincoln.
I'm inordinate desire for Government pat
ronacc, from the building of a steamship
and shoddy contract down to the imsg-
nificant position of taking charge OF a
mutilated and deprecated sreenback in the
Treasury building, has changed the opin-
ION of many men, but the fixed principles
of free government as well as the rules of
right, reason justice and truth, are un-
changcable, and although 1t may bc unPop-
ular. and even at the risk Of personal libcr-
.;,,oc Gla tho ,rpSpnt tn advocate a