Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1864-10-07
sEK. BUELER ON THE REBELLION
HIS LETTER TO SIMON CAMERON.
HEADQRs. DEPARTMENT OF VIBGNIA)
AND NORTH CAROLINA, IN THE
FIELD, September 26, 1864

the rebellion from your point of view
We have been lying in front of Lees
army now for four months, which have
by no means been spent in vain. From
the examination of thousands of prisoners
and deserters, and articles in the Southern
newspapers, am certain that these have
been months of depletion to the Southern
army; that the whole arms-besring popu-
lAtion of the States within the rebel lines
have been exhausted in the effort to
recruit their forces, and the capsbility, if
not the will, to resistance is fast dwlndllng
away.
The Confederate Congress, in December
last. passed sn act, the first section of which
is in these words: The Congress of the
Confederate States do enact that all vhife
residents of the Confederate States between
the ages'of seventeen and fifty are in the
service of the Confederate States"
The act then provides how farmers, me
chanics, and others may be detailed by
military authority to raise provisions and
do the work for the army in the field.
What would our Democratic friends who
are so blatant over @Lineoln's tyranny"
say 10 such draft as that on our side? 1
would like to see Governor Seymour's mild
protest against it. / would not like to hesr
VOORHEES, denunciations of it, for they
would be vulgar.
How, when read in the Richmond pa
pers clamorous calls that the detailed men
sha sll be put into the ranks, how can
doubt the united testimony of deserters and
prisoners that the rebel means as to men
are at an end.
Never having been a convert to the the
o.y that the provisions at the South would
be readily exhausted, have not placed
much reliance upHn that result Yet it is
certain that the means OF Transporting pro-
visions from point to point, by rail, have
given out, and the ra lroads are becoming
so crippled in their equipment that it is
impossible Tor them to furnish the move
ment of men and supplies necessary to the
extensive military operations required to
meet our forces.
Add 70 this the concurrent testimony of
prisoners, deserters and refugee, that the
rank and file of their armies are in the
confident expectation and belief in the
promise of their leaders, that this will be
their last campaign, that the nominees of
the Chicago Convention will be elected in
November, and that the independence Of
the Confederate States will be acknowl-
edged and treaty of peace concluded,
and you have 40 imperfect synopsis of the
reasons why believe the rebellion near
its end.
1t will be for the loyal men of the North
to see to it that their treason does not end
in the way proposed by the Sout lern lead
ers, aided by the election of Gen. McClel- |
Ian and the Chicago Platform.
Here is the only danger, if danger exists
at ALL Therefore, whatever may have
been or may be the preferences of any man
as to any person for the chief Executive of
the nation, or dissatisfaction with the
course of the Government upon matters Of
mere administration-ye even in the i'm
portsnt points Of Administrative policy, as
laid down in the platform or foreshad0wed
in its scts-it seems to me the plain duty
of every loyal man to support the election.
of Lincoln and johnson.
The question now before the people is
not as to the preponderance or fitness of
Mr.. Lincoln or General Mct lellan for the
Presidency. Admit that neither
one or the other is of himself the best man
for the place. What then One must be
elected No other result is possible. we
are then RENTED TO the class of political |
ideas which each represents; and 10 what |
is still more important, to the men and the
affiliations by whom each will be surround
ed, and controlled in fact and by whom |
his Administration will be shipped in the |
event of election. Can it be that any true |
man, especially any Andrew jackson Dem
ocrat can desire this Government put in |
to the hands of the Messrs. Vallandigham,
Woods, Seymour, Pendleton, Long Harris,
Worries, and their surroundings, North |
and South2 Let US see what their platform
and their candidates mean :saThe war is |
to 5e carried on or it Is not If not, then a /
di.sraceful and dishonorable peace, which |
will lie no peace, and which no true man |
wants, is to be the result. Or, if carried on,
theu both platform and candidates are
pledged to the disbandment of two hun
dred thousand colored men, now doing du-
ty as soldiers or serving in the army, their
places to be supplied either by volunteers,
at an expense Of hundreds of millions in
bounties, or by draft, which is the great
ground of complaint by the opponents Of
the Government.
Nay, more, if either the Chicago Plat
form or McClellan's acceptance means
anythins, these negroes are to be returned |
10 their masters, to fight or labor on the
other side. Does any one doubt, if re-
turned to their masters, they would be at
once sent into the rebel lines, where alone
such property has any value. Upon the
theory of the Chicago Platform and Nc
Clellan's Constitutional rights of States"
l think it would "exhaust the resources of
craftsmanship" to show why tb ese men
should not be returned to their former
masters, as, indeed, was the practice in
General McClellan's army.
Still further, does not General Mcclellan
write over in his letter and Platform prom
Use new constitutional guarantees to the
rights of the South?
1t is possible that all these concessions
arc to be forced from the North by Seces-
sion at the point of the bayonet?
That which specially affects the mind of
the old and true Democracy of the country
in the Baltimore Platform is its DECLARE
ton as TO Slavery. In the view take of
this question it seems unfortunate that |
such declaration was made, as it proves q
stumbling block to many.
Why not treat the slavery question ac-
cording TO the fact that slavery dies and is
buried wherever our armies march? No
political action can aid, no resolutions of {
conventions can hinder, that resulE The l
war, if prosecuted to the end, will accom- 1
plish all that the most ardent anti-slayery q
man can DESIRE so that if the war goes on
10 the bitter end for the restoration of the e
Union, thea slavery Is no more, and all d
that the war shall or shall not S
ee carried on for the extinction of slavery t
IRE futile and worse than useless. The war n
will extinguish slavery whether we wish it a
u not. Nay, it has eztinguished slavery 4
y rendering the slave worthless. In 7
charleston, to-day, negro can be bought b
or $4,000 in Confederate money, which 0
ellis at the rate of $50 for one in gold, n
lsking the value of the negro SlO0. And a
his, too, with cotton at 81 IS per pound n
D New York. BEFORE the war the sannn 2