Cedar Falls gazette. [volume] (Cedar Falls, Iowa) 1860-1895, 1864-01-29
while man struggles, and proposes, has pro.

fail TO sustain its constituted authorities. un-
mstakably array themselves on the side of
its enemies, and will be so recorded in the
history Of the times. II treason is crime, to
sympathize with traitors is clearly criminal.
While there is treason in the h;ait, the man
cannot be truly loyal. and we know not how
soon his hesitating courage may nerve him
to commit the overt act. The line Of dc.
markation between loyalty and treason, is
plainly defined, and exceedingly narrow.
Obvious as these considerations are to all
discerning minds, it is painful reflection,
that there exists II faction, in the Northern
States, which has persistently opposed the
action ef our Government in its efforts to
subdue the rebellion, and clamored for peace
upon any terms. While protesting to boloy-
al, the members Of this faction have Given
strength and courage to traitors, and by
their conduct proved themselves the most in.
sdious, and dangerous foes Of the Union. -
Recent events, however, have demonstrated
the continued attachment Of the patriotic
masses of all parties, to the pcrpctuity ofour
free institutions; and shown that they can
not be deceived by mere pretences Of loyalty,
on misled by the cry of pace, when there is
no honorable or permanent peace, short Of
vigorous and successful war
Systematically opposing every measure
yet devised, for a successful prosecution of
the war, and having no mode Of their own
for an honorable solution of existing troubles,
these malcontents seek to Justify their course
by creating a distinction between The Gov
ernmont aud its Administration confronting
us with the novel doctrine that the Govern
mcnt is the Constitution and the institutions
founded thereon, while the Administration is
merely the agents chosen by the people, and
responsible to them Assuming to act upon
this theory, they claim the right to oppose
the latter, while pretending to support and
maintain the former.
This dangerous paradox is fit companion
Of the doctrine Of Estate Rights" which
held the American Union to be only league
between sovereign States, disSolvable at their
will and that the citizen owed paramount
allegiance to his State, and only ,subordin-
ate one to the Federal Government. A doc
trine which, although denounced by the stern
old leaders of Democracy, as destructive Of
the Union, yet succeeded in diifusing its
subtle poison through the Southeru mind,
and, finally, eliminated in the crime Of trca.
son.
1t needs but word Of refutation. do
but adopt the idea of great writer, when
say, that our FREQ, written Constitution is not
government, but the warrant and represent
alive of Government. 1t is not power, but
the symbol of power, and will, in any cmcr-
gency. prove altogether useless, unless the
power for which it stands be forthcoming. -
Where does this power reside? Not in the
Constitution, nor in any Of tho coordinate
departments created by it; nor in tho pco-
pie, but in all combined. These constituent
elements compose the Government, the pow
ers OF which ale exercised through its con.
stitutionally appointed agents, the Legislative,
executive and judicial departments Without
these the powers defined in the Constitution
could not be appropriately exercised ard
without them, it is Obvious, we should have
no government. Therefore to strike at any
of these, is to injure the Government itself
to the full extent of the blow.
The President of the United States, for
the time being is the Supreme Executive of
the Nation, the chosen agent Of the people,
the pilot vino guides the ship of State. The
liberty Of speech, and Of the press, guarant,
led by the Constitution, is formidable only
to the enemies of liberty, in its broader and
more extended sense. The right 20 freely
discuss the affairs Of Government, and crit
else the acts Of its agents, is fundamental to
liberty, and cannot safely be denied.
To all this fully subscribe. But the right
claimed by some, to oppose the execution Of
the laws, and, By tactious opposition, to
thwGrt the President in the discharge of his
high duties, ut so important iuncture, is
subvcrsive Of all liberty, and a right which
belongs to treason only.
Again, the War policy of the Government
has been continuously denounced, as sub
versive of the rights Of the South, and in
violation Of the Federal Constitution. It is
reasonable to presume that these men have
either forgotten, or never known, that Abra-
ham Lincoln is not only President of the
United States, charged with the execution of
ci0A power, but also Commander, in Chief Of
the Army and Navy Of the Union, and there
by clothed with the war power of the Gov
crnment. In the exercise of his civil func-
tons, he is guided by the plain language of
the Constitution, which defines the limits Of
his power, and beyond this he cannot 90 :;
but in the discharge of his duties as Com.
manderi in. Chief, in time of war, he is gov
erned by the laws Of war, as recognized
among civilized nations, and such other re-
strictlons as Congress and the people may
impose. Deriving his authority by appoint.
ment Of the Constitution, he is thereby vest
ed with all the power which rightfully be.
longs to the Commander.in. Chief Of any
other army upon the face Of the Globe
This extraordinary power, It must be under.
stood, is called into exercise only from
state Of war, and cannot be excrted in time
Of peace. ...... ...
BY his oath of Office, the President is
sworn "to tho best Of his ability, to preserre,
protect, and detsnd the Constitution" and in
the discharge OF this solemn obligation, he
may rightfully exercise all the power inherent
in the people, whose agent he is; and that he
may do this, they have made him Command
erin Chief Of their army and navy, AND the
Constitution is the warrant of his appoint
ment. 10 hold, that when called upon to
"prescrve, protect and defend the Cons,itu
ton, to the best Of his ability" he is re.
stricted to the mere letter of his civil author.
ity, is to deprive him Of the very means Of
dischargng that high duty, and make the
Constitution thereby, the weapon Of its own
destruction.
The Constitution is neither a war making
nor war prosecuting document 1t etnpow-
ers Congress to declare, and the President to
prosecute war, as the honor Of tho Nation
and the exigencies of the ease may demand.
1t undertakes neither to inform Congress-
when, or in what case war may be declared,
nor the President the manner of CARRYING il
on. Having made them judges Of the situa-
ton. it leaves the details Of war TO their
Intelligent patriotism and sound discretion.
Wherein has the Constitution been yiolat.
ed, and whose rights have been subyer.ed bv
the Federal Government The loyal States
have no reason to complain, and don't, for the
people thereof having said at tho beginning
that the rebellion should be put down. be.
come party to the war and after q long
hearing, and full understanding Of the case
they have returned a verdict, magnificent and