Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1864-11-23

= IL. u'oousS'o" WHICH the Presidents Mess,,o,,
greatly encourage, upon the subject of purcS., sl
slaves oy the Confederate government, for tha
pose Of the employing them in the arnv ,na e pur.
them in the arts Of war for active service raining
when needed, with additional provision d. SOLDIERS
are to be freed to remain among US atsr at They
over, is in our judgment. much to be denr. war
The question was mooted short time .op s ea'ed
leading presses, which however, was met n.y. The
unequivocal marks of disapproval, that va suea
the country would be spared the risk of 50 hoped
discussion. But it must not be expected I S
advocates of this scheme, that the deGcacr " Inc
subject will force those who view the schema ~, me
abhorrence to be silent Questions of vast mo, SNa
are intimately blended with this subject wh;o Ieas
volve the utter subversion Of the institution NJ ~
very if not the whole fabric of our State oo,sa
ments, ana the consequent destruction of civil Eh
erty itself "''
Viewing the subject d" in the light of polc, 49,,
our social econemy" President Davis dissent: f ana
those "who advise general levy and arminp NJ tha
slaves for the duty of soldiers" but when nressa. s
ed to him as necessity, as affording faint hon. y,
its being barrier to subjugation there seem. W
reason to doubt what should then lie our deciSion"
And have we arrived at that point in governmar.
ethics, when the Chief Magistrate of great peon1a
who in other days and on another forum signa,"s
himself as the champion Of State Rights and str;s.
construction of the organic law, because of chang,
of position, with his eye and hand resting on Ss
Confederate constitution, which he has sworn he.
fore High Heaven to support and maintain, can cast
that instrument to the winds upon the plea Of a.u
sity? Verify to that plea-more imaginary Than
real-does the South owe all it present ills
This plea of necessity is an insidious foe tolber
ty. It strikes down all the bulwsrks against on.
preston and RIGHTEOUSNESS reared BY the written
and the common law, all constitutional impeachment,
to the reign and riot Of power, changing most ran.
idly the genius of our institutions and government
1t was this plea that led to the violation of the con-
stituton by the Northern States, forced by anatica
aholtionism-it was this plea which led South Car.
DINA to secede to ward off anticipated greater evil
which perhaps, never would have been realized and
this forced the dire necessity of the general seces
sion. which eliminated in the plea of necessity by
Lincoln, to force upon us this desolating war. But,
necessity knows no law"
There is safety in the constitution and the laws
if we abide by them. Beyond these all is chaos
and ruin. strict regard to constitutional barriers
would have saved US from the evils we sufer-to
ignore them now will only plunge US into deeper
calamity.
The necessity has not yet arrived, the President
thinks, to force US to make soldiers of our slaves BY
general laws, and we believe it never will, If we I'D.
here to the first principles of the government in
the prosecution OF the war. Tree people like those
of the South, adhering to the principles of RICH,
and the great landsmarks of civil liberty, can never
be conquered We have nofear of subjugation i
we stand firmly to these principles. But reduce
to the ahect slavery of necessity, and we Al
ready suhjugated.
But the President proposes to purchase onl
10000 slaves for present purposes, who may b
trained in the art of war, to be used when necessa
ry, and should they do taeir duty: and survive th
ravages Of war, then free them to remain among US
If the President of the United States while Mr. Da
Wis was a member of the old Congress, had mad
such proposition what would have been his reply
as strict constructionist of the constitution ?
Would he not have enquired for the authority 0
the Congress to purchase slaves and to manuml
them? Mr.. Davis admits that the social and polti
cal condition of slavery is question resting soel
with the States. Does not the question of the RICH
of property in slavery rest with the States also?
not the whole institution. under the control Of tn
States where it exists The common government
may tax them as property to sustain a war or t
meet its necessities, may hire or impress them a
property when required, but has it the right to n
move them beyond the limits of the State withou
its consent? These are questions which must
settled definitely, we should think, before Congres
proceeds to favor the Presidents proposition.
ser0Gtire.