Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1864-05-05
LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT.
Mr.. Lincolm's Anti Slavery Policy and The En-
Astments Of Blacks IN Kentucky

Lstnlents Of Blacks an Kentucky.
From the Frankfort Commonwealth of April 23.]-
The circumstances which elected from the President
the suboned letter are understand them about
follows:
The senior editor of the Commonwealth Col Hodges,
by invitation, accompanied Governor Bamette and Hon.
Archie Dixon their recent visit to Washington and to
the Executive Mansion when they had interviews with the
President and Secretary Of War.
At the close of the interview between President Lin
coin and Governor Bramlee and Senator Dixon the Pre-
sident pleasantly remarked the other gentlemen were
about retiring that he apprehensve that Kentuckans
felt unkndy toward him in consequence of not properly
understanding the difficulties by which he surrounded
n his efforts to put down this rebellion and that he would
explain to the gentlemen of those difficulties they
felt inclined to hear him. willingness at ma
infested and the President explained to them the Difficult
ties which he had alluded to-
On subsequent occasion, in conversation with Mr.
Lincoln Col Hodges remarked that he satisfied tina
the President greatly misunderstood by many of the
citizens of Kentucky, and that he would greatly oblig
bin if he would write out his made to Governor
Bramette and Senator Dixon, in order that, with the
Presidents permission, they might be published in tn
Commonwealth that if published, the Colonel doubted
not they would much of the prejudice which
attempted to be created against the President in Ken
tucky.
The President took the matter into confederation and
shortly after his return home the Colonel received the fol-
lowing, which we would commend to the deliberate
sideration Of the patriotic people of Kentucky:
EXECUTIVE MANSION.
Washington, april 4, 1864.
A. G. Hodges Esq. Frankfort, kentucky.
NY DEAR SIR: You ask me to put in writing the sub
stance of what verbally said, the other day your pc
sance to Gov. Bramlette and Senator Dixon. IL
about follows:
Il am naturally ausavery. If slavery is not wrong
nothing is wrong. cannot remember when did not
think and feel And yet have understood that tn.
Presidency conferred upon unrestricted right to
officially upon this Judgment and feeling IL was in bs
oath took that would e the best OF my ability preserve
could not take the Office without taking the OATH MOI
it my that might take an oath TO get power
and break the oath in using the power understood to-
that in ordinary civil administration this oath forbade
to practically indulge in primary abstract judgment
the moral question Of slavery. had publicly declared
this many times, and in many ways And that to
this day, have done official act in Difference to
my abstract Judgment and feeling on slavery.
" did understand however, that my oath to preserv,
the Constitution to the best Of my ability imposed upon
me the duty Of preserving by every indispensable
that overnment-that Nation of which that Constitution
was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the Nato
and yet preserve the Constitution BY general law life
and limb must be protected yet often limb must be
amputated to save lfe but life ia wisely giver
to limb. felt that measures otherwise uncons'i
tutiona might become lawful by becoming indispensable
to the preservation of the Constitution through the pre-
servaton of the Nation. Right wrong, assumed this
ground and now avow it, could not feel that, to the
best of my ability had tried to preserve the Con
stuton it, to slavery any minor matter, should
permit the wreck of Government Country and Constitu
ton altogether.
"Whep early 10 the war, Gen Fremont attempted mill
tary emancipation, forbade it, because did not thei
think indispensable necessitv When, little later
Gen. Cameron then Secretary Of War, suggested the
armng of the blacks, objected, because did not yet
think it indispensable necessity. When, still later.
Gen. Hunter attempted military emancipation, again for
babe it, because did not yet think the indispensable
cessity had come When, in March and May, and July,
1862 made earnest and successive appeals to the Border
States to favor compensated emancipation believed the
indispensable necessity tor military emancipation and
ing the blacks would come, unless averted by that mea
sure They declined the propositions and was, in my
best Judgment driven to the alternative OF either surren
derpq the Union and with IL the Constitution, of lay
inc strong hand upon the colored element chose the
latter In choosing it hoped for greater gain than loss
but of this not entirely confident More than year
of trial now shows loss by 1t in foreign relations
none in our home popular sentiment; in white
military force-no loss by 1t any how any where On
the contrary it shows gain Of quite hundred and thirty
thousand soldiers seamen, and aborers These pal
pabc facts about which, facts there be cavng
We have the men, and could not have have had them
without the measure
i "And now let any Unisn man, who complains of the
measure test himself by writing down in line that be
h for subdung the rebellion by force of arms and 10 the
next that he is ortaking these hundred and thirty thou
ssnd men from the Union side and placing them where
they would be but for the he condemns II he
cannot face his stated it is only because he
not face the truth.
II add word which was not in the verbal conversation
10 telling this tale, attempt no compliment to my
sagacity. claim net to have con troed events but
less plainly that events have controlled me- Now at the
end OF three years struggle, the nations condition s not
what either party any devised or expected God
alone claim IT, Whittier IL 10 tending seems plain IL
God wills the removal Of great wrong, and wills
also that we Of the North we'll m you Of the South,
history will 6nd therein new TO attest and revere
the justice and goodness of God. You're, truly,
a. 1nv NJ .