Brownlow's Knoxville Whig, and rebel ventilator. [volume] (Knoxville, Tenn.) 1863-1866, 1864-06-18

! late State Convention, than we were able tC
give in our hurried sketch of the proceed
ngS
! REMArKs OF DR. BoRERT J. nREcHlSRIDGE,
! There being no business before the Convention, Il
unanimous call was made for DR. Breckenridge who
hnd been sitting quietly in the rear Of the theatre
with his delegation. He arose IN his place and be-
gan to excuse himself from making a speech, when
cries Of Take the stand called from him the sug-
gc'tivc response
Gentlemen can turn their mccs Il j. no hardship
for men TO change positions and face about these
! times, lnquiring what had become of the rosolu-
tons us, offered, he was informed that they had
been referred, Then, said hr if they out of the
house, shall have hut few words 10 say aboutthem
us prefer not to speak of man behind his back
But as you have appointed Of your delegates
TO the Baltimore Convention, should be- glad to
know what is the opinion Of the meeting in regard
to the Presidency.
do not want Instructions SO | will give you my
opinion, and if you do not like it you can substitute
another man in my place. !, is my honest convc-
tion that Abraham Lincoln is not only the man we
ought To nominate but he is the only man in the
United States that there is any certainty Kentucky
can unit" upon. Great 8ppausc.1 ] will 90 fur
ihcr and say, that if shall be representative in
that Convention, il is not clear in my own mind that
] would be willing to vote in that body for diver,
of those who have been nominated in tlc papers |
would he glad to feel authorized to- vote for him all
the time and for nobody clso. | believe we can
give the State OF Kentucky for Mr.. Lincoln, Zap
plalsc, but have grave doubts whether we can giNo
II 10 any body else | even doubt whether we ought
to give it 10 any body else.
want ow To say something on the slavery qucs-
ton have had il in my mind II long time, bat
never found an opporune time to say it 10 t&r pco
pie who would be favorable hearers; for there J.,
about as much depend, on the hcurr us the speaker
whether any good results from speaking.
Divers Of you have seen, in one of the papers Of
this city II very long, and suppose very clover
article don't know it of my own knowledge, for
have not read it, prccrring to be abused behind
my back than seeking abuse by throwing myself
under lt---hUt | understand il is elaborate attack
on mo in reference to u paper | wrote to Mr. Sow
ard, attempting to show that | have changed my
opinion on this subject OF slavery. Now have no
idea of defending myself here to-day hut ! wish TO
make brief explanation in reference 80 that letter
Of mine.
In 1859 was u candidate on the Emancipa,on
ticket for the Convention to alter the Constitution Of
Kentucky, and was beaten, u> probably some other
respectable men, Who would not like 10 acknowledge
II, were hc.tcn at the salnr time. AID in the
Of the Emancipation party Of Kentucky ! wrote
three letters. First, 10 Mr. Sumner IN answer to
speech he made; second, o,s in answer toa speech
u
made by john Breckenridge on being elected Scna-
tor They were all written in the sense of AN cmau-
clpationist and | say to-day, without endorsing
every sentence ! have 'ycr uttcrcd-lOr there i,
probahI no man whose opinions have less weight
with me than my own when have found ont they
are wrong-on this subject have made no change
for have been An cmanci patonist all my life
The frat thing remember in nv bOyhood H. that
while playing with little negro boy that was given
me to kick and cuff, wondered and asked myself
why it was not | who had been given TO the negro
to be cuiled and have never been able 10 solve
the question to this day Laughter and cheers
never was technically nm Abotionst. And let
me tell what ! mean by that word. In 1891 they
put Garrison in Jail ia Baltimore and he had just
got out when moved there. He was the originator
of the special ideas you call the abolition theory and
they embrace three propositions First the instanta-
and universal abolition Of slavery irrespective
of their consequences hUi ! was always in favor of
system of gradual emancipation. The second
point was that the hostility against color was
prejudice and ought to be abolished and the negro
ought to be admitted to equality with the white race,
according to his merits; that is if he was a man Of
more sense or better cGltum than Il white man, he
ought to have the preference in any given case, as
for office or social position. | have always conSd-
cred this an utterly impossible state of society, and
have opposed the idea. and do now oppose it, You
ask me now TO let the negroes vote in Kentucky; |
answer no. 1t is impracticahlc. The prejudice ms
to color Is NATURAL In the West Indies where the
blacks prc!omnatc, they will not allowu white man
TO vote unlcs, he has certain amount of bluck blood
in him. The third principle Of the abolition party
was utter and unmitgatcd hatred Of colon2ation--
They thought the removal Of the freed negroes was
the pcrpctuation of slavery. But | have been the
warm and constant supporter Of the establishment
of free State in Africa by the colonization Of no
groes from the United States. There never was
civilized State in the turpic> and believe the change
that would make the greatest impression upon the
world would be the establishment of civilized free
black State within the topics
Now as for any change on mypart In the course
ofthis Administration, many things have been done
that would not have done. believe the power
which is vested in the Government of the United
States is far greater more thorough and more capa
bic of being used for good for III, than seems gen.
orally to be admitted by even our own party
Wherever power has been vested in the Government,
it is said further that they who administer the Gov
crnmcnt shall have power TO do whateycr is neccs-
sary to be done for the general defense and welfare
Of the nation. What moro power can there be con-
ccivel of? The only question that has arisen in my
mind has been as to the mode Of doing tho thing,
necessary for tho nations wctar..
The Constitution Of the United States, in giving
the popular branch of the Government exclusive
power to make war, render, it impossible that war
should be made except hy the concurrence of the
majority Of the American people; and my own
opinion j. that whichever people want 70 have war,
they ought to be allowed to have III and whenever
they don't want to fight, no body ought to make
them fight
And YOU can not make peace without tho Prcsi-
dent and twothirls of the Senate which is in fact,
two-thrds of the States, are in favor of making it.
If the people choose to make war they have to carry
it on until two-thirds want to make peace. Now.
when you say they shall have power TO make war