Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1864-11-23
Negotiations for Peace.

NEGOTIATIONS Tor Heaces
We invite attention to the communication in our
paper to-day, over the signature of "Zeta," the
subject Of negotiations for peace. 1t is from the
pen of gentleman high character and of much and
well. deserved influence. Our correspondent does
not assail the Executive of the State is he dis
posed to do so bu: he reminds him of the pledges
he made iH the late campaign as peace man, in the
hope that he will redeem those pledges, and thereby
aid as he could very greatly do, in the noble work
of restoring peace to our afflicted country.
Nor is it purpose to assail any one, Or to at
tempt to lecture or advise the Legislature of the
State. The members Of that body are not respon.
sibe to the press for the manner in which they may
perform their duties but to God and their country.
We may be-permitted to say, however. that very
heavy responsibility is resting upon them, and that
it is very largely in their power to initiate if they
cannot complete such measures as will lead to peace
1t is not for us to say what these measures should
be- But it is now apparent to every one that there
is no hope of foreign intervention; that the war is
to be waged against US indefinitely, with undm'n'
shed vigor; that mere fighting cannot close the
war, if we may judge of the future by the past;
and that the only reasonable ground for hoping Tor
an early, an honorable, and permanent peace, is
through and by negotiations. But, it may be an
swered. Mr.. Lincoln would not even receive CON-
missioners to, treat for peace. How 60 we kno"
that? Have we tried hims No. When sea~ we
try him ? After we shall have defeated all his ar
mics, and driven them from our soil? When will
that be done? Will some one tell US?
Wehold that the President and the Senate would
have no right to make treaty which would divide
any State or States without consulting those States
A question as to the division of State would GER
tainly come up for consideration before the commls
sioners appointed by the two sections and that
question would have to be discussed and decided
Under this view of the subject alone, without 60
ing into an argument to show that the States as SOW
eregns have right be heard in any treaty which
is to finally settle the status OF the two Sections
it is clear that the States ought to be consulted;
for their agent the common government cannot
possess the right in any event. or for any reason,
to dismember State,--and if it possesses no such
right, of course it could not, with proprsty. even
discuss the question of division or dismemberment.
Again, in discussing the terms of settlement, the
question Of slavery must come up for consideration
The Confederate government has no power over the
institution of slavery. 1t subject that pertains
exclusively to the States. By the 4h paragraph Of
the 9th section of the Constitution it is expressly
provided that the Confederate government shall do
nothing "impairing the right of property in negro
slaves" That government has, therefore, no power
to emancpate slaves, nor to consent to their eman
cipation, nor in any way to Impair the right Of
property" in slaves Having no such power, it can
not even discuss the question. The States must,
therefore, be heard as sovereigns, through tielr
commissioners in any settlement which may affect
the institution of slavery. To deny them this right
and to give to the Confederate government the con-
troll of the institution would be to disregard the
Constitution itself, and would as thoroughly abo-
tionize the new government as the old government
has been abolitionized by our enemies.
We think it exceedingly important that com,nis-
sioners should be appointed to treat for peace Tn
der the old government in 1soOo6l, commissioners
were appointed by all the States to the Peace
Conference in Washington City and commissioners
also appointed by the Legislature of this State to
60 to Montgomery, and confer with then foreign
government There was no objection raised at that
time to this action, by those who are now opposed
to negotiations for peace. We suggest no hasty
action, and no separate State action. We would do
nothing for North Carolina in this crisis that we
would not do for all the Confederate States. But
We think that the voice of these States should be
heard for peace and some one State must lead off
in this most important movement. The appoint
lnent of commissioners BIZ the States could Go no
harm. and it might result in the grea test COED
We believe that if any State should evnce deter.
mination to act in this matter that it would hare
powerful effect in inducing tho Congress at Rich
mond to appoint commissioners also, to act in con-
| cert with the State commissioners. The result o.
their mission, whatever it might be, could be hsd
before the Senate for its action and if approved BY
that body, the treaty, or the terms agreed upsn BY
both sides, could be submitted to the people If the
States for their ratification or rejection.
We are no agtator on this or any other Subject
We speak calmly and deliberately, and withnst pas
sion. Our people desire peace, and they beaeve
cannot be obtained merely by fighting; and sc
know that they are looking with intense interest to
this Legislature, not only to guard all theiE rights
andmaRtain their liberties, but to make earnest
Direct and well-considered effort to close tie war
by negotiations.
Hitis necessary, in order to clear the case Of thu
Supreme Court, the Legislature should abolish all
such Offices as Justices Of the Peace, &c.-Confed
| crate.
The Editor of the Confederate is lawyer, ane
ought to know that the Legislature has no powe,
to abolish the Office OfJustice of the Peace. These
officers are constitutional officers, and hold thei,
places during good behavior.
But the Confederate to crafty its Destruct:cs pro
pensities, and to PROSTATE the State at the feet