Prescott journal. [volume] (Prescott, Wis.) 1861-1871, 1864-05-07
Another Letter from the President.

Another Letter from the President.
Mr.. LINCOLN has demonstrated the unsound-
ness of what had become an axiom in our
politics, to-wit, that public man must not
allow his letters to be published.
He has shown there is no damage in such
publications where the writer has clear,
honest, straightforward purpose to which he
consistently adheres They are only danger
Gus to politicians who are seeking the sup
port of antagonistie interests, and playing a
double game.
During his term of Office, Mr.. LINCOLN has
written a number of letters that have been
published, and, in every instance, they have
strengthened the confidence of the people
both in his integrity as a patriot, and his wise
forethought and clear insight as statesman.
Another of his letters has just appeared,
and is worthy companion piece with those
that have preceded it. 1t is published in the
Frankfort (Ky.) conference.-the, and relates to
his action on the subject of slavery, his coun-
demanding the orders of Generals Fremont
and HUNTER emancipating slaves, and his sub
sequent proclamation of emancipation, and
order for the organization of colored regi-
ments. The circumstances eliciting the let
ter were as follows: Gov. BRAMLETTE and a
number of Kentucky gentlemen visited the
President recently, in regard to military mat
tiers in Kentucky. At the close of the inter-
view the President said that he was appre-
hensive that Kentuckians felt unfriendly to
him in consequence of not understanding the
| difficulties with which he was surrounded,
| and that he would explain his course if they
felt inclined to hear him. They signifed their
desire that he should do so, and the President
proceeded to state the reasons for his policy
| on the subject Of slavery. Afterwards, at
/ the request of Col. HODGES, of the Common
aoealA, who was one ofthe party, Mr.. LINCOLN
wrote out the substance of what he said in
| the form of letter as follows:
| EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 4, 1861
d. q. Hodges, Esq, frankfort, hy.:
| My DEAR SIR:-You ask me to put in writ
| ing the substance of what l verbally said the
other day in your presence, to Governor
| Bramlette and Senator Dixon. 1t was about
as follows:
/ am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is
not wrong, nothing is wrong l cannot re-
member when ibid not so think and feel
| And yet, Ihave never understood that the
Presidency conferred upon me an unrestriet-
| ed right to act officially upon this Judgment
| and feeling. 1t was in the oath took, that
| | would to the best of my ability, preserve,
protect and defend the Constitution of the
| United States. / could not take the Office
| without taking the oath. Nor was it my view
| that might take an oath to get power, and
break the oath in using the power. | under
stand, too, that in ordinary civil administra-
| ton this oath even forbade me to practically
indulge in primary, abstract judgment on the
moral question of slavery. l had publicly
declared this many times, and in many ways.
And aver that, to this day., i have done no
| official act in mere Difference to my abstract
judgment and feeling on slavery.
| did understand, however, that my oath to
preserve the Constitution to the best of my
| ability, imposed upon me the duty of preserv-
| ing, by every indispensable means, that Gov
ernment-that nation, of which that Consti-
tuition was the organic law. Was it possible
to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Con-
/ stitutjon?
By general law, life and limb must be pro-
/ tected yet often limb must be amputated
| to save life, but life is never wisely given
| to save limb. l felt that measure, other
| wise unconstitutional, might become lawful,
| by becoming indispensable TO the preserva-
ton of the Constitution, through the preser-
walton of the nation. Right or wrong, as
sumed this ground, and now | avow it. |
could not feel that to the best of my ability
/ had even tried to preserve the Constitution,
if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, /
should permit the wreck of Government,
country and Constitution, altogether.
When, early in the war, Gen. Fremont at
tempted military emancipation, forbade it,,
because did not then think it an indispen-
| sable necessity. When little later, Gen.
Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested
the arming of the blacks, | objected; because
| did not yet think it an indispensable neces-
sity When, still later, Gen. Hunter attempt
ed military emancipation, | again forbade it
because did not yet think the indispensable
necessity had come.
When, in March, and May, and July, 1862
| made earnest and successive appeals to the
border States to favor compensated enamel
patton, believed me indispensable necessity
for military emancipation, and arming the
blacks would come, unless averted by that
measure They declined the proposition
and was, in my best judgement driven to
the alternative, of either surrendering the
Union, and with it, the Constitution, or of
laying strong hands upon the colored element.
| chose the latter In choosing it, | hoped
for greater gain than loss but of this | was
not entirely confident More than a year
of trial now shows no loss by it, in our for
eign relations none in our home popular SEN
| timent, none in our white military force-no
loss by it, any how, or any where. On the
contrary, it shows a gain of quite 100000
soldiers, seamen and laborers. These are
palpablc facts, about which, as facts, there
can be no caviling. We have the men, and
we could not have had them without the
measure. T.
And now, let any Union man, who COM
plains of the measure, test himself by writing
down in one line, that he is for subduing the
rebellion by force of arms, and in the next,
that he is for taking these 10000 men from
the Union side, and placing them where they
would be but for the measure he condemns
/ If he can not face his cause so stated, il is
only because he can not face the truth.
add a word, which was not in the verbal
conversation. In telling this tale, / attempt
no compliment to nay own sagacity. 1 claim
not to have controlled events, but confess
plainly that events have controlled me. Now,
at the end of three years. struggle, the ma
TONS condition is not what either party or
any man devised or expected. God alone can
claim it. Whittier it is tending seems plain
If God now wills the removal of a great
wrong, and wills also that we of the North,
| as well as you of the South, shall nav fairly