Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1864-03-23


erty and Union, now and forever, one and
lnseperable.
But where stands the neutral party the
party of ifs, ''ands, and excuses? Have
you been here for three months now. occa-
slonally presiding over this House, and do
not know that there they stand pointing
to the Democratic side of the Hall AS
they stood three years ago, occupying the
same position of bloodless neutrality They
have not changed their ground, though they
| give different reason for holding it. They
do not now say that coercion is unconstitu-
tlonal. They do not now generally say that
1t IS impossible, nor that anything you can
| give to the rebels by way of compromise
will make their condition any better than it
was before they rebelled. They generally
concede that the rebellion must be suppress
sed by force of arms or the Union be divid-
ed. But they say the President is always
so unfortunate as to select unconstitutional
means to effect what they now see, though
they did not at first, is constitutional pur-
pose. And so they remain spectators in a
war which involves the life Of this nation
and the fortunes of forty millions of people
whose interests are associated with it. More
than that it involves the fortunes of the
oppressed and middle classes all over the
world; for ours is the worlds representa-
tive Republic. But to do them Justice, |
must say, they are not Indifferent spectators.
There they stand, glass in hand, or ''nose
all spectacle betrid" looking anxiously tor
some fortunate mistake in council or some
cheering disaster in the field, which viii full
ill their evil predictions and Justify their
position Of neutrality before the world.
Their music is a line Of Yankee Doodle and
a half line of Dixie, filed out with the
'rub-a-dub-dub" OF complaint and evil
prophecy
- But, although neutral, they are not idle
They have great deal to DO They have
to see that this war Is conducted with Chris
tan tenderness on our part, though met
with savage atrocity on the other They
have to see that treason tainted, slave-earn-
ed wealth escapes confscation, though it
impose heavier burden on the honester
earnings OF loyal men. They have to see
that your credit is decried, and the taxes ne
cessary 10 support 1t denounced, and then to
complain to the country that legal tenders
are not equal to gold They have to see
that favorite general has an unlimited and
untarlnmeled command, and that he is not
held responsible tor opportunities neglected
or battles lost. They have to see that all
possible, at least all constitutional objections
are thrown IN the way Of the exercise OF the
elective franchise by the Union soldiers in
the field. and that the freest elections are
secured to the unpardoned secessionist IN
the rebel and border States. They have to
see that practical amalgamation goes on un-
disturbed by any unconstitutional interfer-
ence with the slave system of the South.
while they falsely charge theoretical ANAL
gamation on the virtuous people of the
North. They have, too, TO see that that
portion of their followers who overestimate
their own, or perhaps have proper appre-
citation Of both, are held to party vassalage
by constant dread of negro emulation. They
have to see that their weaker brethern are
educated into the belief that the negro is
only tit for slave and can never be anything
else f; and then to distress them with appre-
tensions that they may yet be compelled to
compete with him in the industrial and pro-
tessional pursuits of life, where brains, not
color, viii ascribe to each his Just measure
of success.
These are only specimens Of the multitu-
dlnous labors OF this neutral oganiZation. If |
[ were to go on with full catalogue would |
exhaust your patience and my strength. |
want, however, to call the attention of the |
committee to one thing more.
The main allegation, the one always reli- |
ed upon to justify their neutrality before the |
world is that the war is conducted with |
view of overthrowing slavery as well as the |
rebellion. If this allegation were true,
what a position for a statesman to take
what position for any man to take who
expects to leave a name that will be remem-
bered when he is gone, and posterity con-
iemned to bear it 1t might do for James
Buchanan-for God in his infinite mercy
has provided that no child shall wear
through life namesof such deep dishonor-
but for nobody else But. sir, it is not true
in the sense in which it is alleged 1t is
not true that the war is carried on for the
purpose of abolishing slavery. Those who
believe it mistake an incident for the pur-
pose of the war-the means employed for
he end desired. You might as well say
when we battered down Pulaski and Sumter
hat that was the object of the war.
The Presidents great proclamation is
lrged in evidence of this allegation. The
President saw that Great Britain was furn-
shiDg arms to the rebels. He invited that ma
ion to desist, and accompanied his Invitation
Britain desisted The President saw that !
he slave was furnishing the rebels with
ood, clothing, labor, and Notifications; and
lie invited the slave to desist, accompanying ;
hat invitation with no threats, but with
single promise, the promise of freedom
hat Is all there Is In the proclamation.
Mr.. WADswoRTH. The gentleman states
hat the object of the proclamation of e
was to disturb the labor which
upplied the rebels with food &c. | know
hat Il e President has given that as the OBJ
ect of the proclamation but ! ask the
entleman if that can be so, in view of the
act which he recolects, that the proclama-
ion itself advises the slave to remain quiet
md continue to labor for a1dges ,
Mr.. SCoFIELD. do not now recollect the
anguage of the proclamation but [ do not