Prescott journal. [volume] (Prescott, Wis.) 1861-1871, 1864-10-22

aQV COMPROMISE, WUlIn III VIC NNt9 hatAAC
of things absolute and imperative. 1t IS the
principle. that, when the will Of the majority
upon q question constitutionally subject to
be decided by the majority, is once expressed
and proclaimed in constitutional form, the
minority is absolutely and Internationally
bound to submit. (Applause) There is no
cavillinc about this principle. 1t is the very
foundation of all republican government; and
without il the whole republican ediice would
at once tumble down as a chaotic, shapeless
mass. 1t is the balance-wheel of the whole
machinery The observance of this principle
is the fundamental obligation of the citizen.
Every measure of policy may be subject to
compromise, but this fundamental obligation
is not Is can be bound to no conditions, for
| lift were, it would cease to be absolute.
Apply this to our case. constitutional
election was held in 1860. All constitutional
requirements were strictly fulfilled. Abra-
| ham Lincoln received a constitutional ma
| ority of the votes; he was made President
/ in a strictly constitutional manner. And be-
cause the majority which elected him enter
tanned certain opinions of public policy OBJ
noxious to a minority, that minority rose in
/ rebellion against the Government. You row
| propose to buy that rebellious minority back
| by relinquishing some of the principles held
| by the majority. In other words, you, the
/ MAJORITY. COultSS YOURSELVES 50 COu4uCICu
| that you are willing to surrender part of the
decision of the baliot-box to the force of
arms And thus far you declare the funda-
mental obligation of submission to the con-
stitutional verdict of the majority not bind
ing; the minority, if it please, may force the
majority to surrender the whole or part of its
will. 1t may do so, for it has succeeded in
doing so. The new principle you introduce
into your political life is this the minority is
bound by the constitutional verdict of the
| majority, unless it be strong enough to force
the majority to concessions then il is not
bound, that is to say, elections are not finally
decided at the ballot-box, but are afterward
open to negotiation; the minority proposes
its conditions of submission to the result, and
the fighting party wins Do you know what
that means? 1t means the transformation of
the Republic of the United States into some
thing like the old republics of Mexico and
South America it means the government of
revolutionary factions, instead of constitu-
tional majorities; it means the introduction
| of rebellion as a standing element in our pO-
ltical life. Great applause.)
Do not accuse me of seeing spectres. Do
not indulge in the vain illusion that this first
great abandonment of the fundamental obli-
CATION will remain an isolated fact. Such
preeedents are prolific. Let it be once known
that the constitutional majority can and may
be forced to concessions, and the idea will
have an irresistible charm to reckless and
restless minds. The composition of our peO-
pie will no longer be what it was heretofore.
The end of the war will throw a fearful mum
Der of adventurous splits upon society, ready
at the call of an audacious leader at any
hour, to overleap the bonds of the accus
toned order of things. Warlike habits, adj
ded to their warlke tastes, will stimulate
them TO wild enterprises, and a ceaseless wal
of factions would be to them an all too vel
come field of adventure. This is the mate
rial, and YOU know where TO look for the
leaders Already, at this moment, the cOun-
try is teeming with INSCRIPTIONS demagOgues
with whom reasonable scheming has become
a habit; already we hear of large impOrta
lions of arms and ammunition, and their dis
tribution among the members of secret or
CARNATIONS; already we see in the paper:
threats of armed resistance to the loyal ma
iority, in case certain candidates are defeat
ed. And YOU could be willing to open this
flood-gate of disorder by setting aside the
only principle, the great fundamental obliga
ton, that keeps democratic government in
balance? You would inaugurate a system
which, by compromise and concession, pays
and promises premium to revolt? Is il not
astonishing indeed that among men who have
such material stake in social order, as mer-
chants and manufacturers, we should find SO
many advocates of that fatal policy And this
they vainly imagine, would lead to peace. The
sanctioned violation of the great principle
which alone can maintain internal peace,
should lead to peace Is the peace of Mexi-
co and the South American republics the
peace you want Is a condition of things
which will make a revolt as familiar an oc-
currence as national elections that the
peace you desire This, then, is compro-
mise as a peace measure if it remains mere
experimental offer, encouragement of the
rebels and prOlongation of the war ; if carried
into effect, breaking down the safeguard of
social order, and inaugurating an intermina-
bic war of factions but no peace. (Great
applause.) And now give me leave 20 sum
up what | have said about the peace pro-
gramme of Chicago.
In proposing that the war shall be stopped
without making this proposition depend upon
any peremptory condition, merely with view
to thing which every body knows will not
be agreed to, it encourages the rebels to per-
severe in their resistance.
The result will be, either that the Govern
ment, if it falls into the hands of that party,
will have to recognize the independence of
the Southern Confederacy, or, after a cessa-
| ton of hostilitieS, to resume the war;
If it recognizes the independence Of the
Southern Confederacy, we shall soon have on
our hands the complicated and endless wars
which, in the very nature Of things, must
grow out of disunion.
If the Government, after a cessation of
hostilities, resumes the present war for the
| Union, we shall labor under difficulties i'm
mensely greater than at present, for three
reasons:
| 1st From a cessation of hostilities, such as
proposed, the rebels will derive such advan-
| tages, and we such disadvantages, that the
| struggle will be almost hopeless; and still, as
peace is impossible with disunion, it will be
as necessary as ever.
3D. By declaring before the whole world
that the war is failure; by demanding its
cessation ON the score of justice, humanity,
liberty, and the public welfare; by thus de-
claring the rebels in the right and our Gov
eminent in the wrong +; and by thus condemn
| ing and virtually abandoning the war for
the Union, they invite foreign powers to re-
cognize the rebel Confederacy, and to throw
their whole influence against an unjust, inhu-
name, tyrannical, and universally ruinous
war.
Sd. BY making the foregoing declarations,
| they turn public opinion in foreign countries
| against US, and discharge the movements now
going on to give us financial aid and all this
1rb;Ia - l. oorfain and thav maLa IL unora sn