Gallipolis journal. [volume] (Gallipolis, Ohio) 1837-1919, 1864-08-25

mortal conflict, for victory or death,
or success, orruia. Theissue - IN
changed, aud the war must 20 op.+
1t would be better to carry it on at
any cost. and for auy length of time,
than to fail in our great object The
Union is worth an the sacrifices that
we can mako n its behalf, and no
sacrifices could be so painful as the
universal ruin which follow its. dis
solution. If the burden Of this con-
test must rest upon as for successive
years, If our material resources must
be drained to furnish the sineEs of
war and our moral stamina put to
theseveresf test To- eudare its psiya-
tions, If we must abandon all other
occupations, and give out whole
time and strength to the defense of
the government, if we must sacrifice
the richest treasures aud the finest
blood of the country in a perpetual
struggle with the rebellion, if all
those things must come upon as, we
can endure them, but hide us-oh ye
heavens hide us from the wall of a
lost republic! r
But We need not fear that our cause
will fail, or that our strength and
resources will be exhausted in the
effort to maintain it. We have the
materials of success. In numbers of
men in physical resources, we are
vestly superior to the enemy; and if
we cannot overcome them tmust be
from the lack of ma hood. The con-
test is one of wear and tear, and
endurance, as well SIS of force and
valor We have shown the rebels
that our sOar virtues are equal to theirs,
and they ought to know by this time
that we are as capable of sticking to
our cause to the last dollar and the
last man, as they are. The contest
cannot last forever The rebels will
either give up or wear out.
There are few men who say, and
perhaps believe that we cannot con-
quer the rebellion. The belief that
this is so may not always proceed
from q desire to have it so, but such
a belief resting for any length of
time upon the mind, will be sure to
result in a corresponding desire
Prophets, especially small prophets,
and prophets of evil generally want
their predictions fulfilled. The de-
claration that We cannot conquer the
is-to use plain words-the
one that the "friends of
peace" have ever made. On what
basis can such an opinion rest? 1t
must be admitted that we are physi-
cally able to overcome the rebels,
and if we cannot do it, 1t must be
because we are deficient in manly
qualities, or because our cause is un-
Just, and will not receive the bless
ing of Heaven. The must be some
very good reason, or rather some
very bad reason, for believing that
we cannot succeed in this contest -
Men who vaunt this belief have
never been noted for active sym
pathy, or earnest efforts in the cause
of the Union. a..
The determination of the people TO
put down the rebellion may be con-
final and irrevocable. They
are alive to the dangers which threat
en- them, and are determined that
the government shall be upheld and
liberty protected. The danger of
actual disunion has passed, and the
of the rebellion is only
a question of time.
The primary question of this war
is the life of the government, but
other issues are involved almost as
as the government itself.
The war presents many political
questions as complicated and as full
results as are the mill
tary questions it presents. Many of
these political issues are directly
involved in the conduct of the war.
While we strike at the military por
wer Of the rebellion we should not
overlook tie political elements. of
which it is composed; the principal
Of evil which forms its core. After
all that we have done and suffered,
,an we be satisfied with partial sue
cess? Must we undergo the sweat
and tug of war for so many years to
cut down the tree of rebellion and
then leave its roots in our sofl?-
The success o or arms should have
1 meaning which no one can fail to
The cause and orig
nal elements of the rebellion must
be reached if we wish to avoid a SINH
ar trouble in future The people Of
the South did Dot rush into this con-
spiracy from the caprice and passion
Of moment. Wrong ideas of the
nature of the government and OF the
manner in which 1t should be admin
stered were instilled into their
minds. For many years it was more
DR. less directly taught throughout
the South that the Constitution was
only a bargain, that the States were
'ree at any time to secede, and that
10 legal force could be used to pre-
7eut them from so doing. The right
IF secession became with a great
portion of the Southern people a
cardinal point of political faith; and
in proportion to the tenacity with
which they cherished it their love
for the Union diminished. The pro-
Of this doctrine paved
the way. for the fearful drama which
we are now witnessing. This grand