Dodgeville chronicle. [volume] (Dodgeville, Wis.) 1862-current, 1864-05-05


explain his course if they felt inclined
to hear him. They signifed their de-
sire that he should do so, and the Presi-
dent proceeded to state the reasons FOR
his policy on the subject of slavery. At
forwards, at the request of Col. Hodges,
of the Commonwealth, who was one of
the party, Mr. Lincoln wrote out the
substance of what he said in the form
of a letter as follows
EXECUTIVE MANSION, !
WASHINGTON, April 4, 1864. !
A. G. Hodges, Esq, Frankfort, Ky.;
Ny DEAR SIR You ask me to put
in writing the substance of what I ver-
bally said the other day in your pres
ence, to Gov. Bramlette and Senator
Dixon. It was about as follows:
am naturally anti-slavery. IF slave
ry is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I
cannot remember when [ did not so
think and feel. And yet, have never
understood that the Presidency con.
ferred upon me an unrestricted right to
act officially upon this judgment and
feeling. 1t was in the oath took, that
1 would to the best of my ability, pre-.
serve, protect and defend the Constitu.
ton of the United States. I could not
take the Office without taking the oath
Nor was it my view that / might take
an oath to get power, and break the
oath in using the power. I understand
too, that in ordinary civil administra-
ton this oath even forbade me to prac-
tically indulge in primary, abstract
Judgment on the moral question of slave
ry. 1 had publicly declared this many
times, and in many ways. And | aver
that, to this day, l have done no official
act in mere Difference to my abstract
judgment and feeling on slavery.
I did understand, however, that my
oath to preserve the Constitution to the
best of my ability, imposed upon me
the duty Of preserving, by every indis-
pensable means, that Government-that
nation, of which that Constitution was
the organic law. Was it possible to lose
the nation, and yet preserve the Con-
stitution?
By general law, life and limb must
be protected; yet often limb must be
amputated to save life, but a life is
never wisely given to save limb. I
felt that measure, otherwise unconstitu
tional, might become lawful, by becom-
ing indispensable to the preservation of
the Constitution, through the preserva-
ton of the nation. Right or wrong,
assumed this ground, and now I avow
it. could not feel, that to the best of
my ability had even tried to preserve
the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or
any minor matter, should permit the
wreck of Government, country and Con-
stitution, altogether
When, early in the war, Gen. Ere
mont attempted military emancipation,
l forbade it, because [ did not then
think it an indispensable necessity.
When, little later, Gen. Cameron,
then Secretary of War, suggested the
arming of the blacks, objected; be-
cause I did not think it an indispensa-
bic necessity. When, still later, Gen.
Hunter attempted military emancipa-
ton, again forbade it; because I did
not yet think the indispensable necessi-
ty had come.
When. in March, and May, and July,
1862, [ made earnest and successive ap~
peals to the border States to favor COM
pensated emancipation, [ believed the
indispensable necessity for military
emancipation, and arming the blacks
would come, unless averted by that
measure. They declined the PROPOSE
ton and was, in my best judgment
driven to the alternative, of either sur
rendering the Union, and with it, the
Constitution, or of laying strong hands
upon the colored element, l chose the
latter. In choosing it, 1 hoped for
greater gain than loss but of this I
was not entirely confident. More than
a year of trial now shows no loss by
it, in our foreign relations; none in our
home popular sentiment, none in our
white military force-no loss by it, any,
how, or anywhere. On the contrary,
it shows gain of quite 10000 SOL
diers, seamen and laborers. These are
palpable facts, about which, as facts,
there can be no cavilling. We have
the men, and we could not have had
them without the measure.
And now, let any Union man, who
complains of the measure, test himself
by writing down in one line, that he
is for subduing the rebellion by force
of arms, and in the next, that he is for
taking these 100000 men from the
Union side, and placing them where
they would be for the measure he con.
dennis. IF he can not face his cause
so stated, it is only because he can not
face the truth.
I add a word, which was not in the
verbal conversation. In telling this
tale, l attempt no compliment to my
own sagacity. claim not to have
controlled events, but confess plainly
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