Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1863-10-15
REMARKS OF HON. RICHARD H. DANA. Jx

At meeting held in Cambridge, Massachusetts,
on the evening Of the 9th instant, to ratfy the
proceedings Of the late Republican Convention
which placed Gov. Andrew in nomination for re-
election, the Hon. RICHARD FL. DANA, Jr. spoke
as follows, after few Introductory observations re-
lating to the action of the Convention
We in New England know that we engaged in a war
of fearful proportions and with supendous RESULTS but
far from it that do not always act as we kenw
it, We too much at our ease, and have leisure for
too much closet work, abstract sPecuatons But who
to carry this and II we are TO be saved
The people OF the United States The war to be fought
by and money and the spirit OF men Who TO fur
nish the meni The people of the United States Who
Whence n to come patriotic spirit From the people Of
the United States. We must have united people. do
not care for Capitalization of political power, If we
have concentration Of sentiment There arc some men
from whom arty support in this war 10 not to be expect
ed think they not so numerous as many do, and
that they growing less They cannot bring themselves
years standing and against their political idol the slave
power Of the South But the gfat body OF the people
will stand by the Government heartily and in good faith
in this war
obstrucnq it, One Mr. Everett has alluded to in forcble
his late letter. where no says cannot but think
unpatrotc to attempt for the sake OF party triumph
to make political capital out Of the difficulties, or II you
please the errors unavOdaby incident to the conduct OF
war Of such dimensions" But there another obstruction
this union Of sentiment and action for which we must
others to foego and forget party associations and such
differences of opinion but have duty to perform 10
that direction ourselves7 Are to exercise no selfde
NAL in the way Of opinion and dogma Are we 70 eve
free scope to our private theories and nces and seek to
bind all ohers to them and make these conditions prece
dent to their uniting with us 10 supporting the Govern
men in this fearful crisis Dvines tell it ID easier to
find missionaries and crusaders than il is find self denial
in the way of speech and opinion.
We of New England have, like the Scotch, strong
tendency to metaphysics This Is hisn tendency ana
the charge of devotion material interests But, unre
strained it leads to nnumeabe sects 10 religion until u
is hard to get enough to join In maintaining decent pubic
worship In politics. in time Of peace its excess only
an Inconvenience But how is it in time OF war-and
above all of civil war, and such civil war as thsi Can
ming deprecated Of opinion Burke stood aRhast at
the spectre of armed doctrine In time OF peace the
docrnare is annoyance. But 10 time OF civil war,
when all foundations broken up, all inter ests in peril
and mems passions reused to furywhat can be more
dangerous to let loose the community than an armed
doctrnare9 He theories with bayonets He dogma
tzGs in blood.
During the French revolution there men, not Of
violence but scholars philosophers OF recuse
habits men who had scrupled to take animal life who yet
anatca ystem which they thought would ensure the
greatest good Of ALL became the most unreeDtng in its
prosecution great writer said of them that they
garded than mice in air pump, and would
not hesitate to sacrifice half generation to one OF their
experiments in social systems Their systems like the
code Of Draco, written in blood.
There points which the people may be sue
cessfuly divided and the force Of united cOlumns
broken il the dsoyal the hand the opin"nated
the other, insist upon doing Against them we must
appeal to the sound sense the Overrung patriotism, the
patience. the selfrestrant of the people We trust IN
this view that you will receive with appreciation the state
ment-ndeed know you wil-that all attempts TO set
up shbbOlehs for loyal men to utter to add new
articles to the faith which every man must assent to be-
fore he be permitted to stand by the in
the prosecution Of war; that such attempts if they were
seriously intended, met with overwhelming an opinion
against them that they abandoned Your delega-
ton, far know without exception, we're OPP
posed to any such attempts. For one, say that
did my utmost to discourage them,
There may be good deal speculation to the status
Of the rebel region and its inhabitants now and in all pos
sibe future contingencies Governor Boutwell, prOpounded
argument But wisely and periodically he made 1t
bis private matter, and did not bring forward in the
resolves which he reported attempt to compel those
whom invited there-Republcans and all others who
stand by the Government-tp adopt reject it.
There 10 also the question what principle the Pres
dents proclamation respecting emancipation operator
This may be subject of discussion and Division if il
unwsey agtated So may toe Presidents p"wer respect
ing habeas corpus But deprecate, for one, the agta-
ton of these questions in political and military
nexon. In the substance there be agreement and
enough TO present to the rebellion the r0I of
united people.
First as the proclamation. IT pretty we'll agreed
that may treat the rebels beigerents 90 long
they at and far choose to treat them
1t agreed that right Of 10 to emancpate the
Owes Of your enemy 1t 10 agreed that the public faith
pledged to maintain after the the freedom OF those
u
eminent may and must do this against State re
stored to its functions Sate 10 the Uninn the State
sba attempt any thing to the contrary This doctrine
ated by Mr.. Reverdy johnson, Of Maryland, who GER
tany does not 60 far in direction, Some persons at
tempt give to the proclamation the effect Of statute
law and contend that changed by it's force the
day it appeared the legal status of every slave 10 every
bel State IL it act Of legislator in the exercise of
civil jurisdicon is it the proclamation Of commander
in the exercise OF military p0werf III it 10 the former, IL
has the operation oontended for it has any Ifit the
latter 1t has not that operation IL the latter, 10 not
question of Constitution but Of the nature Of hings
what operation proclamation Of military commander
has upon the status Of slaves the eneays territory
within his military control. what on that not within his
military control and at each period Of the war.
These my opinions that subject; but hold them
trust with Difference, and know with determination
TO obtrude dividing question In the councils Of
loyal Let initiate the prudence Of the President
leaves feet be determined by the proper author
ties when and far the shall end 1t may
be practical question If the lasts until all the rebel
territory in tact under military CONTROL system
being military emancipation while the lasts 1t will be
abstract question whether the slave would have been
free n law without this actual emancipation by military
control.
Second as to the sfdtns OF The rebel States There 10
theory Of State suicide Another Of State ahdioston
Another OF State forfeiture Another Of suspended ANNA
ton. And each OF these requires solution OF the ran
stus to national government and whether and how far TO
under the power and how far by Congress- terri
tory belonging to the nation and destitute Of government
In these theQries article in the Atlantic Monthly at
trbued to Mr.. Sumner, says whole senaes may be lost
How and when IL ever these questions will come up,
wise enough to forecast IL it, them wise require
to adopt any Of these theories It's resus Most
lova men are now agreed All in time will be- In the henrtv