Mineral Point weekly tribune. (Mineral Point, Wis.) 1859-1868, 1863-02-25

come to review it in the light in which it
must necessarily be examined in this
country, think he can hardly fail to per-
celve that it amounts to nothing less than
q proposition that while this Government
Is engaged in suppressing an armed in-
surrection, with the purpose of maintain-
Ing the constitutional national authority
ana preserving the integrity of the coun-
Try, It shall enter into diplomatic Discus
sion with the insurgents upon the question
whether that authority shall not be re-
nounced, and whether the couatrv shall
not be delivered over to disunion. to be
quickly followed by ever-increasing au-
srchy.
If it were possible for the Government
of the United States;to compromise the ma
tional authority so far IS to enter into such
debates, it is not easy to perceive what
good results could be obtained by them.
The Commissioners must agree in recon-
mending either that the Union shall not
stand or that it shall be voluntarily dis
solved; or else they must leave the vital
question unsettled, to abide at last the for
tunes of the war. The Government has
not shut out knowledge of the present
temper, any more than of the past purpo-
ses of the insurgents.
There is not the least ground to suppose
that the controlling actors would be per-
suaded at this moment by any arguments
which National Commissioner could Of
fer, to forego the ambition that has inn
PEELED them to the disloyal position they
are occupying. Any Commissioner who
should be appointed by those actors, or
through their dictation or influence, must
enter the conferences, imbued with the
spirit and pledged to the personal fortunes
of the insurgent chiefs. The loyal people
in the insurrectionary States would be I'M
heard, and any offer of peace by this Gov
eminent on the condition of the mainte-
nance of the Union must necessarily be
rejected.
On the other hand, as / have already in
timated, this Government has not the least
thought of relinquishing the trust which
has beer confded to it by the nation I'M
der the most solemn OF all political sane
tions; and if it had any such thought, it
would have still abundant reason to know
that peace pre- posed at the cost of dissolu-
ton would be Immediately, universally,
and Indignantly rejected by the American
people. 1t is great mistake that Europe
an statesmen make, if they suppose this
people are demoralized
Whatever in case of an insurrection.
the people of France, or Great Britain or
switzerland, or of the Netherlands, would
do to save their national existence. no
matter how the strife might be regarded
by, or affect, foreign nations, just so much,
and certainly no less, the people of the
United States will do, if necessary to save
for the common benefit the region which
is bounded by the Pacific and Atlantic
coasts, and by the shores of the Cult of
st. Lawrence and Mexico, together with
the free and common navigation of the
Rio Grande, Missouri, Arkansas, Missis-
sippi, Ohio, st. Lawrence, Hudson, Della
ware, Potomac, or other national high
ways, by which this land, which TO
them is at once land of Inheritance
and land of promise, is opened and
watered.
Even if the agents of the American
people, thus exercising their power, should
through fear or faction fall below the
height of national virtue, they would be
speedily, yet constitutlonally, replaced by
others of sterner character and patriotism.
l must be allowed to say, slso, that NJ
Drouyn de L'Huys errs in his description
Of the parties to the present conflict
We have here, in a political sense, no
North, no South; no Northern, no South
ern States. We have an insurrectionary
party which is located upon and is chiefly
adjacent to the shores of the Gulf of
Mexico. And we have, on the other
hand, loyal people, who constitute not
only Northern States, but Eastern, Middle,
Western and Southern States | have. on
many occasions heretofore, submitted TO
the French Government the Presidents
views of the interests and ideas which lie
at the bottom OF the determination of the
American Government and people to MAIN
tain the Federal Uuion.
The President has done the same thing
in his messages. l refrain, therefore, from
reviewing that argument in connection with
the existing question. M. Drouyn de
Lhuys draws to his aid the conferences
which took place between the Colonies
and Great Britain in our Revolutionary
War. He will allow me to answer that
action in the crisis of nation must &C
cord with its necessities, and therefore
can be seldom conformed to precedents.
Great Britain, when entering on that ne
gotiation, had manifestly come to enter
tain doubts Of her ultimate success and
it is certain that the counsels of the Colo
MES could not have failed to take new
courage, If not to gain other advantage,
when the parent State compromised so far
as to treat of peace on the terms O: con-
ceding their independence.
1t is true, indeed, that peace must come
some time, and that conferences must at
tend, if they are not allowd to precede
the paci6cation. There is, however,
better form form for such conferences than
the one which M. Drouyn de Lhuys sug-
gests. The latter would be palpably in
derogation of the Constitution of the Un-
tied States, and would carry no weight
because destitute of the sanction necessary
to bind either to the loyal disloyal portion
of the people.
On the other hand, the Congress of the
United States furnishes constitutional
forum for debates between the alienated
parties. Senators and Representatives
from the loyal people are there always,
fully empowered to confer, and seats are
also vacant, inviting the Senators and
Representatives of the disconnected party
who may be constitutionally sent there
from the states involved in the insurrection
Moreover, the conference which can
thus be held in Congress have this great
advantage over any that could be organ
lied on the plan OF M. Drouyn de Lhuys,
bat