Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1863-06-24
Of manly. independent, and constitutional

/
phatic majority, dec Jared their condemnation
oi the system of arbitrary arrests and thei
determination to stand by the Constitution
! That the revival of this lawless system cal
| have but one result; to divide and distrac
! the North and destroy its confidence in tht
| purposes OF the administration. That We dep
| reca;e il as an element of confusion at home
| of weak ness to our armies in the field, and a:
calculated to lower the estimate of American
character and magnify the apparent peril OF
our cause abroad. And that, regarding the
blow struck at citizen of Ohio as aimed al
the rights of every citizen of the North, we
deHounce it as against the spirit of our laws
and Constitution, and most earnestly call upon
the President of the United States to reverse
the action of the military tribunal which has
passed 'scruel and unusual punishment up
on the party arrested, prohibited in terms by
the Constitution. and TO restore him to the
liberty OF which he has been deprived.
Resoired, That the President, Vice Presi-
dents, and Secretary of this meeting be re.
quested to transmit copy of these resou-
tions to his Excelency the President of the
United States, with the assurance of thiSmeet-
ing of their hearty and earnest desire to sup
port the government in every constitutional
and lawful measure 10 suppress the existing
rebellion.
MR.. LINooLN'B REPLY.
Ex. MANSION, WASHINGTON, June IL, 1868.
Hon. Erastas Corning and others:
GENTLEMEN Your letter of May 10. enclo-
sing the resolutions of public meeting held
at Albany, New York, on the 18th of the same
month, was received several days ago.
The resolutions. as l understand them, are
reso'vable into two propositons-frst, the
expression of a purpose to sustain the cause
of the Union, to secure peace through victo-
ry, and to support the administration in every
constitutional and lawful measure to suppress
the rebellion; and secondly, declaration of
censure upon the administration for suppos.
ed unconstitutional action, such as the max
ing of military arrests. And, from the two
propositions, third is deduced which is that
the gentlemen composing the meeting re-
solved on doing their part to maintain our
common government and country, despite the
folly or wickedness. as they may conceive, OF
any administration. This position is eminent
ly patriotic. and as such, thank the IN Getting,
and congratulate the nation for it. Ny own
purpose is the same; so that the meeting aud
my self have common object. and can have
no difference, except in the choice of means
or measures for effecting that object.
And here | ought to close this paper, and
would close it, if there were no apprehension
that more injurious consequences than any
merely personal to myself might follow the
censures Systematically cast upon me for do
ing what, in my view of duty, l could not for
bear. The resolutions promise TO support
me in every constitutional aud lawful meas
T
employed, nor shall knowingly
employ, any other. But the meeting, By
their resolutions, assert and argue that GER
tain M itary arrests. and proceedings follow
ing them for which | am ultimately response
Die, are unconstitutional. | think they are
lot. The resolutions quote from the Consti-
nton the definition of treason, and also the
Uniting safeguards and guarantees therein
provided for the citizens on trials for treason.
md on his being held to answer for capital or
otherwise Infamous crimes, and, in criminal
Prosecutions, his right to speedy and public
rial by an impartial jury. They proceed to
esoive .sthat these safeguards of the rights of
he citizens against the pretensions of arbi-
rary power were intended more especially for
lis protection in times of civil connection
And, apparently to demonstrate the PROPOSE
ion, the resolutions proceed: ssThey were
substantially to the English people af-
er years of protracted civil war, and were
dopted into our Constitution at the close of
he revolution Would not the demonstra-
ion have been better, if it could have been
ruIy said that these safeguards had been "a
Iopted and applied during the civil wars and
uying our revolution, instead of after the one
md at the close of the other |, too, am de-
-otedly for them after civil war and before
ivil war, and at all times, ssexcept when, in
,ases OF rebellion or invasion, the public safe
y may require their suspension. The res
buttons proceed to tell us that these safe
.uards shave stood the test of seventy six
ears of trial, under our republican sy ystem.
nder circumstances which show that while |
hey constitute the foundation of all free gov
they are the elements of the endu |
ing stability of the republic" No one de-
lies that they have so stood the test up to
he beginning of the present rebellion, if we
xcept a certain occurrence at New Orleans ;
or does any one question that they will stand
he same test much longer after the rebellion
loses. But these provisions of the Constitu- |
ion have no application to the case we have /
q band, because the arrests complained of |
,ere not made for treason-that is, not for |
he treason defined 10 the Constitution, and |
pom the conviction of which the punishment |
, death-nor yet were they made to hold per-
ons to answer for any capital or otherwise in |
,mous crimes; nor were the proceedings fol- |
,wing, in any constitutional or legal sense, |
erirn inaI ,,rosecIrfions, The arrests were |