Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1863-02-20
Secretary Seward on Congress as @
Peace Conference.

suggestions of the French Minister that Com
misaioners be appointed by the Federal ant
rebel authorities to meet in friendly conference
objects to the proposition on the ground tina
Congress constitutes commission or confer
ence to which our "dscontented countrymen'
may send delegates to represent them, and il
which the hostile parties may be heard Mr.
SEWARD says, in bis letter of February 9Th Il
Mr.. DAYTON:
There is, however, better form for sucl
conferences than the one which M. Drouyn d.
L'Huys suggests. The latter would be palpably
In derogatlon of the Constitution of the UniteC
States, and would carry no weight, because des
tituts of the sanction necessary to bind eitheI
to the loyal or disloyal portions Of the people
On the other hand, the Congress Of the United
States furnishes q constitutional forum for de
bates between the alenated parties Senators
and Repres entatives from the loyal people are
there already fully empowered TO confer. And
seats are also vacant and inviting the Senators
and Representa- atives of the discontinued party
who may be constitutionally sent there from the
States involved 10 the iusurrecti0D. Moreover
the conferences which eau thus be held in Con-
gress have this great advantage over any that
could be organized on the plan Of M Drouyn
de L'Huye, viz; that Congress, If il thought
wise, could call National Convention, etc.
Well may the question be asked which q
contemporary puts, whether it is possible that
Mr.. SEWARD could have been ignorant of the
fact, or had forgotten that Congress had already
rendered it impossible that the Senate or House
at Washington should ever become place for
"debate between the alienated psrties?" Yet
this false light is held out to foreign govern.
ment and people as q reason tor rejecting a
friendly proposal that the hostile parties should
unite In sending delegates to conference ia
talk over matters and see if their differences
could not be reconciled. Wedo not say wheth'
er the proposal should have been acceded to OF
not; we only say that the foregoing reason Civ
en- by Mr.. SEWARD for rejecting it, is no rea-
son at ell, for it has no foundation in fact.
Mr.. SEwARD's representation, whatever may
have been his latent diplomatic meaning, con
veys to the French Government and people, as
we'll as to all others who take it that man
means what be says, the idea that the Congress
at Washington constitutes a National Peace
Conference, to which the loyal people have al
ready sent representatives, and to which the
disloyal may send theirs, and both sides
will be willingly heard and their differences
freely canvassed. But no such Peace Confer
ence exists, as Mr.. SEWARD, when he drew up
the letter of instructions to Mr.. DAYTON, must
have known. Congress does not constitute
g uch q Conference, for by an act passed by the
present radical Abolition majority, and approx.
ed BY the President July 2, 1862, those whom
Mr.. SEWARD designstes as "discontented" or
"disloyal portions Of the people" cannot be
represented in that body. Read the act which
follows, and see how utterly false the pretense
that Congress is in any sense Peace Confer.
ence:
Acrs or THE % SESSION 37TH CONGRESS, Chap
Ter CXXvIII. An Act to PrescTibs an Oath
of Office, and for other Purposes.
Be i, enacted by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of Ameri-
ca In Congress assembled, That hereafter eve
ry person elected or appointed to any Office OF
honor or profit under the government of the
naval, departments of the public service, ex.
cepting the President of the United States,
shall, before entering upon the duties of such
Office, and before being entitled to any of the
salary or other emoluments thereof, take and
subscribe the following oath or affirmation:
81, A. B., do solemnly swear (or afirm) that !
have never voluntarily borne arms against the
United States since l have been a citizen
shereof; that / have voluntarily given no
aid, countenance, counsel or encouragement
to persons engaged In armed hostility there
to; that 1 have neither sought nor accepted
nor attempted to exercise the functions OF
any office whatever under any authority or |
pretended authority in hostility to the Unit |
cd States; that / have not yielded q volun- |
taRy support to any pretended government, au-
therity, power or constitution within the United |
States, hostile or inimical thereto. Aud do |
further swear (or afirm) that to the best of my |
knowledge and ability, will support and de-
fend the Consultation of the United States
against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that
IWill bear true faith and allegiance TO the same;
that take this obligation freely, without any
mental reservation or purpose Of evasion, and
that will well and faithfully discharge the
duties Ct the Office on which am about 20 en-.
ter, go help me Cod" which said oath, 80 taken
and signed, eball be preserved among the files
of the court, House of Congress, or department
to which the said Office may appertain. And
any person who shall falsely take the said oath
shall be guilty Of perjury, and, on conviction,
10 addition TO the penalties nov prescribed for
that cffenee, shall be deprived of his Office ana
rendered incapable forever after Of holding any
Office or place under the United States.
Approved July 2, 1862.
Il will be seen that the foregoing act, not
only puts up an insupersble bar to "dsloyal
portions of the people" being represented in Con-
gress, but to those who having committed any
of the disloyal acts described In the above re-
Cited law, have repented Of the same and are
now sincerely desirous Of returning to their al.
legiance and duty under the Constitution and
laws of the Union. These cannot be repre-
scented In Congress by person circumstsnced
as themselves, for the test oath required for
ever debars him from seat 10 that body. We
enter into no discussion here Of the propriety
or impropriety Of the act referred to, but the