Charles City Republican intelligencer. [volume] (Charles City, Iowa) 1861-1864, 1863-12-17

and that test is sufficiently liberal
one which accepts as sound whoever
will make a sworn recantation of his
former unsoundness but if it be prop
er to require, as test of admission
to the political body, an oath of allie
glance to the Constitution Of the Uni
ted States and to the Union under it,
why not also to the laws and the
proclamation in regard to slavery |?
These laws and proclamation were
enacted and put forth for the purpose
of aiding the suppression Of the rebel
lion. To give them their fullest effect,
there had to be pledge for their
maintenance. In my Judgment they
have aided and will further the cause
for which they were established. To
give up this principle would be not
only to relinqnish lever of power,
but would also be a cruel and astound-
ing breach Of faith.
may add, at this point, that while
| remain in my present position, l
shall not attempt to retract or modify
the Emancipation Proclamation, nor
shall l return to slavery any person
who is free by the terms of the Proc
lamation, or by any act Of Congress.
For these and other reasons, it is
thought best that the support of these
measures shall be included in the oath,
and it is believed the Executive may
lawfully claim it in return for pardon
and restoration Of forfeited rights,
which he has the clear constitutional
power to withhold altogether. or grant
upon the terms which he shall deem
wisest for the public interest.
| 1t should be observed, also, that this
part of the oath is subject to the mod
flying and abrogating power of leg.
islation and supreme judicial decision.
The proposed acqueiscence of the
Executive in any honorable tempo
rary arrangement for the freed people
is made with view Of possibly mod
flying the confusion and restitution
which must at best attend all classes
by a total revolution of labor through
out the whole State.
1t is hoped that the already deeply
afflicted people of those States may
be somewhat more ready to give up
the cause of their affection, and to
this extent this vital matter is left to
themselves, while no power of the
national executive to prevent an abuse
is abridged by the proposition. The
suggestion i'm the proclamation as to
maintaining the political framework of
the States, on what is called recon-
struction, is made in the hope that it
may do good without the danger of
harm, and will save labor aud avoid
great confusion. "a
But any proclamation upon this
question is beset with the conflicting
views that the step might be delayed
too long, or taken too soon. Some
elements for resumption seem ready
for action, but remain inactive appar-
emily, for want of a rallying point or
plan Of action. Why shall A adopt the
plan of B rather than B that of A; and
if A and B should agree, how can they
know that the general Government
here will respect their plan? By the
proclamation plan is presented which
may be accepted by them as rally
ing point, and which they are assured
in advance will not be rejected here.
This may bring them to act sooner
than they otherwise would.
The objection to a premature presen-
tation Of plan by the national exccu-
tive, consist in the danger of commit
ments on points which could be more
safelyleft to further developments. Care
has been taken to so shape the docu-
mcnt as to avoid embarrassment from
this source.
In saying that on certain terms GER
tain classes will be pardoned, with
their rights restored, it is not said 9TH
err classes on other terms will never
be included.
In saying reconstruction will be
accepted If presented in specified
way, it is not said it will never be &C.
cepted in any other way.
The movement, by State action for
emancipation in several of the States
not included in the Emancipation Proc
lamtion, are matters of profound graf
ulation and while do not repeat in
detail what had heretofore SO earn
cstly urged on this subject, my gener-
al views and feelings remain un-
changed, and l trust that Congress
will omit no fair opportunity of aiding
these important steps to the great
contamination.
In the midst of other cares, how
ever important, we must not lose sight
Of the fact, that the war power is still
our main reliance. To that power
alone can we look yet, for time, to
give confidence to the people in the
contested regions that the insurgents
will not again overrun them. Until
that confidence shall be established,
little can be done anywhere for what
is called reconstruction Hence our
chief care must still be directed to our
army and navy, who have thus borne
their harder part so nobly and well /;
and it may be esteemed fortunate
that, in giving the greatest efficiency
to their indispensable arms, we do
also honorably encourage gallant men,
from commander to sentinel, who
compose them, and to whom, more
than all others, the world stands in
debted for the home of freedom, olsen
thralied, regenerated, enlarged and
perpetuated.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
WASHINGTON, Dec. 8, 1853.
PROCLAMATION.