Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1863-06-18

Nh LMcoLrs LETTER.
The letter we yesterday printed, as recently ad-
dressed by President LINCOLN to the Democratic
committee appointed at Albany to convey to him
copy of some resolutions condemning the policy
OF extraordinary arrests, especially as exemplifed
IN the case Of Mr.. Vallandgham, has doubtless re-
ceived the attentive perusal Of our readers. The
Importance Of the topics on which it treats no less
than the high source from which it proceeds, and
the very commendable temper brought to the dis
cussion by the President, deserve to procure for
this document the candid consideration Of the
country.
No one, we take it, can rise from the perusal Of
the Presidents letter without strong impression
In favor of the writer's sincerity and the purity of
his Intentions, whatever may be the difference Of
opinion which shall obtain as to the sodty Of the
augmentation he has brought to the defence of
the exceptional policy which forms the theme of
his comments. Our regular readers being "a
miliar with the grounds on which we have ques-
toned the legality Of the proceedings instituted
against Mr.. Vallandigham, will be at no loss to
perceive how far we concur with the reasoning Of
the President and how far we dissent from some Of
his positions. As our objections to the military
proceedings had in the case Of Mr.. Vallandigham
turned entirely on the assumption that his alleged
offences were, not only under the Constitution.
but under the recent Legislation of Congress passed
with view to meet precisely such cases, made cog
nizabe by the courts Of the United States we could
wish that the President had given some of his at
tention to this branch of the inquiry, which, with
u.s. to bear most directly on the points at is
sue. If the case of Mr.. Vallandigham does not
fall under these statutes the latter must be deemed
utilities, which we cannot conceive the President
to have thought them when he attached his sigma
ture to the acts of July IT, 1862, and of March
3, 1868.
If we understand the President, he means to
affirm that the military power at this junoture has
right to arrest and try by court martial any body
whose words acts are in the judgment Of military
commander Of tendency to prevent the raising of
troops, or to encourage desertion from the army.
He says:
the part # the Unon and bis msde because
he laboipg, with eec prevent he raj.
OF troopsi to encourage desertion from the army and
leave the rebellion without adequate military force to
suppress it, He arrested because he was damog
ing the political prospects Of the Administration the per
sona interests of the commanding General but because he
was damaging the army upon the existence and vgnr Of
which the life Of the nation depends he ,0as Wa ring
upon the mt itary and this gape the military Constitutional
urisdictiom 10 lay hands upon him. II Mr. Valandsh
damaging the military power of the country then
bis arrest made mistake of TACT which would be
glad to correct reasonable satisfactory evidence
We humbly conceive that the President ad-
vances proposition somewhat too broad when he
assumes that those who use language of dissent
from his war policy are justly said to "wage war
upon the military" We remember that the pre-
sent Governor of Massachusetts, when in the mouth
Of May, 1862, he was invoked to send as speedily
as possible three four regiments to the defence
Of the capital supposed to be imperiled by the de-
scent Of Gen. jackson in the valley of the Shenan-
doah, returned for his response the following:
If people feel that they are going into the South
to help fight rebels VIII, will kill and destroy them by all
means known to we'll civilized men will de-
ceve them by fraudulent fasa of truce and ying pre-
burg; will their negro slaves against them both az
aborers and fighting men, while they themselves must
never hre at the enemys magazine, iak they p feel
the drct - heapy their patriotism But u the Prss
dent will sustain Gen Hunter and recognise all men even
black men, legally capsule If that loyalty tho blacks
atng to manf-st, and let them fight with God and hu
nature their side, the roads ioiu scarm If need
10Th muititudes ohom Nsto England ,ooHd pour out to
obey M call"
Such language, with its "buts" and I" ifs" and
"ands," was well calculated to discourage enlist
ments and promote assertions among all who, in
and out of the army, shared the views of Governor
Andrew; but though to this extent he used his in
fuence in strong official condemnation of the
then existing war policy Of the Government, we do
not think he was consciously guilty of "warring
against the military" And we think very few Of
his friends would have been willing to admit that
his conduct, even conceding tito have this tenden
cy, rendered him justly liable to trial by court
martial. He opposed the then existing war policy
because he thought it injurious to the best interests
of the Union, as many who are quite his equals in
patriotism and intelligence hold, and, holding
do not fear to affirm, that the present war policy Of
the Government is fatal to the best hopes of the
Union. Governor Andrew was entitled to his
opinion; men of opposite views are entitled to
theirs but neither the one nor the other are re-
quired to express their convictions in reproach-
full or Incorporate language. In this respect
Governor Andrew and Mr.. Vallandigham may
have both erred.
The President says that if Mr. Vallandigham
was not DAMAGING the military nowar he 49,.