The dollar weekly bulletin. [volume] (Maysville, Ky.) 1862-1864, 1863-09-10

the recent elections OF many of her sister
States, and looks to the cooperation of conser.
Vative men as the hope of vigorous and wise
prosecution of our defensive war, and an hon.
orable and just settlement of peace.
In this connection, it may not be amiss to
say, that we have a decided objection to or.
ganlzlng and arming negro regiments. Our
objection is not to the power, for it is admitted
that whatever may be taken for use, in war; all
ats available uses may be appropriated. Nor
is our objection because of any respect for
rebels, but from regard to the self-respect and
the interests ofloyal men. Our objection Is,
that the arming of negroes humiliates the gust
pride Of loyal men and injurioUsly affects their
interests The loyal man is as much injured
by the arming Off negroes as the disloyal man.
/ The injury is indiscriminate. 1t encourages
and promotes characterization amongst the
slaves of loyal owners, depreciates their prop
erty and endangers their security. The war
should be against the rebel, not upon the 10y
al men, This is the sohite mans government;
| he is abundantly able to defend it. There are
plenty of loyal white men to defend the gov
eminent and suppress the rebellion; let them
do it As such forces are unnecessary to our
defense, but really an obstacle to success by
embittering the minds of the Southern people,
and as it is hurtful to the interests and endan-
gers the security Of loyal men and humiliates
their just pride, without any compromising
benefit, it should be abandoned
The loyal interests of the country should
not be endangered or sacrificed, and its just
pride be broken, by an uncalled for and need
less experiment, which can profit nothing
while it endangers much, and caters only to
the passions of the extreme abolitionist, who
has no respect tor the constitution, and no love
for the Union. But there is, beyond the pres
ent injury, a future difficulty and danger
which il were well to consider
The slaves employed cannot be again re-
1 n
I them? Shall they be turned loose, armed or
unarmed in the south2 The widest fanaticism
must comprehend the fact, that such slaves
armed or unarmed, can never remain and lire
amongst those l0hons they hare set an battle
array. They must therefore either be carried
to some of the northern States, or colonized
elsewhere. What northern State is ready and
open to receive them2 We apprehend that
no home can there be found for them Where
then shall they be sent, how provided for, at
what charge, and at whose expense? Surely
these questions of grave consideration and
dangerous issue, should be thoroughly explor.
ed, and well matured, before employing a
force, which can add nothing to our defense,
but retards success, and which RENTS to the
future the necessity of adjusting those ques-
tons of difficult settlement and dangerous is
sue. But for this, as well as other evils re-
sulting from rebellion, we will look to the
constitutional remedies. We will appeal to
the public judgment as the tribunal; and the
ballot box as the corrective; and will devote
the whole powers of our government to crush
the rebellion-which is the parent evil, the
occasion and cause of all-and restore the
national authority over all the revolted States
To remedy the evils to which this rebellion
has subjected us, we should look first to the
preservation of the life of the government;
that being saved, the constitution will soon
heal all minor injuries by virtue of its own in
NJ Al.
we can, but not expose the life of our govern
ment by pausing in the heat and thick of the
combat, to look upon and nurse a slight bruise
or trivial wound. We cannot too strongly
condemn the factious opposition of those who
assaii, not to correct, but for the purpose of
weakening the loyalty of the citizen and fet-
tering the movements ofthe government We
condemn, as reasonable, the efforts of those
who attempt to organize, under pretence of
opposition to obnoxious war measures, party
whose real purpose is not to correct the evils
complained of, but use them as pretence for
our defense and thus aid and assist the rebel !
lion.
Much of this form of reasonable opposition
Is attempted under a claimor for free speech
and free pressI Liberty of speech and of the
press, as well as Of action, must remain una
bridged so long as our government exists in
its present form. But freedom and license are
very different and repugnant Free speech
is not a licensed tongue. A licentious is not
free pressl To do, to say, to write, to print,
what we have a right to do, to say, to write,
or print, is the freedom for which we should
contend We should not be free to do what
we have no right to do. We are at liberty to
commit murder, but we have no right to do So
We are at liberty to SANDER our neighbor, to
commit treason, to speak or print reasonable
and sedtious speeches, in time of rebellion, but
we have no right to do so; and it is no abridg- |
ment of our rights as freemen, to punish us
for such abuses of liberty, or restrain US when !
reasonable grounds exist to believe we have |
been guilty, are about to commit such I!
acts, to the danger of public or private securi- |
ty. Some are more hurtful in speech, than |
action. Some will encourage and promote |
treason, without the courage to act it out |
and when seized and placed I'M
der just restraint, they clamor for the "sa- |
cred right of free speech and free press" Let
him who does, or says, or prints, what he has |
no right to do, to the injury of others or the |
public, be held responsible for such acts To !,
have it otherwise would be to make licentious-
ness the definition of liberty. The tongue !
and the press, like man, should be free, but |
not lawless. Let them act, being amenable !
for acting wrong Good and evil being set be- |
fore them-and they free to choose-but |
the fruits of that choice.
Much is said about military arrests, as abb |
trary and unconstitutional Much of this |
clamor is gotten up by those who are not only |
ignorant Unconstitutional powers and duties,
but whose real purpose is destroy, not to sus-
tain, the constitution. The constitution is al
ways the same though the powers and du-
ties of the various departments and tribunals
Of government are very different and various.