The dollar weekly bulletin. [volume] (Maysville, Ky.) 1862-1864, 1863-10-22

President Lincoln and the Radicals.
n The President Driven on as an Extel
min ator of the Whites.
u From the London Times, Sept. "a.
: If the abolition of slavery is being fougt
. out in America by the largest armed hosl
. in the most obstinate battles history has re
! corded, the support that can be given t
! the cause of emancipation by public meet
? ing, few speeches and string of resolu
tions. is very superhuous' A straw carried
|; to confagration, drop Of water poured a
a contribution into the Gulf stream, woult
have as much practical effect as the support
that can be given by little discussion to 6
|, cause that has four armies behind it, and
counts half million of slau ghtered men as
a sacrifice it has already demanded. Eman-
4 cipation, if this civil war is serving. it, has
long passed beyond the point at which il
could derive aid or assistance from any ex-
preston Of sympathy.
Both the English and the American advo-
cate at the Leeds meeting, require good
deal of extension and correction. Both sup
pressed much that bears vitality on the ques-
ton. Can Mr.. Charming explain when
President Lincoln's proclamation became a
noble and generous offer,' when its author
still describes it merely an act of military
necessity? 1t does not spring from the 'law
of kindness to the negro. but the desire of
damaging his master, and involves about the
| same degrees of real benevolence as General
Gilmore's incendiary shells. Mr.. Lincoln's
real opinions on slavery are those be repeat
ed and affirmed in his inaugural address in
March, 1861, when he declared he had no
purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere
with the institution of slavery where it ex-.
ists,' adding explicitly, L believe l have no
lawful right, and have no inclination to do
so.. Those who nomi mated and elected m 9,
did so with a full knowledge that 1 had
made this and similar declarations, and had
never recanted them.' 1t is Mr.. Lincoln's
misfortune to have become, under the pres
sure of the merciless philanthrop!sts of his
party, an Instrument for eXtermiuating the
whites But iberator of the blacks, on
the benevolent theories of Wiiberforce and
Clarkson, he neither has been, is, nor can be.
Their successors of the societies that are, as
far as England is concerning. extinct bodies.
still use all the phraseology in vogue thirty
years ago-the man and brother period of
mancipation-and seem to think that free
dom to the American negro would be what
it was to the petted and protected african
of our West Indian Colonies Our Aboli-
tionists are dreaming of raising the black
race to higher status. Their colored free
man is an imaginary being that unhappily,
lttas7F-Se- -eoil' of Northern America will not
allow to become a reality. There the
liberated black is the most despised of
Pariahs-kicked, cuffed, spit upon, driven
out of every field of employment. by law
expelled from some States. NJ massacred in any |
popular tumult in others, detested in all as !
a nuisance. There are the facts that make
freedom to him most cruel gift-facts that
our early emanci pationists had not to dread
for the race as a consequence of theiI prln-
cple. Will any American make it clear to
English minds how it is possible that the
people of the North can make really free a
race they thus socially despise and hate with
an intense hatred? Eng!ishmen do not
.hink that such contradictions can bs recon-
,iled, and, therefore, believe that, with the
exceptions of few fanatics, those who make
abolition the purpose of the war not sincere.
Other objects are too evident to allow the
assertion to pass unchallenged that philan-
hropy is all that is to be enforced at the
lannon's mouth. President Lincoln is per-
'ectly Indifferent on the principle of Aboli-
ion, and uses it only as a weapon OF attack.
4 restoration of the political Union, "with
slavery or without it," he himself defines as
me object of the war. The purpose Is dis
inct enough. bnt high degree of morale can
1ot be claimed for the means employed to
effect it. The fact Is, that English public
opinion on the civil war remains the same as
when that of the most eminent men OF
America was identified with it.
We think now, as Lincoln and Seward,
md Scott and Everett, thought before the
actual outbreak, that the rupture of the
political compact was catastrophe that war
would only aggravate. Passion has swept
people and leaders alike far beyond this r
,oint. But to make it complaint that
pectators of the horrible conflict have not 8
approved, the plunge into national ruin is
unreasonable almost to childishness. The
om munities of Europe have merely retain {
ID the power Of reflection which Americans :
lave lost in the excitement of battle. While :
,rieving over the incidents of the war, we 9
IAN not applaud its purpose, which still c
GEMS uasttainable by force. Whatever
nay rise out of the wreck, it will not be the |
Id Federal Union Of America. When rea- !
on could make her voice heard, that was
ne prediction of American statesm en- and is :
till the general conviction of Europe. This
s the real explanation of what Americans
n their present feverish state of mind can
lot understand and causos the English want
Il sympathy to appear to it, as Mr.. Chan
ling said, tho wonder of wonders
THIS Is AN ABOLITION WAR."-These {