Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1863-11-12
THE MARYLAND EMBRoGLIO.

hility, which has ventured to express its approval
Of the recent orders issued by the military COM
mand er at Baltimore in prospect of the late cleo
ton held in Maryland. Where they do not take
exception to the substance Of these orders, the
most influential Of the enli ghtened Administration
print s. like the New York Evening Post, for in
stanc G, signalize defects in their form or in the
mode of their utterance, and comment on the me-
rits of the paper with equal independence and can
dor We notice this fact with satisfaction, not as
con frmipg the view which we felt it our duty to
take of these proceedings but because it is highly
cre,iitabe to the frankness and patriotism OF our
Republican contemporaries.
The only exception to the generality of these SEN
timents among intelligent Republican journals is
furnished, so far as we aware, by the New York
Tribune and this paper defends the conduct Of
Gen. Schenck only by ignoring and therefore fail
ing to meet the real ground of objection taken to
the manner and matter Of his proceeding. The
Tribune argues in defence of the proceeding
the assumption that all who object to it do 80 be-
cause they wanted "rebels" and " traitors to
vote. Such argument serves only to show that
writes about, for if it had read the orders" in
question or the Interpretation expressly put upon
them by the President it would have learned that
any rebel" and " traitor" could vote under Gen.
Schenck's prescription on perfect equality with
the most accepted and unconditional" Union
man, provided he would, if challenged, take an oath
pisSging him to subsequent loyalty.
e., IL J;alo ltrx
ed by the prescribed test cath for the exclusion
of any enc who, like G, n Trimble, had been taken
in arms against the United States. There can,
therefore, be objection brought against the or
ders by any who would desire to provide an easy
method for the qualification of voters heretofore
disloyal, but willing to make public profession Of
faith in the Union for the sake of exercising the
right Of suffrage. Those who regret the orders of
Gen. Schenck fad the legal grounds of their ex-
cepton in the fact that they assumed to do what it
is not competent for the military authority to do
to prescribe the qualifications of suffrage in loyal
State Until the Tribune has demonstrated the
proposition that any military commander in any
loyal State has the right to revise and supplement
the election code of such State it cannot meet the
objection we have raised in this matter. If our
contemporary is to be believed there are great
many traitors" and "rebel sympathizers" in the
State of New York, and we agree with it in hold
ing that mono such should be allowed to vote.
But we doubt whether the Tribune would like to
have seen Gen. Dix assume the right of modify
ing, 10 view of the recent election, the law of New
York regulating suffrage. If that General should
have prescribed test cath excluding all who had
recognised "the right of secession" and who
had pledged their chest efforts to forward the
views" of the disafected population of the South,
the conductor of the Tribune would have been de-
MED the inestimabe privilege of voting at the late
election, and, though no more than justice night
have been done by such interdict, we can assure
our contemporary that we should have been as for
ward to denounce the military assumption of Gen.
Dix in New York as of Gen. Schenck in Mary
land.
Good and true Union men refused to vote at the
late election in Maryland, not because of any
objection to the oath prescribed by General
Schenck, (if he had been rightfully empowered to
prescribe it, but because they were unwilling to
recognise his authority to override and disregard
the laws Of the State. The practical effect of the
measure is properly appreciated by the following
comments Of the Cincinnati Commercial, the lead
ing Republican paper of Ohio:
at was unfortunate that the late election in Maryland
Hhoud have been preceded by controversy between the
military aud civil authorities, n which both lost temper
and there collision of procamations general
ders Of exu ordinary character We publish the docu.
m.nts else where The first gene order from Gen.
Scb.nck the second, proclamation from Governor
Bradfod lLrj, letter from Governor Bradford to the
PR sidcnt; fourth, letter frcm the President to Gov
c,nor Bradford fifth, appendix to Governor Brad
rds order; sixth, explanatory order from General
SLeuck There to have been an honest difference
oT opinion among loyal Of Maryland to the occasion
FIR an order from General Schenck, commanding the
military department The General, however, without
cnsutng the Pre- sdent the civil authorities of Mary
land issued order which to the least was unucky
susceptible of msconsucton 1t aroused the ire OF the
Governor who issued proclamation equally susceptible
of inhammstory interpretation The President inter-
posed aud fixed up the matter well he could by
voklng part Of Schenck's proclamation The general
result embrogo very satisfactory to the disoya
element Maryland and therefore gra to be deprecated
by friends the country. If Gen Schenck had not i'm
public his military order unnecessary. 1t was a re-
petition of the bunder in this department Of declaring
martial law in Kentucky the Of the election the
only ut being the excitement OF i'll feeling furnishing
txt for dscourses of sympathzers with secession and
mpairnp the neral effect Of the victory of the cause of
the nation which followed, aud which did not, in any de-
otee result from the proclamation The perfect silence
of the military authorities during the late III Ohio
was most judcous Any sort OF military order relative