New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1863-09-07

t0kc tn6 1niJlauVc LII Cibaiinb Ino why A"i :"
greater unity of Germany, in order that the na-
tional movement may notpass altogether out of
their control. The King Of Prussia, as was very
generally anticipated refused to attend; the
King of Denmark, as Duke of Holstein, Of
course, declined likewise to have anything to
do with the movement. But beside these only
three of the minor princes were absent. Even
the King of Holland though at first unwilling
to attend, had sent his brother.
The German princes have not had much ex-
perience in political meetings, and many OF
them, we imagine, may have felt somewhat en-
barrassed by their novel position II seems,
however, that their debut has made favorable
impression. The Austrian Emperor is said to
have acted the part of President with considera-
BILE tact. His speech, which we gave in full in
our issue of Friday morning, is undoubtedly an
able document. There is no assumption in 1t
of the absolute and theOcratio monarchy, but 1t
bears throughout the impress Of the spirit OF the
nineteenth century.
Frankfort papers give the following outline
of the proposition which the Emperor OF Austria
has submitted to the deliberations Of the Princes:
There will be q Chamber of Representatives,
composed of 300 Deputies, Of whom Austria
will elect Is, Prussia IS, Bavaria q, each Of the
other kingdoms Is, Baden II, and the minor
States the rest. This Assembly, which will
meet triennally, will pass resolutions on the
Federal Budget, the right Of domicile, the press,
the right of association, and certain other points
An Assembly Of Princes, to consist OF all the
soyereigns, the burgomasters Of the four Tree
cites, and two representatives OF those princes
who lost their sovereignty in loOo, VIII meet
Immediately after each session Of the Assembly
Of Representatives in order to accept, reject OF
modify the resolutions placed before them. A
Federal Council, collection Of seventeen Pleni-
oo,entiarics of the States (whO cast, however,
twen,y-one votes a. the Plenipotentiar:es OF
Ar tina and Prussia will have three votes esch)
mus' give It's assent to war and peace. The
exec, 9 power will be in the hands OF a
Direct r, To consist Of the Emperor of Austria,
the l. ng Of Prussia, the King of Bavaria, and
two other States, elected for the term Of three
years by the remainder Of the States.
Tho present law Of tie German Confederacy
requires a unanimity of votes of the Federal
Diet FOR any organic changes. In view OF such
a law. il is impossible TO lorcsee what course
Austria and the other Powers may intend to
pursue if Prussia and Denmark should persist
in their opposition.
Of still greater importance is the question
Of how much influence the proposition will have
upon tho Liberal party Of Germany. IL Is
hardly necessary 10 remark that the Austrian
proposition is very far from meeting the views
of the German people upon reconstruction.
Bu, large portion OF them attribute so great
an importance to the question Of national uniiy
that they arc willing to accept rs beginning
any scheme that will give to Germany Ma
tional Parliament They argue that all their
efforts for the progress Of Liberal principles may
be any moment jeoparded or at least neutral
lied by the want of unity and dissenson between
the States, ANA that, on tic other hand, the
devotion of the immense majority Of the Ger
man people TO Liberal progress is so firmly
grounded az TO make q Democratic develop
ment of a Federal Constitution an absolute GER
tainty. This vicw is entertained by Liberalists
Of all shades Of opinion, including number of
radical Democrats. The new move OF the En-
peror of Austria has placed the German question
before European diplomacy as a subject reqnir-
ing immediate attention. The frSt stage Of he
movement must therefore be well understood,
in order to comprehend It's subsequent develop
mcnt.