Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1863-03-19
THE STATUS OF SLAVERY IN THE iNsua.
GENT STATES

IL VIII be remembered by our regular readers
that in the months of October and November last
after the first Proclamation Of Freedom" had
been some weeks before the public, we reviewed
Its terms for the purpose of showing that far
appeared its face, or 50 far as the President had
developed his views in the premises, it contem-
plated rather "expodient" for the occasion than
"principle" for all time Without pretending
at all to forecaste what the Presidents action at
any particular period would be, we cited his own
language in. support of the opinion that he was
free, if he judged it proper expedient, to sus-
pend at any time the practical enforcement of his
decree, which, being expressly based on the as
sumption of "military necessity" would fall to
the ground with the disappearance of that neces-
sity.
These deductions resulted SO naturally from the
principles set forth by the President in promulg-
ing his original proclamation that we supposed
ourselves to be announcing any thing but novel
propositions in merely giving shape and expression
to the logical aspects of slavery that institution
is viewed by Mr. Lincoln in its relation to the pre-
sent war, and according to which he has announced
the following maxims as the guide of his conduct
"What do about slavery and the coored race, do
because believe it helps to the Union and what
obea forbesr because do not believe it would help to
the Union. shall do lees whenever shall believe
that what am doing hurts the cause and shall do
whenever believe doing more will help Tho cause l
shall try to correct when shown to be errors and
shall adopt new views they shall appear to be
true views"
We were not, therefore, prepared to witness the
surprise then expressed by few Of our contempora-
res at the differences we drew from the avowed deoa-
ratons of the President under this head, and just
little did expect that our theoretical observa-
tons on the subject, fortified they were by the
text ofhe proclamation, would encounter opposition
or dissent from any admirer Of that manifesto.
Now, however, that this whole matter has come
to be viewed in the calm light of history rather
than through the refraoting medium Of political
enthusiasm, we are consoled to find that our re-
Hections receive the assent of those who, on the
grounds of their private wishes, might be most
averse to entertain or to acknowledge them.
The New York Tribune having recently ex-
pressed the opinion as being undoubted "that any
State might save its slaves by prompt and
thorough Withdrawal from the rebellion" corre-
spondent, bearing the name of WILLIAM PorTs,
and who, it seems, is 10th to share this view, ad
dressed it an inquiry as follows:
"As read, those who were slaves formerly n the
/, though not yet actually freed galy ee-now aud
forever to remain Free and they cannot be by
any power upon EARTH that of the man-seae Is it
to be supposed that the Administration is prepared to buy
allies with the pceo living sous-to lux itself with all
that is namousi Is this which to expect from
the Administration which uphoding7"
To which the editor of the Tribune replies as fol-
lows:
"Suppose the rebels tomorrow to lay down their
aud return TO unconditional loyalty, and their
bers Of the Federal Union and suppose them
refrm ard reensct the laws under which slaves
held by them respectively ichat operrds and sutper
those lars hin the sphere Of their legitimate action
Suppose, even that every slave held in Georgia
actually set free, and that Georgia. having returned 10y
atty and been again recognised equal member Of the
Unon sh ud proceed to reduce them slave
ry uha does mr. Potts propose to do about til We have
not The smallest doubt that ex-slave living in any Free
State, who should be pursued fugitive plead the
Preside nrs proclamation and his virtual ptsnce If its
conditions BY deserving the bells adherng to the Union
bar to his masters claim But that the Uhon or
any acting under its authority could ntepose between
two native DaturAzed inhabitants Of Georgia and over
ride the constitution and laws of that Stnteshe being
peacesbly indsputably, Loyalty within the Unonand de
feat the claim Of the TO hold the other hs slave
do understand The President has not assumed 10 abo
ment after the perfect restoration of the Union"
When we announced similar doctrine some
months ago, the statement seemed to wear an air
of novelty in the eyes of the enthusiastic support
ers Of the "new policy" And if it be true, as
the Tribune now says, that by his proclamation
of freedom" the President Z" has not assumed to
abolish the laws Of any State" insomuch that the
"loyal blacks" Of Georgia, even if actually libe-
rated under the operation of the "edict of free
DOM" as enforced by our armies, could none the
less be lawfully reduced to slavery again at the
close of the war, it only remains to ask what good
has been accomplished by this proclamation in the
estimation of the TrbuneY And is it not just to
infer that when the high-raiscd hopes once based
by saDguine political philosophers on the mere
utterance Of proclamation are thus brought
down to the same dead level with that of those who
always doubted its efficacy, there will be slight
suspension Of the invectives and imputations SO
freely bestowed by the former on the latter few
months ago, for no other reason as it now appears,
than that they were little earlier in avowiug
opinions which have come to be shared by both
The Proclamation of Freedom having served for
time to create division and dissenson in the LOYAL
States, it only in its immediate or in its remote
effect upon the slaves whom it "ordered and de-