The Lansing state Republican. [volume] (Lansing, Mich.) 1855-1874, 1863-09-02

wlthstandug the agreement Ci 1870, that saI
line should forever divide the territories D-tEee
the slave and free States. IL Is said, however
that the compromise Of 1920 was uacoustitulOn
al; but what is that to the purpose? Ii was
most solemn compact tetween the two section
Of the country, made for the settlement Of
most perplexing question, and without any refer
ence 10 its cOnstitutionalty. should have bee
regarded organic law, and observed a. "a
credy a. the Constitution itself
The effect of this measure WAS great aud rap
id and there can be no doubt that it was suc'
a. a majority of It's authors contemplated Thi
result was the formation Of a great party at The
North opposed to the further extension Of Sla
very and which party very nearly succeeded il
electing their candidate for the presidency. Mr
Fremont IN 1856 After the election, this par
I " seemed 10 be on the wane, until the Anti
Slavery spirit of the whole north was aroused tC
madne@s by an attempt on the part Of NJ j
chanans Administration 10 force the Lecomptor
Constitution with Slavery upon the people q
Kansas, in opposition to the kfOlon and expressed
wish of three fOurths of them. But for thin
most unjustifable measure the Republican party
would have undoubtedly dwindled down to mod
crate proportions; and even after this. it Is
doubtful il they could have succeeded in the
Presidential election OF 500, if the Secession
ists, with Yancey at their head, had not deter
mined that they should succeed After Mr.
Ysncey and his party had, against their wishes,
succeeded in getting their ultiDlatHm OF non
Intervention Incorporated into the Cincinnati
platform, thev went to work 20 coniure up auoth
er, to present TO the Char eston Convention.
Abandoning their doctrine of non-interveation,
Ga, went TO the opposite extreme and deInsn-
ded that the intervention of Congr,-s for the
protection of slavery in the Territories should
constitute a part OF the Charleston platform.
This demand they well knew would not be com
piled with-nor did they desire that il should
be. Their object was to secure the secession Of
the delegates of the cotton States from the Con
vention, and thus by defeating the nomination
OF Mr. Douglas, and rendng ssunder the Demo
cratic party, to ensure the election OF VI Lin
coin, snd thereby forge for themselves grew
ance which would seem to justify them iu the
execution of the long meditated designs of de-
stroying the Union. All of this they accom-
plishd, and the election Of Mr. Lincoln was per
haps hailed with greater Joy az Charleston than
at New York. / will do them the justice to
state that they also claimed to have some other
grievances among them, that some Of the Nor
thern States by their statutes Obstructed the ex
ecution OF the Fugitive Slave law, but the only
States that could complain much on that
score we're willing to remain az the Union, while
South Carolina, the State which set the ball 10
motion, perhaps never lost a slave. But it must
be borne in mind that no act of the National
Government constituted any part of their griev
ances They did not pretend that any act OF
Congress infrnged their rights, and the decs-
ions of the Supreme Court were mainly such as
they themselves have made. Nay, even at the
very time Of Mr.. Lincoln's Inauguration, if the
Cotton States had allowed their Senators and
to remain, they would have had
a decided majority in both Houses of Congress
in favor OF the extension of slavery, and in Op
position to the policy of the party which elected
him
The great cause of complaint was, that man
opposed to the extension OF Slavery in the Ter
ritories had been elected President of the Uni
ted States, according to the form of the Cossti
tuition which he was sworn to defend aud protect,
and who declaimed any other than constitutional
means in the accomplishment of his objects
Under such circumstances it seems that if they
had labOred under any real grievance, their
course was plain. They should have taken the
course of our revolutionary fathers. When the
States assembled in Convention, instead OF pro-
ceeding at once to declare their independence
for the idea Of secession, PeaceGJle Of right,
seems, as Publius says, TO have exploded and
gwen up the IuOcL--SIOulu CitdtiN anu cOuCiStlN
have stated what their grievances were, and de-
manded redress in respectful yet firm and deci
cided terms. They should have exhausted eve
ry constitutional means OF obtaining guarantees
if any were needed-by representation and re-
monstrance by petition; and failing in all these,
they should have done as our revolutionary sires
did, T. {. fight in the Union for their rights until
they were driven out of it. Such a course would
have procured for Us, ss it did for our fathers,
the respect, the sympathy and the assistance of
other nations Instead of that, We have not
friend in Europe. But such no. the course
which these, in their own estimation, wise states
men chose TO pursue When such course was
suggested or recommended to them, they eva
ded it by long list of magnificent promises,
which looked so splendid as almost to dazzle the
mind with their briancy.
First aud foremost, they promised that seces-
sion should be peaceabls
Secopdly-They promised that if perchsnce
war should ensue, it would be a very short war !;
that it would not last SIR mOnths-that the Yam
KEGS would not 6ght-that one SOutherner could
whip from ten to one hundred Of them-that
England and France would speedily recognize
Us, and render US every assistance we might de
sire-that whatever might be their abstract Opin-
ions OF the subject of Slavery, their interests
would impel them to promote its perpetuity in
the Southern States; that if, after all, they
should not be disposed to assist US, Cotton isGs
Hing and would soon bring all the crowned
heads Of Europe their knees in supplicatiOn
to as would compel them to raise the blockade
should one be estsbIshed-in thirty days, in
sixty days, in ninety days in one hundred and
twenty days, in six months, in nine months in
one year at furthest.
TIir1Iu-Thav rro1u;ssd uc that all tho slava
States except Delaware would join the South
ern Confederacv-that slavery should not only
be perpetuated in the States, but that it should
be extended into all the Territories iD which the
negro could live 4; that all the grievances occa
stoned by the non-execution Of the Fugitive
Slave law should be speedily redressed that
slave property should be established upon bs
sis as safe as that OF landed p7opeit7.
FoUFthly-tbey promised u that the new
Government should be mere Confederacy OF
States, of absolute sovereignty end equal rights;
that the States should be tyrannized over by ne
such central desp0tisn as the old Govern
ment at Washing ton that the glorious doctrine
OF State rights and notification, as taught by
Mr.. Jefferson and Mr. Calhoun. should prevail IL
the new Confederacy; that the Sovereignty Of
the States and their judicial decisions should be
sscredly respected
FIfth-They presiised u the early and per
msnent establishment Of the wealthiest and besr
Government on the earth, whose cvedit should
be better than that Of any other nation Who's
prosperity and happiness should be the envy Of
the civilized world
And lastly, they DroHised us that II the war
should ensue, they would go to the battle fielc
and spill, If necessary the last drop Of then
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