The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1863-03-14
Characterization,

| Inc NHig 10 mat portion OF La Mayor
Swami speecA which we print on our first
page. Although it contains nothing new,
| It is Il calm and dispassonate discussion OF
the slavery question by Maryland poll
tiei;,n, and Us such deserves especial atten-
ton from every Narylanler having the true
! interests Of his State at heart
The facts set forth in Mr.. Swann's re-
marks were just as patent heretofore us they
ARE to day, yet the the most radical Mary
land politician woald not have dared ten
nay threc years ago, 70 have advanced them.
! The slave power was then in the ascendant,
A.; and would have crushed ont the abolition.
ist : who gave them utterancc. But now.
! Thomas Swami one Of the most cunning rs
| we'll as conservative of politicians, and a
! slave holder to boot, does not hesitate to
| say that - slavery is drawback wherever
it exists in any Of the agricultural or grain
growing States" and that its " enervating
| influences = have held back and retarded
the growth. industry and material wcalth Of
Mary land. Whence this sudden change of
"r.nion in politicians Of the class TO which
Mr.. Swami belongs of which he is a repre-
sentative man? Have the scales dropped
from their eyes? Or has this hellsh rebel.
hon aroused the people, and made them
resolve in their hearts to root cat its cxrit-
ing cause. and prevent themselves and their
children from being again cursed by another
internecine war? Although politicians like
rats leave a sinking ship. we are not dis
posed to doubt the sincerity of Mr.. Swann's
conversion, and therefore give him full
credit for honesty of purpose, and thank
him for his bold and convincing speech.
- But in spite Of his great advance in
the right direction and with all the facts
and figures emb died in his speech staring
him full in the face. he endeavors in an
indirect way TO put in IA plea for the contin
uance of the peculiar institution, by pander-
ing to the prejudice of those stupid enough
not to see the falacy of his argument. In
referring to the effect emancipation in
Maryland would have upon white labor, he
says:
"It "iil readily occur to every one that
the establishment within the limits of the
State of Maryland of 10. 900 freedmen of the
negro race--the present negro population
within her limits-brought i'll direct contact
with the existing free white labor of the
State must necessarily lead to consequences
Of the most serious character. The two
races cannot coexist on terms of equality.
aud the experience of the past few months
has developed growing restlcssness upon
81, IL, l,,1. nl IN
every part Of the country whore the negro
has heen brought in competition with the
white man in the exercise of his newly
acquired freedom. A war Of races is no
improbable contingency. 1t has com
menced already, and il will be for those
who advocate emancipation without coloni-
cation to consider well whether the result of
the struggle with the superior race would
not be to reduce the negro to a condition
far more Objectionable than he occupied
before his emancipation was dccrced. One
thing is certain, that the labor of the Atri-
can race, in such a contingency, would be
tolerated by the white man only so far as it
might be applied without interference with
the pursuits which he had either already
set apart. or chooses to set apart, for his own
exc'u 'iyc enjoyment or profit
Now rc can't see how emancipation is to
produce any such results. How in the
name of common sense will black labor be
brought in competition with white labor by
emancipation? or what will it have to do in
placing the two races upon an equality =
There are at present 1000 slave and SO, 900
free negroes in the State, will there be more
than that number of negroes if the slaves
were all emancipated tomorrow? There
are 10000 black men in Maryland, and
whether they are all slaves, or all free, Or a
part slaves and part free the number will
be the same and the black population of
the State can no more be brought in direct
contact or competition with its existing free
white labor than it now is. In fact not so
much for now mere than one half of it is
backed and sustained by cnptal, while in
the other case it will have nothing whatever
to sustain any portion of it. 1t will then be
white labor against black labor and in
such q contact every body knows which will
go to the wall But do We at present, with
$4,000 free blacks among us, see any evil
deu"cs of this much dreaded competition
and disastrous CONNECT lnaI we nave ncarQ
SO much prating about? If not, why dread
it from 10000 free blacks! If the adj
ditional 81 900 were to be introduced into
the State by reason of emancipation, there
might be some basis for such fears. But as
every black man is now here that will be
here. such talk strikes us as being most un.
mitipatcd nonsense
1t is, however, not quite so stupid as the
whine Of the Copperheads, which Mr.. Swami
foolishly re- echoes, about the two races
existing together on terms of equality. Do
the whites Of Maryland and her SO, 600 free
blacks noe ''coexist together on terms of
cquai'y?' Or would they do so if the num-
Der Of free blacks was increased to 40, 600?
Will manumitting, or emanclpating, or set
! ting free in manner any you chose, the 81 .0o0
| slaves in Maryland elevate them as well as
the $4,000 aleady free, 10 an equality with
the whites? or will it reduce the whites to
an equality with them? The slave owners
of Maryland are the only men that have
ever attempted to place the two races on
terms of equality IN the STATE; and they
have succeeded in making them politically
| equally, by making the entire population of
the State the basis Of representation. The
/ ver;est fnol in "a Innate asylum knows tbat