Civilian & telegraph. [volume] (Cumberland, Md.) 1859-1875, 1863-09-24
NUMBER SO.

Without it there is no hold on slave prop
erty in Maryland. E-
The triumph of the rebellion would prove
more directly fatal TO slavery in Mary
than any other result. -.
The shareholders must not suppose their
rejection cf the nations offer will leave them
where they are now evcn-still less restore
them to their condition before the rebellion.
Their choice is between that Offer and
worse
From an industrial interest which excited
no hostility, but many scruplcs of conscience,
slavery became political power, and has so
borne itself as to provoke, if Iot 10 deserve,
intense hostility. , sg.
1t was controlling, domincering, dictatori-
al, exclusive, and intoleraEt. Defeated, they
who spoke in its name rebelled, and the re-
belion has destroyed it as power.
II has passed from dominant and favored,
to dScreditcd and depressed, interest.
In the face of such contingencies, before
such arbitrators, the possessors of an interest
loyal people of the nation, is lie! eyed to
have Inspired the rebellion waged in its
name, are not likely to improve their condi.
wise if they hgglc on the terms and the
height of imprudence would be to suggest
the value of the slaves before the rebellion
rs the measure Of indemnity or the condition
of their acceptance. .t--
The astuteness which should insist on such
terms, i'll the assurance of getting after fail
ure what was offered before rejection, may
outwit itself and lose substance and shadow.
The people of Maryland are not likely
longer to submit the policy of the State to
dctation of the slaveholding interest. Tho
free white men are the people of Maryland
who henceforth will dictate the policy of the
State, and it is the interest of the free peeple
of Maryland, especially Of the free laborinS
people, that slavery should cease to degrade
labor. .
The existence OF slave labor is disturb
ing clement ip our social relations; in our in
dustry; in our politics.
1t creates and maintains class of preten-
dcrs to aristocratic superiority over their fel-
low citizens, which now splits into thous-
and fragments the social system OF the State
and subjects labor to the contempt of thcso
who have negroes to work for them.
1t excludes the immigration of free labor
into the State, and drives from it very
large proportion of its native sons, carrying
with them their enterprise, industry and ed
ucation to swell the power of the West.
1t dep-esses the value Of our lands by re-
pelling the investments of the cnterprising
men of the Free States.
1t keeps our agricultural system below
that Of the ncighboring Free States, by the
wastefulness, sloth and Indifference insepara-
Bile from labor, without hope of reward or
the impulse Of bettering its condition or any
interest in the results Of economy.
Its disordering influence on the wealth
I e Al Il. Al
difference between the free and slave coun-
ties; the former lie north of Sassafras aud
Patapsco, the latter south of those rivers
The free counties contained In 1850 980,-
lat cultivated acres, while the slave counties
had l,747, ,62S; that the free lands were val
ued at SAT, 951 ,G15, while the slave lands
were worth only $41,779,616.
The farms in tine slave counties averaged
143 acres each, worth $3,433: the free farms
averaging only l0l acres each. were yet
worth $4,935.
The free land was worth $4s 80, the slave
land $23 91, per acre.
Thus in the relation of the Slave States to
the Fle, States wonderfully brought home to
our very doors, and made manifest within
the narrow limits of our own State.
The contrast is the more striking when we
remember that the slave counties, are tho
old, the free counties the new.
The contrast is made still moro remarka-
bic by comparing the assessed value of tax
able property in the free and slave parts of
the State.
The assessed property was, at the last as
sessment, by Comptroler's report of 1859, in
the free part of the State $21O, ,728, ,457; in
the slave part of the State only S68,S95,90
The free counties alone are assessed at 1884,
027,oe5!
Its political effects are not less remarkable
When slavery was established it was merely
a form of labor; its continuance or extinction
was a question of political economy alone.
When it was endowed with political pow
or it became an instrument OF ambition; and
TIE vast and and unexpected extension Of
the cotton cultivation has made it an instru-
ment of immense power. To emancipate the
slaves is to destroy this power; and to do
that is treason to those who rule by it.
But it is not the owners of slaves only
who rule by its power; it is politicians who
own few or no slaves. who speak in its name,
and subject the very owners Of the property
to their dictation.
1t is from tbs class Of political adventures
that the rebellion has proceeded; it is this
class from whom the most virulent opposition
10 cnlunClpatlOn VIII ploICeiJ We ob"''
hear them in defence of their instruments of
power refusing the slave owncrs the liberty
Of changing slaves for United S ates bonds.
This spirit of Jealous domination has seized
on the State Government, and, in the inter-
terest of slavery. has subjected the majority
to the dictation Of the minority.
The Government of this state consists Of
90 Senators, IA Delegates and Governor.
Each county or city sends a Senator and
the number oil Delegates named in tie Con-
stitution.
The State is divided by the Patapsco and
the Sassafras rivers in a Northern and
Southern portion, of which the Northern is
divided into eight counties, the city of Ball
timorc being on the footing of n county po-
liticaly, and the Southern into fourteen
counties.
The Southern portion has, therefore, IA
s, nators, clear majority Of the Senate. In,
the other branch it has 81; the Northern 40
members of the House OF Delegates. .. rf
The Southern portion needs only votes,
then, to give it a majority Of the Delegates,
and the control Of the Legislature. r.
Its veto in the Senate, if applied to meas
urcs of interest in other parts of the State,