Daily national Republican., 1863-02-13

gested the idea Of friendly mediation, and w
have asked ourselves whether they are truly d
nature 70 set aside as premature every tsnta-
tive 10 reconciliation, on ono part has been
opposed 70 us the repugnance Of the United
Statcs 10 admit the intervention of foreign In.
fuencoln The dispute, on the other tho hope,
which the Federal Government has not aban-
doned, Of attaining its solution by force OF
arms. -
Assurcdly, sir, recourse 70 the good yphices Of
ono Of several neutral Powers contains nothing
lneempatiblo with the pride so legitimate amidst
a groat nation, and wars purely International
are mot those alone which furnish examples Of
the useful character of mediation. We natter
ourselves, besides, that In profiering to place
ourselves at the disposal Of tho bellige-
rent parties to facilitate between them negotia-
tions, the basis Of which we abstain from pre-.
Judging, we have manifested 10 tho patriotism
Of the United States all considerations to which
II Is entitled, now perhaps still more than ever,
after such new proof Of moral force and energy.
We are none the less ready, amid the wishes
which we form in favor Of peace, to take into
account all susceptibilities Of national feeling
and we do not at all question tho right of the
Federal Government to decline the cooperation
tooRcOlgSl Of the great maritime Powers Of Eu-
rope. But this cooperation, Is II not the only
means which offers itself TO the Cabinet Of
Washington 10 hasten the close Of the war I
And IL Il believes that II ought 10 ropel any for
oign intervention, could II not honorably accept
tho idea Of direct [pouvpdriersl informal con-
ferences with the authority which may represent
the States Of the South.
The Federal Government docs not despair,
we know, of giving more active impulse to
hostilitics; It's sacrifices have not exhausted Its
resources, still less Its perseverance, and Its
steadfastness.
The protractloR Of the struggle, In a word,
has not shaken its confidence In tho detnitlye
success Of Its efforts. But the opening of in
formal conferences between the belligerent par
ties docs not necessarily imply the Immediate
cessation of hostilities. Negotiations about
peace are not always the consequence Of a sus-
pension of warfare. They precede, on the con-
trary, more often the establishment of a truce.
How many times have we not seen plenipoten-
tiaries meet, exchange communications, agree
upon all the essential provisions of treaties,
solve, In fine, the question even Of peace or
war, whilst the leaders OF armies continued the
strife, aud endeayored, even to the. latest mo-
mont, TO modify by force Of arms, the cOndl-
tions of peace To recall only one memory,
drawn from the history of the United States.
The negotiations which consecrated their indie
pendence were commenced long before hostIll-
ties had ceased In the New World, and the arm
istice was not established until the act OF Both
November, 17s2, which, under the name of
provisional articles, embraced in advance the
principal clauses Of the dehnitive treaty of
1888. Nothing, therefore, would hinder the
Government Of the United States, without re-
nouncing the advantage which 1t believes II can
attain by the continuation of the war, from en-
tering upon informal conferences with the Con-
federatcs OF the South, in case they should
show themselves disposed thereto.
Representatives or commissioners OF the two
parties could assemble at such point as 1t
should be deemed proper to designate, and
which could, for this purpose, be declared neu-
tral. Reciprocal complaints would be exam
inod into at this meeting. In place of the ac-
cusations which North and South mutually
cast upon each other at this time, would be
substituted an argumentative discussion of tho
interests which divide them. They would seek
out by means of well ordered and profound de.
liberations whether these interests arc defni-
lively rreconCilable-whetheT separation is an
extreme which can no longer bo avoided, OF
whether the memories of common existence,
whether the ties Of any kind which have made
of the North and of the South one sole and
whole federative State, and have borne them
on to so high degree of prosperity, are not
more powerful than the causes which have
| placed arms in the hands of the two popula
| tions. A negotiation, the object OF which
would be thus determinate, would not involve
any Of the objections raised against the diplo
matte Intervention Of Europe, and without Civ
| ing birth to the came hopes as the immediate
conclusion OF an armistiCc, would exercise
happy influence on the march OF events. Why
therefore, should not a combination which no
spects all the relations of the United States oh
tain the appreciation Of the Federal Govern
mentl Persuaded on our part that 1t is IL
conformity with their true interests, we do mo-
hesitate TO recommend 1t TO their attention
and, not having sought In the project Of a mo
dlation of the maritime Powers Of Europe any
| vain display Of influence, we would applauC
with entire freedom from all susceptibility o
self-esteem, the opening Of negotiation whicl
would invite the two populations to discuss
without the cooperation OF Europe, the solu
| ton OF their differences.
request you, sir, to give this assurance +
the Cabinet Of Washington, while commendin
10 Its wisdom counsels dictated by most SINGER
interest In the prosperity OF the United States
You are moreover authorized, II Mr. Sewar
expresses the wish, TO leave with him a copy c
this dispatch.
Accept, sir, the assurance of my high conslt
Grafton,
BRoUTN DE L'HUIs
To NJ. MERoIER, Minister Of France at wasl
lngton.