Dayton daily empire. [volume] (Dayton [Ohio]) 1850-1865, 1863-09-25
VAllARnluRAM AGAINST DISUNIuN,
who the PATRIOT, who the TRAITOR

niifNNh At AflNkNl llhil lhHl NNtuitka he
main portion of his effort was devoted to
an attempt to shift the sole responsibility
of the war from the shoulders of the Alb
clifton party. In this he failed most sig
nally. When Mr.. STANTON told his au-
diencc that the advocates of the CRlTTEx-
DEN Compromise, in Congress, had ma
jority, and could have passed the measure
over Abolition opposition, he resorted to
deception. Mr.. STANTON knew better.
The intelligent portion of his hearers knew
better. The CmTTENDEN resolution being
offered in the shape Of an amendment to
the Constitution, required two-thirds
vote to pass it. 1t could not receive this
without the support of number of Abo-
lition votes, which it did not receive, and,
therefore, was defeated, thus placing the
entire responsibility Of its defeat upon the
Abolition party. This is the record, and
no man can go behind it.
But we intend to show Mr.. STANTON up
in rather unenviable light, and prove him
traitor by his own record
He approved the Illegal and arbitrary
arrest and Punishment of Mr. VALLAND1G-
HAM. He said the charge on which he
was tried and convicted was that he had
said in speech at Mt Vernon, Ohio, that
this was an 'uniuSt and unnecessary civil
war"-this he quoted from LINCOLN
and that "the policy of the Administra-
tion looked toward the establishment of a
military despotism on the ruins of the Re
public" For saying this Mr.. VALLAN-
DIGHAM had been tried and convicted, and
he remarked, "the only fault have to find
is that PUoH, Cox, MEDARY, OLDs, and
fifty others have not been treated in the
same way"
Now let us see how this pure patriot,
BEN STANTON, stands on the record.
In a speech made from his seat in Con-
grcss, on the 2Sth day of February, 1861,
and which can be found ON the 12S4th
page of the Congressional GloGe, of the
Thirty y-seventh Congress, he said:
Mr.. Speaker When there we're fifteen
slaveholding States, acknowledging allegi-
ance to the Federal Government, and, there
fore, having in their hands the power to pro-
tect themselves against any invasion of their
rights on the part of the Federal Government
it was a matter Of very little consequence
whether such an amendment as that was in
corporated in the Constitution or not But
the state of the country is now radically and
essentially changed. Seven or eight States
now deny their allegiance to this Government;
have organized q separate Confederacy, and
have declared their independence, OF this
Government Whether that independence is
to be maintained or not is with the future If
they shall maintain their position, and sus-
tain the authorities there for year or two to
come, so as to show that nothing but a war OF
subjugation and conquest can bring them
back, |, for one, am disposed to recognize
that independence.
In the same speech speaking in regard
to compromise he uses this language;
say that these Slave States If they intend
to remain in the Contederaey have right to
demand this guarantee; and so far as my vote
is concerned they shall have it. My friends
on this side of the House are making mis-
take. tell them that public opinion in the
States which we represent will not warrant
this refusal At all events it is an ungracious
thing for them to refuse to permit their con
stituents to express their opinion on this sub
ject.
The next extract, on the sixtieth page
of the Appendix to the Congressional
Globe, same session, expresses strong
opinions concerning the foolishness of
war of conquest and denies that war will
restore the Union. We bespeak for it
careful and thoughtful perusal;
l do not believe this Government can per
manently be held together by military force
1 do not believe that any section Of this Con
federacy will ultimately subjugate and over
run the other, and hold it as a conquered Pre-
vince have no idea of any such thing. |
is against the genius and spirit of the age
Nobody would attempt any such thing | re
gard a civil war as really settling the queslio
that there is to be ultimately separate cor
federaey. have no idea that such a wa
could end otherwise than in separation
this Union, aud the organization of separat
eonfedsraeies. / am perfectly satisfied {
that Anybody who supposes that fifteen, q
even seven or eight Of the States can be hel
as subjugated and conquered provinces make
a great mistake. But whether they can {
not, they ought not to be- 1t is against III
spirit and genius Of the age, and no ma
ought to seek to do it.
Reader, could you believe it possibl
that the man who uttered the above Ian