The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1863-12-18
VOL. XXXLTI.
INSTITUTIONS ABLE To SUPPRESS

REPUBLICAN INSTITUTIONS ABLE To SUPPRESS
RIOTS.
i '.It was nv business therefore, to show
that the facts we're not IS they believed them
, 10 be, and stated that there were fewerri. :.
OTIS for the population. and for the years OF
this country. than in any other civilized
} country on the globe: that republican lnstl'
tutions, instead of being unai'le 10 suppress
riots, when they did take place, were doab-
ly able. First. they prevent riots. ior they
take away all motive for them; for why
should the men that have the making Of the
laws rise up against the laws of tier own
creation? When tie citizens have the alb
solute power to send man up, or lake him
down. to enact or to annul, t. lay 70 ndations
or TO sabvert foundations, why should they
90 riotiug? What motive is there? No
people in the world are more conservative
than a people who made universally
stockholders in the government. In Amer
ica there are two things. First. to greater
extent than in any other country on the
globe, every man, clear down to the bottom
of society, is q house holder or q landhoider.
and almost without exception, men are en-
7 dowed with the elective fran chise They
have made the citizen a voter and proper
ty owner, and thus they have made it almost
Impossible but that he should be good cit
izen. He has an interest 10 supporting The
laws. He has an interest in the community.
His own house and family, his wife and
childrsn. are SO many pledges for his good
conducs. And we have no popular riots.
and. except in extreme cases. such as cases
of infection or mania. they are almost i'm
possible And when they take place they
are more easily repressed. and society is
less strained here in the joints, than in any
other country in the world. And when
they exist among US, and l told them SO.
they are for the most part foreign" ZAP
plause.)
THE RIOTS IN Nnw YORK.
II told them that the riots in New York.
of which so much was made, were just as
place in Cork or Dublin. If they are not
system Of fraud and wrong, American sla-
very. Aside from these two things. an ig-
norant foreign population and the fomenting
OF ideas are derived from slavery, we might
go on for fifty or hundred years and not
bubble come to the surface in the shape Of
a riot They are not the fruit Of American
institutions. They are rather 10 spite of
them. They are the disease that is injected
upon the healthy system of self govern
ment, so far rs they exist at all. But we
are not rio,ous people. We are not afraid
to compare our history with England, France
or any other pesple upont he globe. riot
in the parks Of London is ten times more
dangerous TO the stability Of the whole king
dom. than even such savage riot as you
had 10 New York. That did not aim to sub
vert any Law. or class. or prerogstive. but
was . blind fury against an inofsnsive class
of msn. A riot 10 London would shake
great many things men are interested not
to have shaken"
He also labored to correct the idea, prev
alent in England, that our gigantic power
makes US a dangerous nation. showing
Englishmeu that the only tendency TO med
die with foreign politics that has ever been
developed in this, and has been southern.
Mr.. Beecher added:
"American education teaches men to be
brave when compelled to fight for their lib
critics or their principles; but in all other
cases to be averse to conflict 1t is more
American to work by the braiu.-By our
IDEAS we have had our victories. We are
willing to wait little longer to subdue evils
by moral power, rather than TO resort
to physical violence. Intelligence and pa
triotism lead US to peace; and our civil 30
ciety has been drawn upon the gospel mod
ell; and the spiri, of the gospel, to over
come BY moral means. has been largely in
fused into the disposition of the people ed
ucsted under these influences. We join
ourselves to that new looming world, where
the weapons are peaceful weapons and on
ly by compulsion aud with regret do we
resort to war. We take the sword against
the sword. and are reluctant to unsheath
and glad to put it again into its scabbard."
The following passage meets the question
Of
THE rNHUNANIrY OF WAR.
Much was said in England about the
of war against our brethren
AS to that. war is inhuman against any body,
aud is no more fuhuman for us to lombard
Charleston and rebellion than for Great
Britain to burn down q city Of l90. 900 in
habitants in Japan. War is nothing but
police. Is it wrong for policeman to col
lar q burglar or a thief and subdue him =
War is nothing more. And if it be exer-
cised according to the rules of war, it still is
violence, and so far it is inhuman. because
crimes against the public peace require
coercion and degree of cruelty which
justice must needs carry with it /; but they
that exercise justice are not responsible tor
the cruelty, but they that bring it down up
on themselves. [Cheers. But my reply
was generally this: 1t is not Of so much i'm
portance to ask against whom i, was waged
IS to ask for what it is waged. If you are
waging war for justice. Tor humanity, tor
Law and liberty, then it makes no difference
who your antagonist is. Against your own
fathers son. against your own neiyhbor, if
you are called in the providence of God to
stand up and assert moral truth and moral
principle. you come under tha, divine COM
mand; if any man come not after me and
hate not father and mother. brother and SIS
ter. and wife. and all things. be is not wor-
thy TO be my disciple. And when YOU
stand upon . moral principle to defend it.
though IL be against your brethren, We
must needs deal with them by the sword"
State of InAi D,oay.-s,t