Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1863-06-16

aud seoru of edwards fisrcsr resolution to en-.
pure all and dare sll, and perish to the last man
in the last fastness OF our country rather tnsn
submit to an. association upon any terms what
ever With people 80 base and Rrutel-h
more profound adherence burned into the heart
and soul Of every Confederate more and more
deeplv every hours mors sacred rage against
them snd all their breed--it all this can be
called daspOndency, let them lake comfort.
We thank God that we are separate trom such
people At last, and forever.
Straight Abolftionist-COnway Agnfu'
From the Richmond EnqufreLl
Heretofore we have quoted from q certain
Martin F. Conway, (Abolitionist member of
Congress in the enemy's country.) his opinion
that the war should be relinqulshed, and the
Union along with it, seeing that it was war
for Union alone, and not for human freedom.
Mr. Conway, for his part, and on the part of
the extreme AbOitionists, sees no good IN the
Union if slavery is to be preserved. Accord
ingly, be writes a letter to the New Yerk Iri-
bHHs, from which we extract these instructive
passages:
"The war for the future, therefore, becomes
simply an instrument in ihe hands of political
managers to effect results favorable to their own
personal ends, and unfsvorable to the cause Of
freedom. q
"What matters it that few regiment OF nc
groes more or less. under white officers, are
sent into the field What mstters it that the
Presidents ediet Of emancipation is printed in
Little e. Browns edition OF the Uhited States
Statutes at Lsrge Is Richmond ours or
even Vicksburg Does not the ConledeTacy
still stand firm and defiant, and does it not
promise to stand so in the future And, above
all. is not the Presidential election spproaehingi
It is now assumed that the Union is an OBJ.
ject paramount over all other considerations,
and we are told that it must never be relin-
quisbsd. We are asked to adhere to the war, not
because it gives US successful achievements in
the field, but for the reason simply that other
wise we give up the Union. We are told, aso,
that the institEfion Of slavery like all other in
stitutions, wide New York Times is of miBor
Importance ono way OF the other compared
with the Union that il must give way or not
give way be destroyed, or granted new lease
of life, with increased poWar, Just the eXigen-
sizes may require. And to this doctrine that
life long AbolitiOnist, Gernt Smith, and that
zszloHs Republican, Mr.. Raymond, and that
eminent Democrat, Mr.. Van Bnren, all alike as
sent Since the deportation Of Vsllsndigham, it
is supposed that this is to be the mongTel Demo
cratic platform for the next Presidential race.
Now, Mr.. Editor, I desire thus publicly, and
from the beginning, to announce nay emphatic
wish 10 be counted ont OF any such arrange
msnt. I went into this anti slavery business
earnestly and on the presumption that was
acting with hensst msn men who hated
slavery, AM were determined to cast it out,
come what might I find that as to many l
have been deceived. / find that those men
want power, and care for nothing else; and that
for the sake Of power they will kill all the pso-
pie, with people, of the SOuth, or take them to
their arms that they would free all the slaves,
or make their bondage still more hopeless or
do any other inconsistent and wicked thing. I
have no sympathy whatever with such an un'
hRllOWed lust of dominion.
As to the Union, would not give a cent for
It unless it stood as a guarantee for freedom to
every msn, woman and child, within its entire
jurisdiction. I consider the idea that every
thing must be sacrificed to the Union, utterly
preposterous. What was the Union made for
I, for Que, would beg to be excused. As things
stand, would sacrifice the Union to freedom,
any morning before breakfast
Very truly, yours, n. K. CONWAY.
Washington, Nay 90 1868.
The Tribune, commenting uoon this, observes
that Conway fails TO perceive thst.ths success
of the Wsr for the Union is in effect a war
against slavery-no matter what prsiexts and
pTetences may be used in its progress--becsuse
its SUCCESS must necessarily destroy that institu
ton. Says tho TriJaae:
The war for the Union is killing slavery
must kill II; for it can succeed in no other way.
Slavery has said to the Union Your head or
mine" The Union hss taken uo the gage so
recklesslY thrown down. If the Union
thoroughly triumphs in the resulting struggle,
slavery inevitably dies. Gerrit Smith sees this,
and acts like patriot
We are not going to discuss the question OF
[ the policy of the Yankee war, nor to examine
I the question whether it is in fact killing
slavery though il would be easy to demon-
strate that before It has killed slavary in the
South, t viii have killed liberty ia the North.
We notice the argument only TO give us an op-
/ portunity Of remarkiDg that Whatever may be
the merits Of the two policies Mr Convey sud
his party are the only faction amongst the Yam
KEGS possessing the sn- Bst ysstige Of principle
OF conscience. We greatly prefer chat sort Of
people to the Stewards and LineolnB, or even to
the Ssymours and Yallandighams They can at
least see and boldly acknowledge, that tins
whole war is Wsged on false pretences, and is q
fraud and failure II our disunion friends, the
straight Abolitsnists, were happily ia power,
We shoula soon have peace without separation.
The Tribune, however, is right on one point.
1t is true that slavery has said 20 the Union,
FotsT head or mins ?" Precisely so the war for
the Union can succeed only after destroying the
institution Of slavery, as well as all other inst-
tUtions of the COnfaderaey, together with the
lives Of sl the men iu it, whose lives are worth
taking OF keeping
At the present moment, as between those two
mortal enemies, slavery and the Union, il seems
to us that the former has the best of it. The
"Union" is dead and gone forever slavery
stands, and viii stand and flourish long after
Conway and the TTibzHe, and all their parties
and policies, shall be matter of shameful his
tory.