Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1863-09-05
The Presidents Letter to his Friends.
Three Conceivable Ways for Peace
How n Compromise Can Only be
Made Elective.

three ConeetVAb1e ways Tor Re4Ge-
How n Compromise Can Only be
Made Elective.
CHICAGO, Sept. 2.-The following is
President Liucolu's letter to the Spring
field (Illtnois) Mass Meeting:
ExECCTIvE MANSION, WASHINGTON, Aug.
26, ls63--Hon. JAMS C. CoHKLISG Ny
Dear Sn-Your letter inviting me TO at
/ tend mass meeting of unconditional I'm
ion men, to be held at the capital of Illi-
nois on the Sd day of September, has been
received.
It would bsvery agreeable TO me thus
to meet my friends at my old home, but /
cannot Just now be absent from this city
so long as 8 visit there would require
The meeting is to be of all those who
maintain unconditional devotion to the
Union, and am sure that my old political
friends will thank me for rendering, as 1
do, the nations gratitude TO those other
noble men whom no partiEan malice or
partizan hope can make false to the ma
lions life.
There are those who are dissatisfied with
me. To such l would say, "Sou desire
peace, and you blame me that you do not
have it But how can We attain it ? There
are but three conceivable ways: First, to
suppress the Rebellion by force of arms
This am trying to do. Are You for it
If you are, so tar We are agreed. A second
way is to give up the Union. am
against this. If you are you should say
so plainly. If you are not for force, nor
yet for dissolution, there only remains some
imaginary compromise. do not believe
that any compromise embracing the main
tenance of the Union is now possible.
All that learn leads to a directly OPP
posite belief. The strength of the Rebel
lion is its military, its army. That army
dominates all the country and all the peo-
pie within its range. Any offer of terms
made by any man or men within that
range, in opposition to that army, is sim
ply nothing for the present, because such
man or men have no power whatever to
enforce their side of a compromise, if any
were made with them. To illustrate-sup-
pose a refugee from the South and the
peace men of the North get together in con-
vention and frame and proclaim compro-
mise embracing q restoration of the I'M
ion, in what way can that compromise be
used to keep Gen. Lees army out of Penn
sylVania2 General Meade's army can keep
Lees army out of Pennsylvania, and
think can ultimately drive 1t out of exist
ence; but no no paper compromise to which
the controllers of Lees army are not
agreed, can at all effect that army. In an
effort at such compromise we would waste
the time, which the enemy would improve
to our disadvantage, and that would be
all.
A compromise, to be effective, must be
made either with those who control the
Rebel army, or with the people, first lib
Grated from the domination Of that army
by the success of war.
Now allow me to assure you that no
word or intimation from the Rebel army or
4. - . 10
ton to any peace compromise, has ever
come to my knowledge or belief. All
charges and intinations to the contrary
are deceptive and groundless, and prom
Use you, that if any such proposition shall
hereafter come, 1t shall not be rejected and
kept secret from you. freely acknowledge
myself TO be the servant of the people,
according to the bond of service, the United
States Constitution, and that as such am
responsible to them.
But, to be plain, you are dissatisfied with
me about the negro. Quite likely there is
difference of opinion between You and
myself upon that subject. 1 certainly wish
that all men could be free, while you,
suppose, do not. Yet, have neither adopt
ed nor proposed any measure which is not
consistent with even your views, provided
you are for the Union. l suggested COM
pensated emancipation, to which you re.
piled that you wished not 20 be taxed to
buy negroes. But had not asked You to
be taxed to buy negroes, except in such
a way as to save you from greater taxation
to save the Union exclusively by the other
means. You dislike the. Emancipation
Proclamation, and perhaps you want to
have it retracted. You say it is unconsti-
tutional. think differently. think that
the Constitution invests the Commander
in-Chief with the law of war in time of
war. The most that can he said, IL so
much, is, that slaves are property.
Is there, has there ever been any Ques-
ton that by the law of war the property
both of enemies and friends my be taken
when needed, and is it not needed when
ever taken, it:helps US or hurts the enemy Z
Armies the world over destroy enemies
property when they cannot use Il, and even
destroy their own to keep it from the enc.
my. Civilized belligerents do all in their
power to help themselves or hurt the enc
my, except few things regarded as bar
barous or cruel. Among the exceptions
are the massacre OF vanQuished foes and
non-combatants, male and female. But
the proclamation, as law, is valid or is NOT
valid. If it is not valid it needs no retrac-
ton. If it is valid it cannot be retraeted
any more than the dead can be brought to
life. Some of You profess to think that
its retraetien would operate favorably for
tho Union. Why better after the retrac-
ton than before the issue?
There was more than year and half
for trial to suppress the Rebellion before
the proclamation was issued, the last one
hundred days of which were passed under
an explicit notice that it was coming nm.
less ayerted by those in revolt returning
to their allegiance. The war has certainly
progressed as faYorably for Us since the
issue of the proclamation as before.
know as fully as one can know the opin-
ions of others, that some of the comman-
ders of our armies in the field who have
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