Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1863-03-09
WEEKLY SENTINEL.
MONDAY, MARCH 9.
The record of The journal.

from day 70 day in misrepresenting, maliciousiy
and knowingly the motives and purposes of the
Democratic members Of the Legislature. 1t
charges them with shaping legislation to aid dis
union schemes and to assist in establishing a
Confederacy of the Northwestern States. AL
such insinuations have as little foundation as the
baseIess fabric of dream. Such charges come
with i'll grace from a paper which persistently
advocated separation of the States as the true
policy of the North. In fact the Journal invited,
aided and abetted the secession movement which
has brought upon the country the terrible calami-
ties and evils of civil war. We call the attention
of all who place any confidence in the present
declarations of the Journal to a brief review of
its record in favor of peaceful separation of the
States. After South Carolina had passed its or
dinsnce of secession and it was expected that
five other States would follow her lead, the Indi-
annapolis Journal said:
They know very well that if they are deter
mined to leave the Unisn no Republican uiH
care to haze them stay Union preserved only
BY intimidation and force is mockery, and IL is
better broken than lckOle If South Carolina and
her associates in folly really want to leave the
Union. they can go without word of objection
from any man north OF NJ lson and Dixon's line
We dot believe in resisting any seces-
sion movement in the least.
In article few days afterwards, Nov. 49,
1860, the Journal pronounced secession revolu-
ton and it thus graphically described the evils of
civil war-a calamity tar greater than the at
tempt to preserve the Union by coercion, or the
value Of an Union held together by links of bayo-
nets and bullets:
There are higher considerations than the integ-
rity of the Constitution. and they enter into the
case when are called upon to decide upon
compelling State to submit TO il by ilrce Sc
eessiOR is reUOlution and the first act Of it lifts
the whole case above all questions of forms and
laws. We are to decide, then. not +" W hat is e-
gal and cOnstitutiOnalI" but What is besf?" 1t
may be best to follow the Constitution to the
last, and enforce il at all hazards But it may
also happen that this will not be best In the
present case it seems clear 10 us that if the en-
forcement of the Constitution leads to civil war;
shall be better off 20 let the Constitution be
broken. and save blOodShed All history proves
that no war is so relentless and cruel as a war of
relatives. And war between relatives SO irrita-
BILE, high spirited and courageous the Ameri-
cans. will certainly be the most cruel euer knoun
England never fought the French so murderOus
as she fought the En- ylish when Cromwell en-
countered Prince Rubert And Americans never
fought Englishmen with the ierocity with which
they will fight each other when Gen. Scott shall
encounter JEFF Davis We can imagine no evil
equal to an American civil war. The separation
OF the whole coniederacy into independent ma
tons would be harmless beside il.
We cannot endure the thought of IT, The main
question therefore, is not the cOnstitutionaty of
secession, but the blood and horror of coercion
Will coercion produce civil war; To our MIND
it is beyond question. But this is not the only
reason wky secession, if il is resolved upon should
not be checked by force. III coercion meaus
anything It means to preserve the Union OF
what value will Union be that needs links of
bayonets and bullets to hold it togetherl What
better of shall We be with South Carolina in the
Union than out of it. if she is tester with the
wounds inflicted by our hands, chate with the
memory of defeat and degradation, and seek the
first opportunity of revenge? Is a family better
OF with a member in it VINO las To be watched
perpetually to keep him from firing the house?
We say no Common and humanity say
no Ii any State toiH go from US let il go. The
price of retaining it, if it is to be paid in blood,
is far greater than the worth of it when we have
got it. We are, therefore, clearly of the oonion
that any attempt 10 resist by force the secession
of any State, or combination of States, from the
Union would be unwise and calamtous in the
last degree Ii is better TO preserve lives, and
all Of irendliness can with seeding rela-
tons. than preserve the Constitution at cost of
war.
1t not only discussed the folly of attempting
subjugatiOn but it deliberately argued the advan-
tages of separation. In an article upon the sub
ject. Dec 81. 1860, we extract the following ar
guments in favor of separation:
Those who talk so glibly of coercion, do not
stop think of its evils or its uselessness If,
then, the dissatisfied sections tcM not agree to
remain together, they should agree to part peace
ably. 70 arrange such treaties Tor the continuance
| of trade between them exist between other
nations, and divide the national property and
debts iairlv. This is not only practicable butt is
far easier than any other course And if il is
done, the interest of neither section will suffer
greatly. Cotton will be sold North, and the
| grain. meat and goods sold South. as before,
simply because they can be sold in each case to a
better advantage than elsewhere. We Of the
North will have only our due share of the national
debt 10 pay, and will have fair share Of the
national property. Business will soon follow
into the changed channels. and 90 on as pros
perously a It is at least "a easy TO keep
up profitable business with the South as with
England, if we are willing to take the same
steps TO do IT, But if we not. and insist on
preserving the Union by force we shall destroy
all trade. North and South, utterly We. AS the
remainder Of the Union, will be saddled with the
whole national debt, and with a diminished
revenue, and worse than all. with a debt fifty
times as large to keep up the war with the South
When all IS done, both sections ruined in trade
one full OF rebeOUs slaves. the other full of
starving wOrkmen. and both loaded with war
debts. the Union is Just as utterly dirided as Il
tcgs before the lcdT began. For all our expense
blOOdshed. ileeling aud ruin. we have got
whatI Nothing. Think of it, We coercion advo.
cltes and profound statesmen. who deem force
the wisest power of this nineteenth century, You
have had your war. and you have got its evil,
Tor pay. and you have got nothing else Your
Union is thousand times more hopelessy d.
vided than ever. Disunion. then. can do no harm
however wisely met. but it will ruin both sections
il unwisely met It is the dictate of
humanity, and the demand of the enlightenment
OF the nineteenth century, that war shall never
be resOrted TO TO decide question of humanity
Let US face disuniOn calmly. measure il fully,
aud we shall find that. however we NAV lament
il, we need not be frightened at il.
These the honest sentiments of the
Journal They are none the less true now than
when they we're first uttered When read in the
light of the events of the past two years they
seem almost prophetic. But we refer to them
now only TO show the utter inconsistency and
dishonesty of the leading organ of the Repab-
lean party. Two years ago il openly and
persistently advocated policy as statesmanlike
and for the true interests Of the country, which
it now pronounces absurd and reasonable, and
t has the effrontcry to charge upon its polit-
cal opponents the very views which it earnestly
urged as the oEly solution Of our national diff
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