Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1863-10-15
POLITICAL DUTY IN A TINE OF WAR

L
stitutionality Of any measure which may be adopted
by the Administration for the purpose of putting
down the rebellion" We are told that every blow
struck at the measures of the Administration,
though designed it may be, to effect only change
of policy, really in its effect affords practical aid
and comfort to the insurgents. There should be,
therefore, unhesitating and an unquestioning
quiescence in the rightfulness and in the expedi-
ENJOY of any and every measure which may have,
or appear to have, the sanction of the Executive
it being understood that this republican domes-
ticaton Of the maxim that the President can do no
wrong is only constructively and temporarily true,
being limited 10 point Of fact by the consideration
that he may actually commit mistakes, but no body
should say so, and being bounded in point of time
by the admission that this implied Difference to the
initiative of rulers is to last only SO long the
insurrection lasts. When the war is at end, the
nation, it is said may again safely resume the habit
of political Investigation and discussion.
We have never argued against this theory of
civil duty. 1t does not rise to the height of any
thing like argument, for those who hold it betray
servility or an indifferentism which proves them
lacking in the first elements of political manhood.
Political manhood consists in proving all things
and holding fast to that which is good-not giving
rise to vain janglings and contentious which min
lister only to strife, but exercising that intelligent
and thoughtful and candid inquiry which becomes
all good citizens Of Republic, who, sharers in
the common veal, cannot lawfully shirk the respon
sibility with which they are invested any more
than their rulers.
AS those who accept this doctrine of political
quietism in time of storm and pressure are
men who will be more Influenced by example than
by precept take the liberty of recalling for their
admonition the precedent set by President LINCOLN
when, as member of Congress during the war
with Mexico, he was called to sit in Judgment on
the acts Of the Executive during time of war.
In speech delivered in the House of Represen.
tatives on the 18th of January ls4s, Mr.. Lincoln
stated that for season he had abstained from ex-
pressing any opinion Gas to whether or not the
war was justly commenced on the part Of the Pre-
he would have continued to do SO "were it not
that the President himself and of his friends
would not permit those to be silent who wished to
be SO upon that question" Mr. Lincoln then pro-
ceeded to explain that "every silent vote given in
favor Of supplies for the war; had been construed by
the President and bis friends into Gan approval
of his conduct in the commencement Of it, and Of
has mode Of prosecuting the acar," and that there
fore men who might otherwise have been willing
to remain silent were " compelled in justice to
to speak out and prevent, if possible,
this kind of misrepresentation" He thereupon
proceeded to criticise, with much severity, the
statements contained in the message of President
ing be aware that in controvertiDg the positions
or policy of the President he was giving any " aid
or comfort to the enemy, though this charge
which Mr.. Polk did not hesitate to bring against
all dissentients from the dominant policy of the
Administration then charged with the conduct of
the war
Instead of following blindly the lead of the
Administration of President Polk in a time of
war, Mr. LIscoLN rather conceived it to be his
duty as patriot to address the President in the
subjoined style of eloquent adjuration and indig
nant protest. We quote from the Congressional
Globe Of the first session Thirtieth Congress, page
1876:
"He (Mr. INcoLN) now declared here, that il by
party ZEAL if by steDipg to representations which
he had been induced to suppose what not
true relation 10 il Mexican settlement east OF the Rio
Grande il the President would forward frankly aud
give them facts not Arguments remembering ttat he sits
where Washington sat, and answering as Wsshing on
would have that nation should
not bs tvaded, that the almighty would Tot be-and
would show that be sent the army amcng peop'e ac
Rio i ande-if be would show this by facts, he (Mr ID
would be most happy to his vote. He would 90
the other way-woud 90 with hun.
'But il he could not would not il on any pretence
or no preence he refused to do it, he (r L soud then
be- full, convinced Of what he ihan suspected that
the President deeply conscious OF being IN the wrong
in tbs maer that he felt the blood oi TINS war IKE the
blood of Abel was crying from the ground against MN
that originally be must have had soue ttrohg motive
what n was he would not now stop 10 lnqure-ior i-
voyng the two countries in war; that having that mo
iva hs had trusted to avoid the scrutiny Of his
dnct bv directing the attention 1T the nation by fixing the
nubhs eve upon military gorythat rainbow that rsrs IN
of blood that serpeDts eye that charms but to
destroy; ai thus calculating, had plunged into this war
until disappointed to the ease by which Mexico could
h, subducd he found himself at last he knew not where
"Wboeyer carefully examined this last message would
find that like the half insane excitement oi
yered dream, place the President said that Next
co has nothing but land Ia another part hs ex2ecs to
support the army by military contributions And again,
that the waged for the good of Mexico to prevent
nerrence; that is for the honor OF the nation
and particularly for security for the future n another
place. th.t with the exception Of territorial indemnify
.nk e. md