The Cadiz Democratic sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1854-1864, 1863-01-07

! [Cor's Speech concluded from fourth page.
Ispeak now OF condition in which en-
armed force OF over seven hundred thousand
men are upon our slde and bunderd thous.
and on the other; the one having the aGvan.
tage ofreSouTces, and the other the advantage
Of being near their own homes; and when
the spirit OF each is but little less than it
was one year ago. speak, also, upon the
hope and hypothesis that the influence OF
the late elections will greatly abate the ap.
prehension and mitigate the ,avertiou, OF
The mass Of the Southern people against the
North; and that less revcpgeful spirit, de-
vcloped in these elections, prevails at the
Norih' Thus crcumstaaced, and even while
we omit no martial or naval excrtion on be-
half of the Government, where is the Inili.
atiye for peace? assume that it is not
necessary that the war should stop, to pre-
pare fer peace. The late war went on with
Great Britain, and the battles were fought,
even while our commissioners were at Ghent,
and after peace was celebrated An armis.
tice is not an Indispensable preliminary tc
negotiation. In the proposition which |
submitted, more than one year ago, to this
House, proposed to increase The armament
oil army and navy, even while | would have
sent commissioners from the loyal States to
the disloyal; not to recognize or treat with
the Confederate Government, but to meet
commissioners from the States South, VIII ch
are still, and ever, legal and iulestructi.
bly entity, and with whom alone We could
/ then have concerted, Neither is it indispen,
sable to the beginning Of negotiations that
the executives at Washington and Rich
mond should confer. g #
Although pubicists have held that the
same power which has the right to make
war and direct its opera ions, has naturally,
that likewise Of concluding peace; yet, by
our system Of Government, it would be i'm,
possible for our Executive, notwithstanding
the maxim | have quoted, to begin ncgota,
tions or conclude them, by treating with the
Confederate Government at Richmond
Neither has tho President of the United
States any power TO declare war or conclude
peace, lie could not, il he would, he dare
not II he could, make treaty OF peace which
ALLEVIATE an acre OF our territory or release O
State or a citizen from the obligations due to
the Federal Government. However disod
yantageous war may lie, yet there Is no au
thority to conclude peace, except in pur-
suance of the Constitution. 1t has been
held hat a sovereign, when the State is re,
duced to any caamitous exigeucy, may de.
termine by what sacrifi 'es he will purchase
peace; but In this country, where the written
Constitution is the guide of duty, there can
be no exigency which would authorize o
breach OF that fundamental law, ubon which
reposc all our interests. Better had the Pres,
ldent suffer the torlures Of Regulus, thar
usuIp bower to make peace not in accord
ance with the Constitution and he inieg-i.
ty and indlvisibiity of the Republic. From
no quarter and by no elections has there
been any expression which looks to peace
based on the separation Of this country into
two nations. No mediation or intervention
from any foreign Power based upon such
suggestion, would be tolerated for moment
II Europe ntervened for such purpose, tht
war would become continental. Any media.
tion or Intervention would be sputned, which
would obstruct the relations of The Union
either by embarrassing Cur aims or our ne
gotiations. F.a., r
, But, are we to be shut off in the futur,
irom all hope Of stopping The ctFusion 0
blood? If the Sonth would lie content witt
the Constitution faithfully administered a.
they have shown by adopting it as the bash
ol their own establishment, and if they arr
only aggrived by alleged and apprehepdc,
infractious OF it TO the detrimcnt of thei
local systems, why may we uot hereahe
come together upon that Constitution as III,
bass of an amicable adjustment, and b.
such an amendment ofit, made in pursuance
OF its own provisions, as will sure to tn
{ South perfect immunity from unjust inter
meddling with their local rights, re establish
the Government while We relntegrate it
territory? The diffieultyis in making tn
advance TO an accommodation, as such al
advance would be imputed to weakness. -
Moreover, the war may be persisted in iron
ambition, pride, and animosity, or from
desire to extirmiDate slavery; ard these ma
be obstacles 10 be surmounted. Ii such b.
our condition, then we have this rule lai,
down by Vattel that 'on such occasion
some common friends of the parties shouic
eifectually interpose by Offering themselye.
as mediators." It is the office Of benef
cence; and il is beld 20 be the indispensable
duty of those who have the means oil per
forming it with success. Such mediation
derogaieS nothing from tnat Constitution a,
tntya that perfect autonomy oil the State
which is, by all public law and by the diyn
orded, guaranteed to every independent ma
tion.
This brings me to the third resolution Q
the gentleman from Pennsylvania, denouu
cling all mediation and intervention from a
broad The. Monroe doctrine ne YER had
stronger reason than now for its enforcement
Intervention in our affairs can never be allo W
ed. It's vague term, and has had variet
otinterpretations by the selfish and ambition
powers Of Europe, struggling to fix the bal
apce OF power. Its opposite is. the establishe,
principle. Of the law of nations. Non interven
! ton Is drawn from the essential soyereignt
Of every nation, great and small iInierventio
I is the exception, and is only justified as a
! extreme measures lst, when it is denande
y by seis'preservaton; and, I'd when some ex
Z traordiDary stale of things is brought abou