Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1863-12-21

The New York Herald, in commenting upon
the Presidents message and proclamation. re-
marks:
The favored classes of the people OF each of
the rebelous States embraced in the Presi-
dents amnesty are required, irst to indorse
the emancipation proclamation, and, secondly, 70
organize State Government, declaring slavery
abolished, before they can be restored to the
Tnon. In the Scriptural account of Sodom and
Gom0rrah it is stated that the Lord promised to
Abraham to spare those wicked cities if even
ten righteous men could be found therein but
they could not be found, and we know the re-
suit. We dare say that our Father Abraham's
"one-tenth" proposition was suggested by this
proposition of the original Father Abraham of
ten righteous men in Sodom, and we fear that
the result will be the same-that the righteous
men required To save the rebellious States from
destructive storm of FIRE and brimstoue will not
be found
But President Lincoln wishes to be understood
that in Offering this plan of restoration it does not
follow that il is irrevocable. or may not be set
aside for some better plan. Indeed, be suggests
that the rebellious States may return through the
door of Consress, but that Congress alone can
determine when and how that d0oris to be open
) ed. We ceacu&s tsst Mr.. Lincoln's plan will
be failure, and it is quite possible that il has
been submitted more with view to open the
question OF an amnesty and restoration, or more
to conciate the radicals. than from any hope of
the acceptance OF the overtues by the States con-
cerned or any one of them not under the abso-
lutte control of our armies.
We are now adrift at sea beyond our ancient
landmarks, and upon what shore We may revch
the anchorage of peace it would be vain to
lecture We can only hope that from the very
agitation which the restoration plan of the Mess
age will create we may re .ch some satisfactory
hallway house of rest"
The New York Journal of Commerce says of
the message:
The document is marked by the usual charac-
tersties Of rough rhetoric and defiance of ordi.
nary rules of construction. Its words and SEN
tences fall in heaps instead of flowing in a con
nected stream, and it is therefore difficult read
ing
The serious question is whether this plan of the
President is calculated 70 bring about peace
whether it Is proclamation that is likely to be
well received by any considerable portion of the
people engaged in the insurrection. and TO hasten
the close of the war. 1t is plain that what Mr..
Lincoln wants is peace and abolition. He does
not take into consideration at all the question of
peace without abolition. In this respect he lends
himself entirely to the radical abolitionsts, and
evidently expects to continue the war till slavery
is actually abolished where his old
proclamation has theoretically abolished it.
The Presidents idea of closing the war is by a
sort of individual and personal contract with each
and every man. woman and chill, to the effect
that il the person will sustain all the policy of the
Administration and all its acts and proclamations,
he or she will be Dardoned. The offer is doubt
less one which the President has the right TO
make If the people will accept il, it Is very
neat and pretty way of doing up the war; But it
certainly does not hold out very brilliant pros
poets of success pacifactory measure.
Neither is the Presidents halting and hesitating
method of defending his position and plan at all
encouraging or inspiring. He does not seem to
have faith IN it. he introduces il with argument
in its favor. which is of course an admission that
it needs defence: and this is very bad feature in
any public measure OF so great importance as this
There is nothing statesmanlke in the plan or the
paper defending it, Ii indIcatesa narrow view C.
the grand questions of government involved in
the future pacfcation of the couBtry, aud to-
tai failure to raise to the solemn Impotence OF
the events crowding into the close of his Adj
ministration. Without perception Of the real
condition of the country, and without ability TO
master the grand problem before him, we have
here from Mr. Lincoln a procla NATION which is,
as compared with the vast throes of the nation
which have seemed to produce it, very small
and puny affair
Was il not enough to require an oath to sup
port the Constitution of the United States, aud
all laws made and acts done in pursuance of it7
Why force the negro in the veiy nOstrils of the
Southern man whose submission to law you seek
Is il said the oath requires no more than thatl
With all due respect TO Mr. Lincoln, il requires
a great deal more, Ii requires the support of a
proclamation which one half OF the people of the
North do uot support 1t requires the support
OF laws which one-half. of the people OF
the North repudiate as null and void, because
unconstitutional The doctrine is not yet for cel
on Americans that they must obey law until il
Is derlared unconstitutional On the contrary,
the American is compelled tojudge aud take re
sponsibilites on himself which in no other country
are imposed on the citizen and IT, In obedience to
law, an American citizen Injuries neighbor, aud
the law is declared unconstitutional. he is COMPEL
ei 10 pay the damages Ii is no defense to plead ii
obeyed law on the statute books" This proc
lamation requires the taking OF AN oath, rs a con
dit;on OF pardon which ,lt the citizens of the
Northern States would refuse 70 take. 1t is true
the President may proffer prdon ON conditions.
But the question is Whether his conditions are
wise, practical likely TO do good. We are very
much afraid that the Administration knows nc
more how to make peace than it has heretofore
seemed to know about making war We see no
prospect of pence or good 10 the country in the
has thrown away golden opportunity for the
country. Tor the sake OF winning a support smoug
Northern radicals for himself.
The general scope of the Presidents plan may
be said 20 he of the extreme radical snrt He
almost. but not quite. recognizes Mr.. Sumner S
State suicide theory He ignores the present ex
istence of State governments. regards them as
cefunct. and anticipates sort of territorial reor
gsnizaton In this view he is neither sound moi
consistent But what soundness and consist
ency worth in our day?
The New York World. in reviewing the mes
sage. SAYS:
President Lincoln has, nt least. succeeded il
producing something unique in the form of al
annual communication - the opening of Con-
gress IT. nqin fetture is proclamation. bear
in ? even date with the message, and as essentia
to redeem the document fon tlry aud vapd in
significance the character Of Hamlet il TO th,
play Of that name The procl nm tion. and wha
is said IN the message about tho proclamation
are all the President has communicated which
will Iill public attention This j. a most extra
ordinary mode of promulgating a proclamation
which purporIs to be primarily addressed to the
people Of ne rebel STAGES.
The World then considers the document in
two different aspects:
First In respect TO its merits as a politica
manifesto issued by party chief. and,
! Sec0nd In view Of hs character a measure
OF staiesmsnship for the reconstruction Of th'
Union.
As party manifesto looking to the spproach
ing Presidential election. the World regards II a
a creditabIe specimen of poItical dexterity ans