Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1863-02-17


armies, wherever they have penetrated the do
minions of slavery, for an answer. We quote
Mr. Oeen:
DO other objections hold against the planr
Does humanity forbid u 10 accept the aId OF All
enslaved racer In 80 far As humanity can ever
enjoin war az all, she eDj0ins the employment. by
Us of the African in this; first, because his EN-
ployment may shorten, by years, the iratricidal
struggle and then, because, II be = not permit.
ted TO assist in civilized warfare under and it.
without his aid We fail 20 efert ms liberation and
thus disapOont his hopes, he may be oyertaken
by the temptation TO seek freedom and revenge
in bis own Wild way. In accepting the liberated
slave a soldier we may prevent his rising as an
assassin. BY the creation of negro brigades we
may avert the indiscriminate massacres of ser
vile Instruction.
Humanity may permit, If il do not enjoin, the
employment by Us, for the purposes of labor,
such az digging trenches. mining and sapping.
&c, OF such contrabands as may have been
abandoned by their masters; but we cannot ad-
NIT that il euoins the use of barbarous element
in civilized warfare, and such We conceive would
be enfranchised slaves suddenly transformed into
soldiers. When so trans ormed. armed. uni
formed. brigaded, &C, fancy the slaves
might have the greater desire and temptation to
seek freedom and revenge in his own wild way"
for any imaginary wrongs, i'll treatment and in
Besides suppose could brigade such. is il
likely that the volunteers of many Of the States
would willingly fight side by side, or assmate
with theml We think not. for that would be
placing the negro upon more honored equality
than that of labor, against which the ideas. pre-
JUDGES and lofty spirit of the free white man so
instinctively revolt.
Does Mr.. Owen hope. by scattering general
ideas of emancipation broadcast through the
slave States that they can iructiiy at once, and
produce anv beneficial results, either to the
slaves themselves TO the social order or politi
cal welfare of the Union or those States as IN
tegraI parts of the Union? Freedom is not an
ideal thing, that be coDured into life and
being By procamations 1--WE do not here intend
directly indirectly any reference TO the Presi
dents views or proclamatIon) amongst "A servile
race de.titute OF those ennOblng aspirations
which sanc.ify struggle for grand principles.
Slavery IN the Southern, as it was IN ancient
States, is deeply identified with the ideas, man
ners and instincts of individuals well soci-
ciety and terrible would be the revolution which
sudden change of its status would inaugurate
IL was even a matter of treaty supulations in an
cient States. We find, in the treaty between the
Lacedemonians and Athenians. the following
clause
Provided further, That if there happen any
instruction among the Helots, the Athenians
march to the succor of the Lacedemonians with
their whole strength. to the full extent of their
power.
We do not however, discover in the history of
the past that the relations of freedom and bond
age which existed bore any resemblance in a gov
ernmental or political aspect 10 slavery as IL
exists in our Southern States, where, although
local institution. it has hitherto been ackuowl-
edged by our people, and been protected by the
harmonious working of State and Federal Consti-
tutions and inter State regulations. and conse-
quenry the proprietors of slaves must be the
more tenacious OF their rights of property in, as
well as their rights of dominion over them.
We do not believe Mr. Owen can show that
thousands of slaves indulge excited hopes OF
emancipation. which, by few years armistice
with the South, would be crushed, and cause
them to flee across the border; and we think We
hazard but little in uttering the belief that such
an immense mass of ignorant, though generally
docile creatures-in their present condtion-such
as the slaves are, cannot be set at liberty with
out some years of preparation. and brought into
such "A social organization as would improve their
moral and political welfare. The result of the
experiment. though everywhere on an infinitely
smaller scale wherever il has been tried, ignores
the idea. The attempt TO liberate them, without
the concurrence of their masters must naturally
excite those instincts of interest and self preserv
alton which animate people whose rights are
invaded, and beget strong resistance to the
power hazarding the fearful experiment. while it
would endanger the existence of the servile race
Suppose confiscation and general emancipation
practicable the Government must become the
proprietor of the plantations. and work the by the
enlranchised slaves AS hired laborers, or appren.
tees; it must sell the lands to other white men
(for the negroes. for want OF means, could not be
come purchasers and permit the emancipated
slaves to remain upon them free aborers,
then We can imagine conflict between two Sys
tens OF labor; not tree and slave, but btsween
white aud black. How long could peace and
order endure under such state OF thingsg
IL needs prophetic voice tell. La the n ortil
American Indians. tree men by nature, could not
exist among us and become Incorporated into
our social system, under our distributions of labor,
how little hope is there that the African race,
with hardly any moral susceptibilites or appre
citation OF freedom assuming equality of rights
and competing " IN the white race in labor, could
be brought into IA harmonious organization 1t
is almost an mpOssibility. for the moral and in
teiectuai condition of the slaves Is believed To DE
such to render them quite incapable OF turn
ing suddenly acquired freedom ~ the benefit OF
themselves or the society in which they dwell.
TIE shock of sudden enfranch ment, ere il even
practicable. upon such people, ignorant OF all
laws. except those of obedieuce aud submission
to their masters, cannot be contemplated without
fearful visions of anarchy. instructions and
massacre> Society," endangered by such an i'm
mense aud sudden change OF the condition of the
relation existing between the slaves and their
masters, would find 1t necessary To resort to the
establishment OF local standing armies for its
protection and preservation, and il is question
whether its safety would not demand the alterna
tive OF re enslayement or determination. In this
view of the case which Is most To be desired the
sudden emancipation of the slaves, the pre-
servation of the existing social order and sys-
ten of labor7 1t strikes US that it is tar more
phanthropc to let the subject rest as it is
until time and the concurrent action of their
proper guardians may prepare the slaves for that
boon, which the emancipatIOnists hold up 10 them
and TO the world the contamination devoutly
to be wished " If We suppose sudden general
emancipation possible. the force of circumstances
and insurmountable difficulties it presents would
render it Improbable. disorganzing in it, effects
and dis isfrousy useless, anu its Consequences in
social and political considerations can hardly be
estimated.
Yea. We have indeed tried the experiment of a
Federal Union for eighty years with free labor
system in one portion and slave system IN the
other, and we all know how gioriously our coun
try advanced with those two systems working
tremendously within their respective spheres,
until sectionalism and Abolition propa gandism
"embitered year by year in accelerated rs'io, en-
geadered dissen>Ons. sectional lealouses and
national heart. buraings. And but tor these de
plorlble causes we would not have this ri
gan:ic rebellion in our country. nor would the
experiment be deemed by European nations a
failure The system ot slave LABOR was safe and