Staunton spectator. [volume] (Staunton, Va.) 1849-1896, 1863-10-20


either. Those who have made life study o
it's principles are far more dfhdent in expressin,
their first views on any OF the intricate problems
now and then arising, than the ignorant and sci
deludeG demagogue. Yet strange to say, in thi
country men are born politicians, and yet they ar,
never born such good lawyers or doctors that an,
| body is willing to trust them. Even men of in
telligence and good natural parts will oftentime
follow bad authority rather than take the trou
| BILE to examine for themselves. 1t must not bt
| presumed that we mean to impugn the capacity
OF men for elf-goVernMeHt, la . country like
the South where the conservatism of slavery and
a homogeneity of pursuits and interests exist
but simply to show the necessity of having able
men in nigh poltlcaistationS who wllnot conde-
scend to fatter the people in their errors for the
sake of political advancement, but who will en-
deavor to advance such views as are founded in
just apprehension Of the fundamental principles
existing in the constitution of things, and lying
at the foundation of all science.
The generic includes the particular, and leg
isatiye action should refer its specific act to the
fundamental principles under which they should
be classified. But we diverge from our immedi.
ate subject. If our Government, State and Con-
federate, do attempt to regulate prices by any
partial action which does not affect all pursuits
equally, it will be simply blunder that will work
manifest inastice, and create more dissatisfaction
amongst the people than now exists. We know
that the necessaries of life, food, and elothino
are those things which the people genera .
plain of being at such exhorn'- -..iiy COM
hence there is stEor- Tau piioeS, anu
sentatiyes RI ~hg tenuency III tneir repre-
imr-.-f :, Iend their influence in fixing max
I'm price upon such articles of necessity alone
low although it must be conceded that no man
has an absolute right, claim ssjGre digino'' to
any species of property, not ever real estate, if
that property be used in contraventien Of the
public veal as established by the social compact
into which he has entered, and though the pro-
ducers Of the nece5sAries of life have more at
stake than other classes of citizens, we still cam
not the justice or the policy of attempting to
relieve others from their troubles by plunging
them into more serious difficulties By measures
calculated to restrain production by overburden-
ing it. 1t may be argued that the necessaries
of life could be brought down, the prices OF
other things would fall correspondingly. To
this we demur, the effect might take place to
very limited extent in some things, but the VIII ole
surplus currency in the country WOul be active
ly employed in specializing in all other articles
than those of fixed prices and the prices justly
due to the scarcity of any given article would be
greatly enhanced. AS principle it is bad poll
cy to legislate for against any class OF honest
pursuits, but if our legislators attempt to inter-
fere with the present system ofprices, it should
be done by no hallway measures, but by such as
are at once radical, uniform and universal No
single State can accomplish the desired object.
with the legislatures the different States might
possibly accomplish good results.
II the State of Virginia were to establish that
which is really impossible, except by approx
nation, just system of relative prices for all
commodities produced within its limits, what
would prevent those articles from being carried
out Of the State to higher market, either under
the law, or smuggled out in violation OF prohib-
itory laws, to the depletion OF the State in refer
enee to such articles, and to consequent scar
city? Ii regulated and harmonious system of
prices, we do not say uniform, could be adopted
by concert of action between the Confederate
and State governments, the one with reference to
contracts between its agents and the people and
the other with reference to contracts between its
own citizens, leaving each power to its legiti-
mate sphere OF action, though many difficulties
might surround such course of legislation its
improperly would not be half so glaring as any
partial measures adopted by an authority which
in its limited action is entirely incompetent to
accomplish single good result.
Nor will uniform system of prices over
er the whole Confederacy suffice. When did such |
system ever prevail in times of profound peace2
1t would put stop altogether to Interstate and
state trade. If it be consistent with the public
welfare to adopt any legislation upon the sub
ject at alt, there should be regulation of prices
extending over the whole Confederacy, and the
laws adopted In pursuance thereof should have
reference to the value of the various comodities
In ordinary times, not only in the various States
but even in the different localities in the same
State. There must be some inducement for the
distribution OF articles OF trade from locality
to another. 1t must be observed, too, that the |
law OF supply and demand, which in the present |
disorder of things cannot De measured by any
established crlteris, to be made to stand in |
abeyance to legislative authority. This it is |
true, if possible to be accomplished, would re- |
sub IN no hardship to any class, that in such
times should De considered Of moment. Again, |
with schedule Of fixed prices. there are many |
who would withhold, if possible from the public |
market, that which was before offered for sale, |
rather than take tbs lower prices fixed by law, |
and private bargains would take place N contra
yention of law. Ia system of low prices could
De fairly established by degrees. however, this
evil would probably correct Itself, ard It is
plainly th9 desire, and certainly to the interest
fthe whole people to return 80 the system OF
old prices, if it coaid become general. And let
1t be observed that shoRe who expect anything
from the voluntary actien of the people, spring |
ing from motives of patriotism, self dsrsf or
charity might reasonably expect the same hon.
CRADLE motives to govern them under law, super
added 20 the determination of all intelligent men
to abide by and respect tho law as the duty of
every tree citizen. With regard to those who
have no scruples about violating law, they might
yet stand IN awe CT TIE SevereSt penalties, which
10 this matter should stand forth as expressive
OF the determined sentiments OF our government
and people. But would this effect the funding OF
the currency, besides reducing the expenditure
of the Government? The more men withhold
from market in the inauguration OF the measure
in its execution, the greater the snperhuity of
treasury notes remaining idle as distributed in
the hands of the PEG pie. Will they hold these
notes, now become useless in exchange, or invest
them in interest bearing bonds, payable in spe-
Gle, and secured by the best pledges of redemp-
ton the Government give We submit
these things for the consideration the PEOPLE.
WATCH THEM.-It is urged, says the
Wing, that the very men who are ask
ing the highest prices, and making the
largest fortunes, will be the first of all to
call for Reputation of the public debt.
Why? Because they have taken good
care not to invest in Confederate funds,
but in real property of all kinds. The
day Of extreme depreciation of the cur
rency, which they are striving so earn
estly to hasten, will find them with but
a few dollars of confederate money in
their Golfers, while the vast bulk of the
circulation will be in the hands of the
poor and those who are in moderate cir
cumstances.
MOBILE Several gentlemen of obser-
walton, recently from Mobile, have intor-
nation from the Mississippi river to the |
effect that no preparations looking to a