Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1863-03-11

Ticks oh with steady drone.
~
The clock stands mute in the corner
The meadows sleep in the sun:
The maden's borne from the cottage,
For the task of the reaperls done.
From the Southern Crisis
HAVE WE ESTABLISHED A DESPOTfSM!
1t may be great achievement for people to OBJ
tain their liberty in struggle against their oppress-
ors; but it would be much greater achievement
if they could preserve and perpetuate it Ut their
cal acity to do this grave doubts have always ex-
listed and the lights of history have not tended to
remove these doubts The great problem of mans
capacity for selfgoverment is yet unsolved-
In our form Of government if there be one ten
dsncy more powerful than all others, it is the ten
-dency towards eentralism. This results from the
encroachng nature of power-the overruling inc-
nations of those who possess it. to stretch its boun
da,ies beyond the limits assigned to it We may
erect paper or parchment barriers against them but
all experience has proven their ineficiency. We
nav erect three departments of government to
operate as checks against each other, but can We
coufne each within its legitimate sphere? Can we
project the weaker against the stronger? The
legislative department must always possess the most
extensive power, and is consequently the most dan
gerous, not only to the other departments, but to
the liberties Of the people ALSO 1t seems to be the
weakness the vice of legislative bodies to assume
to themselves the attribute Of omnipotence. Mr.
Jefferson, with characteristic sagaclty, has said !:
"Al the powers of government legislative exeeu-
tive, and judiciary, result to the legislative bedy.
q Concentrating these in the same hands is pre-
cist " the definition OF q. Qespotisn." Mr.. Mad
son also said, 1.-THE Legislative department is
every where extending the sphere of its activity,
and drawing all power intolts lmpetuous vortex"
an. he added, as warning: 'Itis against the en-
rprising ambition of this department. that the peo
ie oughtto indulge all their jealousy, and exhaust
tiers of gold, ought to be hung up in every legsla
tive body.
We are just in the infancy of government and
tbis is peculiarly the time to profit by the wisdom
OF these sages Of wise generation; it Is the time
for the people to indulge oil their jealousy and ex.
haust al their precauton against the dangers of
Legislative encroachments; and submission now to
any excess of authority will but accumulate dangers
Let them not permit false coloring to be impress
ed upon their government; it is sure to become
more and more indelible, and more and more ex-
tended as it passes into other hands, until ultimate
ly the true boundaries of power will be1ome -acrd
by the noxious growth of legislative construction.
Legislative ambition has no retrograde movement :;
its tendency, is to expansion until its poisonous
roots like those of the deadly parasite, shall have
sspped the vitals Of the body polite. We are now
settling the interpretations Of the powers of our
government; now giving examples and making
precedsnts to be followed hereafter, and it will avail
nothing to posterity if We give them only the form
of a good government, blurred over by precedents,
Ey examples and by interpretations which destroy
its substance.
We knoT how assiduously we looked for the DOW
ers fthe government of the United States in the
words of its founders, and in the acts of its first
Congress; and we know with what confidence we
followed the delineations there marked out So
will coming generations look at our works. at our
interpretations. Ifear that We have already been
too needless Of the responsibility that rests upon u.s.
and tina: We have left our foot prints in the wrong
direction under the guidance Of
PrmanenteVilsa thefrl ofsuch policy.
The foregoing reflections were suggested by the
subject on which few remarks will be submitted.
and therefore they may not he entirely out Of place.
We learn from the public prints that one of our
y nators MIR. Phelan, has introduced bill in the
Senate to authorize the government to impress al
the cotton in the Confederate States to be maid for
in Confederate bonds at fifteen cents per pound.
which also obges the planters to deliver the cotton
points to be indicated by the government It is
understood that this is financial scheme to enable
the government to pay its debts. The cotton is
not TOR the use OF the government otherwise than
as an article of commerce. By holding all the cot
ton, the government will have a monopoly of the
cotton trade and can control the price abroad and
us enable it to make large profit.
The bill was referred to committee. and nv fhe
committee it was reported back, and its passage
rccommended to that extent at least, it has met a
favorable consideration. Besides, it has received
the endorsement of some influential party, and il
understood to be . favorable measure at Richmond,
1t may become lay, and the danger of meeting
such monster face to face may well excite our ef:
i'rts to prevent his coming. Probably this il the
hrst instance in the history Of free governments or
OF those claiming even the semblanee of freedom,
.nss tne proposition was openly and authoritativeiy
made to take by force the property ef the citizen
for the government to REGULATE npon and it is most
aevouty hoped that it will be tie FAST, 1T is per.
1ectly oewildering in its effects; it causes us to
wonder in amazement whether, under the name and
exterior Of Republic, we have not, in fact estab
ilsned centralized despotism. What! ths govern
ment 70 take the property of the citizen TO- trade
.nG speculate Onto create a monopoly, and then
n:ke Prolt o. I'll! And if it takes our cotton in
cotton it surely can take tobacco sugar rice corn
ana other articles Qae species Of property is not
more sacred than another, and on the same prpei.
Pc Inc government may take our land and Lincoln.
IKE, our negroes too. The principle Of the bill
stretches its omnipotence over all descriptions Of
p.oPerty. And what could the people BE- under
sUsn syslemf Would they be freemen OF slaves
"oula taey work for the government Or for them.
.es.esl II the govsment can take our. property to
tsae on It may surely take it to bold and We should
Pc snus converted into slaves, and the government
' ,s: e. unrestricted despotsm This Is the end
xn'cn mes clearly in view. Waderive no security
ton the consideration that there IL NO dancer n
tos extensive abuse power. Our security DEFENDS
spon me restraints which we have imposed upoo
our IepreseHatises; We do not rely upon the Himsy
.eenoauon Of their lensacy towards rs this would
% % unsafe dependence. We have not LEFT them
sa unn'sts;esed discretion; We have limited their
i PDuer ana teer discretion. All experience has
against the abuse of power is by impesine restr;c
tons on these who are to exertit. Whether ia VA,
or IN peaes, our Constitution is inAexihle Il does
not expand or contract to suit emergencies a. war
Or peace may happen to prevail and if our proper