Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1863-12-10

| guarantee to every state in the Union re-
publican form of government, and to protect
the state in the cases stated, is explicit and
| full. But why tender the benefits of this pro-
vision only to a state government set up in
this particular way? This section of the con-
stitution contemplates case wherein the ele-
ments within state favorable to republican
government in the Union, may be too feeble
for an opposite and hostile element external
to or even within the state; and such are pre-
cisely the eases with which we are now deal
ing. Any attempt to guaranty and protect a
revived state government constructed in
whole or in prepOnderating part from
the very element against whose hostility
it is evident it is to be protected, is simply alb
surd. There must be a test by which to sep
nrate the opposing element SO as to build
only from the sound, and that test is a suffi-
GENTLY liberal one which accepts as sound
whoever will make a sworn recantation of his
former unsoundness. But if it be proper to
require as test of admission to the political
body an oath of allegiance to the constitution
of the United States and the Union under it,
why not also the laws and proclamation in re-
gard to slavery? These laws and procama-
tlons were enacted and put forth for the pur-
pose OF aiding in the suppression of the rebel
lion. 10 give them their fullest effect there
had been pledge for their maintenance. In
my judgment they have aided the cause
for which they were intended To now
abandon them would be not only to
relinquish lever of power, but would
also be cruel and astounding breach
OF faith. may add that, while in my pres
ent position, shall not attempt to retract or
modify the emancipation proclamation, nor
shall | return to slavery any persons who are
free according to the proclamation, or by any
of the al a. f. al Otban
reasons it is thought best that support of these
measures shall be included in the oath, and it
is believed the executive may lawfully claim
it in return for pardon and restoration of for
felted rights which he has clear constitutional
power to withhold altogether or grant upon
the terms which he shall deem wiSeSt for the
public interest. 1t should be observed also
that this part of the oath is subject to the
modifying and abrogating power Of legislation
and supreme judicial decision.
The proposed acquiesence of the national ex-
ecutlve i'll any reasonable temporary state ar
rangement for the freed people IS made with
the view of possibly modifying the confusion
and destitution which must at best attend all
classes by total revolution of labor through
out all states. 1t is hoped that the already
deeply afflicted people in these states may be
somewhat more ready to give up the cause of
their affctlon if to this extent the vital mat
ter be left to themselves, while no power of
the nation to prevent abuse is abridged by
the proposition. The suggestion in the pro-
clamauOn as to maintaining the political
framework of the states on what is called re-
| construction, is made on tho hope it may do
| good without danger of harm. 1t will save
labor and avoid confusion. But why any
proclamation now upon this question?
| This question is now beset with
conflicting views, that the step may be de-
| layed too long or be taken too soon. In some
states the elements for resumption seem ready
Tor action, but remain inactive, apparently for
want of a rallying point-a plan of action.
Why shall Il. adopt the plan OF b., rather
than Is. that of a.. and il A. and b. should
ag5r az h9T can they know but the general
the procamaton plan is presented which
may be accepted by them as rallying point,
and which, they are assured in advance, will
not be rejected here. This may bring them
to act sooner than they otherwise would
! The objection to premature presentation of
plan by the national executive, consists in
the danger of commttals, on points which could
| be more safely left to further developments.
| Care has been taken to SO shape the denoue-
ment as 10 avoid embarrassment from this
source, saying that one certain class will be
pardoned with rights restored 1t is not said
| that other classes or other terms will never
be included, saying that reconstruction will be
accepted, if presented i'll specified way; it
is not said it will never be accepted In any
other way. The movements by state action
for emancipation in several states not incud-
ed in the emancipation proclamation. are mat
tiers of profound graduation, and while 1 do
not repeat in detail what have heretofore so
earnestly urged upon this subject, my general
| Yipws and feelings remain unrhanupn and |
trust that congress will omit no fair opportunity
OF aiding these important steps to the greatcon-
summation. In the midst of the other cares,
| however, we must not lose sight of the fact
| that the war is still our main reliance. To
that power alone can we look for time to
give confidence to the people Of the contested
regions that the lnsurgent power will not
again overrun them. Until that confidence
shall be established little can be done any
where for what is called reconstruction
Hence our chiefeSt care must still be directed
to the army and navy, who have thus
far born their harder parts SO nobly
and well. 1t may be esteemed FORUM
ate that, in giving the greatest efficiency to
these indispensable armies, we do honOrably
recognize the gallant men, from commodore
to sentinel, who compose them, and to whom,
more than to any others, the world must stand
indebted for the home of freedom, disenthrall-
ed, regenerated, enlarged, and perpetuated.
Signed ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
December s, 1868.