Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1863-06-17

Jul NNNANA ANNAhAlA NV W NNEAA ~ IhN
lio meeting called TO yindicate tho right
OF the people TO express their sentiments
upon political questions. 10 was not In
my power to be present At the meeting,
and Illness ha, prevented me until the
present moment from answering your let
ter. answer II now, though late, both TO
explain my apparent inciyility, and also
because | think tina, in the present crisis
no loyal citizen ought to shrink from the
expression of his opinion,
The action that has taken place since
your meeting was he'd conYinces me that
II Is the intention OF the PRECEDENT and his
advisers TO crush opposition to their acts
by means of force and terror. For this
purpose they have established and do now
actually enforce martial law in several 10y
al States, and they will doubtless do the
same in New York, and everywhere else,
unless they are made to know that the
people will not submit to 1t.
To many persons the words 'martial
law" do not convey any very definite idea
They know that II is something very harsh
and rigorous, and summary, but they sup>
pose that it bears some resemblance TO all
other laws Of which they have ever heard
or read, in this respect at least that it
defines offences and fixes their punish.
meat. AID ! cannot but suppose that
many of those who clamor for its estab>
lishment are ignorant that it is nothing 10
the world but the absolute and unrestrain~
ed will OF a scription OF martial law upon
the authority of the highest judicial tri-
! bual of our country The language is
that of Judge Woodbury. in delivering the
~cpirion Of the court in a case determined
lby the Supreme Court of the United
States; by IT," says the court, every e't'-
-on, instead Of rsposing under the Sh'ed o.
k,oyn and tired la1S as to his liberty, property,
and life, eris.s Nth s rope round hisneck, subs
Ljea 10 be hung up By a military deSpot at The
neat lamp post under The sentence q some drum
head courtNmartak"
1t is rue that Republicans have no rea-
son to believe that they will be safe from
the horrors OF this law under a Republi-
can Administration. No Republican or
| Abolitionist has yet been arrested, imprisN
oned, or banished, and they may reasona
bic calculate that none ever will be.
Such persons are permitted to stigmatise
the Constitution as q league With hell, and
insist that the war shall be prosecuted,
not to restore the Union, but to destroy
il, without being regarded as guilty of any
"disloyal practice" The only sufferers,
81, far, have been Democrats. Indeed, the
very purpose for which the establishment
of martial law is sought by the managers
lof the cluts and leagues is to destroy the
Democratic parts. And we tindit declared
in an official document emanating from
! the War Department, that to support the
Democratic party ia to support the cause
of the rebel This terrible engine, then
is 10 be set, in motion by one political
party for the persecution OF another,
arming neighbor against %neighbor, and
setting issues in every household. The
machinery is prepared. Already the seN
Jcret societies are in motion bound by
what caths know not That they who
design these things design all their dread
fol consequences do not believe; but
they know little Of human nature and lit
tie of history who cannot discern them.
Under a single despot there is equality !;
from q single despot there may be hope
of escape. But tie worst form that des-
potism can assume is that OF the tyranny
OF party over party; and if any thing Can
add 10 its horrors. it is when the doml'
nanl faction is inAamed by tanaticism and
led by priests.
What matters il that these men are
conscientious, that they act under a sense
of duty, of religious duty? | do dot inn
neach their motives. The more conscien'
Itious they are, the worse. All fanatic:
are conscientious, and it is this that makes
their tyranny, of all tyrannies, the mos
iinsuflerable.
What we can and ought TO do, beyond
the mere expression of our sympathy ir
aid of our oppressed countrymen in Ohio
> Kentucky and Indiana. is asubject upor
which it may be rs we'll at present to say
nothing. Let us wait the course of events
We have an immediate question to deter
/, mine for ourselves, and that is whether
we will permit the establishment OF TIT
same s~peices of government in our owl
State a government which not only NJ
Euglishman and no Frenchman wou!t
e endure. but against which the very laza.
J roni of Naples would revolt. | do no
! sneak of exceptional cases of an extrem,
J public necessity, such as we may imagine
though their occurrence is not at all prooa
bic; but | speak Of systematic acts, dom
under claim of rights, without necessity
| upon false pretences-acts which are no
fagrantly unconstitutional, but utterl!
s subversiSo of liberty and Of law, ano o
S which the manifest tendency, if not tb,
purpose, is not to maintain the Union bu
to destroy it. am sure that we will no
submit to tLis, and we ought to say S
plainly. | have not faith in any petitions
protests, or remonstrances that fall shor
OF this, There is danger in leaving tn
President ignorant of our purpose. | al
not sauguine enough to hope for anythin
!. from his sense Of justice or respect for til
law. The powers that control him ,whett
er spiritual or terrestrial, will do to u
whatever we will suffer, but ale not lkel
, to attempt that which they know We wi
not suffer. :, .
At the same time I q epreciate all resi-
lance that is not strictly Constitutions
: Let us not only submit to but support a
proper authority. The President CLAIM
the Constitutional power to establish ma
tial law over hebody of the people in tn
loyai Stote.. Va dony 10. Let the Oourt