The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1863-04-03

Ae"6oi "'u suo fcooiiou' Ios ScuucmcI
you take the side Of the rebel, against free
dom, against the government. Your sympa.
thies arc all for the rebels-none for tho
government. Traitors do the same. Yet
you are not traitors, but loyal. honorable
men, bowling against and fighting nearly
every measure put forth by the President
and Congress to crush this rebellion; but OK.
cellent friends to the government in the ab.
stract! Probably you have succeeded in
convincing yourselves Of the wide distinc.
tion between the government and those who
administer it for the time being, that you
can oppose defeat, paralyze every effort to
crush the rebellion or even rise in arms
against the administration, but yet bc de-
voted friends to the government-most loyal,
patriotic citizens! .... n.
But forbcar, and pass TO the Senator's
speech No. (which it is no more than jus.
tice to characterize as the lawyers plea for
the rebels to hold their slaves while fighting
their rightful government. For this pur-
pose the Senator summons the Constitution.
Summarily dispose Of that argument The
rebel has no constitutional rights, except to
be tried for treason and be hanged. The
slave is the rebels strcngth-free him-take
away their strength-that is the cord that
binds the rebellion together-cm it. The
Constitution covers oil the wants and ne.
cessitles of great nation-providcs for war
and the suppression of rebelion-giyes oil
power necessary for these purposes. Tho
only question there can be is, whether the
President, rs military commander, sworn to
execute the laws. or Congress, shall FREQ tho
slaves rs necessary step to induce them to
leave the rebels and aid tho government. The
late Congress has settled the matter. 1t has
made valid all ncts and proclamations of the
President used by him to suppress the re.
bellion--the suspension of tho writ of habeas
corpus included. The Senator'S constitutional
argument falls to tho ground. But he goes
farther and appeals to popular prcjudices
Freed slaves will come North and compete
with Northern labor. This is fallacy. That
labor is needed South. Local attachment and
congenialty Of climate will hold it there.
He pirates about equality of whites and
blacks. This is tho language of the dcma-
gogue. They are not equal in intelligence
or ability; nobody pretends it. The whites
are not all equal In this respect, but nonr
the less equal in the rights to be free and to
pursue happiness. He paints the horrors OF
insurrcctiOn, but refutes his own argument
when he says tho proclamation will have no
efoct-is waste paper-"a bull against the
comet" He harps upon stale humbug-"ab
olition war"-in tho next breath accuses tho
the President Of insincerityin not freeing tho
slaves in tho loyal as well as disloyal States.
for tho same reason that no does not make
war upon tho loyal people MS we'll as the dis
loyal-a distinction that the Senator has fail.
ed to prcceiyc. He thinks it unfair to stir
up muss amongst the poor helpless women
and children, while their liege lords and pro.
tcctors are absent fighting tho wicked ledcrals
| agree with tho Senator that this is taking
tho advantage and causes tho appearance OF
dishonesty on tho face of it, and venture TO
suggest that these abused rebels get their
dander up and hasten hoilc, and with whip
and scourgc or. with glittering bayonct keep
those slaves, made restless by the proclama.
tion in their places. II Is true that the Union
armies in that event might walk into Rich.
mond. Charleston and Vicksburg, and tho
Senator would only get out of ono dilemma
into another, for tho whole scope and animus
of his argument IS to favor tho rebels. He
takes especial delight in declaring that he re.
nounces allegiance to and despises the Presi-
dent-for the time being the Executive branch
of the government. To whom does the Sena-
tor choose to render allegiance? Plainly to
tho rebels. and lest might seem to do him
injustice. quote from his printed remarks,
as made by himself. of March 9.
Mr.. Roberts. Would the Senator, in any
contingency, employ the negroes rs men, rs
they are? Would he use them M soldiers
to help fight our battles, provided it was nee.
cssary-providcd the Senator became himself
satisfied that it was necessary, and tho Union
could be restored in no other way?
Mr.. Wiggln. will answer the Senator
and | say that his question implies that he is
disloyal and himself traitor my answer is
this--that in attempting to restore the Union
by war, | would do nothing that would de-
privc single man Of a single constitutional
right.
Mr.. Roberts. The Senator wishes us to
believe that the slaves, q portion Of the
property, II you will. OF rebels, is to deprive
them of constitutional rights. Therefore, il
it was necessary to Gave the nation from etcr.
nal ruin. ho would not use them. Mr.. Presi.
dent, believe that rebels in arms against tho
government have not u single constitutional
right rcmaining-except tho right to be
tried by court martial and hanged for trca-
son
In which no plainly brands as treason the
taking away and freeing the slaves OF rebels
mo matter if tho salvation of the nation
depends upon it-this is loyalty to rebels.
The whole Of his speech No. is u TRADE
against the defender of the Union, his speech
No. Q is a plea in furthcrancc OF tho REBEL
ion. jeff. Davis could ask for no moro 10y.
al subject. till near tho closo Of said speech
rebeldom'is on top, when all ut once the Sem
ator backs square down, either frightened
by the result of New Hampshire election,
which must appear to his startled vision like
the Handwriting on the WALL" or perhaps
ii is troubled conscience, or more likely some
shrewder politician than himself has whisper
ed in his ear. At any rate the Senator |
backs square down from the positions taken |
in his speech No. l, and concluded to obey
the acts of Congress-conscript act and all
-and of course must acquicsce in the procla.
nation. for Congress has made that valid If
any doubt existing in regard to 1t beIoro. But
whether from fear or policy, or repentance,
the Senator has my thanks for this public
announcement of treason and determination
to support the government.
s9-John Broughman's "Tread light, for
my heart is under your feet, love-" is more
than cqualcd by lover who goes skating on
his lady heart: lr -.
"IIcr heart Is like frozen lake,
On whose cold brink stand; i