The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1863-06-06
per,ty. 1t pampers every vice and i'm

TEN working such Generalization The
pie ure now presented in the land Of
slaves tells the same story which is to
be found in the annals of every slave
empire. Al! ASIA has been corrup. ed
by Slavery. Africa, Its birthplace, has
ever been desert. The glorious an
Client Republics persisted under its in
tluence af er reaching the highest point
of civilization by the hardy virtues of a
free people, and modern Europe only
redeemed herself from the common fate
by the extInc ion of the feudal system
that originated serfdom.
Reverence for the hopeful idea Of our
IA hers, that he inherent virtue Of the
Constitution would extinguish Slavery,
induced all who felt that is permanence
would be destructive, to acquiesce in a
passive resistance to its extension,
al hough that resistance had proved I'M
awaiting to it's first cncroacbments west
Of the Mississippi. 1t was hoped that
the passion for expansion would be al
layed by the surrender of Missouri and
he acquisition of Texas, and that the
compromise line established in 1920, as
the northern boundary of Slavery,
would be respcc ed But, having Sc
cured the President, both branches OF
Congress, and the Supreme Court, the
Slave Power resolved to break all con-
tracts and strike for the empire of the
Con inent. Kansas was taken by force,
and Slave Government was designed
to be established by fraud, aud the
Supreme Court then affirmed principle
in the bred Scott case which carried it
all over the country. Slavery, the
Court said, was a property which was
held under the Consti u,ion of the
United States, and for tina reason could
not be excluded from the Terri cries,
by their lawful Governments. The
reasoning applies to the States as well
as to the Terri cries, for the Constitu-
ton of the United States Is equally par
amount in both. Their ilibusters or
pira es having failed in their attempt
10 seize Cuba and Central America, they
proposed to take these countries openly
by the power Of the Government.
Such were the means adopted prior to
the war 10 make the Constitution Of the
| United States, what that of the Con-
federacy now is, an instrument TO in
crease, dlfiuse, aud perpetuate Slavery,
and make it cons itutional instltu ion.
But the oligarchy saw, by the election
of Lincoln, that the peaceful action OF
the ballot-box would reverse these
wrongs, and prevent future aggressions,
either to extend Slavery further Sou h
OF to main ain it in the regions subject
ed by the Supreme Court. They were
prepared for its contingency. They
took up arms to assert their doctrine,
ha, Slavery was the best foundation for
Governments, and undertook, like Mo-
BANNED, the propagation Of their faith
and institutions by the sword.
1t was in vain that Mr.. Crittenden' 8
appeaslng resolutions were passed in
vain was an amendment to the Constltu-
ton, declaring Slavery to be irrcvoca-
bly, established, unless abolished by the
States within which it existed. No
sacrifice, not even that of the Constitu-
ton, to give additional guarantees to
Slavery where it existed, could save the
country from war, for by that means
alone i. was now evident could Slavery
be made the dominant principle in the
New World. 1t is that domination for
which they are contending. lndepen.
dence is sought only as a means of eff
fecting that object. Once possessed, by
that means, of the control of the Missis-
sippl, they think that the North West
would adopt the Confederate Constitu-
ton, and sacrifice the freedom of the
Mississippi, and that the Middle States
and even New England will not be slow
to follow suit.
And when we remember how, on the
mere menace of disunon, the country
acquiesced in that bred Scot doc rne
which alone distinguishes the Rebel
Cons ituiion from our own-can we
doubt hat, If the Rebellion is success
full, We will yield that point to restore
the Union =! Robert Toombs will yet
call the roll of his slaves on Bunker
Hill unless we conquer. The con ro-
versy, therefore, is between Slavery and
the Government.
THE PROCLAMATION.
The President, to whom the defense
of the Government and The command of
its armies belongs, has labored to avert
the dangers with which we are encom-
passed, by various measures in aid OF
the armed forces he had sent 10 the
field. He would save the Union with
or without Slavery-would save it any
way, at whatever cost. The Union in
peace under the Constitution was again
and again his overture. If there could
be no assurance of this with Rebels bent
on subverting the Republic to establish
an oligarchy of shareholders, then to the
loyal friends of free government in the
South he rendered emancipation with
compensation, and deliverance by colo
MIA ion from war of races, which
could only end in the determination Of
the negro race, or anal CANA ion with it,
This failing, after nearly two years Of
expostulation, and forbearance to exert
to the Utmost the military power con-
fcrred on him under the Constitution,
the President felt himself constrained to
issue that Proclamation of Freedom to
the slaves, who were in every sense the
enemy's sinews Of war. Some of them
were found fighting in their ranks, null
ttudes in erecting and defending their