The Cecil Whig., 1863-06-20

contained pro-slavery plank. 1t did denounce
secession, and it dit denounce abolition, and it
seems that this is termed Il pro-slavery plank
and upon either one or the other lie has ielt him
self insHitsd.
| 1t is also stated that prevented uid being
| extended 10 Maryland for purposes Of Emanci-
| patton by the late Congress, This is purely
assertion. | knew very ,ew of the members Of
| the iuie Congress. outside Of The Maryland
delegation, and not all Of tLem--was rarely in
! Washington during me season-perhaps not
one-thrd AS often ls Mr. jones, and to be able
| I" prevent sucf, measure is 10 attribute to me
! u mach larger share of influence than claim.
/ 10 1Inpute 10 nle and my friends more influence
upon Congress than Mr.. Lincoln, his cabinet,
alId Mr.: Jones along with them, is going very
| far. The truth is that the Congress- determined
TO give no aid, and tha; is the actual reason why
none was provided
( But it is objected that have said that "tbere
! is no constitutional authority to devote the
money Of the General Treasury to The purchase
of slaves of particular States" | arree that
this question could scarcely be- argued in a
newspaper article, but as Mr.. Jones asserts such
power for Congress, he could surely have point
ed out the clauses in the constitution which con-
ter it. without the necessity Of arguing the
question; bcca'ise the authority being pointed
out the reader could and would make the appli-
cation tor himself havca suspicion that such
| authority is not 10 Le found in the constitution.
! and that therefore, as Mr.. Jones intmates it
might require rery Tong a,ticie, and therefore
unsuitable to newspaper controversy, to show
t.e power III question 1t il not quite salisac-
tory to say that bccattse Mr.. Lincoln Mr. Jones
and others, assert the authority. that it neccs-
sa.ily exists; the intelligent reader not being
| able to find it, might desire to have it pointed
out.
The constitution. article x saws, the powers
not delegated to the United States by the conssi-
tnfion nor prohibited BY it TO the States, are
reserved u the States respectively, or to the
people,
The question of Slavery is q domestic one,
and no power was conferred by the constitution
upon the government Of the United States tr
interfere with it i'll the States. The power not
being conferred it cannot be exercised because
il is "lcscryed to the States respectively, or to
to the people" Such being the case, cannot
! see with what pronrictv, OF by what right, the
| money Of the General Government is to be applied
10 this purpose. To lax New York, Ohio &c,
tora domestic question. peculiar to Maryland,
| might be considered unauthorized as in truth
it is.
But suppose the power to exist, would ii be a
good policy to exercise i, when IL formidable re-
aelion is threatening the existence of the Union
and the Government itself! Has the govern
nielt SO nuch n."tcy that it may thus dey yote it
Il" the purchase Of negroes who are Just as well
where they now are Who can see how remote
he termination OF this conflict may be Who
can estimate the needs of the Government for
| money, before the conflict is over Is it not
known that the Government has aheady called
upon the States for twenty millions of dollars to
| aid i'll putting downrhc rebellion, and who knows,
who will undertake to say, that the Government
may not, at a future day, be compelled to
demand of the States many hundreds of millions
| Il 1 n
consequence TO Maryland that ten millions of
dollars be extended by Congress, when it will
require twenty-five or thirty millions to con,pcn-
safe the owners OF slave property IN the State,
and the balaucc of which the State must nav,
when viewed in the connection that Maryland
viii. in all probability, be called upon not only
for ten millions 10 ad in the purposes of the war,
but perhaps larger sum Look Mt the crcunl-
stances surrounding us, and decide whether this
is probable.
But it is asserted that when Slavery is ahol-
ished, and the negroes free, that tho other
remaining property which will then have to bear,
in addition to the taxes usual to that property,
that proportion OF taxes hitherto borne by slave
property, that as by magic, all kinds Of property
will at once improve. How is this Will
freedom TO tie slaves decrease The price of labor
whereby such y"sI improvement is to be made
VIII labor he cheaper to those who have occa-
p''i' ''i ~ u ~, 'iei llit iubtiiiE NHNc man
had better consider how this measure is to bene-
fit linn. Will labor be dearer? If SO, how can
those who want to improve their lands, erect
buildings, &c, do more chcnplv, or more
economically Than now Consider this pro-
position. and it will be seen whilst Emuncipa-
iion promises great improvement in property, it
also promises enhanced pay for those who
lnb"r How can both Of these propositions be
correct
But the people of Maryland, in time of
strife, tunult, disorder, rcbellion,-when all in
the future is dark and uncertain, are asked by
these troubled spirits to undertake vast change,
at vast expense, in her social system
No State has abolished slavery under such
adverse circumstances in other States when
the question has come to be agtated the hold
ers OF this properly i'll the prevailing uncer-
tantv about it, lave usually disposed of their
slaves further South, and thus got rid of Slavery
and the negroes. Can Maryland do this -
Where can she, OF her sluveholers, dsl o of
hers She has, by large odds, more Of them
than any Stale that has emancipated. Let us
wait for more uuspcious times, when the rebel
lion is suppressed, the country at peace, mems
passions cooled, and then see if we are aJic for
50 great an undertaking,
Mr.. Editor, suppose | shall be charged, as
usual, with agitaiing this subject, when, as you =
will notice, am only replying 10 an attack,
and from quarter unexpected
S. S. MAFFIT
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