The Hancock Jeffersonian. [volume] (Findlay, Ohio) 1857-1870, 1863-12-18
this particul- r wev?

tile element external to, and ever
within, the State, and such are pre-
cisofy the cases with which we arr
now dealing. An attempt TO guaran
tee and protect q revised State oI
Government, constructed in whole ol
prepondcrating part from the very
element against whose hostility and
violence 10 Is to be protected, is sim.
ply absurd. There must be test
bv which to separate opposing elc
ments, so as to build only from the
sound, and that test is sufficient and
liberal one. which accepts as sound
whoever will make sworn recanta-
tion of his former unsoundncss.
But If 1t be proper to require as a
test of admission to the political bo-
dy an oath OF allegiance to the Con.
stitution OF the United States and The
Union under it, why not also to the
laws and proclamations in regard to
slavery Those laws and proclama-
lions were enacted and put forth for
che purpose of aiding in the suppress
ion OF tho rebellion. To give them
the fullest effect there had to be u
pledge for their maintenance. In my
judgement they have aided, and will
further aid. the cause for which they
were enlisted. To give up this prin-
ciple would be not only TO relinquish
lever of power, but would also he a
cruel and astounding breach of faith.
] NAV add at this point, that while
remain i'm my present position, I
shall not attempt to retract or modi-
fy the Emancipation Proclamation,
nor shall return to slavery any per-
son who is made free by the terms of
the Proclamation, or by any act of
Congress. For these, and other rea-
soma, 1t is thought hest that the sup.
port Of these persons shall be nclu-
ded in the oath, and IL is believed
that tho Executive may lawfully
claim it in return for pardon and the
restoration of protected rights which
he has a clear constitutional power to
withhold altogether, or grant upon
the terms which he shall deem wisest
for the public interest 1t should be
observed, also, that this part of the
oath is subject to the modifying aud
abrogating power of legislation and
supreme judicial decision. The pro-
posed acquiescence Of the National
Executive in any honorable tempora,
ry State arrangement for the freed
people. is made with a view OF posi-
bly, modifying the confusion ana dis
tressing destitution which must, at
least, attend all classes, by total
revolution Of labor throughout the
whole States 1t is hoped that alrea.
dy deeply afilictC d people in those
States may be somewhat more ready
to give up the cause of their aiIliction
and to this extent this vital matter is
life to themselves, while no power Of
the national Executive to prevent an
abuse is abridged by this PROPOSE.
ton.
The suggestion in the proclamation
as to maintaining the political frame
work of the States on what is called
reconstruction, is made in the hope
that it may do good without harm -
1t will favor labor, and avoid great
confusion. But why any proclama.
tion now upon the subject? This
question is beset with the conflicting
views that the step might be delayed
too long or be taken too soon. In
some of the States the elements for
resumption have been all ready for
action; bat remain inactive, apparent
ly for rallying point or a plan ofac-
ton.
Why shall A. adopt the plan Of B. Z,
rather than b. that of "A? A. and
Is. should agree, how can they know
that the General Government here
will respect their plan? BY the proc
lamation, plan is presented which
may be accepted by them as a rally
ing point, and which will not be re-
jected here. This may bring them
to act sooner than otherwise would.
The objection to premature prescn-
tation of a plan by the National FIX
ecutivc, consists In the danger of com
initials in points which could be more
safely left to further developments
Care has been taken to shape the doc.
ument rs to avoid embarrassment from
this source. In saying that, on GER
tain terms, certain classes will be par
doned, with their rights restored it
is not said that other classes, on 9TH
er classes, on other terms, will never
be included. In saying that recon
struction will be accepted, if present
ed in a specified way, it is not said
that 1t will be accepted in no other
way. The movements by State ac-
tlon for emancipation, not included
In the Emancipation Proclamation,
are matters Of profound graduation;
and, while do not repeat what have
heretofore so earnestly urged upon
this subject, my general views and
feelings remain unchanged, and
trust that Congress will omit no fair
opportunity of aiding these import
ant steps to the great consumntion.
In the midst of other cares, how
ever important we must not lose sight
of the fact that the war power is still
our main reliance. TO that power
alone can we look yet, for time, to
give confidence TO the people in con,
testedreglons, that theinsurgentp power
will not again overrun them. Until
that confidence shall be established,
little can be done anywhere, for what
Is called reconstruction. Hence, our
chiefest care must still be directed to
Our army and navy who hoya thua