Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1863-02-09
INDIANAPOLIS IND, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1863.

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slave State, his right to reclaim his slave would
be unquestioned. ."-[s Am Jurist, 4O7; Cobb on
Slavery, 2l5.
viii close this list of specifications with the
remark, made for the special consideration ofmy
patriotic friend, Gov. Wright, that by the above
enumerated, long-continued violations of the
Constitution by the Aboltionists repeated stabs
were made by them at ''the life of the nation"
and several planks were ripped from the sides of
the "Ark of the covenanti'
During all this time the South was strictly OBJ
serving each and every one of her constitutional
obligations. / challenge the Abolitionists to
point to single instance to the contrary; unless,
indeed, it was unconstitutional for her TO COM
plain of and remonstrate against these breaches
of faith on the part of the Abolitionists of the
North, for that was all she did. Sometimes, In
deed, her complaints were mingled with condi-
tional threats that if the North wc,ld not let her
live in the Union in peace; would not let her
domestic and private Institutions alone would
not observe toward her the civiities of life and
the obligations of the Constitution, she would
leave the Union These were the only sins of
which she was guilty toward the North. But the
Abohtionists would neither let her live in peace
in the Union, nor let her 60 out of it inpeace.
ACTION OF THE ABoLITIoNIsrs IN THEIR AG-
GREGATE CAPACITY.
Thus far we have spoken only of the individ-
turn now to their party action as an aggregate
body.
AS early as lS40 they organized themselves
into political party for the purpose of keeping
up guerrilla warfare upon the slave States un-
til they could get possession of the General Gov
ernment, when they determined to WELD its
power, to the utmost possible extent for the alb
clifton of African slavery in the United States,
and the exclusion of the South from settlement
in the common territories with her slaves. Of
the character of the first of these purposes what
/ have said above viii suffice. The second was
one of monsrous injustice TO the white men of
the South of great practical inhumanity TO the
slave and, upon the now avowed principles of
the abolitionists themselves, of no practical ben
eft to any body.
1. OF its injustice to the white men of the
South. The common territory of the United
States was won by the common blood and treas
of the South well as of the North, (of all the
members of the partnership and for no other
avowed purpose than that of the equal benefit
and enjoyment of all. No notice was given,
when the common efforts and treasure were be-
ing used, that the territory acquired would not
be open TO enjoyment by the South except upon
the humiliating condition that she should give up
her slaves before entering it. Had there been,
think you she would have united in the efforts to
obtain it Think you she would have joined in
the acquisition of Louisiana and Florida, where
by we obtained the so much desired mouth of
the Mississippi. and the Gulf coast and would
have sent her patriot Jackson, and, with him,
her chivalric sons to defend them, if she had
been told that they, with their institutions, were
unworthy TO occupy theier1itories when acquired
|. and successfully defended
And think YOU, further, that the South would
originally have come into the Union, if the
North had then Informed her that as soon as rel
alive strength should render it possible, she, the
Ill IL -
Federal Government then being formed and
WELD it TO destroy the domestic institutions of
the South, and deprive her States of the equality
they then possessed?
2. Gifts inhumanity TO the slaves.
1t prevented their diffusion in regions where
they could have been better fed and clothed with
the same amount of labor, and where their very
diffusion would have rendered gradual manumis-
sion safe, if they ever reached moral and men,
tai condition justifying it.
8. Of It's supposed effect upon the Territories.
Mr.. Lincoln now declares that negroes are not
Objectionable morally, socially or politically, as
companions and fellow-citizcns of white men.
Hence, he jusi6es filling up the northern States,
well as the common territories, with negroes,
Stree American citizens of African descent"
from the South. 1t is not the negro that is OBJ
jectionable with the Abolitonists, as companion,
but the particular capacity in which he appears
among them. Now, ask, considered in an eco
nomic or social point of view which is the more
seryiceable TO the productive industry and the
less injurious TO the moral interests off eommu-
nifty, free negroes slave negroes2 Which be-
have the better, live the better, work the better,
keep their senses the better and commit the fewer
crimes! Accurate statistics of the day settle the
question beyond the possibility of cavil, against
the free negro. We here, however want neither
the slave nor the free negro.
Well, this Abolition party confinuedto increase
and to agitate and irritate till it brought the
country TO the verge of dissolution, which was
arrested in 1850 by the united action of all the
friends Of our common country, in passing and
approving what are known as the compromise
measures of that year, and which the patriots of
that day confidently thought had effected ''re-
union of the Union" and placed it upon foot
ing from which none malignant enough could be
found 10 attempt its removal. and thus had saved
the country.
These national compromises of ours deserve
passing remark. The South has certain rights
guaranteed to her by the Constitution. The
Abolitionists assai these rights and then ask the
South how she'll compromise. Like man who
trumps up false suit against another, and then
asks him how much black-mail he will pay to
have the suit dropped. Like the course of the
minority of our present Senate, violate the Con-
stitution and law, and then ask to be paid, in
a compromise, for returning TO their duty.
But the compromise of 1850 gave temporary
peace TO the country 1t gave the South nothing
that she was not entitled to under the Constitu-
ton without it, and she lived up TO it with
scrupulous regard to good faith, as she had pre-
viously to the Constitution, till long after the
Abolitionists of the North had inaugurated pro-
ceedings for its overthrow. Here, again, the
Abolitionists of the North were the first aggres-
sors. The question, VINO BROKE THE COM
PROMISE OF 1850, and stirred up, anew, the
waves of civil sectional strife in our then happy
land? is one of fearful import to somebody; for l
say now, that whoever inaugurated that rupture
is, in my deliberate Judgment as guilty, morally,
of treason against the United States as is JEFF.
Davis, actually.
Well. history informs us that the body of men
who inaugurated that rupture met at Pittsburg,
(not at, but not farfrom, Altoona, Pennsylvania,
in August, 1852, less than two years after the
compromise was enacted: that the now Abolition
Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts,, presided over
their deliberations; that the now Abolition Sec
retary of the Treasury, Chase, drafted their plat
form, and that they nominated the now Aboli-
ton Congressmen, Hale and Julian, their
representative men. The platform declared:
s'That the acts of Congress, known as the
compromise measures of $780, were wholly
inadequate to the settlement of the questions of
which they are claimed to be an adjustment"
Why2 The following resolutions, which we
copy from the platform, explain:
sc. That slavery is a sin against God, and
crime against man, which no human enactment
or usage can make right; and that Christianity,
humanity and patriotism alike demand its aboli-
tion- This resolution strikes at the National
Constitution.
'7. That the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 is re-
pugnant to the Constitution, to the principles of
fl,o 1oxr 10 fta mir of thrc "