Washington standard. [volume] (Olympia, Wash. Territory) 1860-1921, 1863-09-19
The Presidents Letter.

| we PUBLISH OelOW an eACeleHC ActtcI ITOIu
the President to the Union Mass Meeting re-
Gently held at his old home, in Springfield,
Illinois. 1t is characteristic Of its author.
No man living could have expressed more in
fewer words, nor as much to the point. Those
who have found fault with the President, will
surely hereafter hold their peace. for he an
swers every election that has been raised to
his mode of prosecuting the war. in manner
that must aud will satisfy every candid man.
Altogether it is the most remarkable docu-
ment we have ever read, and it will undoubt.
edly produce marvellous effect throughout
the country.
The policy and constitutionality of his
Emancipation proclamation is fully sustained,
and there will be no cause for apprehension
hereafter that the President will consent that
any slave that has been liberated by the
proclamation or the conscription act, will be
returned to slavery. What will be done with
those remaining under control of their mas
ters when the States shall return to their ale
glance to the Constitution, he does not say,
very properly leaving that question to be de-
cided after the Union is restored. We can
only conjecture what will be done from the
intimation contained in the following Ian
guage: You say you will not fight to free
negroes. Some of them seem to BIZ willing
enough to fight for you; but 10 matter, use
them exclusively TO save the Union. Issued
the proclamation on purpose to aid in saving
the Union. Whenever you shall have con-
qucred all resistance to the Union, if shall
urge you to continue fighting, it will be an
apt time then for you to declare you will not
fight to free negroes" This language seems
to imply that there would probably be some
negroes still in state of bondage, and that
after all resistance to the Union should cease,
he would not wish to fight for their liberation.
There can be no doubt of the Presidents
settled determination, to protect in the full
enjoyment of their freedom all those who
help us to save the Union. The propriety
of continuing the wax to free those who pre-.
well be questioned, and We have no idea it
will be done. No man need withhold his
support from the President in his efforts to
put down the rebellion, for fear he may be
required to fight for the liberation of negroes
after the Union is restored. If the Presi-
dent should issue his proclamation to-day,
announcing the return of one or all Of the
rebel States to their allegiance, the status of
the negroes in possession Of their masters.
would BE-, tomorrow, just what it was before
the rebellion. But we need not discuss these
questions now. We must prosecute the war
with increased vigor. until every man now
in rebellion against the authority of the Gov
eminent shall ground his arms. No appre.
hcnsion need be felt that the President will
not do what is just and proper to be done
under the circumstances. when a disposition
shall be manifested on the part of the States
now in rebellion to return to their allegiance.
At all events we are willing to trust him.
There are those who arc dissatisfied with
and you blame me that you don't have it,
But how can we attain it? There are but
three conceivable ways: First-To suppress
the rebellion by force of arms. This am
trying to do. Are you for iii If you are.
so far we are agreed. The second way is to
give up the Union to dissolution. l am
against this; if you are you should say so
plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet
for dissolution, there only remains some i'm
aginablc compromise. do not believe any
compromise embracing the maintenance of
the Union can be possible. All that learn
leads to- directly opposite belief. The strength
of the rebellion is its military. That army
dominates the country and all the people
within its range. Any offer of terms made
by any man or men within that range, in OPP
position to that army is simply nothing, for
the present, because such man or men have
no power whatever to enforce their side of
the compromise if one were made with them.
Compromise, to be effective, must be made,
either with those who control the rebel army
or with the people first liberated from the
domination Of that army by the success of
our army. Allow me to assure you that no
word or intimation from the rebel army or
from the men controlling it, in relation to any
peace or compromise, has ever come to my
knowledge or belief. All charges to the con-
trary are deceptive and groundless and l
promise you that if any such proposition
shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected
or be kept secret from you. You dislike the
emancipation proclamation, and perhaps
would have it retracted. You say 1t is un-
constitutional. think that the Constitution
empowers its Commander-in-chief with the
laws of war in time of war. Now, the most