Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1863-03-31
var. Stewards Rsejecssoa CT rbe Frenel.
Peace Proposition.

L4AtAta ~ DrMnh4 l&A EaeHlaT UAaEaEL WIFI
nobody else can distinguish, OF he is without
the power Of seeing what is patent to the whole
world besides. II be is not p-retsrnafurslly
right, he is ineomprehensiveiy wrong. Taking
bis dispatches, Of course, we must DO, for
expressions Of sincere and genuine ~eonvictiops
on the subject Of the war, we find It almost i'm
possible TO imagine how opinins so unique
could have been formed out Of materials which
are common to the whole world
Mr.. Seward knows no nore, or, at leass. states
no more, than is known to everybody in Europe
as well as America, and yet, Ia the oost decisive
and peremptory tone, he announces conclusions
which nobody in Europe, and, as We believes
few even Ia America, would think Of accepting.
Ia this document he calmly, aud even argu-
mentstively, ignores every one Of the lessons
which Europe has Involuntary learned from
the events Of the war. Hs, 8 r publican If
1858. depicts himself as no less incapable than
an ancient Bourbon, learning anything at all
In his eyes there is no war between regular
belligeTents. but only an armed instruction,
Pbich the United States ara vigorously, and, as
he maintains, triumphautly, shifting down He
denies that there are any tWo such parties,
even, as North and South. He IS not aware of
any such Distinctions.
Alter this, Of course, there was little room for
the acceptance Of the French proposals. Mr..
Seward repudiatss the idea Of s. conference be-
tween a national government and an i~nsurg5nt
force, precisely as he might have done before
the first battle Of Bail Run He is much obliged
10 tbs French, ba5 he will have none of It. and
nothing, indeed, but misconceptions of fact.
based on erroneous representations, could have
suggested the proposition. Ths. is thelsst phase
Of the American war as sketched by Mr.. Sew
ard. We must now allow that this picture Of
affairs is cOasisfent-coHsiste8t that is, with
al that Mr.. Seward has written from the
beginning. It is the very story, without change
or omission, which We have had, backed with
his note Of band at ''90' days date" and re-
newed any number of times during the last two
years. IL is consistent enough, 50 far, beyond
q doubt. Whether it has any consistency with
facts or truth is q question which we had much
rather leave to be decided By events than argue
with Mr., Seward at present
From the London Morning Post, Feb. 81
Il IS scarcely possible to treat this etrsnge
documsn seriously. It is certainly impossible
70 test it either by arguments or facts. IF q man
AYERS positively that black is white, or that two
and two make Eve, of course, if you are not as
great a fool as himself, you win not attempt to
reason him out Of his strange dslusion- In Ike
manner. we shall not attempt to prove that Mr.
Sewerd's letter is a tissue Of delusi0us or false
hoods from beginning 10 end. If be says that
hs government possesses credit. though It IS
unable to raise a loan even among his W citi-
zens if he says that the armies of the North
have been victorious. although The very instant
he was writing the dispatch he ven knew that
the greatest of its armiss was in process Of dis
memberment, after having undergone a contin
uOus series of defeats Il he calls the aggregate
ares of the Southern States a small territory in
defiance Of what biographies and aliases say
- fhon Arn 49, IL a-Mn H.
as we would a perVsrse man who, for the
mere sake Of obstinaey, wilully misstsied
facts. But as Mr.. Seward is not q lu-
matte, and IS we believe him to be much
too shrewd to SUPPOSE that any one will be
inclined to believe his statements, we are
naturally Led to inquire what motive could
have Induced bin to write so much twhat his
eountrymen would oall) bunkum." Perhaps
be expects to gain in Washington. among GER
tain classes, a little political capital, and, in ex-
change for that, IS Indifferent about the contempt
he must incur in Europe. SILL emansfin9, as
this document does, from the Federal Cabinet,
it is truly Incredible that that body should have
sunk SO low as to indorse Is its own, in the face
of the world, so much arrsnt alsehoOd and
absurd nonsense.
It may suit politicians at Washington that
the war should drsg lis slow length along
during another couple Of yesrs but such an
arrangement does not equally chino with
the notions Of the Emperor Of the French
He is too astute not to be able 70 predict with
certainty tho issue Of the war, and hs is
anxious, if possible, 20 pTscipitste il.
This he would gladly have done by
amicable Intervention aud friendly counsel :
bat, il his good Office was rejected, it is proba-
bic that he viii accept the rebuff aud taeitly
permit matters to take their course 2 It Is 50
extremely easy fer different csbinets 20 become
acquainted with their respective political tend
8ncies without at the same sime pledgiHg them
to definite lines Of action, Shat we cannot
help thinking that the dispatch Of NJ. Drouyn
90 rHuys to the French ambassador st
Washington Is intended BY the Federal govern.
mens to lead &c something else. What that
something else isit woBid be idle for US to at
TO conjecture. The Emperor is fully con
that ultimately the SOuth must establish
It's independence. and it may be, that, having
allied as q medistor, he WilIscognise the South
IN ConfedeTscy in the hope thereby Of bringing
war to = speedier termination.