The Burlington weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington [Iowa]) 1860-1876, 1863-02-14
SPEECH OF H0N. JAl
WILSON. -


M. WILSON.-Mr. Speaker, vel, II
approaching the end Of the Thirty a
sfess. Bus little time IL left In W. m-s|
nlese the vast amount Of business 10 ytoi
carry on successfully the Affairs Of sds lion
The bill hes occupied nearly oas Z ~, IT the
tius Of the House, aAdH hope Ne ,er ear The |
oloss of the discussion upea il If sar 'ould b |
brought to an immediate vote upon aao several
amendments and the bill, would o. .sfuily re-
frsiu from making any remarks q ID time.-l
Bat the many failures 70 agree upt6a time 70 |
commence voting induce NJ 20 believe that . |
peoposition TO commeucal now and peeceed
without discussion or other interruption to the
cad would not bs suecesof0l.o II, howSSef, I am
In this mistaken, will yisld fox woa'd rather
save the time Of the Houss than 70 consume It
That this bill 10 regarded - one Of moro than
ordinary interest aud importance. 10 abundantly
evidenced BY the earnestnsss With which 1t has
been pressed BY lie friends and opposed By its
enemies. No such strife has been produced BY
any other measure during this CoDgreea The
discussion which the measure has provoked has
covered very wide field, and embraced . much
greater variety Of principles and subjects than
one would conceivs possible 70 spring from 90
Smpie = prouosi.ion.i some Of these princi-
plee see of NO inconsiderabis importance, while
one introduced into the discussion " the gentls-
man from Kentucky (1r. Chttenden1 10 Of
transcendent importancs-one which no nation
can surrender a1d live. mean he principle
of allegiance, the bond which binds The cisisen
% the Governments and The 0ovsfnmentto the
citizen, insuring projections 70 the latter and
obedience end support 70 Ne former. No nation
can exist for . Day 10 which the pssfscs develop
msut and enforcement of this principle ID ne
elected; and this remark applies With more
force to this natior than other perhaps, in exis.
tsnos. Composed, 90 this Republic 4, of many
States, each entitled TO the allegiance Of ito Oh
items within the legitimate and constitutional
sphere Of State authority, the only bond Of uni,
ty, that which gives oneness Of character 70
eur people, 10 the superior allegiance which each
and every citizen, resident Of Whatever State be
may BE- owes to the Government Of the United
States This principle, with ell its transcen-
dent importance, has been denied application
By the gentleman from Kentucky TO four million
native born residents of this Republic |; and the
monstrous proposition advanced that this vast
number of human beings, though residing with
in our territorial limits, scattered through ff :
teen of the States Of the Union, owe no allssi-
ance to this or any other Government rs
speak of the effect Of the genslemsn's pro.
position without using the precise language
The monstrous character of the proposition can
only be fully understood when We are told, "a
We have been, that the only allegiance which
this vast multitude of men owe lie due alone 10
come three hundred and ffty thousand slave
owners. Sir, if this be true, then are the slave
owners Of this country the most highly favored
class in any civilised Government on earth. We
never can submit to such an intolerable assump.
ton upon the part of thoee who claim to own
*his slave population. l1sq''a s7@ae'29 i'll.
But, cir, monstrous % the proposition is al
mere statement, it 10 the only one which can
challenge our right to pass this bill All Other
considerations sink into mere questions Of expe
diency. If the slaveholder's claim, rebel though
he be, 10 higher and more sacred than that
which the Government possesses, even in time
Of war, then indeed 10 slavery securely en-
rtrenched in the Republic and that is really the
character of this arrogant assumption, Those
who advance this doctrine make no distinction
between loyal shareholders and rebel slavehold
ess; nor do !, 10 combating the doctrine
For insist that the claim of the Government
upon the service of persons held to service OF
labor under the laws Of the States, is, in time Of
war, superior to the claim of any person to the
unrequited toll of another When the nations
life is in peril it may call TO ito service every
person capable of bearing arms, and not owing
allegiance to some foreign Government, and, il
necess AIRY, resort to CONSUMPTION to compel ODE
dience. No STAKEHOLDER can stand between the
nation and this right The Government repre-
sents the rights and interests of all 1t 10 an az.
sregstion Of protective powers, with which no
class has right to interfere. The life of shs
q. public 10 Of moro value than the lie of its
most cherished citizens, and infinitely more %
cred than the system Of slavery which has done
and 10 doing so much to destroy It,
Sir, the power which can enter every dwelling
Of the great free North. and summon from the
hearth circle the husband, father, son, to the
camp and battlefield. can call from the olanta.
ton cabin the husband who cannot own wife,
the father who cannot own his child, the con
Who dare not claim the protection Of his parents
The life Of the freeman, member of the proud
Anglo>Saxon race, s quite - worthy Of protec-
ton as.tke life of the poor degraded African,
or Of the claim Of his master to bic toll If this
be not 90. then do 10 discover that the proud
Anglo-Saxon, after I'll, 10 not worth q much q
the value Of few years toll of degraded
African slave. To this doesit come. Let those
accept it who will, but let none such hereafter
boast of the lofty grandeur, The power, the sd
Let those who will, measure the high position
toll; but every true freeman will spurn the re-
suit rt.a.s.3s 90 III,
But, cir, there is another principle to which
she gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Ca1rrENDEs]
alluded in the discussion of this bill, and which
think equally erroneous he discusses this bill
though il involved question Of legislative
power, and denied our right to pass this measure
because 1t would interfere with the claim OF slave
= holders to their slaves
Now, sir, l deny that this bill presents the
question Of power for our consideration or de-
termination at oil. It requires Us 70 do nothing
more than 10 exercise our discretion in the seec.
aon OF the means for carrying into execution
powers expressly delegated by the Constitution
to Congress.
When the Constitution says "the Congress
shall have power to ""raise and support armies,
70 provide and maintain navy" and epjoins the
duty 70 suppress insurrection and repel invasion,
It settles the whole question Of power and leaves
to US the choice Of the means through which to
execute the power, the only limitation being that
the means selected shall be appropriate to the
ii end. II We should strike out Of This bill the
provision for enlistius persons Of African des
cent, and permit It 70 stand without any speci6