The western Democrat. [volume] (Charlotte, N.C.) 1852-1870, 1863-01-27

Justify withdrawal. Inc experience OF 'he Pdot
had evinced the futility of any remuneration of
such inherent rights, and accordingly the provision
for perpetuity contained in the Articles OF Con-
! federation of 177S was omitted in the Constltu-
ton of 1889. When, therefore, in 1861 eleven
of the States again thought proper, for reasons
satisfactory to themselves, to secede from the
second union, and to form third one under an
amended constitution, they exercised right
which, being inherent, required no Justlhcatlon to
foreign nations, and which international law did
not permit them to question. The usages OF In
tercourse between nations do, however, require
that official communication be made to friendly
powers of all organic changes IN the constitution
of States and there was obvious propriety in CIV
ing prompt assurance Of our desire to continue
amicable relations with all mankind. 1t was un-
der the influence Of these considerations that your
predecessors, the provisional government, took
early measures for sending to Europe Commits.
sioners charged with the duty Of visiting the
capitals of the different powers, and making ar
rangements for the opening of more formal dip
Iomatlc Intercourse.
Prior, however, to the arrival abroad Of those
Commissioners the United States had commenced
hostiites against the Confederacy by despatching
secret expedition for the reinforcement Of Fort
Sumter, after express promise to the contrary,
and with a duplicity which has been fully un-
yelled in former message. They had also ad-
! dressed communications 10 Lne uluefeHL CdbiuctS
of Europe in which they assumed the attitude Of
being sovereign over this Confederacy, alleging
that these Independent States in rebellion
against the remaining States Of the Union, and
threatening Europe with manifestations Of their
dspfeasure if it should treat the Confederate
States as having an independent existence. 1t
became known that these pretensions were
not considered abroad to be absurd as they were
known to be at home, nor had Europe yet learned
~bo4 ho tho Cf41o a1
statements of the Cabinet at Washington. The
delegation Of power granted by these States to
the Federal Government to represent them IN
foreign Intercourse had led Europe into the grave
of supposing that their separate sovereignty
and independence had been merged into one
common sovereignty, and had ceased to have
distinct existence. Under the influence Of this
error, which all appeals to reason and historical
fact were vanly used to dispel, our Commissioners
were met by the declaration that foreign govern
ments could not assume to judge between the con-
icting representations Of the two parties as to the
true nature of their previous mutual relations.
The governments of Great Britain and France ac
cordngly signifed their determination to confne
themselves to recognizing the self-evldent fact
OF the existence of a war; and to maintaining
strict neutrality during its progress Some of the
other powers of Europe pursued the course
of policy, and it became apparent that by some
| understanding, express or tacit, Europe had de-
cided to leave the initiative in all action touching
the contest on this continent to the two powers
just named, who were recognized to have the
largest interests involved both by reason of
proximity and of the extent and intimacy Of their
commercial relations with the States engaged in
war. 1t is manifest that the course Of action
adopted by Europe, while based apparent
refusal to determine the question, or to side with
either party, was in point Of fact an actual de-
cison against our rights and in favor Of the
grOundless prctensions of the United States. 1t
was a refusal to treat independent gov
ernment. If we were independent States, the re-
tusal to entertain with us the same international
intercourse as maintained with our enemy
was unjust, and was injurious in its effects, what
ever may have been the motive which prompted
1t. Neither was 1t in accordance with the high
moral obligations of that international code whose
chief sanction is the conscience of s1vcreigns
and the public opinion of mankind, that those
eminent powers should decline the performance
of duty peculiarly incumbent on them from
any apprehension OF the consequences to them
selves. One immediate and necessary result of
their declining the responsibility Of decision
which must have been adverse to the extraya-
CANT prctcnslons of the United States, was the
proongation Of hostiliities to which our enemies
were thereby encouraged and which have resulted
III nothing but scenes Of carnage and devastation
this continent, and of misery and suffering on
Lic OtitI, Such as nave scarcely pafailei IN
history. Had those powers promptly admitted
right to be treated as all other independent
nations, doubt that the moral effect of
such action would have been to dispel the delu-
sion under which the United States have persisted
in their efforts to accomplish our subjugaton.
10 the continued hesitation Of the same powers in
rendering this act of simple justice towards this
Contederacy is still due the continuance of the
ca!amities which mankind suffers from the inter
rupton of its peaceful pursuits, both in the old
and the new worlds
There other matters in which less than
justice has been rendered to this people by neu-
trail Europe, and undue advantage conferred on
the a2gressors in wicked war. At the incep
ton OF hostllities the inhabitants of the Confed !
eraey were almost exclusively agrculturists; those
OF the United States, to great extent, mechanics
and merchants. We had no commercial marine, !
while their merchant vessels covered the ocean.
We were without navy, while they had power
full fleets, The advantage which they possessed
for lntilcting I'M ury coasts and harbors
thus counterbalanccd in some measure by the ex- /
posure of their commerce to attack BY private
armed vessels. 1t was known to Europe that .
within very few years past the United States .
had peremptoriy refused to acccde to proposals for
aooiishtHg privateering, the ground, as alleged
~ 'het', that nations owning powerful fleets would
'nefeoy obtain undue advantage over those pos
SeS>'hS interior naval forces Yet no sooner was