Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1863-08-25

not materially increasing, Wnle our ehe1Aeo oIe 10
cruitng from twenty millions of their own people,
from thousands of emigrants from Europe, and what
is infinitely worse, from our slave population.
No one, it seems to Us, who will look disposition
ately at the facts will deny that the foregoing IS
true. The Observer traces the "mischief" Of di-
vision and feelng in this State to the Ellis admin
istration we ascend to the main stream, and show
that this mischief" and many, if not all our mis-
fortunes originated in the policy inaugurated at
Montgomery, and which has been continued to this
day. Humble as we are and feeble as is our judg-
ment in public affairs, would venture to suggest
some remedy for this condition of things, and some
plan for the future; but could not hope that any
thing we might say would have any influence with
the administration at Richmond
The Observer reminds US that when this State
seeded for they WOuld pass Mr.. Craises secession
ordinance,) from the old government, that act was
final" So 1t was to all human appearances, and
so we hope it may be. We hope the State acted
"fnally," and we still think she acted "wisely."
When two evils before us and there is no escape
true wisdom is shown in choosing the lesser evil.
Our State did that Her people did not desire to
~secede. They were willing to try the administra-
tion of Abraham Lincoln, and to rely meanwhile on
the great body of the American people to the
government from sectional conflicts to restore to it
national administration and thus perpetuate it. if
possible for all time. They felt that having with
them both branches of the Congress and the Su-
preme Court President Lincoln could not seriously
injure their property in slaves deprive them Of
their rights in the territories, if he would
They intended, if he attempted such thing, to re-
sst him in the Union, aided as they would have
been by one million of national men in his own Sec
ton. If during this trial, he had driven our peo-
pie with their slaves from the common territories,
or attempted in any way by an overt act to impair
our right to our slaves in the States, they would
have succeeded, with the help of their Northern al
lies, not only in checking him. but in furnishing
him for such maladmnistration and corruption in
Office. But the precipitate and wicked action of the
cotton States on the one hand, and the cruel and
wicked policy of President Lincoln on the other
left US no alternative We were obliged to fight
our full brother of the South or our half brother of
the North. We chose to do the latter and we acted
"wisely" If we had not done so, we should have
been trampled by both armies--we should have had
civil war among ourselves-the North would have
despised US for our want of manhood ard the South
would have regarded US as false to our own in
stincts and our own blood We repeat our State was
not free agent-she was obliged to pursue the
course she did. Thoughtful and sagacous men,
while they trod unshrinkingly the path Of duty,
saw before them the fires of civil war, but beyond
these fires all was darkness and uncertainty. Act
ing finally" as they hoped they put every thing
on the arbitrament of arms The result is partially
before US. The abolitionists of the North and the
original secessonists of the South acting and react
ing on each other, have in all probability "proved
themselves the most sklful architects of ruin that
any age has produced" Slavery has suffered more
injury during the last TWO years than would proba-
bly, have befallen it in the long sweep of fifty years
under the old government The peculiar champions
of the institution have placed it fear the high
road to extinction. And just here, we beg leave to
say to the O6serUe is the of of the most
serious apprehensions of our people. The sudden
emancipation of our slaves in our midst would be
the greatest blow which could be inflicted on South
society. 1t would ruin this generation beyond
redemption and its effects would be felt for ages to
come. Nor would this ruin be partial 1t would
include the non STAKEHOLDER we'll the Slavehol-
der, and finally the slave himself Subjugation, if
it should be in reserve for US, would be emancpa-
ton. Hence our people, while they are for contin-
ung the struggle, and while they still anxious
if possible to make good their " final" separation,
nevertheless disposed to pry into the future to
see if in the last resort something better than sub
jugation canno: be obtained If the worst should
stare them in the face it does not now, but it
may, they would have peace under certain crcum-
stances yet if the worst should come and they
could see no honorable mode of escaping it, they
would all die together with their slaves and their
little ones fighting with desperation which the
world has never witnessed.
The Observer Is disposed to twt US on our decla-
ration in May, 1861, that this State had pledged to
the cause her last man and last dollar" Let US
see if this pledge has not been redeemed This State
has sent 90. 900 men to the field. This comprises
all her fighting population (of course we did not
mean to include the old men and yearling boys,)
save those between 40 and 49, now being conscript-
ed and about 10 600 ableboded original secession
ists who refuse to redeem the pledge which they
authorized US to make in May, 1851. So much for
the "last man." Our debt, County and State, is
equal in amount to one-tenth of what the whole
State would bring in market in silver and gold The
last dollar" in specie, or in convertible paper, has
long since disappeared The State could no doubt
borrow Confederate money at premium of two for
one--that is, she could sell one of her one hun
dr1d dollar bonds fur two hundred dollars; but
ten dollars in gold will purchase one hundred dol
lars in Confederate money; and it follows that she
could sell her bonds for only ten cents in the
dollar in specie. So much for the "last dollar"-
We regret to have to make these statements but we
are obliged to do SO in elfdefence.
The Observer, very ingcniously, and very justly
in one sense says that negotiations for peace
be instituted only through The Confederate govern
ment But we must look at things as they are, and
not as wa wnnlh have them If Nj .nnnln shnnld