North Branch democrat. [volume] (Tunkhannock, Pa.) 1854-1867, 1863-08-19
Mr.. Wilmot was chiefly known from the

| bCulOCId JuS1 "a NioJ coSnoOl
had Joined in the Tariff Compromise of 1863
| Mr.. Meredith had published his belief that
the mutterings of the rising storm were what
he called " stridulous cries" unworthy of the
slightest attention.
BY Mr.. Lincoln's election, in November,
1860 the power to save or destroy the Unior
was in the hands of his party and no ad
justment was possible with men who rejected
the judgment Of the Supreme Court, who
scorncd conciliation and compromise, anC
who looked to a " little bloodletting" to &C.
ment the American Union. Till this time
the Union men of the South had controlled
with little difficulty, the small but restless
class among them who desired separate M
tionalty. The substantial interests Of the
South, especially the slaveholding interest,
were drawn reluctantly into secession. Gen
f. P. Blair, of Missouri, an eminent Republi
can, said very truly, in the last Congress:
every man acquainted with the facts knows that
it is falacious to call this a shareholders rebellion.
closer scrutiny demonstrates the con
trary to be true such scrutiny demonstrates that
the rebellion originated chiefly with the nonslave-
holders resident in the strongholds of the nstituton
not springng, however, from any love of lavery but
from an antagonism of race and hostility to the idea
of equality with the blacks involved in simple eman-
cipation.,'
1t was the triumph of the Abolitionists over
the Democrats and Conservatives Of the
North, that secured like triumph to the
secessionists over the Union men of tn C
South. The John Brown raid was taken as
Impractical exposition Of the doctrine of 4" r
repressible conflict" The exultation over
its momentary success, the lame ntation over
it's failure, had been swelled by the Aboli-
tionists, so as to seem a general expression
of Northern feeling. Riots and rcscues ha d
nulificd the constitutional provision for the
return of fugi tives. The false pretence that
slavery wou | monopolize the territories,
when we had no territories in which it coul
exist, had bsen use | a means Of constant
agitation against slavery in the Southern
Statess. A plan Of attack upon it hal been
published in "Helpcr's book," formally en-
dorsed and recommended by the leaders Cf
the party that was about to ASSUME the Al
ministratoH of the Federal Government -
leaders who openly inculc ated contempt fol
the Constitution, contempt for the Supreme
Court, and professed to follow /" higher
law" Thus the fame Of revelation IT the
South was kindled and fed with fuel furnish
cd by the Abolitionists. It might seem 5 II
perhunuS to advert now to what is past and
irrevocable, were it not that it is against the
same men and the slmr influences, still 4 in
| inant in the councils Of the A ADMINISTRATION,
that an appear Is now TO be made to the in.
telligence OF the people. The Abolitionists
deprecate these illusions to the past T)
cover up their own tracks, they invite US to
spend all our Indignation upon Southern
traitors )" but truth compels us to add, tina t.
| in the race Of treas IN, the Northern traitors
to the Constitution had the start. They
tell us chat slavery was the cause Of the war;
therefore, the Union is to be restored by
waging war upon slavery. This is not
true; or only true in the sense that any in
/ stitution, civil or religious, may be cause
of war, il war is made upon it. Nor is it 8
just conclusion that if you take from your
neighbor his 8 mau servant or his maid, OF
anything that is his" you will thus estab
llsh harmony between you. No danger tc
the Union arose from slavery whilst the peo-
pie of each State dealt calmly and intelli
gently with the question within their owr
State limits. Where little Importance at
tachei to it, it soon yielded to moral and
economical considerations, leaving the negro
in position of social and political subordi-
nation no where more clearly marked thar
in the Constitution and laws of Pennsylvan-
ia The strife began when people in State
where il was an immaterial question under
took to prescribe the course of duty upon il
to States in which it was question of great
Importance and difficulty. This interference
became more dangerous when attempts were
made to use the power of the General Gov
ernment, instituted for the benefit of all the
States, to the injury and prescription of the
interests of some Of the States. 1t was not
merely danger to the institution of slavery
but to our whole political system, IN which
separate and distinct colonies became, BY
the Declaration of Independence, " free and
independent States," and afterwards estab
lshed a Federal Union under the Constitu
ton of the United States. That instrument,
with scrupulous care, discriminates the pow
err delegated to the General Government
from those reserved "to the States respec
lively, or to the people" And let it be not
ed, that in speaking of the powers SO dele
gated and reserved, we refer to no vague
doctrines or pretensions, but to the clear
provisions of the written instrument which
| it is the duty of every citizen, aud especially
of every public functionary, to respect and
maintain The protection of American lib
erty against the enroachinents of centraliza'