Rutland weekly herald. [volume] (Rutland, Vt.) 1859-1877, 1863-04-16
n,,..ra r,nre,, en 1ae war.

81 "But il may he asked how can men sup
,.ort the administration in the conduct Of
The war if they do not approve lis meas
-es? How, ask in return, can any
r. government carry on war, It every
ms is 10 stand aloof, VINO does not APP
,roye all its measures 2 That tns war
mus. be carried on tai the rebellion is sub
dued. is the all hut unanimous sentiment
M the Iowa States, II is as much the in
terest of the South as of the North to has
Ten tins contamination, for she suffers in
6nitely more than the North by the con-
tnuance of the war, and there can be no
Neturn to state Ut general au permanent
EprospertY on any other condition That
errors will be committed, errors of iudg-
fment certainly, errors Of purpose perhaps,
on the part of individuals, is sure inUall
& wars. Commanders Of armies, members
of cabinets, members of Congress, Gener-
M ais Secretaries aud Presidents are falible
NJ men, subject to l>c prssions as We are. /
N do not at all den that it it IS our right
i and duty to watch and criticise their con
a d0Ct, but we must not forget that critics,
" editors and orators are also lalhble.-
" While we SIT in quiet and safety by our
N tiresjdes, and inveigh against those who
\ bear the heat and burden of theEiay who
carry upon their shoulders the thankiess
burden of official duty, and the heavy re-
4 sponsibllity of results, which often depend
N on the elements and on casualties beyond
N human control, we must keep in mind that
n we aiso have our interests, our preiudiceS,
N and our passions, and that it is much easier
( to ind fault than TO pursue any course of
conduct which will escape censure in
FAULT finding community. There are two
ways of doing everything and when du-
ty constrains us to find fault with the
/. short eomings of our rulers and our gener-
ais, we should, if possible, do it in such a
manner as not to give aid and comfort to
the rulers and generals of the enemy.
Among the patriotic inculcations of
Wasbington's Farewell Address, none
are more emphatic than those which re-
late to the evils of party spirit, unavoda-
BILE as the existence of party seems to be
hin free states and prosperous times. Brief
Fiulis there may be, as in President Mon
Il roe's administration but such temporary
N claims, as IN that case, occur only after Vi
NJ olent agltatlons, and are likely to be fol-
u lowed by them. So nseparabe from free
government Is the existence Of party ten
to he in England that while the Ministers
are styled Her Maiesty's Government,
their opponents have been called Her
Malesty's opposition Every one. howev-
er, must feel that even IN the time of
peace, the mdscrminate and vehement
opposition which the spirit and the policy
1 OF party are sure to make to almost every
il important measure of the Government, is
NJ productive Of embarrassment and DELAY.
q often Of more serious evils ia the conduct
OF the public business that il makes pub
he life dlstastetul to many vlrtuOus citizens
capable OF rendering important service to
the country; and thus tends to throw the
management of affairs into the hands of
INSCRIPTIONS and unprincipled men. All
these evils are indefinitely multiplied and
aggravated in state of var, with the ad-
ditional evil, far exceeding all the rest.
that an mdscrlminate opposition, in pro-
portion to It's vigor and warmth, paralvzes
the vigor Of your own Government and
strengthens that of the common enemy.
But II may be asked again, how can we
support an administration which adopts
measures that we deem unconstitutional
| should certainly be very unfaithful pu-
plI Of the political school in which | was
trained, If | could ever hear the sacred
name OF the Constitution Justly invoked
without respect, or yield to it anything less
Than implicit obedience. 1t is, however.
has great an error to appeal to it where
VT does not apply, as to disregard il
where It does; and | must say that the
study of our political history ought TO
( teach us caution In this respect: for from
the formation of the government in 1899
70 the present day, there has not been an
important controyerted measure-no, not
SOne-"nioh Its party opponents have not
suenounced as unconstitutional 1t is one
'oi the doctrines of the seeding school. |
that the government of the United States |
.could not constltutionally wage war against |
Il sovereign State. But how if the sover-
Sign State strikes the first blow. fires on
your vessels, bombards and captures your
Iorts, threatens your capital and inyades |
sthe loyal members of the Union who re-
ause to JOIN in the war of aggression d? Few.
suppose, will doubt that the United
Plates may sonstitutionally wage war of
zen defence against any enemy domestic
Rr foreign. But in waging this war of
Sell defence we cannot, in the opinions of
some persons with whom | have usually
acted, and whose Judgment | greatly re-
spect, go beyond the powers specially gran
Ited by the Constitution to the General
government for the purpose of ordinary
administration in time of peace.
& This opinion seems to me to rest on p
pSconoeption of the authority under which
Mar IS waged, The Constitution author
Res Congress to declare war, to raise and
Rpport armies, and to provide and main
Pm navy, and it clothes the President
lth the power of commander-in-chief-
q goes no further. Ii prescribes nothing
10 the enemy against whom, the
Pleasures by which, nor the ends for which
Pc war may be carried on. 1t gives no
sore power to wage war with foreign
n'ate than with domestic State; and it
al