The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1863-09-11
BIDDEFoRD, ME-, FRIDAY MORNING, SEPT. II, 1863.
The Presidents Letter.

We publish this morning tho letter Of Pres.
dent Lincoln to the Union State Convention
of Illinois, and which Is 10 be read to-day tc
tho Convention in session at Syracuse
Both these Conventions arc composed Of men
"who maintain unconditional devotion to the
Union" and to these the President has little
else to say than that ,ho tenders nations
gratitude to such Of them as ore not his sold
political friends" but "whom no partisan
malice nor partisan hopc can mako false to
tho nations life." His older friends, no Ia
confident, will thank him for thus rocogniz.
ing tho position Of men to whom the country
and tho Union are far moro precious than
party ties.
Dismissing thus in half dozen lines the
political relations existing between tho two
Conventions and his own Administration
the President addresses himself TO the coun-
try at large, and especially to that portion
oft which, whether honestly or not, differs
with the policy OF the Government. As on
several former occasions, Mr.. Lincoln seizes
an opportunity to put himselfin direct com.
munication with tho people. and in Ian.
guage plain, forcible and eminently direct,
tells them as their servant how and why he
has done, and proposes to do, their work.
Tho time is well chosen, for great anxiety had
unqucstionably arisen in the public mind,
and angry discussion was beginning to show
itsolf as 10 the course Government would
pursue in regard TO events possibly impcnd.
ing. Doubt on tho one hand. and misappre.
hension and misrcpresentatio on the other,
wcro sowing the seeds Of future difficulties and
possible alterations which could only prove
new and formidable obstacles in the progress
of the war, the final establishment OF wise
settlement of our national troubles and a
permanent peace. The President chooses
such moment to speak words OF wisdom,
and with the wide grasp Of statesman and
tho firm demoaner of a ruler to whose hands
arc entrusted tho wcighty affairs Of a nation
ut the most critical period Of her existence,
appeals to tho good sense, the patriotism,
and the candor of the people, whilo no tells
them precisely the principles by which ho is
governed and the policy he means to pursue.
Partisanship, we know, will 60 great way;
that partisanship which knows no other law
than q deep.rooted sympathy with Rebellion
will hardly stick ut anything; but the firm.
ness of purpose 80 unmistakably set forth in
this letter, and which is so woll.known and
80 large an clement in the Presidents charac-
ter, will not fail to command respect, and
compel acquiescencc at length however much
at first tho "Hcathen may rage" The truly
loyal portion OF tho people will rest easier in
their Beds tonight, all over the land, that
the President tells them in such frank, and
almost homely language, what he thinks hc
ought to do, and that he means to do it.
The most direct honesty Of purpose, and o
most vigorous common.senso mark this lot.
ter of tho President. Disclaiming the arts
OF the diplomatist, the cunning of tho poll
tician, and tho gracos Of rhetoric. he somes
straight to the points he wants TO discuss,
and talks rs plain, earnest man to men anx.
ious to hear what he has to say and to know
what be means. He lodges nothing. lie
argues directly with his opponent, because in
answering his criticisms and objections no is
sure to cover all the doubts, il there are any,
of his friends. lie meets the question OF
peace fairly, and he means to gain 1t by force
OF. arms because there is no other way
There is no other way, because he will not Z,
as no knows the people will not, consent to q
dissolution Of the Union, and because no
compromise is possible save with tho army,
or those who control tho armies of tho Rob.
OILS, and thoy will have none. No word, no
intimation OF any such compromise has ever
,eichcd him from the Rebel leaders, and he
has nothing else to do, as IL is plainly his
duty to do nothing else, but fight on. Can
anything be more conclusive than this ?
But il any such proposition shall ever reach
him-as more ever has, and no man will dare
doubt Abraham Lincoln's word-he promis-
cs that it shall not bo rejected and kept so.
cret. Can anything DO moro satisfactory
Nor does he meet the Emancipation question
less squarely and boldly. Copperhead jour
mails may waste roams on reams OF paper, but
they will neverApSet tho impregnable com.
nonsense and brief statement Of disposition
on this point. He has only done what, as
Commander. in. Chief, no had tho right and
it was his duty to do in taking tho property
Of tho enemy. If in depriving him of that
property it could be turned against him as an
active instrument Of hostility, 30 much the
worse for him-so much the better for US.
In 80 doing the Prcsidcnt's act was either 10.
gal or illegal. If illegal, he need not 70.
call II; if legal. ho can't. And why recall
il? A hundred days grace was given in
which II might be recalled. and the indul-
gencc was disregardcd. Will another hun.
drcd days or any number Of hundreds be nc.
ccptcd even iftho President could unmakc
laws? II u black man coascd TO help the
Rebels, thcy had man the less eff no aided
us we had man the moro, and just so much
less for white men to do. Is this fighting
for tho negro? It is tho negro fighting for
us, and when tho Union Is saycd, II then tho
President continues tho war for tho ncgro's
sake, It is time enough todiscovcr that fact,
and accuse him oft. In tho mean time the
negro il much like other men, and fights for
motive. The motive we give him is the
promise Of Freedom. "And tho promise be-
ing made must be kept" Again We say ::
God bless Abraham Lincoln "TnE PRoN.
lsy MUST BE KKPr!"
.LErrER OF TIE PRESIDENT 70 GKS. GRANT.
We find tho following lcttcr in tho Washing