The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1863-03-20

bellion against a governmental authority
before where the rebels could not lay their
finger upon a thing to show that either
their property, their liberty, or their rights
had been, in the slightest particular, inva-
ded. CGreat applause ] This being the
fact, the city Of New York sent 10000
men to quell this rebellion Her capital
lists advanced $500, 100000 to put down
this rebellion. The State of New York
sent 100000 men, and I am to argue, in
the face of these facts and the past history
of this contest, that the rebellion is afro
ciously unjust, and that the war in which
we have engaged with the South is right
fully prosecuted by us in vindication of the
constitution and the Union. [Applause.
Now, what is the condition Of this contest?
They were not satisfied with what 1 have
detailed, but they announced they were
going to establish a republic, the corner
stone of which should be slavery, and
they are now engaged in that task, in en-
deavoring to establish republic on this
continent in 1868, the corner stone of
which shall be slavery. Now, went to
Herkimer in 1913 to lay corner stone,
but it was not this. Laughter 1t was
as much unlike this as anything you can
possibly imagine, and it adds no additional
attractions to the contest, as far as l am
concerned, that they should avow this OBJ
ject in prosecuting the war. 1t is now a
contest forced upon the non-slaveholding
and loyal slaveholding states, by those who
are endeavoring to build a republic based
on slavery. To PROSTATE rebellion that
has that object in view, | am willing to de-
vote any means, any time, any exertions
within my power during the rest of my
life. Applause and three cheers.]
He next spoke Of the CONSUMPTION bill.
The bill which has excited the sensibility
of several gentlemen who have spoken in
New Jersey, and at certain hall in this
city [hisses] was bill which gives extra
ordinary powers over the purse and the
sword to the President of the United
States. l will state now, as briefly as
can, what are my views in regard to this.
In the first place, as to the bill which con-
fers upon the President the enormous pow
er over the sword and purse. Iagree that
it makes him almost dictator. / agree
that it is very great stretch of power.
| argue that unless there may be a ne
cessity for it, it ST ould not be done. Ev-
erybody knows that in prosecuting a war
under republican government, which
consists of several states, the great appre-
hension is that there may not be unity on
the part of the states sufficient to impart
energy to the executive heads. That was
predicated as one of the grounds upon
which our system of government would
fail. | call the attention Of my democratic
friends to this, because there seems to be
particular sOlicitude about them now
Laughter The President was given the
power of the purse and the sword in 1889,
when Great Britain had directed forcible
possession to be taken of portion of
the State of Maine, and Sir John Harvey
had moved troops of Great Britain into
that territory to hold it. The Governor
of the State of Maine met this action by
moving Maine troops on to the same terri
tory. The President Of the United States
called the attention of Congress to it, and
left ii to their own wisdom what ought to
be done. Now hold in my hand copy
of the bill that they passed upon that oc-
casion, in 1889. l will state to you the
substance of the various sections, without
OBTAINING you at this late hour by reading
the bill. The fir-t section puts the whole
naval and military force Of the United
States, and the militia, at the disposal of
the President. [Applause.] The second
declares that the militia, when called out,
shall be compelled to serve six months.
The third gives the President power to
call out so, 900 volunteers. In those days
when our army had never reached 5000
men, it was Il weighty matter to call out
$4,000 men, aud was regarded us an enor-
nous authority. [Laughter.]
The fourth section gives the President
power to complete and employ all the
armed vessels of the United States at his
disposal. Applause
The fifth section appropriates $40, 00O,-
900 to carry into effect the provisions OF
this act. In those days ten millions OF
dollars was q great deal OF money
[Laughter,l The sixth section appropri-
ates $4,000 to send special minister to
Great Britain. The seventh section au-
thorizes him to expend million of dollars
in finishing the Notifications upon our sea-
board, and building them. The eighth
section directs that the militia and volun-
teers, when called out, shall be portions of
the army of the United States.
Now, how TO yoa suppose that bill pass
ed? 1t put the whole purse and sword
into the absolute power of the President
of the United States. Clay, Webster and
Calhoun-men perhaps inferior to the So
Ions of our day laughter were members
of the Senate. The bill passed the Sen
ate, and these three although
all violently opposed personally and politi-
cally to the then President of the United
States-voted for the bill, and it passed the
Senate unanimously. Applause Italso
passed the House of Representatives, after
full discussion, by vote of POI to 6,
and the leader of that six was Henry A.
Wise-[ Kisses the bold brigadier who
distinguished himself so greatly at Nays
Head Laughter while his brigade was
fighting and his son dying. [Applause.1
Now let us see whether the democracy
of our day was alarmed at this union of
the purse and the sword, and in the first
place, let us see how the political oppon-
ents of the administration treated it.
Governor Seward was then Governor of
the state of New York, having been cleo
ted in 1888, and a political opponent of
the Presidant On tha 9TH of March ho