The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1863-02-06

Gus arti6ce of language, every keen device OF
double meaning sophistry, every smooth rea-
ding but inverted maxim, is used to dissatisfy
the citizen with the conduct Of the war
and by subtitle division Of his loyalty bO-
tween State and Nation, to dopreciate the
cause.
He begins by telling us that the local and
the national constitutions are equally sacred;
that consolidated governments are despotisms;
that 1t Is the interest of the smaller States to
ccntralize power, because Of their undue ad.
vantages in senatorial representations. that
in the large national obligations to be created
by the war, the rich Atlantic States, will
own the bonded debt and the great western
and producing States, will be the poor, ever
paying debtors Of the interest; that the Pres
ident holds his place only through thevote Of
a minority, that 'tho sole effect Of the eman-
cipation net is to liberate the slaves Of loyal
citizens 'that slavery is not the cause OF tho
war; that we must restore the Union 'as it
was,' that We must not subjugate the South,
that we cannot support four millions in idle
ness, and that 'ice must not ,cear out the fues
of our soldiers nor erhdust the earnings Of
labor, by a war for uncertain ends, or TO car
ry out vague theories
II, after these seditlous declarations, thero
is any virtue or good faith in the final declar-
ations that sour armies in tho field must be
supported and that 'under no circumstan.
ces can the division of tho Union DO con-
cedcd,' we should like some skilful casuist
to point It out. Tho whole tendency Of the
message is to promote resistance to the Gov
ernment, and general discomfort among our
citizens and for tho accomplishment Of these
fine objects, we naturally have moro than
one false statement.
It is certainly falso in Mr.. Seymour to say
II shall not inquire what rights States in
rebellion have forfeited, but deny that this
rebellion can suspend a single right Of the
citizens Of loyal States; for he knows, as q
lawyer, and frankly, as an honest man, If
frankness were his cue, that loyal States may
have disloyal citizens, and that traiiors,
wherever found, forfeit not only the right Of
liberty, but even life itself; and ho also
knows It is not true, that the edict Of eman-
cipation operates only on the slaves of loyal
men. He further knows that his election
was not condemnation Of the war, but
rather rebuke to the administration for
not prosecuting 1t with sufficient energy and
vigor; and he likewise knows that no CON
cilliatory policy will appease rebellious lea
ders, who can have no future through the
suffrage of o reunited country.-His declar.
alton of the unconstitutionality of the sup.
preston of the hdbeas corpus, in times Of
great public exigency, is confuted by the
doctrines and practice Of Jefferson and Jack
son and his advocacy Of an unlimited license
of expression in the time of war he must
know to be q wholesale encouragement OF
treason.
Perhaps. however, there Is no portion Of
the message that is more insidous. or that
more fully betays the adverse motives of
the writer, than the paragraph. which tells
us plausibly, that there is little to fear from
the general government in times Of peace,
but this bids us be jealous and stringent
against its encroachments In the hour of war.
The laws of honor, loyalty and of affection
are always the reverse. A grateful and gen.
erous nature is ready to make any sacrifice
to protector who is in calamity. In old
Rome, when liberty was in its highest food,
the citizen was always promp to temporarily
resign his Government to the hands Of q die.
tator, to render it compact and effective
against foreign foe, and every generous
nation since. has willingly consented to sim
liar sacrifices, rather than be trampled by a
conqueror. Equally false with other posi-.
tions of the message. is tho nice sounding
sentence, 'that those who hold that there Is
no sanctity In tho constitution must equally
hold that thore Is no guilt in the rebellion;
for again, as lawyer, Mr.. Seymour knows
that man who violates compact, merits
punishment and that his own unlawful frac
ture of this instrument stops him from de-
manding that its provisions shall ro.extend
to him. In the forciblo language Of General
Butler, 'sedition Is treason treason Is death,
with forfeiture Of goods; and all that is
inflicted ON rebel, short Of this. is 50 much
gained by him, from the clemoncy Of the
government nt
But enough of this wrctched message, its
scditions, and its fallacios. II reveals to US
dark and threatening future; for II will
embolden bad men to wicked and unlawful
acts. and 1t will make treason popular, BY
melting the expressions Of thousands Of poor
applicants for Office who will sock to square
their declarations to the supposed secession
principles Of those who unfortunately now
have at their disposal tho vast patronage oi
the city and State. Under this demorali1ins
influence and powerful coersion. tho gross
State of New York il becoming moro ma
lirnsn. district than either Louisana or Mis-
.ouri and this dreadful fact forces upon
our mind tho most profound and alarming
spprshsnsious. Ifit continues to progresin