The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1863-02-10

cial organ for the maintenance and ex-
tension of slayery-and for the destruc-
ton of this nation and the erection of q
new nation if the conspiracy should fail
The conspiracy exploded, and we are now
measuring our strength with the conspi-
rators on the question of the new nation.
But does il follow that we must Ay 10 ex-
tremes as violent on one side, as those
conspirators rushed TO on the other? Must
we subvert and abuse the Constitution in
one direction, because they subverted
aud abused it in the opposite directionP
Because they chose TO see no just, wise,
and safe condition except that in which
slavery predomihated shall we refuse to
see any such condition except where sla-
very no longer existsg'
DR.. Breckenridge is Of the opinion that
the proclamation announced on the I'D
of September, was taking q step over
constitutional limitations, and in advance
of public opinion. The Doctor says of
the action of the President:
"What he had done, independent of his
proclamation of September 22d, involved
pies, policy, and the relations of the Gov
eminent, to slavery, as they all stood at
the close of Mr.. Buchanan's Administra-
ton. A new direction was given TO eve.
ry thing; many things were set at rest,
which it was Of the least consequence TO
quiet in some way"
As TO that. immense change" the Doc
tor says:
The abolition Of slavery in tho Dis
trict of Columbia was completely within
the competence of Congress-was not
seriously Objectionable in the mode
adopted-was a concession proper TO be
made by the slaveholding States to the
principles and wishes of the vast MAORI
ty of the American people-and was an
act proper TO be done, in any fair and
u national view of the subject. Whatever
has been done in the matter of the sup
preston of the slave trade, and with re-
gard to the black republic of Libera-sO
far as we are informed-seems TO us TO
be worthy of the appreciation Of all wise
and just men. As TO the use TO be made
of slaves by the military forces of the
nation, and the protection given to fugi-
tive slaves within the linces of those
forces, we think great error was a first
committed in dealing with weak len
iency with the property - including
slaves-of rebels in arms against the
Government; and that, afterward, line
eff policy has been adopted, confound-
ing loyalty with disloyalty, in a manner
at once cruel and insulting, and having
much appearance of being designed
rather against slavery than against trai
tors"
On the question Of emancipation, DIR.
Breckenridge has much to say for which
it is impossible for us TO find room. We
give few sentences in which the out
lines of his views are clearly presented
ave considered Missouri to be in q
condition to adopt system of gradual
emancipation, and that it would be wise
in her to do il. We have the same opin-
ion concerning Maryland; and as to Del
aware, we suppose that the slave interest
there is so small, and in q condition SO
peculiar that il offers no special obstacle
to any action the State might think desi.
rable, at any time. Western Virginia /
admitted az a separate State, as il Scent
probable il will be, may be considered
virtually free State"
DR.. Breckenridge has always thought
kentucky was wrong in refusing TO TAX,
any step looking toward TO emancipation
action under the Presidents origiha
compensated emancipation scheme:
! ave think that as the first, or even q
{ an early mover in it-she would have re
iected IL; while as a mover in IL, afte
} Missouri, Western Virginia and Mary
land--and considering this plan finalit,
D as touching the interference OF this AID
I ministration with slavery as an institu
, tion-it is not improbable she might hav
adopted it,
at is difficult TO conjecture what ef
| feet the idea of compensation might haV
In Kentucky, or in any slave State be
cause the fate of slavery is in the hand
, of nom Shareholders, especially in all tn
. Border States, and they have resisted, a
a body, all tendency toward emanoipa
Q ton, upon peculiar views of their owl
1 respecting slavery, considered as an in
: stitution, and not as an interest II 1
= extremely fortunate, however, that ia
q President has tenaciously held TO the ide
f of compensation for liberated slaves, il
r all his earlier plans and suggestions
n because in that he separated himsel
Y absolutely from the fanaticAl principle
Q of the Abolition section of his party
The same statement, precisely, may b
b made concerning the condition annexe
8 10 his plan, requiring the manumitts
@ slaves 20 be colonized. No wiser, or no
bier, or more fruitful charity oharacteri
. yes this century than that which plante
y and still sustains the black Republic q
= Liberia in Africa; and we might reason
], ably hope that other colonies, plante
: under the plan of the President-if h
Z, would have allowed il a REASONABLE
y chance of being adopted-might hay
h been productive Of results similar
y those the world confidently expects frOI
I, Liberia, through all coming time"
; In summing up his views on the negr
u question, especially DR.. Rreckinridg
y says, in that stately and splendid style
II Of which he is master:
n "Wo have no doubt that God in hi
u own good time and way, will give to III
Z human race that freedom which il los
n before the dawn OF history, which it ha
N always sighed for, which il never under
he stood, and which but small portion
r. il now possesses. We have no doubt
IN is the duty Of all men, each according
e his place and his degree, to strive tht
ID this aud every other real blessing shoul
10 be obtained by every one competent
10 enjoy and use il Alright But we belie'
or in the providence oil God; aud IL seen
ID to us folly II not a sin, to attempt
n Illustrate the course Of Providence
l. whether by fastening or by retarding
is or in any other way. And we believe
D. the binding obligation Of ten thousaI