The daily dispatch. [volume] (Richmond [Va.]) 1850-1884, 1863-02-28


n I'm of!ths tax and the attsinpt 10 COL
sle9t ore only the occadon of testing the
fiRAt 6lAimed by force OF arms. The studAnt
d history win Ind no dificaity in tracing the
canees Qf our present revelation TO q rad.
tcal ana fundamental difference of opin.
d. tySes theory Of our Govcfnnaent, and
sthes slinnitAtions upon Fedsral or State
authority ie this q Government Of the peo-
phe Of the United States as gaasi rolitieal
bo1y, asftug rightfully By fDrco spf popular
nnnnogi63 majority, the voice Of which lnar,
Ijoxity oha1Stnsionally decides tha charact6f
sef or y il 9 aoyerntaent Ok kfhe
peppde ok 80 Hsetes, rsfresentativs III IL char.
aeesf, and united 70 iss powsrs. iegisleiye,2s
sa ~ es g - p,ss ssss3 6 e ~ e ss sss
7 - = nfeas ks 4 q dsaf n N sIssel
AVm service and labor, the raid Of John
Brown into Virginia, the election Of Abraham
Lincoln as President, none of these were the
cause, In my opinion, of this revolution; but
II was the assertion of the power and duty Of
Congress, and Of the people Of the free States,
limit 1t that the publio mind could rest in the
conviction of its ultimate extinction" It was
the assertion of the right to abolish, accompa
MED by such asts as svidsncei ths purpose to
abolish, that led to this revolution.
Mr.. LlKcoLE's INDIFFERENCE TOR
1t must have been apparent to the President,
% 1t certainly was to everybody else, after
his election, that unless soma means of pacifi /.
Cation were adopted, that an attempt at ma
fional disruption was inevitable. Sach an at.
tempt he may have regarded as unreasonable,
as criminal; but neither its unreasouahieness
nor crimina;ity could excuse the jceular in
difference with which he seemed to regard ii.
He had been victorious In the political race
for power, and could have afforded even to
have been generous towards thoss labosing
under apprehensicns of evil tc themselves
from his Administration. But, cir, when he
saw that the whole country WAS agitated and
filed with alarm, and that tbs work OF dis
ruption had in fact commenced, il was crimi-
nal indifference on his part to give asaufa1ce
TO his scountrymen that the constitutional ri gh.s
Of the people of the esveFa! States SHOULD be
maintained, and tha Union preserved unim-
paired Where, then, was his love for the
Unionf When those who were patrioticaiiy
struggling by day and night for the adoption
Of some peaceful and honorable mode OF ad-
justment were needing words OF encourage
ment, and were anxious'y Seeking assistance
from those about to be Installed Into power
did he whisper aughs Of hope in their ear p
When, in disguise, he soughi the capital Of the
Republic, and found good and wise men, repre-.
sentatives Of the States that had not seeded,
endeavor;ng to devise some means 70 arrest
the work Of national dismemoermsnt, did he
aid them by his couHse sel Or encourage them by
his promise When, before his inauguration
as President, he entered this chamber and
found Douglas ana Csittenden and tpsir CO.
laborers endeavoFing TO procure the adoption
Of measures OF honorable compromise. dad hs
request one Of bis political friends TO aid thsm
in their patriotic efforts? The only response
he ever deigned to his inquiii ing and distressed
countrymen WAS the dignifed assurance that
''nobody is hurt" Installed into Office, he be.
takes himself TO the agreeable work Of eis-
tributin2 otheessa h;s followers, ard manifes.s
no further interest in public affairs than TO ess
whether q pretexs fer war cannot be had by
tempting the seeeders to strike the first blow
1t is struck, and Immediately the cry rings
throughout the land that the rebels have fired
upon the national flag, that Sumter has iaiisn,
and that the rebellion must be crushed out
Seventy five thousand volunteers are called
into the field, coon to be followed by half a
million more, and son to Ricnmondl'' is the
cry. War exists not by the act OF Congress.
but by the act of BeauTegard and Ab:aham
Liucoin. Better, Tar better for this eouutry y,
had neither OF them ever been born.
THE WAR COULD HAVE BEEN AvzRTED.
Mr. Presidsnt, this war was either nsces.
sary or it was unnecessary. If necessary. it
was only 30 for the purpose Of preserving ma
Of the people. II Indispensable for these rur.
poses, it was jrstifabie. If not SO iuaieren-
sable, II was crime. Was 1t necessary p
Could not the Union have bsen preserved and
the constitutional rights of the people been
maintained without resort to arms He
who asserss the contrary faisides history ant:
attempts an Imposition upon the public ere
dulity. These are the only legitimate objects
for which this war could have been inespted
| vxxyht p0fu ta
waged. 1t il folly to say that the people OF
the revolted States fred the first gun. The
question Immediately arises. could not the oe-
casi0n inducing them, or afording the pre-.
text, if you please, for 90 doing have been
hon0rably avoided by wise counsels assert
that It could, and history viii SO adiudge Wnen
civil war 10 certain unless aveEted by peace.
able and honorable adjustment of differences,
and when such adjustment is practicable,
to refuse adjustment is to act criminally-
You know, the country knows, and history
viii record, and has recorded, the fact that se-
cession never would have occurred beyond the
limits of South Carolina, had Congress adopt
ed promptly the Crittenden compromise nnsa-
sures, which were In substance nothing mere
nor lsss than solsmn guarantee that the Con.
stitution should hereafter be considered to
mean what it had been solemnly decided by
tho hisheas legal tribunal already TO mean
BY their adoption, war would have besnavert-
Cd, peass maintained, and the Union pre-
served. IA
THE REIGN OF TrKRoE.
Niejudglng tho temper and character OF the
American people, they sought to prevent ali
remonstfance against Whatever means they
chose 70 adopt 70 accomplish their purpose, by
governing free people By appeals to their
1earA Aobs becems their instrumsnts OF ven
geancs, and where fhese could not conve-
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