The Hancock Jeffersonian. [volume] (Findlay, Ohio) 1857-1870, 1863-08-14
Letter FROM Vaiiaudiehnm 10 thr Drm-
ncrntic ouy+ptipn of tuca- CoHntv.
TABLE Rock House,
j. B. Dunn Sec'y.

ANlAGANA AbLS, Y. w ., u diS ol
GENTLEMEN Unable to attend
your meeting of the 9Th August in
person, permit ne to address you by
letter, briefly Waste no part of
your time in personal defense to the
candidates and speakers Of the Ad-
mnistration party. | leave mdis-
turbed the brave and chivalrous work
of assailing an opponent absent, be-
cause the tyrannic power of the mas
ter, executed by military force, com
pcls it. The great Issue of the day
ought not to be suhordinated to
things merely personal, and I recon-
mend to my friends generally that
they initiate the wise Romans, and
carry the war into Africa.
The Democracy of Lucas, postpon-
ing all other issues, and ignoring all
differences Of opinion in regard to
them, assemble, of course, TO consider
what Gen. Fremont, the candidate Of
the free speech and free press Rcpub.
lican party of 1856, very aptly styles
the uppermost question of the day
the question of their own constitu-
tional rights and liberties. This is
the practical issue in the Ohio cam
paign, forced by the President and
his party upon the people, and boldly
met by the Democracy in their plat.
form, which, rs n candidate, l accept
as their solemn and deliberate profes-
sion of political faith, and their pledge
to the country that they mean to de-
fcnd the rights asserted IN it with
their lives, their fortunes and their
sacred honOrs. Until these shall
have been made secure. it can be
neither useful or possible to discuss
any other question, not directly con-
nected with it.
Here is, indeed, just such ques-
tion-one second only in importance
to that of public liberty. The union
of the States is worth the whole world
to the American people; but liberty
is the soul of people, and what shall
it profit us to gain the whole world
and lose our own soul?
The Constitution made the Union,
and when the war began, it was pro-
claimed to he for the supremacy OF
the Constitution and laws, and what
ever difference of opinion there may
have been even then rs to the mode
of securing it, every patriotic citizen
of the United States knew what the
laws and the Constitution were.
But what do we see to-day? The
opinion and will from hour to hour
Of the President--and such Presi-
dent lis solemn and officially pro-
claimed superior to the Constitution
and laws, even in the States wholly
loyal; so that, upon the present po'
llicy of the Administration and its
party, declared Interchangeable, the
, South is to be forced to the will and
opinion OF Abraham Lincoln. instead
OF the written fundamental statute
and common law. And, if we our.
selves scorn to yield up our constitu.
tional rights and liberties to his mon
strous demand, does any honorable
man, any sane mon, ask or expect the
+ States and people Of the South te
surrend, so long as a man survives
to strike a blow, or woman K
strengthen his heart or nerve hi
arm ?
Upon such policy this war mus
r and will be interminable. So many
5 square miles may be overrun, so mucl
soil may be conquered, but the heart
i Of the people never. How, then, stant
# the chances Of the Union, measured
5 by the two different policies of tn
\ Abolition and Democratic parties?
d The party of the Administration de
d clares that the States and people O
e the South, shall he forced to lay dow
d their arms and submit. What then
" Confiscation of all property, emanci
patton of all slaves, and the executio
of all who, directl, orindirectly, hav
d taken part in the rebellion, namely
Il line tenths of the whole population
Is or a general amnesty has, never a
Il yet, been so much as suggested b.
n ,ither Congress or the Executive, an
y unconstitutional submission is no
il Lhe least which is demanded, thoug
: would do more, not only for const
ntional liberty but for the Uniol
n han such men could accomplish in
}. hundred years.
mood not reneat my often declal