Delaware gazette. (Wilmington, Del.) 1837-1883, 1863-10-23
BIBLE VIEW OF SLAVERY.


unequal. Tne poor hre oompelicu 70 serve tue
rich, and tho rich are compelled to serve the poor
by paying for their services. AThe political party
is compelled to serve the leaders, and the leaders
are compelled 10 scheme anu toll, In order to serve
the party. The multitude are dependent on the
few who are endowed with talents to govern. Aud
the few are dependent on the multitudo for the
power, without which all government is impoSsi'
bic. From the top to the bottom Of the social IA
bris, the whole Is thus seen to be inequality and
mutual dependence. And hence although they
arc FREQ from that special kind Of slavery which
the Southern States maintain over the posterity OF
Ham, yet they are all. from the highest to the low
est, in bondage quite real, from which they can
not escape-the slavery of circumstances, called,
in the ordinary language Of the world, necessity.
have been, fear, unreasonably tedious in
thus endeavoring to show why utterly discard
these famous propositions OF the Declaration OF
Independence. 1t is because am aware Of the
strong hold which they have gained over the
ordinary mind Of the nation. They are assum-
cd by thousands upon thousands, as II they
were the very doctrines Of divine truth. And
they are made the basis Of the hostile feeling
against the slavery Of the South noiwithstand-
ing their total want ofratonaliiy. Yet do not
wonder that such maxims should be popular
They are admirably calculated to crafty the
pride aud ambition so natural to the human
heart, and are therefore powerful incentives ia
the work of political revolution. II was for this
purpose, presume, that they were introduced
10 that famous document, which publicly cast
OF the allegiance of the colonies 10 the British
crown. And the same doctrines were proclaim
ed few years later, in similar service. by the
French Directory,in the midst Of a far more Ter
rible revolution. Liberty, equality, aad frater-
nity-THE RIGHTS OF MAN, were then the watch
words of the excited Populaoe, while their in
Sane leaders published The decree of Atheism
and q notorious courtesan was enhroned as the
goddess Of reason, and the guillotne daily mas
sacred the victims Of democratic fury, Till the
streets of Paris ran with blood.
do not state this fact because desire to place
the revolutions in the Colonies aud in France
on the same foundation with respect TO the spir'
il or the mode in which they were conducted =
God forbid thai | should forget the marked fea,
lures OF contrast between them On tho ont
side, there was religious reverence, strong piety
and pure disinterested patriotism. On the other
there was the madness OF atheism, the brutality
Of rufianism, aud the ''reign Of terror" TO al
that was good and true. In no one mark OF
character indeed, could l dream that there was
any comparison between them, save In this
that the false assumption ofhum equality aud
human rights was adopted In both. Yet how
widely different was their result on the question
of negro slavery The American revolution
| produced no effect whatever on that Institutions
while the French revolution reused the slaves
of their colony 10 81. Domingo to general in.
| surrectiOn, and scene of barbarous and cruel
butchery succeeded, to which the history of the
world contains no parallel.
This brings me to the last remarks which
have to present on this famous Declaration =
Aud respectfully ask my readers to consider
them maturely.
First then, it seems manifest, that when the
AZ hat sGa
were born equal" they dbl not take the hegrC
race into account at all 1t is unquestionabl'
that the author, Mr. Jefferson, was u slavehold
err at the time, and continued so to his lifes end
II Is certain that the great majority of the Oihe
signers of the Declaration were stakeholder
likewise. No one can be ignorant Of the fac
that slavery had been introduced into all thu
colonies long before, and continued long after
in every State save one. Surely then, it can
not be presumed that these able and sagaoiOu
men intended to sLultify themselves by declaring
that the negro race had rights, which neverthe
less they were not able to give them. And ye
il is evident, that we must either impute thi
crying injustice TO our revolutionary patriots
or suppose that the case OF tho slaves was no
contemplated.
Nor is this solitary example, for we have
complete parallel 10 IL in the preamble to tn
Constitution, where the important phrase, "W,
the people of the United States" must be un
dersloOd with the very same Limitation. VIII
are the people? Undoubtedly the FREQ citizen
who voted for the Constitution. Were the slave
counted as part of the people? BY no mean
rue negro RAGS had no voice, no vote, no iaeia
once whatever in the matter Thus, therefore
il seems perfectly plain that both those instrrl
ments must be understood according to th
! same rule of Interpretation. The slaves wer
Z mot included in the Declaration of independence
for the.same reason precisely that they were n;
! included amongst the "people" who adopte
the Constitution of the United States.
Now il is the established maxim Of the Law
that every written document must be under
stood according TO the true intent of the partie
Q when it was exeouted. The language employ
D ed may be such that ii admits Of a differer
senses but there can BIO only one just intel
preLation, and that is fixed unalterably by III
apparent meaning Of its authors at the time. O
this ground alone, therefore, respectfully COL
q tend that the Declaration has no claim wha
ever To be consideredl in the controversy Of on
Q day. have stated, at some length, my rel
i sons for rejecting it's famous propositions,
= being totally fallacous and untenabe. 81
even il they were ever so ''self evident"
! capable Of the most rigid demonstration, Ii
rulO of law utterly forbids us to appeal to the
in a sense which they were moi designed
. bear.
4 In a second place, however, 1t should be r,
Z membered that the Declaration of Independence
whether true or false, whether il be iuterprete
Q legally or illegally, forms no part Of our pr
y sent system. As great historical document,
stands, and must ever stand, prominent befol
the nations of the world. But il was put fort
more than seven years anterior 10 the Constitl
: tion. Its language was not adopted in tn
Constitution, and il has no place whatever
I obligatory law of the United States. When OF
i orators, our preachers, and our politician
4 therefore, take its propositions about hum0
y rights and human equality, and set them up
o the supreme law, everything the COnstitutic
s and the acts of Congress, which are all the re
law ofths land, ! cannot wonder enough at Il
absurdity of the proceeding. And | dou
n whether the annals of civilized mankind ca
Il furnish stronger instance Of unmitigated PEI
versity.
!, Thirdly, and lastly, am utterly opposed
= those popular propositions, not only because
hold them to be altogether fallacious and vi
\ true, for the reasons already given, but furthe
( because their tendency is in direct oontraris
n to the precepts of thu Gospel, and the highe
d interests of the individual man. For whit
r, the unavoidable effect Of this doctrine of humG
equality Is il not to nourish the spirit
pride, envy, and contention To set the Sc
= want against the master, the poor against Il
o rich, the weak against the strong, the ignora
against the educated To loosen all the bout
l. and relations of society, and reduce the who
duty of subordinatOn to the selfish cupidity
u pecuniary interests, without an atom OF respe,
, for age, for office, for law, for government, f
4 rOvidence, or for the word Of Godf
do not deny, indeed that this doctrine
y equality is doctrine ofimmense power TO url
!. men forward In constant struggle for advance
a ment Its natural operation is to force the va
majority into ceaseless contest with their eli
: cumstances, each disoontented with his lot, |
Il long as he sees any one else above him, an
toiling with uuceasing effort to rise upon ii
social scale Of wealth and importance, as ia
d and as far as he can. There is no princip