Mineral Point weekly tribune. (Mineral Point, Wis.) 1859-1868, 1863-10-21

fined the General 81, ooo for this alleged con
/ tempt Now now does the platform theory
/ OF martial las agree with Jacksons pTacticcs
/ II one Is right, Is not the other wrong: And
| which isright which wrongs
| This Is not all. Thirty years Afterwards
/ the whole matter sustained thorough re
| view in the Congress Of the United States,
| where bill had been Introduced To refund to
/ the general the amount Of this fine aud in
| terest. 1t was opposed by some OF the minor
| ity IL arguments something like Mr. Rvan's
| But after full discussion, the blu was tri-
unphantly passed bv large majorities. The
| Democratic party was zealous In its support,
and among the MANY speakers for the bill in
! those prolonged debates, none was more ef-
! fective, none more determined, none more
: positive, a TO the entire correctness of Gen.
/ Jaekson's whole conduct, than STEPHES 4
| DOUGLAS, then member of the House from
Illinois. He took the strongest ground. He
/ denied that GEN jackson violated either the
/ constitution or the law, Mt New Orleans
! His right TO declare and enforce martial law
! Mr.. Douglas saidl was derived from it ne
| cessity in time of war for the defense OF the
/ country. sit became hls lGen. JackSon'sl
| duty TO declare martial Law If the necessity OF
the case required IT, If it became necessary
/ TO blow up fort, he was authorized TO do il
| if it became necessary TO sink a vessel, ne
was authorized 10 do it and if il became
4 necessary 10 burn Il city, he was authorized 10
do IT,
de acknowledged that this Vas a highland
ed and despotic power, enc that was only TO
! be exercised when necessary, and which
| ceased when the necessity no longer exissed.
It was sufficient for him
to know that General Jackson y ho was the
| commanding general, deemed il necessary To
declare martial law in order TO defend the
| city. If the General had
IL = >
~ to erecHts L. anil huge Hail had no right to
al7'sst tie execution Of it.7-Bastozts -4brHqe-
| ,gs5lt OF DEPUTIES IL Congress, Vol. Nv. p. ~.
/ Thus great Douglas How would he scorn
those who to-day Insult his memory by
claiming TO be of that Historical party
which ne led, while for the sake OF prcpitia.
ting traitors, they ahjure the doctrines he
taught. 'There can be but two parties now, -
he said when Sumter's flag was desecrated,
1.-THE party Of patriots and the party of trail
tors" We know which side he chose. But
are these men or his side or the other , The
record speaks the reply.
They say the constitution does not author
lie martial law ii does not mention it, Nor
does il mention sunpowder, nor bayonets, nor
a blockade. Why are they proper and the
| other improper The constitution gives to
Congress the power to declare war to raise
and support armies and to provide for calling
out the militia. 1t makes the President com
Inander-n-chief of the army of the United
States. Our fathers who framed that instru-
ment were men of sense. They knew that in
| the common course OF things wars must come
and instructions; that armies must be raised
! and maintained, marched and fought. And
providing for the distribution Of the general
powers necessary, they trusted that their
descendants would have brains and spirit to
handle the details. No battle eau be fought
| without guns, no campaign conducted with
| out martial law. Our ancestors did not think
so poorly of their posterity as to suppose that
We must be restrained in the use of one more
than Of the other.
Martial Law is despOtism-a dreadful evil.
. Battles are murder-no less an evil. The
more reason for driving the war TO q speedy
| close Both are opposed TO the peaceful
spirit of the constitution: both without jus
tifica+ion, except in necessity; neither eI
| pessly forbidden in the constitution, nor ex
pressly sanctioned; yet both necessary Incl
dents of war, not to be avoided by any theory
cruelty iutruding upon US who are painfully
unwilling. No constitution can bride bloody
, war with the silken reins of peace, turn bay
0nets into c0nstable's slaves, nor plant court:
and iuries upon a battlefield. We cannot
persuade rebel armies to submit to trial upon
the Indictment of grand jury; nor will a
> warrant arrest the Thizzng mimic and tbs
screaming she'll in such peris the constitu-
ton Is to be upheld, not by lawyers and theil
Grafton, but by heroes and their blood Mar
row and unsafe that construction, which de
7 clares the constitution Unequal to such emer
gencies.
Our commander-in-chief must take from
the enemy mules, cattle, corn, cotton, wag
T. ons must burn houses, ships, cities mus
capture and kill. Do not rebels the same
r Can or general achieve success, if he Is un
f able to picket his horses, form line OF battl,
y or direct march, destroy building, Gu
down tree, for fear Of a broken Constitution
. and suit in trespass Or if the control oye
! the territory subject to his arms be denied t,
: him because occupied by citizens, not belong
! ing to the beiligereat armies: Such trifiny
! | TeyOlts common sense. The WAR POWER
{ outside of the constitution, because not name,
Z ! by it, sgttin the constitution, because implied
T. in the right to make wars, and Of necessit
n must be, supreme within its sphere.
2 Nv friends in the great litigation now pen
= | ding between the Union and its foe:
the Northern counsel against the government
have been ingenious and persistent. Thei
1 efforts have pTotracted the trial, and giveI
q ! hope 10 traitors. No point that could en-
d / barraSs Us, or aid our enemies, has been over
/ looked. Irregularities in our proceeding
s provoke clamorous opposition, which com
: | mitted by rebels, excite no remarks. y,
. | step IS taken by our leaders to speed tn,
n
: ter denunciatiOns.
But We shall gain our cause. The obicc
= lions of our antagonists will all in turn b.
:, overrued. The Supreme Judge Of nat on
Y will deliver Judgment Before Him, right
% eous and all wise, our just claim must prevail
d Omnipotent, His arm viii enforce the decree
He, whose plying eyes have long witncsse,
l the sorrows Of the oppressed, whose ears ar
: open 10 their cry, viii not give over this con
Y tinent TO the rule OF slave holders, nor SUITE
# its freedom to be quenched in blood ou
e grieyous sacrifices will be accepted our pray
L ers heard. Delays, discourag emelts, disa=
= tiers, though long and wearisome. are bu
a. needed discipline, through which We mus
Il patiently abide the day Of final victory
That we shall abide steadfast, imrnoYable
: that happy, enduring peace shall end on
IT woes and blot out their remembrance tina
# discOrd shall give place to unity; that on
i fac. coating unchalIanged over the fortresse
1t Of every State, upon our ships in every sea
II shall proclaim liberty throughout the cart
g to the inhabitants thereof; ;" have uudoubtiu
> faith-taith resting in the courage of this pee
II pie, and the favor of our God.
TuRNIPY TASTE N MrLK.-The unpleasant
: taste given 70 milk and butter when the COW
~. H. -..fs-.s