Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1863-04-20

ing are extracts:
Mr.. David Dudley Fields views and mine on
the subject OF the policy ef the administration are
antipodal, and in view of his reported action in
the pence congress in connection with some of
his radical associates, to which action can be
traced the present awful condition of the coun-
try, since it was in their power, UfI have been
rightly advised) to have averted the war, / can
not but look upon his and their political course
as laying upon hem a weight of responsibility
which i would not have upon nv conscience fora
thousand worlds.
You appear to have fallen into the prevalent
error of confounding the Government with the
administration of the government. You are too
sensible not to see that they are not the same.
The word government has indeed two meanings,
and in order TO rescue the subject from ambiguity
allow me to say that the ordinary meaning of
government, in free countries, is that form of
fundamental rules and principles by which a
nation or State is governed, or by which individ-
uai members of a body polite are to regulate their
action. Government is in fact a constitution by
which the rights and duties both of citizens and
public officers are prescribed and defined. If the
word sometimes has a secondary or more limited
meaning, synonymous with administration of
public affairs, then 1.-THE government" is meto-
nymically used for administration, and should
not be confounded with the original and true
Specification of the term administration which
means the persons collectively who are intrusted
with the execution of the laws, and with the
superintendent of public affairs.
Opposition to the administration then is not
opposition to the government: the former may not
only be utterly destroyed without affecting the
health of the Government, but il may be. and
constantly is, thought to be necessary, in the
opinion Of the supreme power. the people, to de
stroy the administration in order to preserve the
life of the Government. This is i'm accordance
lot only with the theory Of our institutions but
with the daily practice Of the people. Every
change OF administration at every election,
federal, State, or municipal, great or small,
exemDlifes this great truth. The Government
remains intact. unscathed, while the administra-
ton is swept out of existence.
In the light of this exploitation you must perceive
that so far from " allying myself with others for
the purpose of undermining and paralyzing the
power ofthe Government, the very purpose of our
society is to uphold and strengthen the Govern.
ment. by diffusing among the people, such a
knowledge of the principles upon which it is
founded, that it shall not be in the power of any
administration. whether weak or wicked, to work
its injury.
/ WELD to no man in hearty loyalty 10 the Cor
eminent. nor in obedience also to the administra-
ton in all its constitutional measures, whatever
may be nv private opinion of their wisdom You
mistake me if you suppose / have any " radical
purpose of undermining or paralyzing" any of its
legal measures If | think them unwise, | shall
use nv constitutions liberty TO saw so. and if the
administration transcends the power intrusted to
it by the people, | shall endeavor to point out the
error. not in - contumacious or unkind spirit, but
nevertheless firmly. To the standard of the Con-
St~itufi0n, and the Union under it, of all the Uni
ted States | shall cling as the only political hope
of the country-our only defense against anarchy
and despotism.
WHAT MUST WE SUPPORT
But you say "unanimity of support is essential
to the very life of the nation" Support of what?
Laws and acts subversive of the Government2-
Laws and acts in direct and ~palpable contraven
ton of the Constitution Laws and acts outside
of the Constitution? Where in the fundamental
law of the Government, the Constitution, does
the President, one of the administrators Of the
supreme law, find his authority for his emancipa.
ton proclamation? Where for his usurpation Of
the power TO suspend the writ of habeas corpus?
Where for the cOnfiscation acts? Where for his
authority to arrest and incarcerate citizens!-
These are all the acts of the administration, not
Of the government; acts that are "paralyzing and
undermining" the Government; acts that are di
viding the people of the North alarming them for
the safety of the Constitution, the Government,
and arOusing them to call their servants, the adj
illustrators, to account.
1t is on such a confounding of terms as this, of
government and administration, that you charge
extreme and radical purposes" upon those who
rally in support of the Government.
NECESSITY OF OUR SOCIETY.
You must excuse me, dear sir, if | say that
your letter Ito so great an extent based upon the
popular fallacies Of the day. is itself a proof of
the necessity of Just such a society as we hare
formed; because, if minds like yours. intelligent.
reflective, ingenious and conscientious, are so
much at fault on the fundamenta principles of
our institutions, what must be inferred of the
minds of Others less intelligent, who imbibe their
opinions and mould their actions from the preju-
diced and b~efogged intelects controlling the
%fanatical avenues to public opiniony
CHARACTER or ABoLITIoNIsM.
By the manner in which you allude TO the
'extreme radicalism and infdelity of the CARR
son stamp | am glad to find we have a com
mon stand point from which To view a portion of
the field. Look at that dark conclave of con
spirators, freedom shriekers, Bible spurners,
fierce, implacable. head-strong, denunciatorv,
Constitution and Union haters-noisy. factious,
breathing forth threatenings and slaughter against
all who venture i difference Of opinion from
them; murderOus, passionate advocates OF i'm
prisonments and hangings; blood thirsty. and If
there is any other eDithet of a~trocity found in
the vocabulary of wickedness, do they not every
one ftly designate some phase of radical abolition
ism2
DISTINCTION BETWEEN ABoLITIoNIsTs AND REPuLI
CANS IMPOSSIBLE.
But you would have us make a distinction be-
tween these radicals and in6dels of the Gar.
rison stamp" aud the Immense party which, . as
you say, "came into being and into power only
on the grand purpose of resisting Southern ag-
erosion"
l ask you now to look at the state of the coun
try. Is it not true that the Abolition element
has acquired the control of that Immense party
of which YOU speak2 Are you not advocating
and supporting the Abolition policy Of the Ad.
ministratiOn2 Is it not true that these very
radicals and iufdels of the Garrison stamp"
whom you Justly lOathe. have framed and passed
the rnost offensive Abolition measures that tinge
the whole policy of the Administration? Sc
notorious is this fact that to ask is to answer the
question.
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION AND THE CORNER
STONE.
/ am sorry to find you defending the Presi-
dents Emancipation Proclamation. Ii is a meas.
ure which | have considered from the moment of
its prOmulgatiOn unwise, unconstitutional and
calamitOus. productive of evil, and only evil, n
measure that. more than anv other, has tended
10 divide the counsels of the North. and unite
the South, and render the restoration OF the ma
tional Union next to hopeless. Your defense of
il rests on Il fallacy. You say, "If il is a legiti
mate function of our Government to destroy the
fabric of the Southern Confederacy, a ~tortiOri,
IS not justified in removing that which their now
highest authorities pronounce 10 be its corner
stoneY" To answer your question inteligently,
it is necessary to know the nature of that corner
stone beforp we ran nronouuce whether the