Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1863-02-07

rIly create, Just 90 far as II has any efficacy,
revolution far more poftent,us 10 all the Sc
ceded States, than the one they have sought TO
create In the nation OF large.
g., Il 10 perfectly obvious TO every sane man
Tho lives In either Of the ffteen slave states,
and who is not an ultra Abolitonlst, both In
the general and In the technical sense. that
neither the Consultation az Il 10, nor yet the Union
40 Il soas, 10 compatible with the state OF things
which the effeotual working Of the Presidents
Proclamation would produce.
Under this head DR.. BREoRlSRIDaE further
remarks:
We feel perfectly assured that the majority Of
the people Of the free States, will concur In the
came Judgment whenever, and as often as, that
question 10 fairly submitted 10 their decision.
II the Abolition party, as such, had been left
to its own power and resources, to conquer the
Secession revolt-they never could have done
lit. The nation can do II; and we trust and be-
Ilieye Ii will do II. But 1t will do 1t upon ma
tional, and not upon party grounds. Ii Will
not permit party at the South to create new
nation, with new aims and institutions; nor will
it, as we confidently trust, permit a party at
the North to destroy the Constitution under the
pretext OF maintaining the Union-and defeat
at the same time, the possibility OF restoring
the Union, by destroying immense portions oi
the very elements Of which the Union ls com
posed.
a. A fourth objection to the Proclamation ari
ses from its effects as already beginning to be
developed in the loyal slave States. DR.. b.
says:
Considered as O mere question of enormous
property, II is mere insult to tell ruined loyal
men that, after the war is over, the general
Government ought TO be responsible to them
for the value which It may see proper 10 fix up
on their slaves taken from them to be set free,
along with those of traitors. Considered as the
measure of the appreciation which just Gov
ernment puts upon services which, low as 1t
may suit certain claes Of politicians to value
them, have been Of character that the national
cause had been Lost IL they had been thrown
into the opposite scale; II is not difficult to
understand how deep and conscientious that
loyalty of o brave and proud race must be,
which refuses to forsake the representatives of
the nation, even when they are dealt with 40 a
conquered people. The nation will never ap.
prove such treatment of loyal States or loyal
men; will never ratify principles or acts look
ing In that direction; it will never soy this ia
what 10 meant by the Constitution as II il and
the Union as 1t was. Long ago We pointed out
that revolution In opinion throughout the
Moth was one of the necessary and certain
elements oil the restoration OF the Union, and
the salvation Of the country; and step by step.
during the past two years, We have pointed out
the successive proofs as they became obvious,
that it had set 10, and that its movement was
more and more powerful. But for the Procla.
nation of September %, we do not believe that
the late elections In the Northern States would
have resulted in throwing the Federal Admin.
istratlon into minority In the lower House OF
the next Congress.
S. The fifth objection to the Proclamation
respects the want of power 10 the President to
do the things 1t proposes. On this subject DR..
B. says: #t ...t.
"It cannot be conceiyed that States, said 10 be
10 rebellion chiefly or exclusively, for the sake
of slavery, could be induced, by menace from
those who find It difficult to conquer them, to
sell their slaves at what the opposite belliger-
ent shall choose to value them, under terror of
hls setting them free." Considered Ia such a
light ss this, "it looks far more like war
against slavery" than war for any legitimate
ends that should be had in view. GAS long, %
Dr.. b maintains, "as there are FIVE loyal slave
States, and as long as other momentous causes
of the war undoubtedly exist and are openly
avowed, we cannot be justified In proceeding
with violent and ruinous measures. Moreover" !"
he adds, "the President has repeatedly and
truly avoWed that he has no power, under the
Constitution as It is, to disturb slavery In any
State in which 1t exists. 1t 10 equally CERTAIN"
he further adds, "that CnDgress can give him.
no such right, "and that It has none" such
itself.
Asa right Of war, slaves, considered as per-
sons, may be destroyed If they take part 10 the
war against us--not otherwise; considered as
property, which the President admits they are,
they may be captured ard put to any appropri-
ate use by the captor, consistent with humani-
lty, like other property. We admit that trea
son and rebellion are just grounds upon which
every species OF property may be forfeited to
the State; but by the forfeiture, the title to
the property passes to the State, in trust for the
general good, as 80 much means And we
would like to understand by what authority Of
law, actual or possible, the Federal govern.
ment can bestow the title Of q forfeited slave
upon himself, any more than third party; or
upon what pretext Of authority under the Fed
eral Constitution, captured slaves can be set
fee, any more than captured estates or for.
feited eetates can be given to the officers and
soldiers Of an invading army. In civilized war
private property Ia sacred, unless IL is put to
military uses by the enemy; and treason and
rebellion are not oHenses under the articles of
war, but are crimes against the State. IF the
public conscience revoIts from the idea OF sell
log captured or forfeited slaves, there are yari-
ous ways of escaping from the necessity of do.
\ ing SO; any one Of which would be unspeaka-
bly, better than their indiscrimInste and stimuli.
taneous Liberation in the revolted States; bet
ter for the slaves, better for the slave Ststea,
better for the nation better most especially for
the hope Of restoring she UniOn and preserving
the Constitution.
"There ore possible modes of destroying"
slavery, that are "more deplorabIe by far than, I"
In any view Of the case, "the continuance Of
the system would be- And "there are possible
failures 10 the attempt to destroy 1t, whose
fruits are bitter beyond all IL can bear In await.
ing the course OF Providence"
Further on, Dr.. BREoKINnDeE adds
That Ii belongs to the Office OF President OF
the United States to form and urge schemes Of
the most radical and immense social and pollt.-
cal revoluti0n-or to bis functions, as Com
mander u-Chief Of ihe Army and Navy, to
attempt the universal destruction OF slavery In
America--it seems to US can never be shown,
either as matter Of right or matter of necessity
That IL belongs to the Congress Of the United
States, either 70 establish slavery or to abolish
slavery In any Of the States, 10 what we suppose
no man in America, competent 10 form an
opinion on the subject, viii assert That the
revolted Statea shall never be restored to the
Union, except 90 free States, 10 conclusion
which no rational man can believe the National