The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1863-07-30

eu, ana winch IL was our interest and our dr. /
ty to guard against. The Government will
succeed the rebellion will be suppressed and
the Union will be restored, without slavery |
When that is done what will be our position |
five have succeededin identifying our Church |
with the cause of slavery and rebellion, and
demonstrated to the world that American
Catholics love not liberty, and hold that they
have the right to resist the legal government |
and the legitimate authority of the nation to !
which we have sworn allegiance? In vain
should we appeal to instances of individual
loyalty among the Catholics, for it would be
shown that they were the exception, not the
rule. In vain would Catholics cite to our
Reuiew, for though that has uniformly been
loyal and true to the government, the enemies
of Catholics could easily prove that in being
SO it lost the confidence of the Catholic COM
munity, and was interdicted by the Bishop
Richmond, denounced by the Bishop of Vince
ling, and officially declared by the Bishop of
Philadelphia and the Archbishop of Cincin-
natl, to be no longer Catholic Review. In
vain should we appeal to the Telegraph and
AaUocdt, the New York Tablet and the Pitts
burg Catholic, for these journals have not
been uniformly anti-slavery or decidedly
loyal, and at best are only exceptions and by
LO illcollS 1dll pOllcIllS vi IllS 6SIlIllItulS
and opinions Of the Catholic body of the
United States. In vain should we appeal to
the large number of Catholic volunteers in
the army, for that number, as large as it has
been, or even is, we are told bS Archbishop
Hughes, is not relatively SO large as is the
proportion of Catholics to the whole popula-
ton of the loyal states; and besides, it may
be said that the mass of them volunteered
not from loyalty, but for the sake of the high
bounties and liberal pay offered, and in the
case of the Irish for the purpose of acquiring
military experience and distinction, to be
turned to account in a war against Great
Britain, for the liberation and independence
of Ireland. Should it be so said we should
find it difficult to prove the contrary. 1t is
undeniable that no religious body in the
country stands SO generally committed to
slavery and the rebellion, or as body have
shown SO little sympathy with the effort of
the government to save the unity and life of
the nation as this Catholic. This fact is known
and we need not be surprised to find it some
day made use of to our prejudice, besides it s
not legacy we would like to bequeath to
posterity.
TIE DEMOCRATIC PARTY RESPONSIBLE.
So stand the facts simply stated, and yet in
the very face we venture to believe that very
few Catholics, except old American Catholics,
in the slaveholding states, and not all even of
| them, are deliberately and Intentionally dis
loyal, or on moral and religious grounds in
favor of slavery, when brought forward as
distinct and separate question. Catholics
have generally, in late years at least, been
associated with the Democratic party, and
| that party since 1850, has been politically a
pro-slavery party, and from its ranks have
issued the chiefs of the rebellion. Secession
was the work of the Democratic party in the
Southern States, aided and encouraged, up to
a certain point by the Democratic leaders at
the North, for reasons not difficult to divine.
Catholics have become pro-slavery through
party associations and party attachments.
They have COMPOUNDED opposition to political
Abolitionism with the defense of slavery it
self, and mistaken fidelity to their party for
loyalty to the nation. Not a few of them
cannot conceive it possible for a man to be
good catholic and not support the Democratic
party: and to large number OF them, leav-
ing their political party is next neighbor to
renouncing their Church. The leaders of the
rebellion at the South were also among the
| first, in 1866, to meet and roll back the
Know Nothing movement, and the mass of
our Catholics have a much more ready sym
pathy with southern shareholders than they
have with the more prosaic population of the
North. The slaveholder seems to them near
er akin than the Northern freeman to the
gentleman or nobeman ofthe old world. Here
is we appehend, the real secret Of the pro-
slaveryism and disloyal proclivities which we
notice in a large portion of our Catholic pop
ulation, or if not disloyal proclivities at least
lack of heart sympathy with the government
to which they owe allegiance. 1t is prob
able that the majority of our co-religionists
consider the fearful struggle for life in which
the nation is now engaged, as on y an ordin-
airy struggle for place and power between two
political parties, in which a man may take
oither side or no side at all, without disloy
atty. They seem not to understand that the
struggle is between the Legitimate Govern
ment representing the nation, and rebels seek
ing its overthrow, and that between the le-
gitimate government and the rebels there is
but one side which a loyal citizen can take.
If loyal he can neither side with the rebels
nor stand neutral. When the nation is en-
gagged I'M struggle for its existence against an
armed rebellion, neutrality itself is treason,
and made SO by Scion, and taking sides in
any respect is high treason, punishable as
such. Yet our Catholics have only followed
the Democratic leaders, who are for the most
part non-catholics, and more censurable than
they.
AND REPRoyED.
Regarding the question of slavery as solely a
political question, our Catholic community
have done themselves and their religion
great injustice by their public attitude in re-
gard to it. No Catholic would ever dream
of removing slavery by illegal or revolution
airy means, and no Catholic, who has the
slightest knowledge of his religion, could for a
moment entertain the notion that he could be
true Catholic and not be opposed to slavery.
On this subject the clergy must permit us to
say that they have been too reticent, too
tiInid, too cautious, and have pushed human
prudence beyond it's Legitimate limits They
have failed to bear that testimony against
slavery which the Catholic church always
than we do. the absolute incompatibility of
American slavery with Christian morality.
They kow that, save in very rare instances it
is impossible for the slave to observe the laws
of Christian marriage, or fulfill the imperative
duties of Christian parent. Christian mar
rage is almost universally substituted by con |
cubinage, and the masters seldom respect the |
sanctity of the marriage relation among their
slaves, and they hold it neither adultery or
fornication to satisfy their own brutal Iusts
any of their female slaves they choose. 1t is
little, either for master or slaves, that the |
priest can do, even in the confessional, and in
most parts of the South, the priest is regarded
only as better sort of a better servent,
and is very indiferently supported, We have
never conversed with priest in slavehoId
ing State, who, when he dared speak his
mind, did not depIore on moral and religious
grounds, the existence of slavery. and feel
ingly express his earnest wish for its ex
tinction How many enlightened, devout,
and truly Catholic ladies, have we met in our