The Burlington weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington [Iowa]) 1860-1876, 1863-11-07

crusn repelilon cause Of suspicion, and te
fairs. i0enee ~ al
The term Radical is chiefly used ,o
.LeaIe DIVISIONS among the supporters o1
the government, where none really exist
as Is conspicuous in the speeches. of M
BLAIR, a member of the Cabinet. That !
memDer OF the Administration. which has
py stroke OF the pen, abolished Slavery in
hlne OF the great slave States, who declares
emphatIcally that this great act of freedom
.tnis uitlmate OF radical treatments q
manly, i ana that the President will never
| take a step backward in it. should devote
the chief labor of the same speech to invec-
i've against Abolitionists and radicals
SHOWS that there is mental distraction
somewhere, and as if the design was to
distract and divide the real supporters O,
the Government s
similar prostration of the moral facuI-
port of military government .apno,tad hv
tne Commander-ln-Ch Chief, for the States
winch pretend to have seeded. while he
denounces those who think it more in ac-
cordance with popular institutions that
| congress should exercise this power, as de-
slrlng 10 annihiiate the States. 1t requires
a mental revulsion to comprehend that tIie
transfer OF civil government from arbitrary
military power 10 the legislative depart
ment Is an infringement on State or per
sonal rights. The only solution of this bar
adox, to the rational mind, is bv back -ac-
ton, and the reflection that if this thing
when done by legislative authority, would
be State annihilation, it must be annihila
| tion even more radical when done bv mill
tary power, and therefore that the State
are already annihilated by the policy Mrs
| Blair desires to preserve. In his precipi-
| fancy IN opening fire on the Radicals he
forgets the recoil of his gun.
| The Emancipation Proclamation in terms
abolishes Slavery in nine OF the great Slave
States, including three-fourths of all the
slaves, and nearly all the districts where
slave labor is the chief industrial element.
In principle and practice, to the extent to
which it is applied, it is the ultimate of alb
olitionism aud radicalism. How can there
be any rational differences about radical
ism or conservatism on a thing that is an
initiated? And why should the President.
who with his own hand killed the thing,
| lmpute to others that they wanted it killed,
and were more anxious for that than to
save the Union? Why should the living
earnestness and unanimity Of the loyal peo-
| pie in pushing on the war to crush the mil
ltary power OF the rebellion by force of
arms, be distracted and divided by this
post mortem inquest into their feelings to-
ward the dead subject? This only creates
divisions III the support Of the main cause,
where none exist; and, worse than this, it
tends to array the Administration against
all its true supporters. If the division
which Mr. Montgomery Blair, of the Cabi-
net, is laboring to precipitate, were carried
out and if all who are included in the epi-
thets he applies, as they are generally used
by the enemies Of the Government, We're
driven from the support of the Admins
tration, as he seems to desire, how long
would it stand against the entry of jeff
Davis into the Capital? And how large a
portion Of the remaining element would
not prefer the reign OF jeff. Davis in Wash
| ingtOn? .s
TO draw divisions of "those who are for
the Union f5ith0Ut but not arith Slavery
and so on, and TO inlpute to these disatfec-
ton in the cause, implies that the procla-
nation of emancipation is insincere; for il
there be any who are for the Union Withou,
but not aotth Slavery, how can il be sup
posed that they are cold in the Union
cause on account OF Slavery, if the procla-
nation has abolished it? When the Presi-
dent issued his emancipation proclamation
his anu-Slavery supporters accepted IL
AS n tinality. Why should he, after eXtin.
gushing Slavery, arraign men under the
imputation of desiring it eXtingiushe0?-
| And why should he make the hearty sup.
port Of his own policy reason for suspect
ing the Unionisln of his friends?
Besides the four grand divisions on the
Union and Slavery question, which the
President draws among the supporters o.
the Government, he draws subdivisions o.
"those who are for gToduGI but not tor I'M.
mediate, and those who are for immediate
but not for gradual extinction of Slavery
This cannot apply to the States covered by
the emancipation proclamation, for after
decapitation it would be late to inquire o.
the subject whether he would prefer grad.
ual or immediate extinction. These time.
BILE in those States where Slavery still
exists. These, except Que, are under the
control OF their own State Governments
and people, who have full control of the
| question. And certainly when the Presi-
dent has recommended emancipation tC
these border States, as way to settle the
war, he will not insist on postponing
emancipation and keeping alive the con-
test.
If immediate emancipation is military
necessity beyond our military lines, the
people immediately interested may be eX-
cused for believing that it is u military ne
cessity where we have the power to make
it practical. Or, if immediate elnancipa-
ton beyond our military lines is the Pres
ident's policy, it would be strange if be
should class the advocates of immediate
emancipation in their own State as loving
the Union less.
i We have discussed these matters freely
because the President has placed them be-
fore the public in the way of discussion,
and probably desires the expression OF
public sentiment. We have connected
with them Mr.. Montgomery Blair's per-
formance, on account Of the conspicuous
part he has taken lately in assailing the
supporters Of the ADMINISTRATION, and try
ing to set up divisions among them.
i We derive from this statement Of the
President to the Missouri Delegation, and
from his other expressions and policy, the
idea that he regards the Slavery question
as to be settled by theory rather than prac-
tice-by proclamation and not by perform
ance. Thus he proclaims immediate mill
tary emancipation where he has no militia
ry power. and he opposes the people OF
Missouri for desiring to do it where they
have civil power. He declares emancipa-
ton as a military necessity, and exempts
from it the district where we have militia
ry power to execute the military necessity.
He recommends compensated emancipa-
4 ton as cheaper than war, and he opposes
agitation to make it immediate. In this
theoretical treatment he draws various the
oretical distinctions, until the people. who
are unitedly supporting the prosecution OF
i tho ,var with an idea that the crushing OF