The Portland daily press., 1863-09-29

ly contains an article entitled as above, from
the pen of Hon. FREDERICK p. STANTON, for
merly Member of Congress from Tennessee,
and Secretary for Kansas at the time Robt. j.
Walker was Governor of that Territory. Mr..
Stanton was born and brought up in the slave
states, under the influence of the peculiar in
stitution," and his word and opinion are enti-
tied to careful consideration.
We have not room for his entire article, but
give the closing portion OF it. He deals with
the rebellion, its wicked authors and their
''bold undertaking to break up the American
Union and to arrest the progress of its benign
principles" ITO the great relief and JOY of
almost universal humanity" says Mr.. Stanton,
"thc monstrous attempt is about to result in
the Constitution as is--asks no changes -
insists that the Federal Government cannot
put the states upon any different footing from
that established by the present constitution,
but at the same time he says, iii we concede
"the right of each state, after making war on
'the Union until it is finally conquered, quiet
'ly to return and take its place again with
'al the rights aud privileges it held before,
"just as if nothing had happened in the inte-
"rina, then, indeed do we make of the FEEDER
sal Government veritable temple of discord
"We subject it TO the danger ofperpetual con-
"vulsions, without the power to protect itself
Except by the repetition Of sanguinary wars,
whenever the caprice. or ambition of any
Estate might lead her into the experiment of
rebellion"
Mr.. Stanton continues:
The Government has power to conquer the domes-
tic enemy in arms against it, then, and neces-
sary consequence, il must be the sole Judge
. TO when the conquest has been accomplished in
other words. IL must pronounce when and in what
manner the internal war shall cease 10 exist This
implies nothing more than the right claimed by eve
ny bclligerent power, and always exercised by the
conqueror-that of deciding for itself how far the
war shall be carried-whst amout of restraint and
punishment shall be naicted-whaf terms OF peace
shall be imposed. The Constitution of the United
States does not seem TO contemplate the holding by
the Federal Government of any State a conquer
ed and dependent province; but in authorizing It TO
suppress rebellion, IL coniers power necessary
to do the work effectualy II authorizes the use of
the whole military means of the Government, 10 be
applied in the most unrestricted manner, Tor the de-
struction of the rebeious power. If State be in
rebellion then the State itself may be held and re-
- Ds y; 30 long as may De neees
laws and the due performance OF its constitutional
obligations. Acting in good faith, the Federal Gov
eminent has the undoubtcd right TO provide for its
own security, and TO follow its military measures
with all those supplementary proceedings which
surely cannot be QUESTIONED and If SO. II pin~olpes
everything leaving thequestioD only of practi-
cal expcdency, and OF good faith in the choice Of
means.
Passing over a great deal of convincing ar
gument, we come to the conclusion of the ar
ticle, which we commend to all friends of the
country and OF humanity--all those who be-
lieye that permanent prosperity must rest on
eternal justice and good faith. The argument
passed over is intended to show the perfect
compatibility of the conclusions arrived at
with the demands of the constitution itself.
In the Restoration of the Union" says Mr..
Stanton
We will be compelled TO consider not only the
duty which the Government the people,
in the matter Of their own permanent secure
ty but also the obligations IL has assumed the pro-
misses il has made, and the hopes il has excited in
the bondsmen of the rebeous States. There must
be good faith toward the black man. II would be
infamous TO have melted him TO escape from slavery
only to remand him again, upon the restoration of
the Union, 10 the tender mercies of his master.
Whatever differences of opinion may have existed in
the beginning as to the legality and policy OF the
Proclamation and of employing the liberated slaves
as soldiers, the Government and the people too
far committed in this line of action be able now TO
withdraw without dishonor and foul injustice. Ma
ny OF the consequences of the war may be remedied
and the last vesiiges of them oberafed Cities
may be rebuilt, desoiated fields made TO bloom again
with prosperity and commerce may return to its
channels with~yen increased activity and volume
Many wounds may be healed, and many separations
may be brought TO an end by the renewal of friend
ships broken by the war; but the separation of the
slave from his MASTER far il has been caused by
any action of the Government can be remedied
That must be eternal separation, resting for its
security upon the humanity as well as the honor of
the American people. What! Shall we restore the
States Internationally and permit the fugitive slave
law again to operate il did before the rebcliony
Shall we consent TO see the men whom we have nsi-
ted away from the South dragged back into slavery
teniold more severe by reason of onr act indu-
cling them to escapey his Is plainly impossible.
guinent is wholly out of place: feeling and con-
science revolt at the very idea. 1t may be admitted
that this question, with its peculiar complications
presents the most difficult and dangerous of all pro-
blems; but there is no ALTERNATIVES must and
solve it at the close of the rebellion. We have to
combat the selfish interests of a class still powerful
aided by the great strength Of popular prejudice
almost universal. The emergency will require the
exertion q q, or wisdom and all our energy
been melted 10 action, either By the movements of
our armies or by the potency of the Proclamation.
Whether they will be- and to what extent depends
upon the continuance of the and its future pro-
gress. The result in this particular remains TO be
seen, and cannot now be anticipated What legal
effect the measures Of the Government may have
upon the slaves remaining in the South would be a
question for the decision of the courts and doubt.
less most of them would be entitled to liberation
the penalty of the treason OF their masters who may
have participated in the rebellion. But it is well
worthy of consideration whether il would not be
wise aud better for all parties. including the slaves,
TO commute this penalty by a compact with the
states for the gradual emancipation of the slaves re-
naming at the time of the negotiation. The sudden
and utter overthrow of the existing organization of
labor and capital in those States coming in addition
TO the awful astation which the has produced
will deal disastrous blow not alone those unfur-
tunate states. but TO the commerce and industry of
the whole country.
But neither the Government of the Uuitod States
alone, this together with the Africans, liberated
aud unliberaed, can prescribe their own require
ments. as the law of the emergency, without refer
to other great interests involved The question
must necessarily be controlled by the OF all the
political elements which enter into it, II is desirable
TO the States to the Union with little dis
satisfaction possible and even with all the aevia-
ton which can properly be afforded to the misfor-
tunes of the people who have sadly erred in Their
duty to themselves and to their country. After any
settlement--the most favorable that can be made
heavy will be the punishment inflicted by the great
contest upon the unhappy population OF the rebel
hous region. In many things, II true, they will suf
fer only in common with the people of other States;
tunes In addition to the common burdens. gener-
GUS Government, In the hour of its triumph, will
seek to lessen rather than aggrayate their mist r
tunes, even though resulting from their crimes.
Having received them back into the bosom of the
Union, IT will do SO heartily and magnanimonsly,
yielding everything which does not involve viola
ton OF principle. or endanger the future tranquility
the country. The harmony of the states. their
homogenity. and their general progress in all that
contributes to the greatness and happiness of COM
munities ought to be and doubtless will be- the be-
nign object OF the Government in the settlement of
the existing difficulty. If these high purposes neces-
sarily require in their development a provision for
the rapid disappearance of slavery, the requirement
will not arise from any remaining hostility 10 the re-
turning States on the contrary, 1t will look TO their
own improvement and prosperity, quite as much as
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