The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1863-12-25

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the assurances of the high esteem and invio-
liable friendship with which am, -a,.
Madame my Sister,
Your Majesty's good Brother,
.." '- NAPOLEON.
Paris, November 4. -
ENGLANDs REFUSAL. "a
On the 25th of November, the refusal
of England to take part in the congress
was officially announced, as follows:
.'.- FOREIGN OFFICE, November %.
My LORD: Her Majesty's government have
received from the Marquis Galore the copy
of dispatch addressed to Linn by NJ. Droun
DeL'Huys in answer to my dispatch to your
Excellency of the 18th instant. Her Majesty's
government having obtained an answer to the
inquiries they made, will not any longer delay
| giving definite reply to the invitation Address
| ed by the Emperor of the French to her Maj
esty the Queen, to take part in Congress of
the European powers to be assembled at Paris.
inclose copy of the Emperor's letter of
| invitation to the Queen, which is similar to one
which has already appeared in the Moniteur,
| addressed to the German Confederation. Her
I Majestys government fully recognize in this
| step the desire of the Emperor of the French
| TO put an end to the disquietude. which affects
several parts of Europe, and to establish the
| general peace on foundations more solid than
| those on which, in his opinion, 1t now rests.
| The Emperor declares that France is disinter
ested in this question; that he, for his part,
seeks no ACKNOWLEDGEMENT, and that the inter-
| ests to be secured are those, not of France but
of Europe. Her Majesty's government may
| also declare that Great Britain is dsinterested
| in this matter. that she seeks no aggrandize-
ment, and that she has emily to counsel modera-
| ton and peace But France and Great Britain
being thus disinterested themselves, are bound
| to consider what is the position, and what, in
| Il Congress, will be the probable conduct of
| Powers who may be called upon to make sacri-
| fee of territory or of pre- eminence and moral
! strength. g .
1t would be little to the purpose to say on
| this occasion anything more of the Treaties of
| 1916. Practically, the Emperor of the French
admits the binding force of many portions of
| those treaties and her Majesty's Government
have been modified or disregarded, and that
| other portions are now menaced or called in
| question. Her Majesty's Government under
| stand from the explanations given by NJ.
| Drouyn de L'Huys that, in the opinion Of the
| Government of the Emperor. it is obvious to
| every one that there are several questions not
| hitherto solved, which may here diturb Eu-
| rope. Of this nature are the following:
Must the conflict in Poland be still further
| prolonged? Is Denmark to be at war with Ger
many, and have the powers which formerly
| took part in the discussion of this question
become Indifferent to it? Must anarchy con-
| tnue in the Danubian Princpalities, and thus
at any moment tend to reopen the question of
| the East? Must Italy and Austria always re-
main in presence of each other in hostile atti-
tude? Must the occupation of Rome by French
troops be prolonged for definite time?
The Emperor's Government put q further
question:
"Must we, without having made new at
tempts at Cancellation, renounce the hope of
| tightening the burdens imposed upon the ma
tions of Europe by excessive ornaments kept
| up by the feeling of mutual distrust? These,
! no doubt are the principal questions which
either disturb or threaten the peace of Europe !;
but there is further question which her Ma
jesty's Government consider to lie at the bot
tom Of this whole affair, and that is the follow
| ing:
is general Congress of European States
| likely to furnish peaceful solution of the va
| rious matters in dispute? ..e .u
This, indeed, is the question which it be-
hOves the government OF the different States
to consider seriously and attentively.
There appears to her Majesty's government
| to be one main consideration which must lead
them to their conclusion. After the war which
desolated Germany from 1919 to 1649, and af-
ter the successive wars which afflicted the con-
tinent of urOpe from 1893 to 1915, it was pos
sible to distribute territories and to define rights
| by a Congress. because the nations of Europe
were tired of the war, and because the Powers
| who met i'm Congress had by the circumstances
of the time, the means of carrying out their de.
cisions and arrangements into effect. But at
the present moment after continuance of
long peace. no power is willing to give up any
territory to which it has title by treaty or a
claim by possession. For example, of the
| questions mentioned as disturbing threatening
Europe, two of the most disquieting are those
regarding Poland and Italy. Let us examine
the present state of those questions, and see
whether it is probable that Congress would
tend to peac, ful settlement of them.
In the first place, with regard to Poland, the
question is not new to France, 10 Austria, or to
Great Britain. For several months these Pow
ers While carefully abstaining from any threat,
nave attempted 10 obtain from Russia by friend
~ representations the adoption of measures of
Il healing nature, but have only succeeded in
! procuring promises often repeated, that when
Inc insurrection shall be put down recourse
Will De had 10 clemency and Cancellation. Would
there he any advantage in repeating in the
name OF Congress representations already
made with so little effect? Is it probable that
q ongress would be able to secure better terms
for Poland unless 10y a combined employment
of force? Considerable progress has been made
by the military prepOnderance, and by the un-
) sparlng severity OF Russia, In subduing the in
surgents. Is it likely that Russia will grant. in
the pride O. her strength, what she refused in
the early days of her discouragelnent? Would
she create an independent Poland at the mere
request of CO.. gress? Bat if she would not
the prospect becomes one of humiliation for
Europe or Of war against Russia, and those
; Powers who are not ready to incur the cost and
hazard of war may we'll desire to avoid the
other alterna i've.
1t may be said, moreover, that the present
period is one of transition. If the insurrectio,l
sha be subdued it will then be seen whether
the promises Of the Emperor of Russia are to
} be fulfilled If the insurrectiOn shall not be
} subdued, or if, in order to subdue it, the Polish
population is treated with fresh and, if that be
, possible with aggravated rigor, other ques-
} lions will arise which may require further con-
} sideraiion, but which would hardly receive a
solution from q large assembly of representa-
tives of all the powers of Europe. Indeed il
! "a to ta apnrehpnded the unestiOns arising from