The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1863-07-02
$3.50 PER ANNUM lin ADVANCE.
Important Letter From President
Lincoln.

5 week, from reply OF the PRESIDENT 10 COZ
5 niittee appointed by a Democratic meeting
Albany, n. Y, to present him set Of resol
tons demonstrating against the arrest OF Va
landigham, ard against arbitrary arrests
/ in general. We now publish the entire lett
of the President. We deem it most able an
triumphant argument and commend it to tt
thong htful perusal of the public:
EXECUTIVE MANSION, WAsHINGroN,
, June IL, 1868.
Hon. Erastus Corning and others;
GENTLEMEN Your letter of May 10, il
closing the resolutions of public meetin
held at Albany,N Y. ,on the 18th of the sam
month; was received several days ago.
The resolutions, as l understand them, al
receivable into two propositions the e1
preston of a purpose to sustain the cause {
the Union, to secure peace through victory
and to support the Administration in ever
! constitutional and lawful measure to suppress
the rebellion and secondly, a declaration {
censure upon the Administration for suppose
unconstitutional action, such as the maxim
of military arrests. And, from the two prop
ositions, a third is deduced which is that tn
gentlemen composing the meeting are resolv
ed on doing their part to maintain our com
mon Government and country, despite the fol
ly or wickedness, as they may conceive, Q
any Administration. This position is emf
nently patriotic, and assuch, thank the meet
ing, and congratulate the nation for it. NJ
own purpose is the same; so that the meeting
and myself have common object, and cal
| have no difference, except the choice o
means or measures for etfecting that object
And here thought to close this paper, AM
| H..
that more injurious consequences than any
merely personal to myself might follow thu
censures systematically cast upon me for do
ing what, in YIN view of duty, [ could no
forbear. The resolutions promise to suppor
me in every constitutional and lawful meas
ure to suppress the rebellion; and have moi
knowingly employed, nor shall | knowingly
employ any other. But the meeting by theil
resolutions, assert and argue that certain mil
itary arrests, and proceedings following them,
for which | am ultimately responsible, are I'M
constitutional, | think they are not. The res
olutions quote from the Constitution the def
milton of treason and also the limiting safe
guards and guarantees therein provided for
citizens on trial for treason, 1and on his being
held to answer for capital or otherwise infa-
nous crimes, and, in criminal prosecutions,
his right to a speedy and public trial by an
impartial jury. They proceed to resolve 'that
these safeguards of the rights Of the citizens
against the pretensions of arbitrary power
were intended more especially for his protec-
ton in times of civil connection" And APP
parently to demonstrate the proposition, the
resolutions proceed 'They were secured sub
stantially to the English people after years of
protracted civil war, and were adopted into
our Constitution at the close ofthe revolution.
Would not the demonstration have been bet
ter, if it could have been truly said that these
safeguards had been adopted and applied du-
ring the civil war and durjag our revolution,
instead of utter one and at the close of the 9th
er? l, too, am devotedly for them after civ
il war; and before civil war, and at all times
''except when, in case of rebellion or invasion,
the public safety may require" their suspen-
sion. The resolutions proceed to tell us that
the safeguards ''have stood the test of seven
ty- six years of trial, under our republican
system, under circumstances which show that
while they constitute the foundation of all
free Governments, they are the elements of
the endurng'stability of the republic" No one
denies that they have so stood the test up to
the beginning of the present rebellion, if we
except a certain occurrence at New Orleans
nor does any onequestion that they will stand
the same test much longer after the rebellion
Closes But these provisions of the Constitu
ton have no application to the case we have
in hand, because the arrests complained of
were not made for treason-that is, not tue
treason defined in the Constitution, and upon
the conviction of which the punishment is
death--nor yet were they made to hold per
SONS to answer for any capital or otherwise in
famous crimes; nor were the proceedings fol-
lowing, in any constitutional or legal sense,
criminal prosecutions The arrests were
made on totally different grounds and the pro-
eeeding following accorded with the grounds
Of the arrests Let us consider the real case
with which we are dealing, and apply to it
the parts Of the Constitution plainly made for
such cases.
Prior to my installation here it had been
nculcated that any State had alawful right to
5ecede from the National Union and that it
would be expedient to exercise the right when
ever the devotees Of the doctrine should fail
to elect President to their own liking. | was
elected contrary to their disliking; and, &C
far as it was legally possible, they
lad taken seven States out Of the Union, had
seized many of the United States forts, and
lad fired upon the United States flag, all be-
iore | was inaugurated, and, Of course, before
had done any official act whatever. The rebel |
ion thus begun soon ran the into present civil
var and in certain respects, it began on very
Unequal terms between the parties. The in
urgents had been preparing for it more than
hirty years, while the government had taken
10 steps to resist them. The former had care
ully considered all the means which could be
urned to their account. 1t undoubtedly was
well pondered reliance with them that i'll
heir own unrestricted efforts to destroy Union,
Constitution and law all together, the Gov
rnment would, in great degree, be restrained
W the same Constitution and law from ar
esting their progress. Their sympathizers
,ervaded all departments Of the Government,
md nearly all communities Of the people
from this material, under cover Of '1iberty OF
peech, liberty Of the press" and ''bGbeGS
they hoped to keep on foot among us
most efficient corps of spies, informers, sup
,liers, and aiders and abettors of their course
n a thousand ways. They knew that in times
UGH as they were inaugurating, by the Con
titution itself, the 'h06eas corpus" might be
uspended; but they also knew they had friends
Who was to suspend it meanwhile their spies
nd others might remain at large to help on
heir cause. Or if, as has happened, the Ex-
cutive should suspend the writ, without ruin
us waste of time, instances Of arresting in
Iocent persons might occur, as are always
kelly to occur in such cases and then clam
r could be raised in regard to this, which
night be, at least, of some service to the in
urgent cause. 1t needed no very keen per
option to discover this part of the enemy's
programme, o,soon as by open hostilities their
was fairly put in motion. Yet,
thoroughly imbued with reverence for the
.uaranteed rights of individuals l was slow
o adopt the strong measures which by de-
.rees have been forced to regard as being
within the exceptions of the Constitution, and
S indispensable to the public safety. Nothing
, better known to history than that courts OF
ustice are utterly incompetent to such cases,
,ivil courts are organized chiefly for trials OF
- IpdIuIdlEa ic