Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1863-12-07


conscience more painful than all his mental per-
plexity!
IS Mastery Inactivity, The True
Civil Policy Toward slavery.
We find a somewhat remarkable article under
the above head in late number Of the New York
Times. an Administration paper. The senti-
ments il expresses, in the main, those which
have been entertained By the Democracy in re
gard to the policy of the Federal government in
reference to slavery. They are not, however.
such as are held by the radical members or
elements in TIE Republican ranks. But SO far
as the Times and the sentiment it represents are
concerned, we hail the sensible views it utters,
as an evidence that the days of reason and states
manship are once more dawniEg upon the nation.
When the military power OF the rebellion shall
have been broken. the question of slavery, Of the
power and right of States TO control their domes-
tic institutions will come up Cor determination
And il will require irmness to cut loose from
the fanatical ideas which have lately been ram
pant in the councils of the nation, and wisdom
to determine the policy consistent with justice and
the best interests of the country. The views ex
pressed by the Times hope will prevail with
the great body of the Republican party; and if
so, we trust the nation will ride out the present
storm without the shpwreck of constitutional
and free government Says the Times:
There is class of men who stick to the idea
| that something positive must be done by the
Federal Government to end slavery. Even the
issue of the emancipation proclamation, mill
tary measure for military ends solely, does not
satisfy them. They want civil power exercised.
and would gladly have even breaking down
of State lines and q reconstruction of the Gov
eminent Itself, as the only efectual means of
destroying the institution of their special abhor-
renee.
Now, We too claim good hearty hatred of
slavery. We are as anxious any to see it un-
der the sod, beyond resurrection. But we don't
believe in making any superhuous sacrifice to get
it there. Seeing that it is dying, we are quite
content to let it die quietly, without any attempt
to pull the house down about its ears and our own
ears. This seems to us to be very absurd sort
of impatence, prompted by giddy passion rather
than sober reason.
We say. then, that even if the national
government had the right to institute new civil
measures against slavery, it would not be neces-
sary. The unavoidable military operations of the
war; and the free discussion which is sure to
attead it. are enough to break down the institu--
and let these agencies work.
But we go farther, and say that any further in
| reference would not only be superluous but
positively mischievous. To insure that slavery,
when il dies, shall never rise again, you have
got to depend largely upon the disposition of the
Southern people. That disposition should not
be ueedlessly embittered. IL can't help be-
coming If, some propose, their States
are reduced to the condition of mere ter
ritoral dependencies. Americans can never
be satisfied to be underlings Whatever
the fortunes Ct war legitimately bring, they are
sensible enough 10 submit to: but il is not in
their spirit to consent to any permanent degre-
dation. Undertake 10 deprive them perma-
nently of their civil rights, and you simply
make them your permanent enemies Terrific
rialize slavery, and the inevitable effect will be
that you will only make them love slavery the
more, and hate you the more This could not
| always continue State rights sooner LATER
will have to be restored We don't believe that
three years would elapse after the close OF the
war before the keeping of those States in terri
torial condition would be abandoned as an insult
ferable auamoly in our system of government
State rights once restored, the people maddened
by the thrall that had been put upon them, would
be very likely to viBdicate these rights by reha-
bilitating slavery Every incentive of high pride
and every impulse of low spite would combine to
urge this, and the National Government would
have no legitimate way OF preventing it.
| 1t will never do to try to give slavery its qui-
etus by mere arbitrary force. To secure this we
have to RELY in no small measure upon reason We
must never forget that just force is the natural
ally of slavery just reasons the natural ally of
freedom. When the South has been overcome in
fair fight. must give its reason fair chance to
assert itself Military authority over each re-
claimed State should last untiLthe mojority of the
people have made uptheir minds TO resume in good
faith, their old relations to the Government, and
have had fair opportunity to canvass how that
resumption shall be best inaugurated. Of course
the machinery Of the State Government cannot
be given over to traitors; but whenever there is
sound reason to believe that fair loyal majority
of the State want il. let them have it--snd that,
too, without imposing any conditions concerning
slavery. If this just and rational policy is faith
fully carried out, and no arbitrary issues are
foisted in to impose a sense Of subordhiation. we
have not doubt that every slave State will follow
the emancipating policy which the Border States,
of their own accord, have already entered upon
with such decision. Even IL loyal duty don't
prompt it. interest will. For slavery, after bav-
ing been crippled as Il has BY the war, IL il
could live, would only be an Incumbrance. But
il can't live. 1t is already half dead. Let the
loyal men of the South finish Is and bury il in
|