Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1863-10-12
From the London Times, September IT.
The Presidents uanifesto-An Eng.
lish View of IL.


upon 10 guide the destinies OF mighty nation
during grand historical crisis il surely strange
enough but that he should have Numbered AMI
yaclated ~ he has, without for moment losing
confidence in himself or altogether forielting that
of his country men, is stranger still his language
on the great questions ut issue has varied "a
much at different times To show that he never
can have had anything worthy OF being called
policy, unless il be that which he described m the
wisest of all his hOmey sayings "A resolution TO
keep pegging away" If We compare his early
addresses and his first Presidential message with
his subseQuent letters and his speeches. or with
his last message. we find degree OF incOnsis
tency which is perfectly ladicruus. The great
problem with which he has had 10 deal has OF
course been slavery, and it would be possible TO
Gull from his declarations on this subject passages
in favor OF every principle from abOlillOhlsm To
absolute non-intervention. Between the eiHbo
rate CONT ensatlOn scheme, proposed IN the
message OF December. l-62. and the proclamation
of January, conhsc Itng the slaves OF all the
seceiing States "a measure OF military leces
sity, there is theoretical abyss which no argu
ment can span. So TAR, however, from seeing
this. the President jusiihes both indiscrIminatey
in the letter To the unconditional Union men
OF Illinois, which published yesterday. and
manages to confOund both With the arm'ng OF
negroes on behalf OF the Union, which has moth
ing 90 do with either This letter i in other
spects So remarkable document, and SO char
acteristic specimen of the Presidents style and
habit>-of thought that We cannot do better than
extract the most ambitious paragraphs Oh il Tor
the benefit of our readers.
How any man in his sober senses could have
sat down to compose such a raphsody rs this. or.
having opposed it could have read it with gravity
and ordered il to be printed, passes our compre
tension. 1t is something between prophecy
and an oracular response. with dash of Yankee
slang aud terms of expression which remind Us
alternately of Ossian, OF the incoherent utter
ances o. the Maori chiefs and OF schoOl-boy
translatiOns of corrupt chOruses, in Greek TRACE
dies Cromwell nevOr spoke and Mr.. Carlyle
never wrote ANYTHING 30 hopeIeSsly obscure, and
the persons it there be any snch, to whom such a
iargOn appear impressive or even Intelgibe,
must have faculties and tastes OF which We can
form no idea One il really tempted to think
that Mr. Lincoln cannot have been himself when
he penned SO grotesque production. HerodOtus
tells w that the ancient PersiaHs deliberated
drunk as well sober or the important affairs OF
state; but may be sure that the conclusion OF
debate was conducted in the latter condition
IL Is difficult TO believe that the American Pre>i
dent can have observed this precauton though
he winds up with the timely injunction, LET US
be sober" and soemnly warns his readers not 10
be over sanguine OF speedy triumph. And yet
il would not be fair To Judge OF the whole letter
by this wild and vague defamation. The early
part though by means free from fault of
grammar or compatible with our notions OF liter
airy dignity is not devoid of "A certain rough hon
esty aud force IL this tempered by lawyer
like smartness that secures Mr. Lincoln, in spite
of his arbitrary weakness, certain popularity
among people who enjoy a Joke, even when II
is ptactieed at the EXPENSE OF themselves or the
dearest interests of their country In the address
before Us he boldly takes the bull by the horns and
defends himself against the censures of the peace
party. This defense deserves serious attention.
inasmuch il purports to define the objects OF
the war for the future Il am as de>rous of
peace as any of you,' says Mr.. Lincoln; but
how can we attain it? Only in one OF three
ways: either by forcibly suppressng the rebel
lion. or by giving mp the Union, or by some com
promise" The second of these expedents he
declines To discuss, and the third lie considers
impricticabe without adopting the second. Il
do not believe that any compromise embracing
the maintenance OF the Union is now possible.
All that learn leads To directly opposite be
lief" Nothing remains, therefore. but to
brace the first course aud keep pegging away "
A European critic, accepting thi, triIemmt a.
exhaustive, would probably h on the alternative
which President Lincoln diSmisses 80 summarily.
and enueavor TO show that the aim OF the North,
instead OF refusing To contemplate final separa-
ton should have been from the hrst To dictate
its terms Let Us look at the matter, however,
from the writer's point of view. and assume
that no compromise excluding restoration OF
the Union would be satisfactory To the North
Does il follow that this restoration be effected
by force of armsi Mr. LincOlu's logic would
be equally good. and he would have shown
higher states manship ii he had demonstrated as
he easily might that no reunion worth the name
could be brought about by war. and that
consequently some form Of compromise must
ultimately be entertained
But no overtures of this kind. he assures Us.
have vet been made by the leaders of the rebel
army or by any of those who control it. C,n
there be n stronger proof OF the indOmtabe de-
termination of the South Lot 20 have Union as
il Was. and can any State be cOmueliei 10 be
member Of confederation against il wilii We
cannot help suSpecting that Mr. Lincoln himself
feels this difficulty, for he l. at mu n pains 10
distinguish between the Southern people and the
Southern army. and 10 prove that the true seuti
nents Of the former cannot be a-cer,an~i ill
the latter i annihilated Two years go such
views ghi have gained creience. but h.s are
now quite exploded. There l. not the slightest
reason 10 doubt that the Government and the
army OF the South represent the white popula ton
generally IL j. conceivable that thst population
may be exterminated or - crushed ~ TO make
such peace with the nth as the polish iuSur
gents might make with Russia, but II i iucOn-
CeINaDle tnat tNtN can tt pcitcu anu HHcuttcl
into LOYALTY A still deeper tallacy underlIes the
Presidents apology for the proclamation of
emancipation he adhsre> 10 the state ment that
It WAS military necessity, and appeals 70 the ties
tmouy OF military commanders IN favor OF It's
s,rategici value. But when he comes To de,
with the political objections 10 il. on the
ground that il substituted aboitiouism Tor
Unionism tie future caSHs beiii. he be,rays
n very shallow cunning or very strange
blindness His argument J., that while some are
fighting for the freedom of the blacks Others
NAV iu,t as well fght Tor the restoration Of the
Union. and inasmuch - the success Of both
causes depends Oh the same event. no sntagonlsm
between their partisans should exist Whenever
you shall have conquered all res stance TO the
Union. II shall urge you 10 continue fighting. it
vail be an apt time then for you TO declare that
You will not light to Tree negroes Csn Mr
Lincoln fail 70 that the proclamation IN
question must have extinguished any lingering
spark of regret Tor the Union in the South. and
thus have rendered the chance Of reconciliation
infinitely smaller than beforeg An Illinois
Unionst may well think. though Ee do not that
the seeding States would have returned 10 their
Allegiance after all. had their right. over their