The Cadiz Democratic sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1854-1864, 1863-08-12
Letter from fhe Delfocratic Cam
dictate foe Governor Of ObI0.

dissate FOE Governor OF 0bIo.
The following letter from the Hon.
G. L. Vallandigham was read at the
DEMOCRATIC meeting held at Toledo,
on the 9TH inst. The meeting was
large and enthusiastic, and was ad-
dressed by Messrs. Pendleton and
Cox. The reading of Mr.. Yallandig-
hams letter was received with repeat
ed demonstrations of applause by the
vast crowd:
TABLE Rock HOUSE,
NIAGARA FALLS, @. W.,
JulyS1, 1868.
Messrs. Thomas Dunlap, H. P. Platt,
John T. Maher, John G.. Isham, ].
G. Wales, and others, Committee,
&c. --
GENTLEMEN: Unable to attend
your meeting, of the 9th of August,
in person, permit me to address you
by letter briefly.
Iwaste no part of your time in
personal defense. To the candidates,
speakers and writers Of the Adminiss
tration party / leave, undisturbed,
the brave and chivalrous work Of as
sailing an opponent, absent because
the tyrannic power of their master,
executed by military force, compels it.
The great issues of the day ought not
to be subordinated to things merely
personal; and I recommend to my
friends generally, that they initiate
the wise Romans, and "carry the war
into Africa"
The Democracy Of Lucas, postpon-
ing all other issues, and ignoring all
differences of opinion in regard to
them, assemble, of course, to consider
what General Fremont, the candidate
of the "free speech and the free press"
Republican party, of 1856, very aptly
styles ''the uppermost question of the
day"-the question of their own con-
stitutional rights and liberties. This
is the practical issue in the Ohio CAM
paign, forced by the President and
his party upon the people; and boldly
met by the Democracy in their NOM
nations, as also in their admirable
platform, which, as a candidate, I ac>
cept as their solemn and deliberate
confession of political faith, and their
pledge to their country, that they
mean to defend the rights asserted in
it, with their lives, their fortunes and
their sacred honors. Until these shall
have been made secure, it can be
neither useful nor possible to discuss
any other question not directly con-
nected with it.. There is, indeed, just
such question, one second only in
importance to that of public liberty
the Union of the States, worth the
whole world to the American people.
But LIBERTY is the soul of people;
and what shall it profit us to gain the
whole world and lose our own soul?-
The Constitution made the Union, and,
when the war began, it was proclaimed
to be for the supremacy of the Con-
stitution and laws; and whatever diff
ference of opinion there may have
been, even then, as to the mode of Sc
curing it, every patriotic citizen Of
the United States knew what the laws
and Constitution were. But what do
we see too day?
The opinion and will from hour to
hour of the President-and such a
Presidents solemnly and officially
proclaimed superior to the Constitu-
tion and the laws, even in the States
wholly loyal. So that upon the pres
ent policy of the Administration ant d
its party, declared unchangable, the
South is to be forced to submit to the
will and opinion of Abraham Lincoln,
instead of written fundamental statute
and common law. And if we our
selves scorn to yield up our constitu-
tional rights and liberties to this mon
strous demon, does any honorable man,
any sane man, ask or expect the States
and people of the South to surrender
as long as man survives to strike a
blow, or a woman to strengthen his
heart or nerve his arm? Upon such a
policy this war must and will be inter-
minable. So many square miles may
be overrun, SO much soil may be con-
quered, the hearts of the people nev-
er.
How, then, stand the chances of the
Union, measured by the two different
policies of the Abolition and Demo-
cratic parties?
The party of the Administration
declares that the States and people of
the South shall be forced to lay down
their arms and submit. What then?
Confscation of all property; emanci-
patton Of all slaves, and execution Of
all who, directly or indirectly, have,
taken part in the rebellion: namely,
nine-tenths of the whole population;
for no general amnesty has ever as
yet been SO much as suggested by
either Congress or the Executive, and
unconditional submission is now the
least demanded. More than this: as
to any State which may first submit
or be conqured, conscripted Of every
male person, white or black, between
twenty and forty-fve, for the conquest
of the States still in arms. Nor is
this the worst: for inasmuch as all
slaves and free negroes South are con-