The Ashland union. [volume] (Ashland, Ashland County, Ohio) 1854-1868, 1863-07-29

survive the subrersion of the constitution one
single hour, as LIE may continue, aud even
be prolonged and hraIthimproved, when the
shattered or dis ased limb is severed but ceas.
es the moment the dagger Of the assassin pens
etrates the heart.
The Capt charges through the stolen adj
dress which, makes mp the pith of his letter.
that the opposition to the administration in
the country is but the rork of si~ntrigueing
politicians" How natural itsis for a man who
never had a principle above his own selfish
interest. to charge his neigl,bnrs whose sons
and brothers are in the field fighting the COM
mon foe. and ahose confidence ard kindness
he has enjoyed only to besray. with being trail
tors 1t would be in keeping with the char
acter of such a wretch to impute to others the
same base motives which SO entirely infuen-
&C his own conduct.
He further says that s.Neiu the field have
laid aside all party feelings: We only know
and care for one party and that rs the loyal
party to the sovcrnmentg This sentence is
not stolen, tut is SEINE of Lbs. !Capt's genuine
original twaddle and nsSanssif it means any
thing at all, that the Capt. had discarded any
principle he might Have had before and was
now soine in for his. ow n interest and for those
who would pay TEST. s.Thee loyal party to the
government" yes that is The question. All par
les profess to be loyal to. the government, but
the Abolition Union party, or. in other word,
meaning the same .hing,-the administratio
party.-claips to be the government itself and
makes an unconditional support of all its acts,
measures and policy. the only test of loyalty
and characterizes on open, manly opposition
to it's abolition schemes as disloyalty and even
silence itself as a crime.
Does the Capt. wish to be understood as
representing the true sentiments Of the men
under his command or in the army generally.
or does he presume in this way to dictate what
t. e views of his men shall be: Who c~onstitu-
ted thisp o'troon in epauletts Guardian over the
conscience and political opinions of those IN
der his command. 1t would be paying them
a very poor compliment indeed to say that
every man in it is his peer in intelligence and
vastly his superior in moral or political intee-
rity. Yet this military nincompoop would as
sumo the ~prerogative of 5ictating to them nor
only the political sentiments they might enter
tain, express and write to their friends, but al
so what political views Stheir friends might
write to them in reply.
Thai he bellies the sentiments Of those for
whom he assumes to speak, we have had alum
dant testimony in the shape of letters receiv-
ed ffe m men in and OUTSET his company abodt
that date which we were for.unat: in rescuing
from the scrap basket after the publication OF
his letter. We will give extracts from two out
ofnany letters received about that titne-mor
from Repnbl cans than Pemeera.s-(every'ont
of which spike the same ssentimeuts) for which
we can assign no other reason than that they
Supposed their cd political associates would
as a niat.er Of coarse, endorse every measure
which the Administration might adopt. aud
Il az we dia not sympathize with s abolition
policy. AS we never souelt the c correspondence
of any soldier or introduced the subject of
T%olities, we W thhold the names of the wri.
ters fer two very obvipus reasons. We would
not betray confidence, nor would we place il
in the power Of the Captain, or any other
SIOulueT slTdIICu " ~ -
pet y tyranny over a noble hearted soldier who
thought II ore of the GUS tuition and wliart
of his country than the ries of party, aud
should give expression to his convictions, thai
the Administra, ion had proven faithless in its
professions to the army and the people, and
perverted the war for the preservation of the
Constitution anl tie UFioa into a crus de f1r
the overthrow of slavery:
"The emancipation proclamation won't take
in the army The soldiers are all d,wn on it
[ think it tim, for the people to call a con
vention aad put a stop to it, ani.if possible,
TO the war. to,. / am a, much or more OPP
o,ed 20 extending slavery than ever was. bni
in set the niggeis free. the south won't take
them on an equality and take care of them,
a III if we take them we must take care. of
them, and to save our count. Y they will have
10 be emisrated or cnlonized, aud the last job
W ,uld be harder than the first, and We haven't
got it done yet and won't lave so IN. In spite
f all Congress can do, as long as the niggers
are among the people here they must be slaves ::
if not, they will suffer ten fold as much as they
10 now, and To make them free and equal with
a mankind we mus. allow them TO come North
and live and vote with US or We wont live
up tn what we profess: 1t the latter should
come to pass 1t would rob the white laborlng
man of the North by the lfeduction of wages
They conldn't change places with the niger,
for u white mar can't stand it to labor here in
the heat of summer. piekingf cotton and the
like. Tins it would rob'the laboring men Of
the North AID IN a measure render this coun
try useless, and what would be worse than all,
as I said befare, the people North Or South
woA's tax, the niggers and admit them as
equals and TO become so pure and God like as
an abnlitinnist would argue as to lay all differ
ence Of the two races aside and grant them
equal ri. hts with III. ms Ives, consequently
they would as a people be worse of than
slaves. and I believe before five years there
We uld be similar la vsto a slave code for the
preservation Of the blacks throughout the lar
gest parr of the United States Well, | must
quit writing on this subject [ hadn't intend
ed to say SO much but | don't care who see
this letter"