, 1863-06-12
Chicago Gribn1re.
civil AND MILITARY LAW.

CIVIL AND MILITARY LAW.
The man who sympathizes with the reb-
c1s il little less traitor than lie would be
if he were in open arms against the Gov
eminent, and the same reasons Of law and
nolicv which demand and justify the put
finr down Of the one, demand and Justify
the putting down Of the other.
Ills comparatively easy to deal with the
first class Of rebels. They, at least, are
not sncals and dastards, but face the JUS
ticc they hare offended, with brave front,
worthy Of heroes fighting for freedom, in
stead Of traitors fighting for slavery and
The overthrow Of the Rcpublic-so that,
whilst we are ready to compass heaven
and Garth for their destruction, we cannot
helm but respect them for their so1dierly
qualities and daring. It is the second
class. the citizen traitors, who are
so hard to manage and so diff
cn]t to catch and punish These
coysrd1y miscrcants; who are always ready
1o strike blow at the life Of the nation,
when they can do it secretly, the aim and
object Of whose existence is to destroy the
Constitution and the laws, are loudest in
thcir bellowings against the Government
K],en any attempt is made to execute the,
laws against them or their belongings.
They eycn claim the right to be rebels, It
not in direct and specific actions, then ut
least, in free rebcllious speech. They main-
tain that they have, by virtue Of the Con
stitution, the unquestonable privilege Of
applauding. the rebels, and bidding God
speed to their cause; the right Of abusing
and insulting the Governmental doing
their utmost to bring the measures Of
the same INTO contempt, to the discourage
mcnt Of loyal men, and tho rejoicing Of
their enemies; and that there is no law On
the Statute Book Of The United States
wlicl, can twist al this into treason, and
no authority which can punish them with
out despotic usurpation Of the functions
Of justice.
But it is all a mistake. What we can
very well afford to tolerate in times Of
peace, as harmless right, assumes quite
another nnd different aspect in times of
war and revolution. We usually care not
to what extent discussion Of the great cues
TONS Of the hour are carried, nor what
license Of speech is used against public
men or mcasurcs-tor even the ncentous-
ness Of speech is better than too rigid re-
s1iction Of it; but we can't afford. to be
quite go generous at the present time, when
not q political party, or an Administration
is ut stake, but the very existence of the
nation. And if, as these traitors claim,
there be no laws to prevent them from
written or spoken aid and comfort given to
the rebels, it is high time that the Chief
Magistrate, in whom is vested ample au-
thority BY the Constitution, should, as
COMMANDMENT CHIEF, issue proclamation
specially adapted to meet the case Of the
traitors. We know the policy Of these
scoundrels, and their completely all along
with the policy of the rebels, which is
neither more nur less than to divide the
loyal population TINT there may be two
armies in the field to beat before the rebels
arc beaten and to allow liberty OF speech to
such aiders and abettors Of disloyalty aud
rebellion, is to commit IN objectionable
crime against the Republic and human
liberty.
Freedom Of speech, and liberty Of the
Press do not mean liberty to cut the throat
ofthc nation-uor were they ever so COZ
strued and interpreted by the trainers Of
the Constitution The wretched bas-
tards who call themselves Sons Of
Amczica-who assume the great name
Of American citizen, with its more than
Roman signifcance-claim, however. pre-
c'se!y 1nls npe1'S! II Is ncense thes want,
no1 hpe1ty Acense 70 s'ao tne BOSOM OF
Tue 1se2oollo-oul oeauu1oi notner! ana
atag ner coflst' ~ oe l1s''ap1sSa upon " Inc
blaspncming oou'h-1o me enc mat they
n'Ay SUI up ~ net e'eao 1ie ioA1neso'ne
1'1.ot 1n " tue ~, nom'oe'a'
- 4.''s nAe .,lsss, pug wv ~ ueaf'eslsa
a".o p11111cu "A'o se'Ie peua'1@s' tnsse
- w ,easo" - =" usuups 'a' teots's u.
tackSouig' Aney are Us mocn part Of
tne leoei programme as any 1eoel 1nsutu.
.lon oo"n noul''' as tne leoel army lseiL
very uoc' says Ais. 11onay fomole-
ous'' ene ln"sef, eut eney must oe arrest
GU Acco1u1ug u INV. 40 WHICH We reply
that in times of civil war military uecessi-
t;cs ore offcn so ,rcent that m;i;tarr Inv
ase %'e JILL % "Seat @nA' 1n1o'ol5 ~"
is compelled to take civil matters, affecting
41,o eofatv of tln Ronrb1;c and fba NOVA
'--s'~
men1s ol Inc army INTO lis own hands
without waiting for the slow nrocess If
1o,,, ,,ro,ad,,ro rho +,o,- ...
3esaA p'oeeu"e 1ae untty a11est, oy
military authority, Of one traitor might
savc an or,nv from destrnction- and wbera
%o "Aot
CIVIL war c81s's t01s aothor1ty Is, and must
be paramount. The civil power cannot
-..--.- -,
Ano" Nuas tA4eeAtaes l1tSss upon nl1-
1arv commandcr-and is not competent.
+,,orof,ro +, dac;do n.ho+har .n 3d. -
arrest thereby made, is hight OF wTong. In |
ordinary times such IN order might be il |
1egal-but when the public safety has be-
come the highest law-an act that is tech
nically illegal, OF that is clearly proclaimed
to be such ty statute enactment, may be
the highest legality
4 writer in the Journa1 speaking upon