The Burlington weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington [Iowa]) 1860-1876, 1863-12-12

If this be the correct view Of the case,
what was wanted by the Emperor was
the Congress ITSELF The position impAed
in summoning it, the noble sentiments for
the utterance Of which he offered - fair an
opportunity, and the assumption which
places France at the head of Europe and
represents the Emperor as entirely the
creature of her will, though, after all,
amounting to very little more than the curt
and sulky retreat of Lord Russell, have
presented the position of the Emperor in q
very different light, and seem to place him
after his repulse, on higher pinnacle OF
glory than he occupied before. This is the
imperial way of doing business. The En-
peror may not really, after all, be so ysry
with which it was proposed seems to leave
us very ample liberty whether we should
enter into it or not. @
Whatever it may do for France, the Con-
gress will not deceive any one as to our po-
'sition with regard to Russia. We have
a position which we found untenable. 1t
can not make matters better for us. Is it
not possible that it would make them q
good deal worse? We are not informed by
the letter of invitation what are the subjects
which we are to discuss, though we can
Polish question is one of them, and that, in
order to save the dignity of Russia, every
other subject that can be thought of is open
for consideration. 1t is the Social Science
meeting transferred to politics, with embas-
sailors for orators, and every political event
be hereafter, for a subject. Europe is in
vited to resolve herself into great deba-
ting society, at which every State, from the
smallest German principality up to the five
great powers, to be at liberty to proposeits
question. We have right, we think, with
out dlsrespect to the Emperor of the Frenchi
| to decline TO take part in such an assembly
as this. AS far as Poland is concerned, the
deliberations of the Congress can only end
| In second remonstrance to Russia, in re-
jecting which she would not stand alone
but which, if rejected, would by no means
improve the present very undignified posi-
ton of France, England and Austria, or
make an appeal to arms more improbable.
We can see no possible advantage in REAR
guing this matter before the Congress,
and as we are not informed what the other
subjects of debate are to be, we think our
requiring, before we enter the Congress,
that we should be told exactly what the
subjects of deliberation are. Nor will our
opinion of the prudence of this course be
at all diminished if it should turn out, as it
very probably may, that it is impossible
for US to obtain the information we ask
The Emperor of the French is, we appre-
bend, in no condition to afford us the in
formation we require. He knows perfect
l ly well why he summoned the Congress,
but has probably not had time fully to con-
slider what he means to do there. The step
ioas taken on on emergency, and we may
gather from the very general language he
employs that he has not yet determined the
particular subjects of debate. Even if he
has done so, he can only answer for him.
Il self. He cannot tell, for instance, whether
Italy may not see fit to call the attention of
Europe to the occupation Of Rome, wheth-
er some one may not say word as TO
the annexation OF Savoy and Nice, wheth-
er Germany may not drag us into the
|. Schleswig-H olstein question, whether Tur-
key may not bring forward the questiona-
BILE proceedings of Russia in the Black Sea,
/ and, in fact, whether every topic of dis
cord may not be revived and embittered.-
Even, therefore, should it turn out that our
r refusal to join in the Congress, unless we
: are informed what questions are to be dis
cussed there, should, as lawyers say,
"make itself absolute for want of inform
| alton we require, we shall see no reason to
regret it.
/ This stroke of policy has been made by
5 the Emperor of the French for purely do
t nestle reasons and without consulting US.
: We have not the least right to complain
that he plays his cards his own way, but
we may fairly object to take a hand at the
game. The Congress has already answer
!, ed what we believe to have been its origi-
+ nal purpose, and any assistance of ours
r toward giving it further effect would be as
r dangerous as 10 take the word of your Spa
/ nish host when he informs you that his
house, his plate, his jewels, and his wife
2 are all at your disposition. Nay, probably
by such course we may be doing the En-
: peror the greatest service in our power
BY refusing to join in coercive policy
against Russia, we have already given him
, an opportunity of shifting no inconsidera-
) BILE part of his failure from his own Shout
) ders to ours, and attributing his want OF
, success to the selfishness and fainthearted-
ness Of England. He will now be able to
. say that the same cause has blighted his
grand scheme for the regeneration of Eu.
rope under the presidency OF France, and
2 retarded the amelioration of the human
race for we know not how many centuries.
2 London Times, Nov. 14M. .-.h..