The Tipton advertiser. [volume] (Tipton, Cedar Co., Iowa) 1856-1962, 1863-12-17

to guarantee and protect a revived Gov
eminent, constructed in whole or prepon
derating part from the very elcmen
against whose hostility and malevolenc
It is to be protected, is simply absurd
There must be a test by which to sepa
rate opposing elements so as to build on
ly from the sound, and that test a suf6
ciently liberal one to account each one
sound who will subscribe to sworn state
ment Of his former unsoundness. But il
it be proper to require as a test of admis
sion to the political body an oath of ale
glance to the Constitution of the United
States, and Union under it, why also
70 the laws and proclamations in regard
TO slavery? These laws aud proclama-
tions we're enacted and put forth for the
purpose Of aiding the suppression Of the
rebellion. To give their fullest effect,
there had to be a pledge for their main.
tenance. In my judgment they have
aided and will further aid the cause for
which they were enlisted. To give up
this principle would be not only to relin-
quish lover Of power, but would also be
. cruel and astounding breach Of faith. l
may add at this point, that while I re
main in my present position will not
attempt to retract or modify tho Elnan
cipation Proclamation, nor shall return
to slavery any person who is free by the
terms Of the proclamation, or by any act
of Congress. For these aud other rea
sons, it is thought best that the support
of these persons shall be included in the
oath, and it is believed the executive may
lawfully claim in return for pardon and
restoration of projected ri ghts, which he
has clear constitutional power to with
hold altogether, or grant upon the terms
which he shall deem wisest for the pub
lie interest. 1t should be observed al.
50, that this part of the oath is subject
to the modifying and abrogating power
Of the Legislature and supreme judicial
decision. The proposed acquiescence oil
the national executive in any honorable
temporary State arrangement for the
purpose is made with the view Of possibly
modifying the confusion and destitutor
which must at best attend all classes b,
tota! revolution Of labor Throughout
whole States. 1t is hoped that the al
ready deeply afflicted people in those
States may b. somewhat more ready tc
give up the cause Of their affection, and
to this extent this vital matter is left to
themselves; while no power of the ma,
tionaI executive to prevent an abuse is
abridged by the proposition. The sug.
gestion in the proclamation as to main.
tanning the political frame work of the
States, in what is called reconstruction,
is made in the hope it may do good with.
out the danger of harm-that it will
save labor, and also avoid great confusion.
But why any proclamation upon this
subject? This question is besct with
the conflicting views that the step might
be delayed too long or be taken too soon
in some elements for resumption, seem
ready for action but remain inactive, ap.
parently for want of a rallying point-a
plan of action. Why shall we adopt the
plan of A rather than that of b? If A
and B should agree, how can they know
but the General Government here will
respect their plan? BY the Proclamation
plan is presented which can be accept.
ed by them as ralying point, and which
they are assured in advance will not be
rejected here This may bring them
to act sooner than they otherwise would
The objection to premature presenta-
ton OF plan by the National Executive
consists IN the danger of committal in
points which could be more safely left to
further developments. Care has been
taken to so phrase the document az to
avoid embarrassment from this source.
In saying that on certain terms certain
classes will be paraoned with their rights
restored, it is not said that other classes
on other terms will ever be included In
saying re. construction will be accepted
1t presented 10 specified time, it is no.
said it will never be accepted in any 9th
erway.
The movements in State action in
emancipation in several of the States not
included in the emancipation proclama-
s'on are matters of profound qualification,
ana while do not repeat in detail what
nave heretofore so urgently urged upon
this subject, my general views and feel
S'"'ihAc ana i
Congress will omit no fair opportunity Of
aiding these important steps to the great
contamination.
CONCLUSION.
In the midst OF other cares, howeve
important, We must not lose sight Of tn
fact that the war power is still our main
teuance, and to that power alone can W
look yet for time to give confidence t
the people in contested regions, that tn
insurgeut power will not again overru
them. Until that confidence can be es
tablished, little can be done anywhere fc
what is called reconstruction. Howove
our chief care must still be directed
our army and navy who have borne the
part so well, and i, may BE- esteemed fo
tunate that in giving the greatest ef1iciel
cy to these indispensable arms we do ais
honorablv encourage gallant men, fror
commander to sentinel, who compos
than RI uhon Ia. Ill Al