Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1863-12-14

The New York Herald. in commenting upon
the Presidents message and proclamation. re-
marks:
The favored classes Of the people Of each Of
the rebeous States embraced 10 the Presi-
dents amDe-tv are required first, % ndorse
the emancipation proclamation. and, secondly, 10
organize State Govern meat declaring slavery
abolished, before they be restored to the
1ni0n IN the Scriptural account of Sodom and
Gomorrah IL - stated that the Lord Promised 10
Abraham 10 spare those wicked cities If even
ten righteous men could be found therein. but
taev could not be found and We know the
suit. We daresay that our Father Abrahams
"out tenth" PROPOSITION was suggested by this
proposition of the original Father Abraham OF
ten righteous men IN Sod0m. and We fear that
I the result sil be the same-that the righteous
men required to save the rebelious States from
destructive storm OF fire and brimstoue will not
be found
But President Lincoln wishes to be understood
that In Offering this plGn of restoration tdoes not
follow that IL il irrevocable or may not be set
aside for some better plan. Indeed, he suggests
that the rebellious States may return through the
door OF Congress, but that Congress alone can
determine when and how that door is 10 be open
ed. We conclude that Mr. Lincoln's plan will
be failure. and il Is quite possible that it has
been submitted more with view 10 open the
question OF an amnesty and a restoration, or more
to conciliate the radicals. than from any hope OF
the acceptance OF the overtues by the States con-
cerned. or any one OF them not under the abSo-
lutte control OF our armies. -
We are now adriit at sea beyond our ancient
landmarks, aud upon what shore NAV reVch
the anchorage of peace it would DO vain to con
lecture We can only hope that from the very
agitation which the restoration plan of the Mess
| age will create we may reach some satisfactory
halfway house OF rest"
The New York Journal of Commerce GAYS Of
the message:
The document Is marked by the usual charac.
terstics of rough rhetoric and defiance of orii
nary rules of construction. It's words and sen.
fences fall in heaps. instead of flowing in con
nected stream, and it is therefore difficult read
/ ing
The serious question is whether this plan Of the
President is calculated 20 bring about peace
whether it il proclamation that is likely to be
well received by any considerable portion OF the
people engaged in the insurrecton and to hasten
the close of the IL is plain thIt what Mr.
! Lincoln wants is peace and abolition lie does
not take into consideration at all the question of
peace without abolition. In this respect he lends
himself entirely TO the radical abolitionists. and
evidently expects TO continue the ill slavery
| Is actually abolished where his old
proclamation has theoretically abolished IT,
/ The Presidents idea of closing the war Is by n
sort of individual and personal contract with each
/ and every man. woman and child to the effect
that ii the person will sustain all the policy of the
! Administration and all It's acts aud pr0camatiOns.
/ he or she will be plrdoned. The offer j. doubt
/ less one which the President has the right
make Ii the people will accept il, il is very
neat and pretty way of doing up the war. But it
certainly does not hold out very brilliant pros
poets of success as a paciiactorv measure
Neither is the Presidents hating and hestating
method of defending his position and plan at all
encouraging or inspiring. He does not seem TO
have faith it. he introduces it with argument
in its favor, which is of course an admission that
il needs defence: and this is very bad feature in
| any public measure of so greatimporiance as this.
There is nothing statesmanlike in the plan or the
paper defending it. Ii indicates narrow view of
the grand questions of government involved in
the future qualification OF the country, and a to-
tai failure to raise To the solemn Impotence of
the events crowdng into the close of his Adj
ministration. Without perception of the real
condition of the country, and without ability to
master the grand problem before him, we have
here from Mr.. Lincoln proclamation which is,
as compared with the vast throes OF the nation
which have seemed to produce it, a very small
and puny affair
| Was il not enough to require an oath 10 sup
port the Constitution of the United States, and
all laws made and acts done in pursuance of itT
! Why force the negro in the very nostrils of the
! Southern man whose submission TO law YOU seek I?
Is it said the oath requires no more than that!
| With all due respect To Mr. Lincoln, IL requires
a great deal more. 1t requires the support OF
proclamation which one half of the people of the
North do not support 1t requires the support
! of laws which one-half of the people OF
! the North repudiate MS null and void. because
| unconstitutional. The doctrine is not vet forced
| on Americans that they must obey a law until il
is declared unconstitutional. On the contrary.
the American IS cumpelle to Judge AID take re
! sponsbilties on himself which in no other country
are imposed on the citizen; and If. in obedience to a
law, an American citizen Injuries neighbor, and
the law is declared unconstitutional he is compel
ell TO pay the damages Its no defense 10 plead 4
| obeyed a law on the statute books" This proc
lamation requires the taking of an oath, as con
dit;on of pardon which halt the citizens of the
Northern States would refuse to take II ia true
the President NAV proher p'rdon on conditions
But the question is whether his conditions are
wise. practical likely 70 DO good. We are very
much afraid that the Administration knows no
more how to make peace than it has heretofore
seemed to know about making war. We see no
prospect Of peace or good 10 the country in the
/ Presidents plan. On the contrary. We fear he
has thrown away golden opportunity for the
country. for the sake OF winning support among
/ Northern radicals for himself
The general scope of The Presidents plan may
be said to be of the extreme radical sort He
almost, but not quite. recognizes Dir. Summers
State suicide theory. He ignores the present ex-
istence of State governments. regards them as
defuuct. and anticipates sort of territorial reor
ganization In this view ne is neither sound nor
consistent. But what soundness and consist
ency worth in day?
The New York World, in reviewing the mes-
sage. SAYS:
President Lincoln has ut least succeeded in
producing somethgg unique in the form Of an
annual communication nc the opening OF Con-
gress. lis main feature Is "A proclamation. bear
\ ing even date wie+-rhe message. anu As essential
TO redeem the document from dry and vapd Ill
significance a. the character sf u lmlei j. TO the
play of that napls-~ The proclamation. and what
is said ia the message about the PROCLAMATION.
are all the President has communicated which
viii MI public attention. This IL most extra
ordinary mode Of .prom4lgatng proclamation
which purPOrts to % primarily addressed TO the
people of the rebel States.
The World then considers the document in
two dIffers'A aspects:
Fir-ts In respestlo It's merits As political
manifesto i>-.asd by 4 party chief; and.
Second. In viss OF its character as measure