Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1863-12-10

the form Of an oath is given, but no msa
is ooerced to take It. A man Is only |
promised pardon, in case he Voluntarily
takes the oath, the Constitution author |
iEes the Executive to grant on terms as it |
fully established by judicial and other
authorities. 1t is also profered
that Of many Of the States named
a real Government shall be in the mode
prescribed, but if such Government shall
be recognized and guaranteed by the
United States and that under it the State
shall, on the constitutional conditions, be
protected against invasion and domestic
violence. The constitutional obligation Of
the United States to guarantee to every
Slate in the-Union q republican form Of
government aud to protect the State in the
cases stated it Is explicit and full But why
tender the benefits Of this provision only
70 a State Government set up in this par
ticular way? This section of the Constitu-
Lion contemplstes case wherein the ele-
ment, whether 3 State, favorable
20 a republican government in the
Union may be too feeble for an opposite
aud hostile element, external TO and even
within the State, and such are precisely
the cases with which we are now dealing.
An attempt to guarantee and protect re-
vised State government, conducted IN
whole or in prepondersting part from the
very element against whose hostility and
violence it is TO be projected, is simply ab
surb There must be q test by watch 10
separate opposing elements so as to build
only from the sand, and that test is suf
dciently liberal one, which accepts as sound
/ whoever will make sworn recantation Of
/ his former unsoundness. But il it be
proper to require, as test Of admission to
the political body, an oath Of allegiance 20
the Constitution of the United States and
TO the Union under il, why also TO laws
and proclamation in regard to slavery?
Those laws and prOelamstions were en-
acted and put forth for the purpose Of aid
ing in the suppression of the rebellion.
| To give them their fullest effect, there had
TO be pledge for their msintensnce. Ia
my judgment they have aided aud will
/ further aid the cause for which they we're
enlisted. To give up this principle would
be not only to rslinqHish lever Of power,
but would also be cruel and astounding
breach Of faith. may add at this point,
that while remain in my present position,
I shall not attempt to retrsct or modify
the emancipation proclamation, nor shall
return to slavery any person who is free
by the terms Of the proclamation, or by
any act Of Congress. For these and other
reasons it is thought best that the support
of these persons shall be included in tRe
oath, and it is believed the Executive may
lawfully claim it in return for pardon and
the restoration of projected rights, which
he has clear constitutional power to with
hold altogether or grant upon the terms
which he shall deem Wisest for the public
intsrest. Il should be observed also that
this part Of the oath is subject to the mod
flying and abrogsting power of legislation
and supreme judicial decision.
The proposed sequiesenee Of the Nation
al Executive in any honorable temporary
arrangement for the freed people, is made
with a view Of possibly modifying the con-
fusion and destitution which must at bes;
attend all classes by total revolution Of
labor throughout the whole Of the States.
It is hoped that the already deeply Rflict-
ed people in these States may be somewhat
mlre ready to give up the cause Of their
affection and to this extent the vital mat
ter left to themselves, while no power Of
the national Executive to prevent an
abuse is abridged by proposition. The
suggestio ion in the proclamation as to main
tanning the political framework Of the
States on what is called 9 reconstruction,
is made in the hope that IL
may do good without the danger OF
harm. It will save labor and avoid great
confusion. But why any proclamation n
now upon this subject2 This question is
beset with the conflicting views that the
step might be delayed too long, or be taken
too soon. In some elements for resump-
tion they seem ready for action, but remain
inactive, appsrsntly for want Of rally
ing point-a plan of action Why shall
I aosept the plan Of B rather than that Of
A, and if A and D should agree, how can
they know that the General Government
here will respect their plsn2 By the
proclamation q plan Is presented which
may be accepted by them as rallying
point, and which they are assured in sd-
vance will not be rejected here. This
may bring them to act sooner than
they otherwise would. The object
to a premature presentation Of plan by
the National Executive consists in the
danger Of commitments in points which
could be more safely left to further devel
opments Care has been taken to so snaps
the documents IS to avoid embarrassment
from this source in saying that in certain
terms classes will he pardohed with their
rights restored, it is not said that other
classes on other terms will never be In
eludsd in saying that reconstruction
will be accepted, If presented in 3 specified
way, it is not said that it will never be
accepted in any other way.
The movements by State action for
emancipation in several of the States not
included in the emancipation proolams-
zion, are matters Of profound CIRCULATION,
and while do not repeat, in detail, what
l have heretofore go earnestly urged upon
this subject, my general views and feelings
remain unchanged, and trust that Con
gress will omit no fair opportunity Of aid
ing these important steps to the great con-
summation
In the midst Of other cares, however ia
portaRt, we nust not lose sight Of the fact
that the War Bower is still our main re-
lance. To that power alone can we look
yet for time to givs confidence to the
people in coEtested regions that the insur-
gent power will not again oTerrun them.
Until that confidence shall be established
little can be done anywhere for what
is called reconstruction, hence our chief
care must still be directed to our army
and navy, whc have thus fsF borne
their harder parts SO nObly and we'll and
IL may be esteemed fortunate that in Civ
ing the greatest efficiency to their indis-
pensable arms. We do also honorSbly On
6eursge gallant men, .fron commander to
sentinel, who compose them, and to whom,
moro than to all others, the world must
stand indebted for the home of freedom,
diseRthrglled, FsgeneEatedi eslsrged and
PeTpetusted.
(5igns5,) ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
December 9lh, 1868