Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1863-01-21
The delegation Of power sr Anted by these States to


existence Under Ie influence of this error, which
all appeals to reas and historical fact were vainly
used to disPeA oTr Commissioners were met by the
declaration tbs. foreign governments could not
assume TO iudf between the conflicting representa-
tons of the tv parties to the true nature OF their
previous mutual relations. The governments Of
Great Brs,n and France accordingly signl6ed their
the selfevident fact of the existence of war, and
emaintaining strict neutrality during the progress
Some of the other powers Of Europe pursued the
course of policy, and it became apparent that
by some understanding, express or tacit, Europe
had decided to leave the initiative in all action
touching the contest on this continent, to the two
powers Just named, who were recognized to have
the largest interest involved, both by reason OF
proximity and of the extent and intimacy OF their
commercial relations with the States engaged IN war;
1t is manifest that the course of action adopted
by Europe while based on an apparent refusal to
determine the question, to side with either psrty
was in point of fact an actual decision against our
rights and in favor of the groundless preensons OF
the United States. 1t a refusal to treat US as
an independent government If We were indepen-
dent States, the refusal to entertain with US The
same international intercourse as was maintained
with our enemy was unjust and was injurious in
its effects, whatever may have beer the motive which
prompted it. Neither was it in accordance with the
high moral obligations of that international CODE
whose chief sanction is the conscience of SOW
ereigns and the public opinion of mankind that
those eminent powers should decline the performance
of duty peculiarly incumbent on them, from any
apprehension ct the consequences to themselves
One immediate and necessary result OF their decn-
ing The responsibility of a decision which must have
been adverse to the exravagant pretensions OF the
United States, the prolongation of hostilites to
which our enemies were thereby encouraged, and
which have resulted in nothing but scenes OF carnage
and devastation this continent and of misery
and suffering Oh the other, such as have scarcely
parallel in history. Had those powers promptly
admitted our right to be treated all other indie.
pendent nations, none can doubt that the moral
effect Of such action would have been to dispel the
decisions under which the United States have per-
sisted in their efforts to accomplish sub)ugation
To the continued hesitation Of the same powers in
rendering this act of simple Justice towards this
Confederacy, is still due the continuance Of the
calamities which mankind suffers from the inter-
rupton of its peaceful pursuits both in the old and
the new worlds.
There are other matters Il, which less than Justice
has been rendered to this people by neutral Europe,
and undue advantage conferred on the aggressors in
wicked war. At the inception of hostIlities the
inhabitants Of the Confederacy were almost exclu-
sivey agrcultursts; those of the United States, to
great extent, mechanics and merchants We had
UO Hutt VESSELS
covered the ocean. We were without navy while
they had powerful fleets The advantage which
they possessed for naic,ing injury on our coasts
and harbors was thus counter balanced in some mea-
sure by the exposure Of their commerce to attack
by private armed vessels. 1t was known to Europe
that within very few years past the United States
had peremptory refused to accede TO proposals for
abolishing privaleering, the ground, as alleged
by them, that nations owning powerful fleets would
thereby obtain undue advantage ever those possess
ing inferior naval forces Yet no sooner was war
fragrant between the Confederacy and the United
States than the maratime powers of Europe issued
orders prohi, i,ing either party from bringing prizes
into their ports. This prohibition, directed with
apparent impartiality against both beserents, was
in reality effective against the Confederate States
alone, for they alone could find hostile commerce
on the ocean. Merely nominal against the United
States, the prohibition operated with intense sever
ity on the Confederacy by depTving it of the only
means OF MAINTAINING, with some approach to equal
ity, its struggles on the ocean against the crushing
superiority of naval force possessed by lis enemies
The value and efficiency of the weapon which was
thus wrested from our grasp by the combined action
ofneutral European powers in favor Of ma ton which
processes openl" its intention of ravagins their COLL
merce BY prvateerS in any future war; is striklnrl,
illustrated by the terror inspired among the cuE,pr
cal classes Of the United States by single cruiser of
the COniederacy. One national steamer commanded
by officers and manned by crew who are debarred
10y the closure OF neutral ports, from The opportu.
nifty OF causing captured vessels to be condemned
in their favor as prizes, has suiced to double the
rates Ut marine insurance in Northern ports and
consigned to forced inactoa numbers of Northern
vessels, i'll addition to the direct damage inflicted
by captures at sea. How difficult, then to overes.
tnate the effects that must have been produced by
the hundreds of private armed vessels that would
have swept the seas in pursuit of the commerce of
our enemy, if the means Of dsposing of their prizes
had not been withheld by the acton Of neutral
Europe.
Blu, i. is especially in relation to the so called
blockade OF our coast that the policy of European
powers has been so shaped to cause the greatest
injury to the COnfedcracy and to confer signal ad-
vantages on the United States The importance of
this subject requires some development
Prior to the year 1856, e-principles regulating
this SUBJECT were to be gathered from the writings
OF eminent publicsts decisions of admiralty courts
International treaties, and the usages of nations
The uncertainty and doubt which prevailed in refer
ence to the true rules of maritime law, in time of
war, resulting from the disc0rdant and often con-
hlcting principles announced from such varied and
Independent sources, had become a grevous evil to
mankind Whether a blockade was allowable
against port not invested by land as we'll as by
sea; whether blockade was valid BY sea if the in
vestpg fleet merely sufficient to render ingress
to the blockaded port "evidently dangerous" or
whether it was further required for its legality that
it should be sufficient "realy to prevent access"
and numerous other similar que stons lad remaped
doubtful and undecided.
Animated by the highly honorable desire to put
an end Ito differences Of opinion between neutrals
and belliserents which may occasion serious Diff
cultes and even conflicts" Il quote the official Ian
guage) the five great Powers Of Europe, together
with Sardinia and Turkey, adopted IN 1856, tie fol-
lowing solemn declaration of principles:
!. Priyateering is, and remains abolished
2. The neutral flag covers enemy's goods with the
exception of contraband of war
s. Neutral goods, with the exception of contra
band of war, are not ablcto capture under enemy s
flag.
4. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be el-
fecive that is to say. maintained by force sufi
cient really to prevent to the coast of the enc
my.
Not only did this solemn declaration announce to- tho
world the principles to which the signing powers agreed