Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1863-03-10
From the Southern Crisis. ]

From ice southern CTSlS-
HAVE WE ESTABLISHED 4 DESP0TISM2
1t NAV be great achievement for people to OBJ
tain their liberty in struggle against their Oppres-
ors; but it would be much greater achievement
if they could preserve and perpetuate at OF their
cal acity to do this grave doubts have always ex-
listed and the lights Of history have not tended to
remove these doubts. The great problem OF mans
capacity for sclfgoverment is yet unsolyed
la our form of government, if there be one ten
dency more powerful than all others, it is the ten
dency towards centralism. This results from the
encroacbing nature of pOwer-the overrulng lncll-
nations of those who possess TO stretch Its 0oun-
daies beyond the limits assigned to 1t We may
erect paper or parchment barriers against thCm but
all experience has proven their neficiency. We
NAV erect three departments Of government TO
operate as checks against each other, but can We
coniine each within its l1gitlmateSPhere? Can We
protect the weaker against the stronger? The
legislative department must always possess the most
extensive power and is consequently the most dam
gerous not only to the other departments, but to
the liberties of the people also. 1t seems to be the
weakness the vice of legislative bodies to assume
to themselves the attribute Of Omnipotene. Mr..
Jefferson, with characteristic sagacIty, has said:
IAN the powers of government, legislative eXeca-
tive, and judiciary, result to the legislative body.
Concentrating these in the same hands is pre-
cisrly the definition of a 0espotiSm." Mr.. Mad
Son also said 1.-The legislative department is
every where extending the sphere Of its activity,
and drawing ali power into Its lmpetuOuS vortex.
AID he added as a warning: ut is against the en-
tcrprsing ambition Of this department. that the peo
lie ought to indulge all their jealousy and exhaust
all heir precaution" These extracts in largo let
tiers of gold, ought to be hung up in every legisa
tive body.
We are just in the infancy of government, and
this is peculiarly the time to profit by the wisdom
Of these sageS of wise generation it Is the time
for the people to indulge all their jealousy and ex-
haust all their precautlon against the dangers of
legislative entertainments; ami submission now to
any excess of authority will but accumulate dangers.
Let them not permit false coloring to be impress
ed upon their government; it is sure to become
more and more indelible, and more and more ex-
tended Ii passes into other hands, until ultimate
ly the true boundaries of power will become effaced
by the noXious growth Of legislative construction.
Legislative ambition has no retroEsade movement;
its tendency is to expansion until its poisonous
roots, like those Of the deadly parasite shall have
Sapped the vitals Of the body polite. We are now
settling the interpretations of the powers Of
government; now giving examples and making
preGedenLs to be followed hereafter, and it will avail
nothing to poSterity if We give them only the form
Of good government, blurred over by presidents,
BY examples, and by interpretations which destroy
its substance.
We know how assiduously we looked for the pow
ers of the government of the United States in the
words of its founders, and in the acts of its first
Congress; and we know with what confidence we
followed the delineations there marked out So
will coming generations look at our works, at our
interpretations / fear that we have already been
too needless Of the responsibility that rests upon u.s.
and tina: we have left our foot prints in the wrong
direction under the guidance ofapparent expediency
Permanent eVilsare usually the fruits ofsuch policy
The foregoing reflections were suggested by the
sub ject on which few remarks will be submitted
and therefore they may not be entirely out of place
We learn from the public prints that one of our
s. Mr. php1aD has iotrnducad .ha
Senate to authorize the government to impress all
the cotton in the Confederate States to be paid for
in Confederate bonds at fifteen cents per pound
which also obges the planters to deliver the cotton
at points to be indicated by the government 1t is
understood that this is financial scheme to enable
the government to pay its debts. The cotton is
not Tor the use Of the government otherwise than
as ali article Of commerce. By holding all the cot
ton, the government will have a monopoly Of the
cotton trade and can control the price abroad and
thus enable it to make large profit
The bill was referred to a committee and bv Tho
Committed 1t was reported back, and its MASSAGE
recommended; to that extent at least it has met a
faHoEahIe consideration. Besides, it has receieved
the endorsement Of some influential party, and i,
understood be favorable measure at Richmond
u may become lag, apd the danger of meeting
such monster face to face may well excite our eG
forts to prevent his coming Probably this il tho
hrst instance IN the history Of free governments or
OF thoSe Claiming even the senblapce of freedon
that the proposition was openly and authoritatiyeIv
ISoe, TO take by force the property of the citizen
lot the government TO speculate upon and il ia most
deVoutly hoped that it will be the last 1t is ner.
1ectiy ee~rdering in its effects; it causes us tn
wonder IN arnazement whether, under the name and
exterior OF Republic, We have not in fact estab-
ESned centralized despotism. What! the govern
ment to take the property of the citizen 10 trade
anu speculate Onto create a monopoly, and then
make profit it,! And if it takes our cotton in
taiS Say what may wenext expect? fit can take
COTTON, surely can take tobacco sugar rice. corn
alS other Articles One species of property is not
more sacred than another, and the same princi
gie He government may tske cur land, and Lincoln
,Hs: 3Ir negroes too The principle of the bill
Hxe'ces Us onnipotence over all descriptions of
property. And what could the neooIe he nd
such SYSTEM Would thew be fraa,pon ~ oIanosa
HSuia they work for the government or for them.
scSeS' II the government can take our proncyIV n
craae on 1t may surely take 70 bod aNd we soIJ
ce tnhs converted into slaves, and the govermont
inIo an unrestricted despotism This Is the onJ
Sh'en lies clearly in view. We derive no secpy;t,,
LOU inc consideration that there is no DANCE ~
S HIehsiVe abuse of power. Our security da9ends
apon Tue restraints which we have imnoseG nnon
:esehtatVes we do not rely upon the Himev
S%Hol OF thelr leniency towards ne tbio JyouiI
~ ~ unsafe Dependence We have not Isft d.,
nau fi esFisteq discretion we have lmitod 49,.
sSHa ana their discretion All exnerienoo h"a
.oinu alaI the only safety the pconle can hoHo
ton 'ie aegSe OF power is BY imposino ros,;
or in muse who are to exertft Whetbsr IN ~
not eEnao, our Constitution is iDaexibIe T. &C.
or pcaca ny, VI contract to suit emergencies GO 80
happen to prevail; and if onr nror 90.