New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1863-07-08

below q report Of q large portion Of his speech,
sbeh. a. coming from one who was long in the
.ouneil, of the Democratic party, and, as member
A. Congress familiar with the leading men Of the
soutb and their plans and purposes, is deserving Of
thoughtful consideration.
SPEECH OF GEN. JOHN COCHRANE.
Ispresr before you upon an invitation TO address
YOU upon the affairs Of the country. Upon occa-
ZION can thoughts with more propriety be spoken
without subsection TO the discipline Of party than
mon one which both celebrates the successful con-
ssncy Of our fathers 10 the cause Of constitutional
freedom and reminds their descendants Of the sacr-
Sces necessary 10 ito maintenance Indeed is sur
prsDg tbs, at time when the Government and the
institutions under which we live are menaced with
extinction, there are those among rs who are still
busied with parties, and are more Interested IN
asserting their performance than IN resculng their
country from its perilous condition. l am satisfied
thst the security and aggrsndilement OF q Govern
men, well established and firmly settled are fsvora-
bly, affected BY the salutary Offices Of parties founded
h. political divisions. They are, without doubt, TO
the BODY polite what salt is TO the great oceans
purifying eement-sn efiectual preservative from
Gsguaiion and decay. But, Lis con-
fdeuce is not to be envied who, when the
integrity of his government is attacked, relies for
sueeessiul resistance upon the strength OF faction
rather than upon that of the whole people. You
may depend upon 1t, wcitzens, that from such
snan The true magnitude and proportions Of the
pfesent conflict are withheld, If revealed 20 him
That be acQuiesces in the results and is willing 10
sccept the consequences OF our failure-a dissolved
Union and degraded government. Whenever a
country is engaged in a struggle for its existence,
there is, there can be no alternative but life or
death; there il, there can be no division but this
and every citizen must be either of the life party or
Of the death party. And row, when we are IN the
midst Of just such struggle 10 Is not clear that
there can be but two parlies--the party Tor The
country, and the party against the country the
party for the war, which shall restore the
Union, and the party for peace which
ahall divide the Union. Such have been
nv convictions, and while entertaining and
protesting upon all subjects Of political sontro.
versy the opinions which, in political nomenclature,
constitute and make me Democrat, find nothing
In them sll which for DIS my cordial cooperation
even with political opponents for the one paramount
oblect-the preservation Of the Union and the Con
stitution which upbolds II. While, therefore. as q
politician maintain fealiy TO the distinctive pTinci-
pes Of the Democratic party, apply TO my conduct
Curing this war against our Government the role
which requires every good citizen to support his
Government. Thus Tar, felow-cltizens, i have
engaged your attention with few OF those consider-
atoms which, however vital 10 the conduct Of the
existing war, Of necessity DO not partake OF that
higher importance belonging 10 an examination Of
the character Of the war, its object and its probable
duration. / do not subscribe Internationally 70 the
opinion so generally entertained that the war ID the
production solely Of the Necessities emer-
gent from the institution Of Slavery. IL is
true, indeed, that senes OF successive
tendency in the North TO restrain the further extern
non Of Slavery over the Federal Territory true, that
under the continued agitation OF the subect, there
was growing disposition TO treat it as both moral
and social evil. Yet, every evidence confirmed
the belief that whatever might be the wish and
intent of come 10 abolish the institution, the con-
yieton Of the vsst multitude was that 1t could moi;
be disturbed wherever it wss established, and thai,
the Federal Constitution sanctioned iss local contin-
nance. These opinions were asserted IN various
vsys Throughout the North through the resolutions
and addresses OF both Of the two great political par
ties and, at length, by the adoption OF the reso-
kufion reported by Corwin of Ohio, found
place in tie solemn snactments Of tho Fed
srsi Congress-. Certainly, there could there
fore have been no reasonable apprehension
that Slavery was 10 be attacked or in any degree
nolested within the region where 1t prevailed.
Equally unfouDded must have been the supposition
that there was general determination IL the North
10 exclude it from every part OF the public domain.
The history Of the day rejects the FEASIBILITY. Toe
overtures Of settlement, the conditions Of compro-
rise, the schemes OF concillatioD. with terms OF
Assurance and guaranty, daily made and discussed,
~ well within Congress 10 elsewhere, aud as uni
fornly rejected by the representatives OF the SOUTH
furnth indutitable proof of the utter extravaganza
Of such supposition. Indeed, al no time spce the
adoption Of the Constitution had the South more
abundant ASSURANCE Of the safety Of their slaves
from Northern interference than al the perfod
Immediately preceding the commencement OF the
Rebellion. 1t could not, therefore, have been
that an uncomfortable apprehension let their rights
of property under the Constitution, In their peculiar
Slave cbsttel should be disturbed, preciptated the
eoutb against the Federal Government. The defeat
by Southern Senators Of the Crittenden Compromise
IN the Senate, and the announcement by George h d.
Houston. Of Alabama, in the Union Committee OF
The House, that, offered, the tender would Re re-
eoed by the South even Of the power Of inscribiDg
ihs own terms Of settlement over the signatures Of
urnittee, conclusively demonstrate that,
-.thn Q attacks in the North, upon their local
ttrtit nor the anticipation that under Northern
D. Gee heir Constitutional rights would not be
respeslsd, contributed TO their departure from the
Union. Jler causes which reveal different class
0f moti,ss are 10 be consulted for the impulsion
Of the Seeding States into Rebellion. With
BAT few exceptional intermissions, the South
had, from ueir accession 70 the Government, in.
tIepced its counses and impressed il with their
po!iucsi sbsAeerEties. DuriDg the greater part Of
tis perloo. through the Presidential iDcumbency
etnoi o, botbern citizens or OF those Of the North
ei|Sss1 u Southern votes greater part OF the
ltWf sno d the patronage Of the Government had
tssa mcnopoized by the South. The Federal Con-
"a lad eous faithfully 70 inscribe upon the egis-
ton az hi euntry the DEGREES Of Southern legiS-
bore, and be Federal Capital had become bat Il
peiat for then exclusive central resort. But the
unprecedented Increase Of the West had already
awakened "a 'hsm fearful alarm that correspond
Ing s,ostn would, q, no very distan, day, deprive
thsp Of theI sccstomed power in the Government
ana trsasfe! 70 the NORTHWEST the balance Of
power IN The electoral college. 1t should
hot De forgotten, when pursuing this inquiry, that
TIE commercial POSITION which the growth Of the
country hsd asigasd TO the Southern States was
seisnyeiy inieTisr 70 that Of tho Northern States
cotton. bad swelleA tas ernnr.s ~ N6rtlarn -.