Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1863-07-29


where the safe. guards OF liberty are ob,
served, and where the persons detained
are to be discharged, unless indicted FOR
criminal Offences against the established and
ascerlained laws of the counlrv.
Upon what foundation, then, permit us
to ask, do you rest the pretension, that
men who are not accused of crime may
be seized and imprisoned or banished at
the will and pleasure Of he President or
any oG his subordiuates in military posi-
tlons? Where is the warrant Tor invading
the freedom of speech and OF the press :?
Where the justification for placing the
cltizel on trial without the presentment
Of grand jury and military commissions?
HERE Is NO POWER IN THIS COUNTRY WHICH
CAN DIsPENsE WITH ITs LAWS. ! he Presi>
dent is as much bound by them as the
humblest individual. We pray you TO
bear in mind, in order that YOU may duly
estimate the feeling of the people on this
subject, that for the crime of dispensing
with the laws and statutes OF Great Brit.
ain, our ancestors brought one monarch
to the scAtiold, and expelled another from
his throne.
This power which you have erected in
theory is Of vast and illimitable proper
tions. If we may trust you to exercise
1t mercfully and leniently, your success
sor, whether immediate or more remote,
may WELD ii with the en- argy of Caesar
or Napoleon, and with the will of des>
pot and tyrant. II is a power without
boundary or limit, because il proceeds
upon total suspension of all the const.
tutional and legal safe guards which pros
tect the rights of the citizen. 1t is power
not inar described in the language Of
ore Of your secretaries. Said Mr.. Seward
to TIE British Minister in Washington:
can touch bell on my right baud and
order the arrest of citizen of Ohio. can touch
the bell again and order the imprisonment of
citizen of New York, and no power on earth but
that of the President can release them. Can the
Queen of England in her dominion do as much 2"
This is the very language Of perfect
and we learn from you with
profound emotion that it is 10 idle boast.
1t is despotism unlimited in principle,
because the same arbitrary and unrestraln.
ed will or discretion which can place men
under illegal restraint or Danish them can
apply the rack or thumb screw, csn put TO
torture or to death. Not thus have peo.
pie of this country hitherto understood
their Constitution. No argument can
commend to their judgment such inter-
pretations OF the great charter of their
liberties. Quick as the lightning's flash,
the intuitive sense of freemen perceives
the sophistry and rejects the conclusion.
Some other matters which your excel>
lency has presented demand our notice.
In Justification Of your course as to Mr..
Nallandigham, you have referred to the
arrest Of judge Hall, at New Orleans, by
order of Gen. jackson; but that cJse diff
ters widely from the case Of Mr. Nalan,
digham, New Orleans was then, as you
truly state, under martial or military
law" This was no: so in Ohio where
Mr.. Nalland!gham was arrested. The
of the civil law had not
been disturbed in that commonwe attn
The courts were open, and justice was
with its accustomed prompti-
tude. Ia the case Of judge Hall, General
Jackson in asew days sent HIM outside
the line Of his epcampments and set him
at liberty but you have undertaken 10
banish Mr.. Vallanuigham from his home
You seem also TO have forgotten that Gen.
Jackson submitted implicitly to the juGg-
ment Of the court which imposed the fine
upon him. that he promptly prid it;
that he enjoined his friends u assent,
" as he most freely did, to the decision
which had just been pronounced against
him"
More than this, You overlook The fact
that the then administration lin the Ian
guage Of a well.known author) mildly
but decidedly rebuked the proceedings OF
General Jackson" and that the President
viewed the subject with "surprise and
Unlike President Madison,
you, in case much more upYarranted,
approve the proceedings of your subordan>
ate officers, and in addition justify your
course by carefully considered argument
in its support.
1t is true that after some thirty years, !
Congress, in consideration Of the devoted |
and patriotic services Of General Jackson,
the amount of the fine he had |
paid But the long dalay in doing this
proved how reluctant the American peo
pie we're TO do anything which could be
considered as in any way approving the !
shown 10 the majesty Of the law,
sven 1y one who so eminently enjoyed !
their confidence and regard. /
One subject more and we shall conclude
You express your regret that our meeting |
spoke "aS Democrats; aud you say that !
'in this time Of national peril you would |
have preferred 10 maet us upon o level, !
'He step higher than any party platform"
You thus compel us to allude to matters
which we should have preferred to pass
by. But we cannot omit TO notice your
as it casts, at least, an implied |
eproach upon your motives and our pro-
'eedings. We beg TO remind you that
vhen the hour of cur country's peril had |
'ome, when it was evident that most
gigantic effort was to be made TO subvert
,ur Institutions and TO overthrow the |
government when it was yitaly important
hat party feelings should be laid aside, |
md that all should be called upon TO
mite most cordially and vigorously to
the Union; at the time You
we're sworn into Office as President of the
United States, when you should have
lrged your fellow citizens in the most
mphatic manner TO overlook all past
differences and to rally in defense Of their
ountry and its institutions, when you