The weekly north Iowa times. [volume] (McGregor, Iowa) 1857-1867, 1863-09-16
McGREGOR IOWA, WEDNESDAY, SEPT. l6, 1858

injuriously affects their interests. The loys
man is as much injured by the arming o
negroes as the dis!oyal man. The injury i
indiscriminate. 1t encourages and pro
notes insubordination among the slaves o
loyal owners, depreciates their property
and endangers their security. The va
should Be against the rebel. not upon tn,
loyal man. This is the uhite mans gov
ernment; he is abundantly able to defend
it. There are plenty Of loyal white men I,
defend the government and suppress tn,
rebellion; let them do it. As such force.
are unnecessary to our defence, and rcall,
an obstacle to success, by embittcring tn.
minds Of the southern people, and as it i,
hurtful to the interests and endangers tn,
security ofloyal men, and humiliates their
pride, without any compensating benefit
it should be abandoned.
The loyal interests of the country should
not be endangered or sacrificed, and it.
Just pride be broken, by an unca,led fol
and needless experiment, which profit moth
ing, while it endangers much, and caters
only to the passions Of the extreme abol,.
ZIONIST, who has no respect for the cens,i
tuition, and no love for the Union. Blu,
there is, beyond the present injury, future
difficulty and danger which it were well to
consider.
The slaves SO employed cannot again be
remitted to bondage. What is to become
oftheml Shall they be turned loose, arm.
ed, or unarmed, in the South The wild.
est fanaticism must comprehend the fact
that such slaves, armed or unar,ned, can
never live among those against whom they
have been set in battle array. They must,
therefore, either be carried to some of the
northern States, or cnlonized elsewhere.
What northern State is ready and open to
receive them! We apprehend that no home
can there be found for them. Where then
shall they be sent, how provided for, al
what charge, and at whose expense Surely
these Questions Of grave consideration and
dangerous issue should be thoroughly ex
plored and we'll lnatured, before employing
force which can add nothing to our de.
tence, but retards success, ard which re-
mits to the future the necessity for adjust
ing those questions, of difficult settleiDen,
and dangerous issue. But for this, as wei
as other evils resulting from rebellion, VT
will lock to the constitutional remedies
We will appeal to the public judgment a.
the tribunal, and the ballot box as the cor
rective; and will devote the whole power.
OF our government to crush the rebellion
which is the present evil, the occasion and
cause of all-and restore the national au
thority over all the revOlted States, To
remedy the evil to which this rebellion has
subjected US, we should look first to the
preservation Of the government; that being
saved, the constitution will soon heal al
minor injuries by virtue of its own inner
ent vigor. We should avoid all the blow.
We can, but not expose the life of our gov
eminent by pausing in the heat and thick
Of the Combat to look upon and nurse a
slight braise or trivial wound. We can.
not too strongly condemn the factious op.
posiOn Of those who assaiI, not to correct,
but .or the purpose Of weakening the 10y
atty of the citizcn, and lettering the move.
ments Of the government. We condemn,
as reasonable, the efforts Of those who at.
tempt to organize. under pretense Of oppO
sition to obnoxious war measures, . party
whose real purpose is not TO correct the
evils complained Of, but use them as q pre-
tense for withholding the necessary sup
plies and aid for our defense and thus aid
and assist the rebellion.
. Much Of this form Of reasonable opposi.
ton is attempted under cla,nor for free
speech and free press! Liberty of speech
and OF tho press, as we'll As Of action, mus,
remain unabridged so long as our govern
ment exists in its present form. But free
dom and license are very different and re-
pugnant. Free speech is not o licensed
tongue. A licentious is not a free press
TO do, to say, to write, to print, what we
have right to do, to say, to write, or
print, is the freedom for which We should
contend. We should not be free to d.
what We have no right to do. We are at
liberty to commit murder, put we have no
right to do so. We are at liberty to Sian
der our neighbor, to commit treason, to
speak or print reasonable and seditious
speeches in time of rebellion, but We have
no right to do so, and it is no abridgement
IT our rights as freemen to punish us for
such abuses of liberty, or restrain US when
reasonable grounds exist to believe we have
been guilty, or are about to commit such
acts. to the danger Of public or private Sc.
curity. Some are more hurtful in speech
than action. Some will encourage and pro
mote treason, without the courage to act it
out themselves, and, when seized and placed
under just restraint, they cIamor for thu
sacred right of free speech and free press ~
Let him who says or prints what he has no
right to do. to the injury Of others or the
public, be held responsible for such acts.
TO have it otherwise would be to make Ii
centousness the definition Of liberty. Tn.
tongue and the press, like man, should be
free, but not lawless. Let them act, being
amenable for acting wrong. Good and evil
being set before thrm-and they free to
choose-but must gather the fruits Of tina.
choice.
Much is said about military arrests, as
arbitrary and unconstitutional. Much OF
this clainor is gotten up by those VINO are
not only ignorant Of constitutional powers
and duties, but whose real purpose is to
destroy, not to sustain the constitution
The constitution is always the same,
though the powers and duties OF the vari
GUS departments and tribunals Of govern
ment are very different and various. Th.
rule which controls the action of civil de
partments is often very different from the
rule which governs military action. The
judiciary looL to the statutes and judicial
proceedings for rules Of decision. The mil
'tary to the articles Of war and the usage,
Of civilized nations to settle belligerent
rights. The one may do what the other
may not do, and yet zach one strictly with
in the limits Of duty and right. The abuse
Of power is not All abrogation Of its r,ghtfu
exercises. We should, therefore, only cor
rect the abuse without restricting the pow
sr. The civil authorities rule by force Of
reason; the military by physical force
I he rebellion has appealed from the civil
tribunals, which rule by force Of reason, to
the military powers which rule by physical
force Each has its appropriate rules-the
one jus, as constitutional rs the other, but
very diff rent. Until the rebellion dism,s.
ses its appeal and % o'sents to the civil rule,
the law must be expounded by the rules Of
the power to which they have sppeal.d.-
The nOuor IN SunnroSs n rahalli,,,, Is l;.rn;