The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1863-10-17
Fellow Citizens of Cecil county:

Cecil county for State Senator, and being absent
In the army, deem it duty as well as Privi-
| The position occupy on the Union ticket, was
as aSod .ne baVe eonca
| ded to accept the omination regardless of the
| chances Of victory or defeat.
In accepting this position, 1t is my duty, In can
dor to you to say what my views are with regard
| to the great evils and difficulties which beset us
| At the beginning of this rebellion was a Union
man. Before 1t had a beginning, |, with others,
| foresaW the approaching storm, and with them,
ton But the powers Of darkness prevailed and
| the storm opened upon us. Since then, have
| never ceased to condemn secession as treason.
Since then, have exefted all my feeble powers
for the overthrow of the rebellion and the resto-
| ration OF the Union and concord of the States. l
have never had, never can have, any sym pathy
with those who voluntarily took up arms against
our National Government. ! have always been.
am now and ever will be, In favor Of our National
Constitution as the supreme law Of the land because
that instrument is the covenant and seal of compact
| osfvesn re States. have not oeen, however, nor
never will be, in favor Of a part here and part
there, Of the Constitution. | want 1t as a BhOls
because 1t is a whole, and was never intended to
have partial application One portion of t is as
binding another, and part broken, the whole
is invaldated and vulnerable and at the mercy of
the winds The Constitution is our cloud by day
and pillar by night, and If we lose sight of it,
our sojourn in the wilderness will be of more than
forty years duration.
tegrty. do not say that those who have cot"nta-
rily takeu up arms against 1t are entitled TO its
benefits. He who rebels against our Constitution
is traitor, let him be Southern Northern
man, and he Is a copard If he asks its protection.
claim, however, that every loyal man and every
loyal State. shall be protected in all rights guar
anteed them by the Constitution. If these rights
are disregarded, the Constitution is broken. The
Constitution makes the military subordinate to the
civil power and If this provision is disreg arded
the Constitution is broken. The history of the
world proves, that wherever the civil is subordi-
nate to the military power, there is despotism
And will not the same cause produce the same
| effect here3 But as regards the States, the Con-
stitution which is the condition of Union between
the States gives each State the nnqHatifed right
to establish and control its own domestic policy.
The Federal Government has no more right 10 in
terfere with, or even TO intimate course of policy
for State, than one State has to take such action
toward another State and when it does So it
ercises unwarranted power and violates the terms
of partnershi solenny formed between the States,
and thus creates discord where harmony would
Otherwise prevail.
Emanc patton question at this juncture, unwiSe
and impolitic. Slavery is said and believed by
many to be the real cause Of this war. | do not
think this view strictly correct. Slavery, as
institution Of STATE policy, never could have origi-
mated this war. The slaves of the south were pas
sive, and an overwhelming majority of their own
ers remained until after the rebellion begun
by south Carolina: And but for The work of agi-
tat0rS North and South this state of things would
have continued until public wisdom and interest
would have abolished it, Slavery never was
.gu.SnOn' until it was ''agitated.n 1t an
StituttOn- 1t was right unier the Constitution
and not ''qAsStiohH Its agitation, there fore,
whether by outside inside parties, is wrong, be-
and thereby, the way is paved for discord and vi
olence among the States. The ultra men--the az
| ilators in both sections of our country, are the
guilty parties in bringing on this war. am there
fore opposed to the itnanc patton policy at this
time because it continues hut agitation which
was the cause of tue rebellion.
have nothing to say in defence of slavery except
in 50 far as 1t is regarded constitutonally and e-
gaIly, as State institution. So far, however, it
must be defended until the organic laws al
tered or amended according to their provisionary
| terms. The powers Of the Federal GOvernment
are plainly defined. 1t cannot, and much less
one tdinate branch Of T. prevent any Free STATE
from adopting slavery: Nor it compel any
SLAVE STATE to abolish except by force in violation
of its legitimate powers. l frankly say, that |
would not hold slaves able to do so, and
were they in my possession, would set them free,
but would moi compel my neighbor to do so. 1
could NOT do this without piOiattng idU and dis
turbng the public peace. But the Federal Gov
| ernment rig htfully, has nothing to do with the
subject Of slavery. 1t never held or owned slave.
and surely it cannot give away that which it does
not possess. If the Federal Government, or the
Constitution by dsregarding and overthrowing
this local institution, where will they stop? This
principle Of innovation established and that feature
which preserves the equilibrium Of our system is
gone. Dispute the right of State to control her
own domestic concerns--deny the individuality Of
the States as they exist under the Constitution,
and des pOtism sets her iron heel upon and
posterity. Nothing prevents our running into con-
soiidation and desposm but that beautiful feature
in our system which acknowledges and seals, by
organic laws the rights and prerogatives of the
states But in advocating Stale rights, do not
| sanction secession That when exercised against
popular Government, is treason of the deepest dye
lie States. or people of the States which rebeled
against the Federal Government, had no cause to
do At that time, the Federal Government had
never either by overt act or intnaton, interfereG
with any individual or State right. AT that time,
the Federal government, nor any coordinate
b;anch thereof, had ever been guilty of 'agita-
| ting' the slavery question. Indeed, SO far it
was concerned 1t protected that institution, as it
every side issue. such can only add dead weight
| on backs already overburdened. ! would repudi-
ate every man and all things which tend to dgtate
and divert our minds from the main question:
would white our armies, our resources and people,
and strike for the Union, the Constitution and the
Laws This is the object to be attained as ! I'M
derstand it, II not, we in pursuit of phantom
which will turn upon us and rend us!
Fellow Citizens, as before said, am Union
man. l will admit no man to have more devotion
of my country and every star and every stripe
on our glorious banner: And 1t is because love
these things 50 dearly tia. contend for the onay
ed And hate every thing that would tend to
ssusr the bonds which unite us as a free people.
hate domestic traitors because they would tear
| asunder that beautiful fabric which was woven by
the patr lots of the revolution and cemented by the
blood Of our fathers. ] hate foreign enemies be-
cause they would take advantage of us during
time Of civil comnotion, and by brute force, would
chain MS he internal car of despotsIn.
With regard to existing divisions in the Union
ranks Of Maryland, regret them: But the
| seruative men of the State are not responsible for
1ss %aeh ay foSw AVE- stang ioday
| the Union men OF Maryland were unit, and
our platform we rried the State by nearly thiry
TUs thousand majority! Was that not < reat vic
tory for the Union So united in this cam paign,
on the same PLATFORM, our victory would have been
even more signal, for we would have had oppo-
| Siiion. But phy have those who acted with us in
"6l' changed their policy? why these radical
notions Are we not lighting for the same cause?
Are we fighting for anything but the Union, the
Constitution aud the Laws Where is the radical
candidate in Maryland o-day, who will dare tell
the people that he Is lighting for anyt hing else?
And, ii our cause Is the same, which these
was bound to do by the Constitution Therefore,
this rebellion against the General Government,
| was without cause at the beginning and was the
Fought to be and must be put down. The war
menced by the seeding States, must be prosecuted
until the $50 called COnfederacy" is overthrown.
say this, not because | wish to more blood
| shed God knows enough of that has taken place
to satisfy the insatIate fend: But it is to
sare bloodshed and eternal war, that ! would has
Ten the end OF this war by systematic and vigor-
| Gus prosecution of it, To this end, | would drop
| dars not deny, why change our principles! WHY
| do they require US 10 stand on platform now,
which II occupied by us tro yedrS ago, would have
swept US and our State into secession and civil
war tell you, fellow citizens, this innovation
| on the part OF Ultla men, means more than they
are WlllhS to admit 10 you. In the midst of this
terrible war hey are after po,cer! They wish to
| be on the side of the pn,Ss and sWord not for
but that they may wrest from the people their dear
est liberties. They wish TO agituis the people UNI
til they become sick of their troubles, and then
while powerless, To fasten despotisin upon the a.
IT this be not so why have they rerersed the policy
which gave Union men communal of our State!
vigorously, but their conduct is protonging it. If
they wish to prosecute ii vigorously, let them drOp
owe ythlng and hasten to the field Here they are
wanted-their country calls them here Our SUI