The dollar weekly bulletin. [volume] (Maysville, Ky.) 1862-1864, 1863-07-02

to protect the citizen and give to his fam i
and home security. ~ ,3-''
The powers of each department: of th
Government vested by the Constitution,
faithfully observed, are ample to meet a
, the difficulties of the present crisis.
The resort to military necessity" as
, source of power, if persisted in, will surel
generate military despotism. ...
You say the Adm inistration has commit
ted grave errors, and you specify some
Your list might have been enlarged by EN-
bracing most of our home policy and ths
of our foreign affairss
The power to enact these measures and t
commit the acts alluded to, is claimed un
der that never-exhausted fountain, "milita
~ necessity" under the influence of which
| the liberty of the citizen, not to say hi!
! life, the freedom of speech and of the press
are threatened, and in imminent danger
nay. in some instances, invaded.
With you, hold as sacred and invalua-
bic the right of free press.
With them, freemen will ever expose er-
ror and hurl from the possession of the Gov
ernment the tyrant and usurper.
My opinion has sver been, that no State
had right to seced from tire Union. l
was of those in Kentucky who in the be-
ginning of this trouble, held the opinion
that war alone by the United States would
not restore the Union. The exercise of un-
enlightened statemanship, accompanied by
justice. forbearance and magn animity, was
always necessary to the accomplishment of
this object. l refer to the unanimous opin-
ion, on this subject, of the two conventions
held in 1861: in the city of Louisville.
did all that a Kentuckiau who loved the
Union could do to settle the difficulty and
avoid a civil war.
This might have been done if patriotism
and craftsmanship had influenced the party
then about to assume the power of the Gov
eminent.
"War having been comm enced by the
Confederate States, the capital of tho nation
threatened, the Constitution and laws of the
United States deied, it was the duty of the
United States, not to rebellion, to meet that
war by force" ..-...
When canvassing the district in 1861, for
a seat for Congress, 1 proclaimed ard pub
lished to the people what would be my
course as their representative in the prose-
cution of the war.
1t was contended by those who opposed
my election that the war would be prosecu-
ted to subjugate the States, to destroy THEFT
aud to abolish slavery. ImetI
his charge and repelled it by referring to
The guarantees of the Constitution, the In
augural Address of President Lincoln, and
his letters, by Mr.. Seward, to our represen-
-atives at all the Courts of Europe. Mr..
Lincoln said:
"Apprehension5 seem to exist among the |
people of the Southern States, that by the
of the Republican Administration
heir property and their peace and persona
security are TO be endangered. There has
never beer any reasonable cause for such
apprehension. Indeed, the most ample ev-
dence to the contrary has all the while ex-
sted and been open to their inspection. 1t
S found in nearly all the published speeches
IF him who now addresses you. do but
luote from one of those speeches when /
leclare that L have no purpose, directly or
ndirectly, to interfere with the institution
,f slavery in the States where it exists. l
believe have no lawful right to do So and
have no inclination to do so' Those
Who nominated and elected me did so with
ull knowledge that l had made this and
many similar declarations, aDd never recant-
d them. And, more than this, they placed
u the platform for my acceptance, and as
aw to themselves and to me, the clear and
mphatic resolution which 1 now read:
Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate
f the rights of the States, and especially the
ights of each State to order and control its
wn domestic institutions according to its
wn Judgment exclusively, IS essential to /:
hat balance of power on which the perfec-
ion and endurance Of our political fabric [
epend, and We denounce the lawless in '
aston bv armed force of the soil of any |
tate or Territory, no matter under what
retext, as among the gravest of crimes.'
-, hic laftar IN thu (TnVprp- /
,ents of Europe, sanctioned by the Presi- l
ent, is more explicit:
4 need not further elaborate the PROPOSE t
on that the revolution is without a cause;
has not even preteXt.
'It is Just as clear that it is without an
beet Moral and physical causes have i
eterm ined iDfiexibly the character of each c
ne of the territories over which the dispute r
as arisen, and both parties, after the elec- {
on, harmoniously agreed on all the FEEDER
| laws required for their organization. The a
,rritories will remain in all respects the G
.me, whether the revolution shall succeed S
r shall fail The condition of slavery in @
ne several States will remain Just the same, +
neither it succeed or fail. There is not n
ven a pretext for the complaint that the S
isaffected States areto be conquered by the
United States if the revolution fails; for the b
ghts of the States and the condition OF f
very human being in them, will remain @
lbiect to exactly the same laws and forms h
f administration, whether the revolution a
hall succeed or fail. In the one case, the t
tates would be federally connected with S
ne new Confederacy; in the other, they i
Iould, as now, be mem bers of the United t
tates; but their Constitution and laws, Gus
pms, habits and institutions, in either case,
ill remain the same. -
1t is hardly necessary to add to this in
ontestible statement the further fact that ..
ne new President, as we'll as the citizens ..
trough whose suffrages he has come into
be Administrators, has always repudiated I
II designs, whatever and whenever imputed
D him and them, of disturbing the system