The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1863-09-01
AboIItIonIGm versus Negro
Equality.

persons that abolitionism implies negro
equality, and that negro equality implies
abolitionism, is one which could have
originated only in ignorance Of the past
asWsll as the present history of the slave
States. We lay down the following as
HISTORICAL PROPOSITIONS, which are sus-
tanned by the clearest evidence:
First That the abolition of negro
bondage does not of itself give the negro
either political or social equality
Second. That negroes have exercised
the right Of sufrsge--one Of the most, if
not Che most important Of oil citizens
righs--in States where the system of
slavery existed in full rigor.
qlfyd. That an intimacy, involving
the purity Of the blood Of the white and
black races, is tolerated and extensively
practised throughout the slave States,
which Is not tolerated by public opinion
in the free States.
Now for the proof.
The abolition of slavery, We have said,
does not necessarily involve the political
or civil equality of the negro.
Slavery formerly existed in Indiana
and Illinois. II was abolished in The
course of time but the abolition Of
slavery, 4 e. of the power of the
white master to compel his black
bondsman to soorE for him ,oitIo'a wages,
did not confer on the emancipAted slave
tho right of suffrage, nor place him so
cially on level with the white people of
those States. He cannot vote, nor hold Of
flee, nor sit on jury, nor give testimony
against white citizen in Indiana, nor
in Illinois, nor, so far as we are informed,
in any other free State. The privileges
which the negro enjoys in the free States
are to work voluntarily for wages; TO
select his own labor and his own employ
err; and TO consult his own tastes, COM
fort and convenience, and dispose of his
own time, as the Author Of the human
family undoubtedly meant that all his
children, white, red, yellow, black and
olive-colored, should do, SO soon as they
were old enough to leave the pAternal
roof. There ia then certainly no neces-
aary nor legitimate connection between
the abolition of slavery and the emanci-
patton of the slave from the obligations
of a system of compulsory unpaid labor,
and his enjoyment of either political OF
social rights. The right of man to
vote implies also his right to work for
whom be will and to receive wages but
the converse of this is not true, that the
right TO labor voluntarily and TO receive
wages implies the right to vote. By no
means. These things are widely differ
ent. 1t would be rs correct to say that
woman had a right to vote because she
could receive wages.
Nor has the negro social equality in
States where slavery has been abolished.
Among the most debased classes of So
ciety a few cases of unlawful cohabita.
ton between negroes and whites occur
and still fewer cases of actual marriage,
but ID may be safely affirmed that these
cases are so very rare that they consti-
tute exceptions confirming, instead of
inyslidating our first propositions.
Our second proposition is a very i'm
portant one, inasmuoh as il shows that
the exercise of the right of voting by
the negroes, is not at all incompatible
with the existence of slavery in the same
State. In proof of this we quote the
following section from the Constitution
Of Tennessee, of 1886:
ARTICLE III, SEC. l.
3 All FREEMEN of the age of twenty-one
and upwards, possessing freehold in the
county where he may vote, and being An
inhabitant of any one county within the
State six months Immediately preceding
the day of election, shall be entitled to
vote for members of the General Assem-
bly,, for the county in which they shall
respectively reside.
The Consultation OF 1896, including
the above section, was in full force until
the adoption of the present Constitution
in 1886. Under that Constitution al ne.
gues who were Jreemen, and owned an
acre, or half An acre, or twenty feet
square Of land, voted for County, State
and Federal officers for Sheriff, Repre-
sentative, Governor, Congressman, and
President of the United States. The
free negroes of this State were also re
quired to muster at the stated militia
mqsters, up to 1886, or pay a Gne, for
nOn-performance of this duty, just al
white persons did. They were regarded
as part of the military strength of Ten
nessee. Here, where the statement that
ireo negroes, possessed of freeholds were
allowed, by the State Constitution "a
vote and did actually exercise this
privilege Is known TO be true, il
would be needless TO introduce apy
testimony; but as cur main oh.
Jeot Is TO refute an error. too wideIv
prevalent in the free States, we will
give some personal testimony. Col
K. H. McEwen, native of ,b;s
State, and one Of the oldest and mos,
prominent merchants in Nashville. now
retired from business, and grand iuro,
At the late term of the Tn;t.a -.