Columbia Democrat and Bloomsburg general advertiser. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1850-1866, 1863-11-21

ty--and the control OF the militia so at
tempted to be usurped as 10 produce
revolution that resulted in the execution,
of Charles /. But it seems to me that all |
this experience was lost, in relation to
most important power, ii the whole State
militia system can be set aside by the Fed
eral Government at the very time when it !
ought to act with with most vigor, as is |
done by this Act. All this clearly shows
how little reliance can be placed upon
mere partisan morality in political affairs
and how necessary it is to have an ac-
knowledged standard, such as the compact
oil the Constitution, by which it is to be
moderated aud tried
In England the popular jealousy of
power was usually directed against the
party which was ordinarily represented
by the King, because he was permanent
authority; but in this country, i'll the act
of framing the Federal Constitution, it
could be directed against no other power
but that which the people were then crea-
ting, or the paties that we're sure to con-
tenG for it, and history tells us that this
jealousy was intense and watchful, and it
was perfectly natural and inevitable that
it should be so. States as well as individ-
uals, are careful in putting themselves un-
| der the power of others. That was the
power to be feared in its relations with the
States, and l know not how it is possible
to suppose that under the power to raise
armies they were really giving up their
whole militia system at the time when it is
most needed, 10 be the instrument ofa sus-
pected power, a federal party i'll power,
always prone, whatever be its name, to
place its respect for the time-honorcd doc
trines Of constitutional liberty in subordi-
nation to the Incorporate, and therefore
often disingenuous zeal for party success.
In great political connections, liberty is in
its greatest peril because, neither party
knowing how to give or to receive those
reasonable concessions or that generous re-
spect that is necessary to restore peace, the
occasion demands force Il alarm or excite
ment gives it an undue measure, which in
creases the resistance, and consequent
ly the excitement or alarm and the force,
until all the bulwarks of constitutional lib
erty are passed or swept away.
If Congress may institute the plan now
under consideration, as a necessary and
proper mode of exercising its power "to
raise and support armies,' then it seems
to me to follow with more force that it may
take similar mode in the exercise Of other
powers, and may compel people to lend it
their money take their houses for Offices
and courts their ships and steamboats,
for the navy their land for its fortresscs ;
their mechanics and workshop for the diff
ferent branches of business that are needed
for army supplies; their physicians, min
isters and women for army surgeons,
chaplains, nurses and cooks their horses
and wagons for their cavalry and for army
trains and their provisions and corps for
the support of the army. IF we give the
latitudin0rian Interpretation, as 10 mote,
: which this act requires, know not how
to stop short cf this. am sure there is
! no present danger Of such an extreme in
depreciation, and that even partisan NOR
alty would forbid it; but if the power be
admitted, we have no security against the
relaxation of the morality that genders it
1 am quite unable now to suppose that as
great power could have been intended tc
be granted, and yet to be left so loosely
guarded.
1t may be thought that even voluntary
= enlistments in the regular army have the
l same sort of inconsistency with the militi;
system as forced recruiting has but more
! careful reflection will show that it is not
7 so. Enlistments in the army takes away
Q a part of the militia but every miiti;
Ill e., fba
purpose of both is the same--the ocnstitu
. ton of military force. And, besides thi
f it is of the very nature of the system tina
e it leaves every man free in pursuit OF hi
t ordinary calling, and binds no man to an.
e part of the militia, except by reason G
l residence, which he may abandon o
s change as he pleases.
8 This act seems to me be further uncon
stitutional in that it provides for o thoroug
5 confusion between the army and the mill
: tia, by allowing that the regular soldier
i obtained by draft may be assigned, by tn
d President,to any corps, regiment or branc
d of service he pleases whereas the Const
i tuition keeps the two forces distinct. Ur
l. der this law, the President may even sen
is them to the navy. Under the militia syt
l. tenn every man goes out with his neighbol
n and friends, and under officers with whol
r he is acquainted. 1t is very properl
Al suggested that, in 1890, Gen Knox, tt
N Secretary of War under President Wasl
;. ington, and with his approval, and
l. 1914, Mr.. Monroe, President Madison
Of Secretary of War recommended plans (
/" recruiting the army, WHICH were simili
N to this one, and no doubt this is some a
le gument in favor Of its constitutionality. b
t. notwithstanding our great reverence f
es those illustrious names, it is impossible
4 admit them as very influential Oh tn
ir question, when VIC consider that neither
to those plans was adopted by Congress, al
s. the subject never received such discus
5, sion as TO settle the question. Instead
n Mr.. Monroo's plan pure militia bill w
n reported by Mr.. Giles, from the Senate