The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1863-07-18
y" TUT It ODCt
EtsfanciDatiGn;


week, prevented me from noticin, until
this time, the very CHARACTERISTIC. aicla by
Mr.. Matfit which appeared in re Wing of
the fourth instant. As usual, with nm, he
has wrought himself Into towering assion,
but have lived long enough TO kmw, that
such excessive ill-temper is verf h.rmless.
The man who INDUCES in it, oil tht coarse
and und gnitied language, whicl IS is usual
cuuconilsnt may, after awhile lnduce the
belief that he is boor, but hewilt hardly
prove to the satisfaction Of INTELLIGENT per-
sons that his cause is good on, Or that he
has handled it in manner reparkable for
ability.
All through this controvers' the intelli
gent reader has noticed that what Mr.. Maiiit
calls personalities are solely tie criticisms
of his public acts, which |, and every other
citizen, have the right to make, aid which his
own il-tempor has distorted sid miscon,
ceived. No better example of his can he
to the blast Of fury With which he meets
what | said about his probable course, had
he lived in the days of the rerollton.
did not say or intimate" ihm it "would
have been different from the pat;iots Of tina,
period ! said that with the vlsws he now
holds, viz: that we can do but one thing at
a time. he would have opposed men like
Jefferson, who thought they could fight the
war OF independence and advocate pure
Democracy at the same time. He might
have thus opposed men like Ar. Jefferson
without his course being /" different from the
patriots of that period becaus, many men
Of that period. whose patr,oisuwa beyond
question, did so oppose them, md all this
Mr.. Mallit would have seen butter bis petty,
binding ill-temper.
In my last article stated that "ten mil
lions of dollars would pay three hundred
dollars per head for all the slaves in Mary
land between fifteen and fifty To which
Mr.. Mstiit replies:
"Mr Joaes, By mode of calculating peculiar to him
self cndeavis to show that ten mn,of dollars would
pr, uerly compensate the uwnc., ef slaves in Mary ,n
dispvsys Of this matter by mere tion which II
his way of establishing his position 2
Now, when he wrote this paragraph k
knew as we'll as | do. that there arr IN
Maryland about thirty lree thousand yn'es
between the ages Of fifteen and fifty; ,hese
at three hundred dollarsper head w,u,u ne
nine million nine hundred thousape collars
What the people may think off man VINO
speaks of SO plain thing as<thls a; as "a
mode of calculation peculayo myself, or
who says that it is an eiloYf.o, u'Sp@se OF
the matter by mere arsctU IS MOI ioEme
to decide what I thr OF INN ! cannot
say here, without violns the rue "h'ch
have laid down fors5o own g" nohnie IN IN
this controversy appost's one. nan Oh
these thirly-three no at;," s,. 10 De
females (and the equaaIn''y o' inc sexes Is
remarkable in nha t Eva luInr d a .ni
assessment wor, ~ "oo"s 5 w. ''.'o nv I.'u
NIX Wss."v,nd shareholders have made
~; 'per head, the slaves between
tfa am'' n,"itty would amount to nine mil. |
Nv, ee hundred and four thousand |
laiio,; SO that the shareholders would |
,a"'1aE for their slaves, about four hundred |
n sand dollars. more than the valuation |
,.ach they as sworn legislators have placed |
ron them. | am very much mistaken if |
lr. Ma!ht does not find. that this is mode /
t calculation peculiar TO some other peo- |
!c as well lis to me.
Driven to the wall, he now admits. what |
and the Baltimore Americnn and every
ther person to whom have talked on the |
ibjcct understood him to deny, viZ that
lie State has right TO take the property
slaves whenever necessary for the general
cltare. Certainly he did say IN his first
ard-in addition to those sentences quoted
his last nrtice--that he WAS opposed to
tcrlcrcnce with the private and guaranteed
gifts of any of our citizens.' This needs
,me explanation to make it consistent with
is last admissions, but consistency seems
OF to be Il cardinal part of Mr.. Mathis
Jitical creed, and 50 new II convert to the
ght Of characterization ought not to be too
richly catcchiZcd.
If he will now admit that in fixing the
lIUatlon Of these slaves, We shall take into
the advantages accruing to the
ave. owners in common with other citizens
the State, by the adoption of free labor.
shall congratulate myself that the bark of
'cludIcC has, to some extent at least, been
a careful review of this controversy will
low the following:
lst. Mr.. Ma!lit is opposed to emancpa.
on now, because it will distract and divide
C Union party, although he seems to be
c only person who talks Of dividing.
ID. He is opposed to it at any time be,
'use it will be an interference with the pri
lie and guaranteed rights of our citizens,
Ration though lie refuses to answer "a
n2lc argument going to show that the sub
tuition of free for ,ave labor will largely
crease instead of diminishing the basis of
Xatlon ! suppose we ought hardly to
,pcct him to do this, because he must
now, that to make such reply would be an
suit to the intelligence of the people,
pccially Of his own county, who have seen
e slave kitchens and scdge fields which
'enty years ago furnished the basis of tax
ion converted into substantial houses,
rms, factories and highly cultivated farms
rough the instrunentality of free white
Dor.
Sd. He is opposed to immediate and com
usated emancipation because he says Con-
ess has no right 10 make appropriation
r that purpose, although he fails to furnish
single argumen,in support of his position,
in answer to wat has been said in favor
the power of Congress to make such
18th. He is opposed to gradual and uncom-
nsatcd emancipation, because it will dcs. :
Ill the owners Of slaves of their property,
rgettlng that as the sovereign people have
ven the right 10 hold slaves they may take
'ay that right whenever in their opinion
c public Interests create the necessity.
3. He will notallow the people the poor '
ivilege of saying whether they desire to D
ke up this question, because it will dis
.ct and divide the party the meaning of :,
which is,-itwil endanger the election +
Mr.. Mafiit. Great questions of public +
onomy. the demands of agriculture. trade =
d commerce tie deplorabe condition of
e labor systemof the State all these are
alters Of secondary importance.
In the of this controversy | have s
deavored to slow, with what success is b
t for me to sa II
LIST. That slhery could 40 longer be
pended on as. system Of labor. and that !,
lew system could not be introduced until :.
q old one wns at least in Drocess of de- y