Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1863-06-17

| DE SHOWN not to be good for well one. Nor
am able to appreciate the danger apprehend-
ed by the meeting that the American people
will by means of military arrests during the
rebellion, lose the right Of public discussion,
the liberty of speech and the press, the law
OF evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus,
throughout the indefinite peaceful future,
which trust lies before them, any more than
am able to believe a man could contract so
strong an appetite for emetics during tempo
rary illness as to persist in feeding upon them
during the remainder of his healthful life
In giving the resolutions that earnest con-
slderatlon which you request of me, cannot
overlook the fact that the meeting speaks as
democrats" Nor can |, with full respect
for their known intelligence, and the fairly
presumed elaboration with which they pre-
pared their resolutions, be permitted to sup
pose that this occurred by accident, or in any
way other than that they preferred to desig-
nate themselves 'democrats" rather than
american citizens In this time of nation-
al peri | would have preferred to meet YOU
upon level one step higher than any party
platform; because / am sure that, from such
more elevated position, we could do better
battle for the country we all love than we
possibly can from those lower ones where,
from the force OF habit, the prejudcps OF the
PaStj anu SelHSH HOpCS Ol the future, we are
sure to eXpend much of our ingenuity and
strength i'll finding fault with, and aiming
blows at each other. But, since you have de-
MED me this, l will yet be thankful, for the
country's sake, that not all democrats have
done so. He on whose discretionary judg-
ment Mr.. Vallandigham was arrested and
tried is democrat, having no old party Atm
lty with me; and the Judge who rejected the
constitutional view expressed in these resolu-
lions, by refusing to discharge Mr.. Vallandig-
nam on haDeas corpus, Is democrat of better
days than these, having received his judicial
mantle at the hands of president jackson.
And still more, of all those democrats who
are nobly exposing their lives and shedding
their blood on the battlefield, | have learned
that many approve the course taken with Mr..
Vallandigham, while | have not heard of
single one cnndemning it. | cannot assert
that there are none such. And the name OF
OF president jackson recalls an instance of
pertinent history After the battle of New
Orleans, and while the fact that the treaty of
peace had been concluded was well known in
the city, but before official knowledge of it
had arrived. Gen. jackson still maintained
martial or military law. Now, that it
could be said the war was over, the
clamor against martial law, which had
existed from the first, grew more furious.
Among other things, Mr.. Louiallier pub.
lshed a denunciatory newspaper article. Gen.
jackson arrested him. A lawyer by the
name Of Morel procured the United States
Judge Hall to issue a writ of habeas corpus to
relieve Mr.. Louiallier Gen. jackson ar
rested both the lawyer and the Judge. a Mr.
Hollander veptured to say of some part of
the matter that at was dirty trick" Gen.
jackson arrested him. When the officer I'M
dertook to serve the writ of habeas corpus,
Gen. jackson took it from him, and sent him
away with copy. Holding the judge in Gus
tody few days, the general sent him beyond
the limits OF his encampmcnt, and set him at
liberty, with an order to remain till the ratif-
cation of peace was regularly announced, or
until the British should have left the southern
coast a ,lay ortwo more elapsed, the ratifi-
cation of atreaty of peace was regularly an
nounced, and the judge and others were fully
liberated. few days more, and the judge
called Gen. jackson into court and fined him
$1,000 tor having arrested iIln and the others
named. The General paid the fine, and there
the matter rested for nearly thirty years, when
congress refunded principal and interest.
The late senator Douglas, then in the house
of representatives, took leading part ih the
debates in which the conStilp tional question
was much discussed. | am not prepared to
say whom me Journals would snow 10 nave
voted for the measure.
1t may be remarked: First, that we had the
same constitution then as now secondly, that
we then had case of INVASION and now we
have case OF rebellion; and thirdly, that
the permanent right of the people to public
discussion, the liberty Of speech and of the
press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence,
and the habeas corpus, suffered o dctrimcnt
whatever by that conduct OF Gen. Jackson, or
its subsequent approval by the American con-
gress.
And yet let me say that in my own discre-
ton, do not know whether | would have or
dered the arrest of MI. Vallandigham. While
| cannot shift the responsibility from myself,
| hold that as general rule, the commander
in the field is the better judge Of the necessity
in any particular case. OF course, [ must
practice general directory and revisory pow
er in the matter
One ofthc resolutions expresses the opinion
of the meeting that arbitrary arrests will have
the effect to divide and distract those who
should be united in suppressing the rebellion,
and | am specifically called on to discharge
Mr.. Vallandigham. regard this as at least
fair appeal to me on the expediency of exer-
cising constitutional power which think
exists. In response to such appeal, have to
say, it gave me pain when learned that Mr.
Valandgham had been arrested-that is,
was panied that there should have seemed to
be a necessity for arresting him-and that it
will afford me great pleasure to discharge
him so soon as | can, by any means, believe
the public safety will not suffer by it. | fur
Their say that as the war progresses, it appears
to me, opinion and action, which were in great
confusion at first, take shape and fall into
more regular channels, so that the necessity
for strong dealing with them gradually de-
creases. l have every reason to desire that
it should cease altogether; and from the least
is my regard for the opinions and wishes of
those who, like the meeting at Albany, declare
their purpose to sustain the government in
every constitutional and lawful measure to
suppose the rebellion. Still, must continue
to do so much as may seem to be required by
the public safety. A. LINCOLN.
One Week Later from Europe.
New YORK, June l6.-The steamship Sco-