Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1863-08-22


number of restless spirits among the ez
tremists of the South, thar would be satis
fed with nothing short OF q dissolution
the Union.;
OF this class of politicians, W. L. Yau
cy may be ftly selected as representatiy
J man. He Immediately began to agita,
the question again. HeWent to the Dem
ocratic National Convention at Baltimore
in 1852, as a delegate from the State G
Alabama, and there PROPOSED as the ala
mGtum on which be could continue to &C
with the Democratic party, and upo
which, in his opinion, the Slave State
could consent to remain Ia the Union, tha
the doctrine of non intervention by Con
gress in regard to Slavery in the Terrific
lies should be incorporq "a in the Demo
cratic platform. In this he failed, ant
therefore did not support the nominee o
the Convention, Mr.. Pietces He could no
4 However, at that time, succeed in creating
a great schism in the Democratic party, 81
great had been the calm which the com
promise measures of 1850 had produced
In 1856 he again went US a delegate from
the State of Alabama to the Cincinnati
Convention, with his old WItimaLum in his
pocket. Contrary to his wishes and ex.
pecIations it was Incorporated into the
Cincinnati platform, and being thus left
without an excuse, he supported Mr.. Bu-
chanau for the Presidency in the FAN of
that year. In the meantime, however,
that fatal measure, the repeal of the Mis-
souri, Compromise, had been coDsumated.
1t was brought about by the extremists of
the South, aided by few partisan Demo.
Gratis at the North. The avowed object of
its author was to open TO Slavery the ter
ritories north of the Missouri Compromise
line, notwithstanding the agreement of
1920, that said line should forever divide
the territories between the Slave and Free
States. Itis said, however, that the COM
promise of 1920 was unconstitutional; but
what is that to the purpose2 1t was
most solemn compact between the two SEQ
tions of the country, made for the settle
meut of most perplexiDg question, and
without any reference to its CONSTITUTIONAL
ity, should have been regarded as an Or
ganic law, and observed as sacredly as the
Constitution itself.
The effect of this measure was great and
rapid, and there can be but little doubt
that it was such as a majority ofits authors
The result was the fOrma-
tion of great party at the North opposed
to the further extension of Slavery, aud
which party very nearly succeeded in elect
ing their candidate for the Presidency, Mr..
Fremont, in 1856. After the election, this
party seemed to be on the wRne, until the
Anti-SlaVery spirit of the whole North
was aroused to madness, by an attempt on
the part of Mr.. Buchanan's Administration
to force the LecomptOu Constitution with
Slavery upon the people of Kansas, in op-
position to the known and eEpressed wish of
three -fnuht6s of them. Rta' Sc. stiiS must
measure the Republican party
would undoubtedly have dwiRdled down
to moderate proportions; and even after
this, it is doubtful if they could have sue
Ceeded in the Presidential election of 1860, 4
if the Secessionists, with Yancey at their
head, had not determined that they should
succeed. After Mr.. Yancey and his party
had, against their wishes, succeeded in
getting their ultimdtWna of fnon-interVention
into the Cincinnati platform,
they went to work to conjure up another
to present to the Charleston Convention.
their doctrine of non.inter-
vention, they went to the opposite extreme
and demanded that the Intervention of
Congress for the protection of Slavery in
the territories should constitute a part of
the Charleston platform. This demand
they we'll knew would not be complied
with, nor did they desire that it should be.
Their object was to procure the seces-
sion of the delegates of the cotton states
from the Convention, and thus by defeat |
ing the nomination of Mr.. Douglas, aud
rending asunder the Democratic party, to
ensure the election of MIR. Lincoln, aud |
thereby forge for themselves a grievance
which would seem to justify them in the
execution of the long meditated designs of
the Union. All of this they
and the election of Mr.. Lin
In hafl oko,.
Rt Charleston than at New York. will |
do them the Justice to state that they also |
claimed to have some other grievances;-
among them, that some of the Northern |
States by their statutes obstructed the |
of the Fugitive Slave law; but |
the only states that could complain much |
on that score, were willing to remain in |
the Union, while South Carolina, the State |
which set the ball in motion, perhaps |
never lost a slave. Bnt it must be borne |
in mind that no act Of the National Gov |
ernment constituted any part of their |
grievances. They did not pretend that any |
act of Congress infringed their rights, and |
the decisions of the Supreme Court were |
mainly such as they would themselves |
have made. Nay, even at the very time of
Mr.. Liucoln's Inauguration, If the cotton |
states had allowed their senators and rep |
ceSentaLlVeS 10 FemalnJ tney Woulu nave i
had a decided majority in both Houses of
Congress in favor of the extension of Sla- |
very, aud in opposition to the policy Of |
the party which elected him.
The great cause of complaint was, that
! man opposed to the extension Of Slavery |
in the Territories had been elected Presi-
dent of the United States, according to the
forms of the Constitution which he was
sworn to defend and protect, aud who dis
claimed any other than constitutional
means in the accomplishment of his object.
Under such circumstances it seems that
If they had labored under any real griev-
lnce, their conrse was plain. They should
have taken the course of our revolutionary
fathers. When the Sites assembled in
instead of proceeding at once