The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1863-12-04
Speech of the Emperor Napoleon
A Congress Of European Sover-
eigns Called.
THE POLISH QUESTION AND THE
GREAT POWERS.

SPEECH OF THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON.
The French Legislature was opened by
the Emperor in person on the 9th inst
We give his remarks on the Polish ques.
ton, which is the only point that occasions
any discussion in Europe:
The Polish question needs fuller ex-
PLANTATION. When the Polish insurrection
burst out the governments of France and
of Russia were on the most friendly foot
ing. Since the conclusion Of peace they
were always agreed upon the great Euro
pean questions, and do not hesitate to de-
clare so.
During the war in Italy, as we'll as at
the time of the annexation of Nice and OF
Savoy, the Emperor gave me his most sim
cere and cordial support. This good un-
derstanding demanded forbearance, and it
was only the Polish question, very popular
in France, that could induce me to hesitate
to compromise one of the first alliances of
the continent, and to raise my voice in IA
vor of nation rebellious in the eyes OF
Russia, but in ours heirs to right in
scribed in history and in treaties. Never
theless, this question touched upon the
most serious European. interests. 1t could
not be treated by France alone. An insult
to our honor or menace against our from
tiers alone imposes upon US the duty of &C
ton without preliminary concert. 1t there
fore became necessary, as at the time of
the events in the East and in Syria, for
me to come to an understanding with the
powers who had equal rights and similar
reasons as ourselves to express an opinion.
The Polish instruction, which, from its
duration, assumed national character,
and aroused sympathy on every side, and
the aim of diplomacy has been to attract
to its cause as much adhesion as possible,
so as to bring to bear upon Russia all the
pressure possible of the public opinion of
Europe.
This almost unanimous expression of
wishes appeared to us to be the best means
of persuading the Russian Cabinet. I'm
fortunately, our distinguished counsels have
been interpreted as an attempt to intimi-
date; and the steps taken by England,
Austr and France, instead of putting
stop to the struggle, have only tended to
embitter it. Excuses are being perpe-
trated on both sides, which, in the name
of humanity, must be equally deplored.
What, then, is to be done? Are we re-
duced to the sole alternative of war or
silence? No! Without having recourse
to arms, and without remaining silent, one
means remains to us. 1t is to submit the
Polish question to European tribunal.
Russia has already declared that confer
ences at which all the other questions
which agitate Europe shall be discussed
would in no wise offend her dignity. Let
US take note of that declaration. Let it
serve us to extinguish once for all the fer
ments of discord which are ready to burst
forth on every side, and from the Dispute
tude itself of Europe, which in every quar-
ter is mined by the elements Of dissolu-
ton, let new era of order and of peace
arise
Has not the moment arrived to rebuild
on new foundations the edifice destroyed
by the hand of time, and piecemeal by rev.
olutions? Isit not urgent to recognize by
new conventions that which has been ire
yocably accomplished, and to carry by
common accord what the peace of the
world requires? The treaties of 1915 have
ceased to exist. The force Of circumstances
has upset them, or tends to upset them.
They have been discarded nearly every
wherein Greece, in Belgium, in France,
in I'aly. rs npon the Danube. Germany
is agitating to alter them; England has
generously modified them by the cession of
the Ionian Islands and Russia treads them
under foot at Warsaw. In the midst of
these successive infringements of the fun
damental European pact, ardent passions
become over-excited, and powerful inter-
ests demand solution in the South as well
as in the North.
What, then, can be more legitimate and
more sensible than to convohe the powers
of Europe to Congress, in which self-love
and resistance would disappear in the face
of supreme arbitrament? What can be
more in conformity with the ideas of the
age, with the wishes Of the greatest num-
Der, than to address ourselves to the con-
science, to the reason, of statesmen in all
countries, and to say Have not the preiu-
dices and rancor which divide US already
lasted long enough? Is the jealous rivalry
| of the great powers necessarily to Obstruct
the progress of civilization? Shall we be
constantly casting defiance at each other
by exaggerated ornaments? Are our most
precious resources to be indefinitely ex-
| hausted in vain ostentation Of our strength ::
Shall we eternally preserve position
which is neither peace with its security
nor war with its chances Of success? Lei
us no longer give Fictitious importance tt
the subversive spirit of extreme parties by
opposing ourselves with narrow calcula
tions to the legitimate aspirations of ma
tons. Let US have the courage to substi
tute regular and stable state of affairs 70
an unhealthy and precarious condition. eve1
if it should cost sacrifices. Let us NEE
without preconceived system, withou
exclusive ambition, animated by the sol
thought OF establishing an order of thing
based upon the well-understood interest G
the severeigns and of the peoples.
cannot but believe that this appes
would be listened to by all. A refuss
would lead to the superstition of secret rro
iects which fear the light of day; but eve
if the proposal should not be unanimousl
adopted, it would have the immense al
vantage of having shown Europe where lie
danger, and where safety. Two way
are open: the enc leads to progress throug
cancellation and peace; the other, soone