Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1863-02-23

- Do other objections hold against the pianE
Does humanity forbid to accept the aid of an
enSlaved racer In far humanity
enjoin war at all, she enjoas the employment. by
US, of the African in this; first. because his EN-
pl0yment may shorten, by wears, the fratricidal
struggle; and then, because, if he is not permit
ted to assist in civilized warfare under US. and If.
without his aid, fail to effect his liberation and
thus disap0oint his hopes, he may be overtaken
by the temptation TO seek freedom and revenge
in mis- own wild way. In accepting the liberated
slave as a soldier we NAV prevent his rising
assassin By the creation of negro brigades We
NAV avert the indiscriminate massacres of ser
vile insurrection."
Humanity may permit, if it DO not enjoin, the
employment by US. for the purposes OF labor,
such as digging trenches, mining and sapping,
&c, of such contrabands as may have been
abandoned by their masters; but we cannot adj
NIT that il enjoins the use of baTbaroas element
in civilized warfare, and such we conceive would
be enfranehised slaves suddenly transformed into
soldiers When so trans ormed, armed, uni
formed, brigaded, &c, fancy the slaves
might have the greater desire and temptation to
seek freedom and revenge in his own wild way,
| for any imaginary wrongs, i'll treatment and in
Justice evil cOunselors might preach TO them.
Besides, suppose we could brigade such, is it
| likely that the volunteers of many of the States
would willingly fight side by side, assimilate
/ placing the negro upon a more hOnOred equality
than that of labor, against which the ideas. pre-
JUDGES and lofty spirit of the free white man so
instinctivey revolt.
| Does Mr. Owen hope, by scattering general
! ideas of emancipation broadcast through the
slave States, that they can fructify at once, and
produce any beneficial results, either 10 the
slaves themselves or to the social order OF politi-
cal welfare of the Union or those States us in
I .t.o - NOT
ideal thing, that can be cOpjured into life and
being by procamatons eve do not here intend
directly nor indirectly any reference to the Presi
dents views or proclamatiOn) amongst a servile
race, destitute of those ennobling aspirations
which sanc,ify a struggle for grand principles.
Slavery IN the Southern, as il was IN ancient
States, is deeply identified with the ideas, man
ners and instincts of individuals as well as socl-
ciety and terrible would be the revolution which
a sudden change of its status would naugurate.
Ii was even a matter of treaty stIpulatiOns in an
cent States We find, in the treaty between the
LacedemOnians and Athenians. the following
clause:
..Prouided. further, That if there happen any
Instruction among the HelOtS. the Athenians
march to the succor of the Lacedemonians with
their whole strength. to the full extent of their
power"
We do not. however, discover in The history OF
age which existed bore any resembancein gov
ernmental or political aspect TO slavery AS 1t
exists in our Southern States, where, although
a local institution, it has hitherto been ackuOwl-
edged by our people, and been protected by the
harmonious working of State and Federal COnsti-
buttons, and inter State regulations, and cOnse
Quently the propretorS Of slaves must be the
more tenacious of their rights of property in, as
well as their rights of dominion over them.
l. II. ehn hat
thousands of slaves indulge excited hopes of
emancipation. which. by few years armistice
with the South, would be crushed, and cause
them to fee across the border; and we think we
hazard but little in uttering the belief that such
an immense mass OF ignorant, though generally
/ dOcile creatures-in their present cOudtlOn-Such
as the slaves are. cannot be set at liberty with
out some years of preparation, and brought INTO
such social organization as would improve their
moral and political welfare The result of the
experiment. though everywhere on an infinitely
smaller scale, wherever it has been tried, ignores
the idea. The attempt TO- liberate them, without
the concurrence of their masters, must naturally
excite those instincts of interest and sell preserv
alton which animate people whose rights are
invaded and beget "A strOug resistance to the
power hazardns the fearful experiment, while it
would endanger the existence OF the servile race.
Suppose cOnfscation and general emancipation
practicable, the Government must become the
proprietor of the plantations. and work them by the
enfranchised slaves as hired labOrers, or appren-
tees or it must sell the lands to other white
(lor the negroes, for want OF means, could not be
come purchasers) and permit the emancipated
slaves to remain upon them free labOrers,
then we can imagine conflict between two sys
/ TENS of labor: not free and slave, but between
white and black How long could peace and
/ order endure under such state of things?
II needs no prophetic voice to tell. II the North
| American Indians free men by nature, could not
/ exist among US, and become Incorporated INTO
our social system, under our distributions OflabOr,
/ how little hope is there that the African race,
with hardly any moral susceptibilities or appre-
citation of freedom. assuming equality of rights
and competing W III the white race in labor, could
/ be brought into a harmonious organic ttiOn. 1t
is almost an impOssibility, for the moral and in
teectual condition of the slaves is believed to be
such as 10 render them quite incapable OF turn
ing suddenly acquired freedom to the benefit OF
/ themselves OF the society in which they dwell.
Tie shock of sudden enfrdnchsement, W ere it even
practicable, upon such 4 people, ignorant of all
laws. except those of obedience and submission
to their masters, cannot be contemplated without
fearful visions of anarchy, instructions and
| massacreS. Society, endangered bv such an i'm
menSe and sudden change of the condition of the
relation existing between the slaves and their
masters. would find it necessary to resort to the
establishment of local standing armies for its
protection and preservation. and il is a question
whether its safety would not demand the alterna
tive of re enslavement or determination. In this
view of the case, which is most 10 be desired, the
sudden emancipation OF the slaves, OF the pre-
servaton of the existing social order and sys-
TEN of labor 1t strikes us that i; is far more
philanthroDic to let the subject rest aS it Is
| until time and the concurrent action of their
proper guardians may prepare the slaves for that
boon, which the emancipatOnists hold up TO them
aud 70 the world the "cOnsummation devoutly
TO be wished" If we suppose sudden general
emancipation possible. the force of circumstances
and insurmount'ble difficulties it presents would
render il Improbable, disorganizing in its effects
and dis istrously useless, and its consequences in
social and political considerations can hardly be
estimated
Yea, we have indeed tried the experiment of a
Federal Union for eighty years with free labor
system in one portion and slave system in the
other, and all know how glorously our couu
try advanced with those two systems working
tremendously within their respective spheres,
until sectionalism and Abolition propagandism,
"embittered year by year in accelerated ratio en-
gendered dssenSiOns, sectional jealouses and
national heart burnngs. And, but Tor these de
plOrAhle causes. we would not now have this gi.
gantic rebellion in our country, nor would the
experiment be deemed by European nations a
failure The system OF slave labor was safe and
secure. yielding It's fruits in peace uHtil that evil
day of interference with aud war upon il, bv IA
naiicism; and the poor slaves were contented and
happy in their condition, knowing nor caring for
ought else but their physical wants and com
forts, their plantations, traditions and home as
sociations We doubt the 'isdom or humanity
LA 81