The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1863-02-20

predominated, shall we refuse to see any
such condition except where slavery no
! longer exists ?"
DR.. BRECKENRIDGE is of the opinion that
the proclamation announced on the 22d of
September, was taking step over consti-
tutional limitations, and in advance of
public opinion.
On the question of emancipation, DR..
BRECKENRIDGE has much to say for which
it is impossible for us to find ROOM We
give few sentences in which the outline
of his views are clearly presented:
eve considered Missouri to be in con-
cipation, and that it would be wise in her
to do it. We have the same opinion con-
corning Maryland; and as to Delaware,
we suppose that the slave interest there is
so small, and IN a condition so peculiar,
that it offers no special obstacle to any
action the State might think desirable, at
any time. Western Virginia, if admitted
as a separate State, as it seems probable it
will be, may be considered virtually free
| State
DR.. BHEoHINEIDGE has ''a'ways thought"
Kentucky was wrong in refusing to take
any step looking toward emancipation.
He says as to what might have been her
action under the Presidents original COM
pensated emancipation scheme:
eve think that as the first, or even as
an early mover in it-she would have re-
.jected it; while as a mover in it, after Mis-
souri,, Western Virginia, and Maryland
and considering this plan fnality as
touching the interference of this Admins
tratiOn with slavery as an instituton-it
is not improbable she might have adopted
| it,
In summing up his views On the negro
question, especially, DR.. BRECKENRIDGE
says, in that stately and splendid style of
which he is master:
eve have no doubt that God, in his good
time and way, will give to the human race
| that freedom which it lost before the dawn
of history, which it has always sighed for,
which it never understood, and which but
a small portion OF it now possesses. We
have no doubt it is the duty of all men,
each according to his place and his degree,
to strive that this and every other real
blessing should be obtained by every one
competent to enjoy and use it Alright. But
we believe in the providence of God and
it seems to us folly, if not q sin, to at
tempt to Illustrate the course of Providence
whether by Fastening or retarding it, or
III any other way. And we believe in the
binding obligation Of ten thousand duties,
higher than the special one, of striving to
set free all the slaves in America who are
fit to be free; and after much experience,
we greatly doubt whether it is best in IN
dirjduM cases, to set a few negroes free in
States where the blacks generally remain
slaves. Moreover, both from instinct, and
| from a sense Of duty, we prefer our own
far beyond all besides and we will never
consent to endanger, much less to ruin, the
one or the other, upon consideration Ofthe
advantage thereby to African slaves. The
emancipation of slaves in America, begin
ming at the North with small numbers, has
gradually proceeded South, and to large
numbers. 1t will go forward, in our opin-
ion, in the same way; bya process certain
in itself, but liable to be disturbed and re-
tarded. From our earliest manhood, long
ago, we have thought and said Kentucky
would consult her interest, her duty, and
her fame, by proceeding with the work.
She thought not; and she has loved and
trusted us too much for us to rebuke her
u-bon u-o fho,,c rhf che orro1 "o do o%
believe that the slaves, generally, in sin
gle cotton or sugar State of this nation, are
now qualified to use or enjoy freedom; or
that any of those States are in condition
to set them free. We do not believe that
the Federal Government has the least
power, of peace or war, to abolish slavery
in any State; nor that the pretext set up
to justify such an attempt, ought to have
any influence upon just and enlightened
men. We believe that servitude, in all its
forms, is an incident of the fallen condition
OF man--like poverty, or sickness-and not
u sin of itself; that hereditary slavery is the
worst form OF servitude; and that all MEN
ought to do what they can to alleviate the
evils and miseries Of slavery, poverty, sick
ness, and every badge Of our fallen state.
In the question of vested rights to prop
erty under the Federal Constitution, we do
not believe that the inquiry concerning
the moral character of the property, is
one competent for Congress or the
President to make; but if they will make
it about slavery, their decision ought
to be stated as above. The difference
in color Of various races of human
beings, we believe to have been intention
ally brought about by God, for righteous
ends, which are unknown to us; and that
God will finally give to each Of these races
that portion of the earth best fitted for
them We do not believe that any two of
the three great races-black, yellow and
fair, can, if any where equal as to number,
live contentedly together in peace and
equality-except where all are equally
slaves-or where polygamy is permitted;
and, therefore, that in Slave States, where
the slaves and masters are of different races
and the slaves numerous, emancipation
should always be followed by the coloniz-
alton of the slaves and we believe that the
founding of black Free States, within the
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