The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1863-09-12
1Jublil AGnirs.
A Letter from the President.
The following is President LIncoln's
etter to the Springfield Mass Meeting:

WASHINGTON, August 26, lc65.
Hon. james c. Conki,ng.-MY DEAR
SIR Your letter inviting me to at end
mass meeting Of unconditional Union
men, to be held at the capital of Illinois,
on the Sd day Of Sep embar, has been re-
ceived.
1t would be very agreeable 10 me thus
to meet my old friends at my own home
but ! cannot just now be absent from
this city so long as visit there would
require. The meeting is TO be of all
chose who maintain unconditional devo-
ton to the Union, aud | am sure that
my old political friends will thank Inc
for eudering, as | do, The ma ions graf.
ule to other noble men whom no par i,
san malice or partisan hope can make
false 10 the nations life
There are those who are dissatisfied
with me. 70 such | would say, "you
desire peace, and YOU blame me thas we
do not have il. But how can we attain
it! There are but three CONCEIVABLE
ways : First. To suppress the rebellion
by force of arms. This l am trying to
do. Are you for it If you are, so far
we are agreed. If you are not for it, we
are no, agreed. A second way is to give
up the Union. | am against this. If
you arc, you should say SO plainly. Ii
you are not for force, nor yet for disco
lu ion, there only remains some imagina-
ry compromise. do not believe that
any compromise embracing the mainten-
ancc Of the Uuon is now possible. All
that learn leads to direc " opposite
belief. The strength Of the rebellion is
its mllitary-its army. That army dom
mates all the country and all the people
within its range. Any offer of terms
made by any man or men within that
range, i'll opposition to that army, is sim
ply nothing for the presen because such
man or men have no power whatever 10
enforce their side of compromise, if one
were made with them. To illus,ra c.
suppose a refugee from the South and
the peace men of the North get together
in Convention, and frame and proclaim u
compromise embracing a restoration OF
the Union, III what way can that CON,
promise be used to keep General lee
army out Of Penusy lvania General
Meades army can keep Lees army oul
Of Pcunsy l"ania, and | think can ulti-
mstelv drive It ous Of eXis .auca but lie
paper compromise to which the con ro.-
Iers OF Lees army are not agreed can a
all affect that army. In an effort at such
compromise we would was e time which
he enemy would improve to our disad-
van age, aud that would be all
A compromise, to be effective, must b
made eli her with those who control h,
rebel army, or with the people, first lib
era ed from the domination Of that army
by the success of our army.
Now, allow me to assure you that nc
word or intimalon from the rebel army
or from any of the men controlling it.
in relation to any pace comp omise, has
ever come to my knowledge or belief
All charges and in imations to the CON
trary are deceptive and groundlcss and
promise you, that If any such PROPOSE
Sition shall hereaf er come, it shall not
be rejected and kept from you. freely
acknowledge myself to be tue servant OF
he people, according to the bond of SER
vice, the United States Constitution
and that as such l am responsible t.
them.
But, to be plain; you are dissatisfied
with me about the negro. Quite likely
there is difference Of opinion between
YOU and myself upon that subject. !
certainly wish that all men could be free,
while you, | suppose, do not. Yet /
have neither adopted nor proposed any
measure which is not consistent with
,our views, provided you are for the
Union. suggested compensated eman-
cipation; to which you replied hat you
wished no to be taxed 10 buy negroes.
But had not asked you to be taxed %
buy negroes, except in such way as 10
save you from greater AKA ion to save
the Union exclusively by her means.
You dislike the emancipation proclama-
ton, and pearhaps you want to have it
retracted. You say it is unconstitution-
al. l think differently. think that
the Constitution invests lis Commanders
in-chief with the law Of war in time OF
war. The most that can be said, if SO
much, is that slaves are property.
is there, has there ever been, any
question that by the laws of war the pro-
perry, DO. h Of euemies and friends, may
be taken when needed, and is it not
needed whenever it helps US and hurts
the enemy Armies, the world over,
destroy enemies property when they
cannot use it, and even destroy their
own to keep it from the enemy. Civil
lied belligerents do al in their power to
help themselves or hurt the enemy, ex-
cept a few things regarded as barbarous
or cruel. Among the exceptions are the
massacre Of vanquished foes and non
combatants, male and female. But the
proclamation, as law, is vailed or not
valid. If it is not valid, it needs no re-
trac ion if it is valid, it cannot be re-
trac ed any more than the dead can be
brought to life. Some of you profess to
think that its retraction would operate
favorably for the Union. Why better
after the retraction than before the
issue
There was more than year and half
for tria! to suppress the rebellion before
the proclana ion was issued the last
one hundred days of which passed under
an explicit notice that IL wos rominu nm