The dollar weekly bulletin. [volume] (Maysville, Ky.) 1862-1864, 1863-06-25
The Presidents VaIIandigham Letter
Its Extraordinary Doctrines.


= genious showing that his cause is suscepti-
? BILE of. He assumes to apply principle
o that we shall rot controvert without limit;
t and because it is not easy to define the ex-
? act limits of its application, it is extended
indefinitely. -
General Jackson did substitute his own
9 discretion for Las in New Orleans when the
{ place was besieged, and the safety of New
r Orleans and his army required it, in his
T Judgment. General Wilkinson had done
the same in New Orleans at the first trans
piring of the Burr conspiracy, for that city
| was the headquarters of the consprators
! 10 such cases of trespass on legal rights, the
General has thesame exercise that the hon.
icide has. He can plead the necessity of
self-defense, aud the country will justify
him. When the danger is immediate, and
the remedy admits of no delay, the General
com handing must exercise his best judg-
ment There may be cases where there is
difference ofopinion which may be honestly
entertained; and, in such cases, the patriot
Twill give to the Government the benefit of
doubt in the hour of peril. Some irregu-
larities, some injustice, some wrongs in
times like these will occur and we are not
disposed to cavil at such cases.
But no principle can reach such acts as
have occurred not unfrequently; and when
these arbitrary deeds begin to be reduced
TO system; when proclamations and orders
take the place of laws all over the country;
when men are arbitrarily arrested in Ohio,
because there is an instruction in Louisi-
auis, the case is altered. WheH doctrine
is promulg gated that annihilates the freedom
of speech, and Of the press, in the discussion
of vital interest, it is q matter OF retiec-
ton. Whittier are we tending? Who can
tell how long civil connections may last,
he,
may be continued? Whatever may induce
any one to desert from the army, or prevent
any one from enlisting. must not be done
or spoken. and every military officer is to be
the Judge of the effect Of deeds or words.
This, if carried out cuts off all freedom OF
discussion and freedom of action. No
matter how suicidal aud runous a policy
may be, If the officer includes it in what he
calls the policy of the war, it must not be
condemned; for the condemnation may in
duce some one in hearing to desert or it
may induce some one in hearing to desert |
or it may prevent some from enlisting.
Yet. have not the people of this country |
a right to condemn and change any policy |
of war that to them appears suicidal, not
at all adapted to the end? Millions being |
judges, the party in power. by their acts
and words, have done more to produce dis
sensions and prevent enlistments than all
the discussions could ever have done. In
deed, were it not that things were done to
be discussed unfavoraby, no discussions
would have taken place, or they would
have been harmless if they had taken place.
with little influence upon any one.
Suppose a man is thoroughly convinced
that this war is useless and hurtful to the
cause Of Union, which he has seriously at
heart. If he says so he disconrages enlist
m euts, perhaps: or an officer may think so:
yet a cessation of hostilities may be con-
tingenoy that will come. 1t was possible
one from the beginning, and shall not a
free people say how long they will spend
blood and treasure? Peace is a subject up
on which great deal may be ssid and
plausibly said. The present programme of
this war, they say, ia distasteful to a m a.
jority of the people, and, as they believe,
suicidal, must they be silent because what
thee say may induce some one to desert,
ar prevent some one from enlisting?
Suppose these opinions are erroneous, are
they to be suppressed lest they do some
harmI AS we'll tell us a man must not eat
food or drink water, or breathe the air, lest
he be affected by some poisonous substance.
In short this principle carried out to the {
extent indicated, silenees all discussion, and q
extiDguishes the liberties of the country, at I
the arbitrary discretion of men often least
CdlCuldbeu W jugs "naL Is Wise, IA uCu less |
VIII at Is constitutional.
The instance mentioned by the Pres ident ,
does not cover his practice; the latter is a :
systematic repression of those who have =.
right to judge him and his acts; the former
only repressed the efforts of those who
might have interfered with the safety and a.,
success Of the army in the field. JAG kson's !
act affected no one outside of the theater of
danger. The pretensions of Mr.. Lincoln
would repress the political sentiment of the
country. 1t cuts up by the roots the right L
Of the people to canvass and pass judgment r
lPon the conduct of the Government that n
belongs to them. The preposterousness of q
this pretension the President ought to see. s
# the speeches of Vallandigham discour t
ICED enlistments, or would induce the in
boy to desert how m UGH greater +
ind more deleterious has been his arbitrary o
Irrest? Such means defeat themselves, and "a
produce tenfold the mischief they are in I
ended to cure. a
If Mr.. Lincoln can make orders that have I
he effect of laws, aud establish military N
commissions with the power of judicial tri- g
ounals, without any grant of power in the
may not 9th ers conclude that .
hey, too. are above laws and Constitution? Il
I Mr.. Lincoln can set aside State Constitu- 81
ions and laws by prooamations may not al
he people OF the States conclude that they D
nay rise above the Constitution and laws Il
f the Federal Government? III
The doctrine cones to this, 10 fact, that y.
D war we have no Constitution and no law =,
ut the will of the Commander-in-ch chief of r
be Army and Navy; that the Constitution
self in times of trou BILE allows the sus-
ension of its own provisions. and, in fact,
change in the whole form and substance 70
Government. War is a sacrifice of our tn