The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1863-02-27
Loyalty.

From the National Inteliigencer
The word loyaNy, says Dean Trench in
his excellent little treatise on the ''Study
of Words" "being derived from the
French toi, expresses properly that fidelity
which one owes according to law, and does
not necessarily include that attachment to
the royal person which, happily, we in
England have been able further to throw
into the word''
In England, this attachment to the royal
person has become an integral element of
Loyalty " in the true sense of the term,
because that attachment is not solely per-
sonal IN its nature, as must be the case in
unlimited monarchies, where it exists at
all, but is a sentiment cherished towards
the reigning sovereign, apart from his per-
sonal qualities, as the legal incumbent of
the executive office, with it's prerogatives
and responsibilities defined by the constitu-
ton of the realm. The poet Cowper truly
expressed the sentiment and the ground of
English loyalty when he wrote,
1--WE, too, are friends to loyalty. Welove
The King who loves the law, respects its
bounds,
And reigns content within them"
An intelligent correspondent of the Phil
adelphia Ledger, a neutral print, has re-
Gently discussed the topic with equal dis
elimination and candor. We cite from his
communication to that journal the follow
ing extracts:
In theory, all parties would consent to
accept Trench's definition But not so in
practice. Every day men are denounced
as 'disloyal.' Why? Because they are in
sympathy with the South? No. Be-
cause they are opposed to the war? No.
Because they would have the war con-
Quoted with less vigor? No. Their great
complaint is that it has been waged with
inefficiency. Because they are friends of
slavery? No. They would hail its re-
1noval, in any wise and equitable way, as
a boon of unutterable value to the coun-
try. Wherein, then, lies their 'disloyalty?'
Why, they are not ready to sanction all
the measures the Administration has
adopted for carrying on the war. They
distinguish between any existing Admin
istration and the Government. The Con-
stitution is with them paramount to the
Legislature, the Judiciary, and the Execu
tive. 1t was, in their view, made for all
times and seasons. 1t has carried us
through two wars. 1t will carry us
through third. To admit that it may
be set aside by any of the authorities con-
iessedly subordinate to it, and deriving
their existence from it, is to proclaim to
the world the dissolution of the Union
For the Union rests solely upon the Con-
stitution and to set aside the Constitu-
ton is to resolve the Union into its prm-
tive elements.
"Such is the reasoning Of the class Of
persons we have in view--lnany of whom
have cheerfully given their money, their
sons and their whole influence to the sup
port of the war They are charged with
disloyalty, nevertheless, because, among
other things. they do not approve of tho
emancipation proclamation If we are
right in our definition of loyalty, their
estimate OF that already celebrated State
paper has nothing to do with the question.
They may be as loyal to the Constitution,
as loyal to the Union, as loyal to the Gov
eminent as the President himself, without
sanctioning this or any other specific
measure of the Administration. TO make
lne apprOVal OF every step all AuiillnlStIa-
ton may choose to take the test of loyalty,
is to convert the President into a Persian
satrap, and the free citizens of the Repub-
lie into miserable serfs, who have no
longer the right even to think for them
selves. 1t is also to establish rule as
fuctuating as it is arbitrary. What was
loyal yesterday may become disloyal to-
day, and the patriot of to-day may be
branded rs traitor tomorrow.