The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1863-09-09
MashpiIIe atuiua
ConcllIatIng wealthy ReBe,s,

people are almost universally for the
Union. They opposed secession from
the beginning, and have continued to OPP
pose il 10 the end !" remarks
"The controlling motive with such
men is 10 find security for person and
property, and that motive would, doubt
less, induce them 10 succumb TO the seces-
sion or any other power that might hsp-
pom, at any time, 10 dominate. If these
men now favor the return Of Mississippi
TO the Union, IL is simply because they
see in that course the greatest probability
Of saving the remnant Of property left
them from the ravages Of war
In attributing TO the wealthy planters
resident in Natchez and vicinity a want
of heartiness in their regard for the
Union, we feel warranted, not only by
the known characteristics Of their class,
but by actual examples in the conduct Of
the same class in Tennessee. Here every
man Of large property, who is not COM
mitted TO the rebellion beyond retractioD,
is forward in his submission, and ready
to deny all that he possibly can, Of par
ticipation in the rebellion"
The general statement Of the Press is
true, beyond all doubt. There are ex.
ceptions, and some very noble ones, in
Nashville, in Davidson, and perhaps in
every other county in the State, but they
are exceptions only. The great mass OF
the wealthy, especially Of The wealthy
shareholders have been traitors TO their
country They valued their property
more than they did the Union Possibly
If they could have supported the Union
without risking their property, they
would have done so, but whenever the
Issue was made whether they would give
'up the Union or their money they prefer
red TO give up the Union. So far as regards
this fact, we agree with the Press. But
what conclusion docs The Press come to
as to the policy which ought 60. be pur-
sued towards these trai loFs who irampled
upon the flag OF their country to save a
few negroes, a few acres OF land a few
paltry dollars. 1t says:
Nor do we mean TO intimate that they
are not TO be trusted in their enforced
allegiance TO the Federal Government.
On the contrary, such men are sure never
to jeopaFdize their idolized material in
terests, by second experiment at revo-
luton. N, however, they should be reduced
to poverty by emancipation and coqfscato1.
IN mere despair, they and their cailiren aOill
be rebels for life. II they are to remain at.
tacIed TO The government, hey must JiR4 some
advantage IN H. Neither interest nor seati
meHt i0iH attach such men to a goUaunent
that strips them.
Is this sound doctrine, or safe policy e?
At the beginning of the rebellion the
Government was warned by time serving
journals, that it must not exasperate the
masses by sending armies against the
rebelliOus South. The Government new
ertheless took the responsibility, and
some two hundred and odd thousand Of
the rank and file of the Confederate
army, nineteen, twentieth If them per.
haps belonging TO the poorer class, have
already been slain in battle or died in
hospitals. This is all right; De Goue,n-
R'ent isat Liberty to LIR as many rebel soldiers
'olo hare Rttle or no property, as freely as it
PleaSes. 1t may inoarcerate them by
thousands in its camps, and military
prisons, and penitentiariea The Press
will assert and maintain its right to do
all this. But when the Government has
put down the rebel armies, and comes
to deal with the rich traitors, whose in
duence and means instigated and carried
on the rebellion, il seems TO advocate
much milder policy. 1t dcprecates the
danger of making the Hardings, Bar
rows, Neill Browns, Cookrills and Nor
gans, and their children, rebels for
life" if the Government shall eman-
cipate their slaves and conRscate their
estates The Government must at
tach the rich secessionists of Nashville
and Davidson county to il, by making
them "fnd some advantage q. c. poc,nia
,y) in itp' We hardly think that such
policy will be regarded as either hui
name or wise, by the great body Of the
American people If the Government did
not hesitate to strike the Southern sol
diers with the sword, there is no rule
of justice which ought to stay its arm
from striking wealthy rebels with the
scourge of emancipation. If Smith who
owns one hundred slaves, and two thou
sand acres of land, has forced or per-
suaded half dozen poor young men, or
the heads of two or three poor families
toenlist in the rebel army, when one
half of these soldiers have persisted in bat
tie, and the other half are locked up in
military prisons, shall Smith, when no
sees the rebellion is lost, be suffered 10
make his peace with the Government by
taking the oath and giving bond and
more than that be allowed large sums OF
money for damages, by "Boards of
claims, and have his fugitive slaves re-
turned to him by orders from headquar-
tsrA or by the Government But we are
told that we must not cxasperate the
Southern people. Certainly not, but the
rich class constitute only a small minor
ity in the South, just as they do every
where else, and if the Government ,io-
lates the plainest principles Of iustie, a.,