The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1863-04-21

10 nAeien Anlh CouHuultuaf ANIf iVt sue sur
Iers infloitely more than the North by
The continuance Of the war, aud there
can he no return TO a state Of general aud
permanent prosperity on any other con
dition. That errors will DO committed,
errors Of judgment certainly, errors OF
purpose, perhaps, on the part of indiyidu-
als, IS sure To happen in all wars. Com
manders Of armies, members Of cabinets,
members OF Congress, Generals, Secreta-
ries, and Presidents are fallible men,
subject TO like passions as we are. l do
not at all deny that u is our duty TO
watch and oriticise their conduct, but
we must not forget that critics, editors
and orators are also fallible. While we
sit in quiet and safety by our Aresides,
and inveigh against those who bear the
heat and burden Of the day; who carry
upon their shoulders the ihankless bur
den Of official duty, and the heavy res
possibility Of results, which often de-
pend on the elements and on casualties
beyond human control, we must keep in
mind that we also have our interests, our
~prejudices aud cur passions, and that 1t
is much easier to find fault than TO pur-
sue auy conrse Of conduct which will
escape censure ia a fault finding commu-
nifty. There are W. ways Of doing every
thing; and when duty cOnstrains US to
nad fault with tie shortcomings OF our
rulers aud our generals, we should, IL
possible, do il in such a manner as not
TO give aid aud comfort to the rulers and
generals Of the enemy.
oLAMoR AdAIEsT UNCONSTITUTIONAL MEAS
UREs.
But il may be asked again, how can we
support an Administration which adopts
measures that we deem unconstitutional2
should certainly be a very nnfaithful
pupil Of the political school in which /
was trained, If | could ever hear the sa-
cred name Of the Constitution Justly in
yoked, without respect, or yield 70 it any
thing less than implicit obedience. u is,
b%oiceVer, as great an error to appeal 10 It
i0lere 10 d0es not apply, as 10 disregard ii
There ii does; and ! must say that the
study Of our political history ought to
teach Us canton in this respect; for from
the formation Of the Government in 1889
to the present day, there has not been an
important contrOyerted measure-nO, not
one--which its party opponents have not
denounced as unconstitutional. IL is one
| Of the doctrines Of The seeding echool,
that the Govern meht 0f the United StAIes
could not cohstitutionally wage war
against a sovereign State. But how At
the. sovereign State strikes the fret blow,
6res on your vessels, bombards and cap.
lures your forts, threatens your Capitol,
and invades the loyal members Of th
Union who refuse TO join in the war of
aggressi nP Few, | suppose, will doubt
thRtthe United States may constitutions
ally wage a wal of self defense against
any enemy-domesIic or foreign. But
IN waging this war Of self defense we
can not, in the opinion of some per-
sans with whom ! have usually acted, and
whose Judgment | greatly respect, 90 be-
Odd the powers especially granted by
the Constitution TO he Geueral Govern
ment, for the purposes Of ordinary ad-
miuistratiOn in time of peace. rhi
piuian seems, 10 me, 20 rest on a miscon
option If the authority pnder which
Sar i wlged. The c institution author
zes Congress- 20 declare war, 20 raise
and support armies, and 10 provide and
mainlain a navy, and clothes the Presi-
dent with the power of co~mmander-in-
chief, II goes ~ further. Il prescribes
nothing as TO the enemy against whom,
the means By which, nor the ends for
which the war must be carried on. 1t
gives no more power to wage war with a
foreign State bar with domestic State;
aud II is as silent on the subject of block
aiding the ports, as of seizing the cotto n
or Of emancipating the slaves Of a dis
trict in rebellion. The rights of war be-
long to the more comprehensive, ia some
respects the higher, code Of international
law, 20 which, not the Government Of the
United States alone, but all civilized
governments are amenable. BY that
august code, all unjust wars are forbid
den, and al unjust modes of wagingiust
vars, no matter who may be the enemy.
or what the pretext while by the same
code, ell just wars, and eminently all
wars of self defence, and all warlike
measures sanctioned by our Christian
civilization are permitted, unless so far
as they may be expressly prohibited by
the municipal Law of our Wi country.
Now, to say that no just war can be
waged against any but a foreign power is
simply begging the question. | can not
conceive a proposition more extravagant
than that proVocaiion the most offensive,
aud acts of aggression the most %intoler
able, which would, in every sane mans
Judgment, authorize instant hostilities
against q foreign State, must be tamely
borne If committed under the pretended
authority of q state associated with 9TH
ers 10 a federal union, Certainly, II any
State connected with the British Gov.
eminent, by whatever relation, whether
that or constitutional union, as Scotland or
Ireland, or responsible colonial govern
ment like the Anglo-A American provinces.
or some more absolute form of political
independence, bad, after years Of prepa-
ration, public and private, the organiza-
ton add training of troops and the pur-
chase OF arms, and, eventually, by more
definite military measures, such as the
construction and armament of forts aud
the concentration of soldiers, and, final
~, by overt acts (fring upon provision
ships sent 20 supply the imperial garri.
sous, the bombardment Of the national
forts, and the capture of the troops by
which they are held, the seizure Of arse.
nails, mints, Gus om-hOuses, navy yards
and revenue cuttersl levied actual war
against the Central Government, any
person who should deny the authority of
that Government by any means which the
law of nations permits, TO wage a war,
not only until the national property was
recovered, but until The outrage was ohas-
Used, and eilectual security obtained that
it would never be repeated, would, in
any couutry but this, be deemed a driv-