Columbia Democrat and Bloomsburg general advertiser. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1850-1866, 1863-12-19
The Message.

"So w Piiu' TO- from an dcrurdte copy
and not ftom that transmitted by telegraph
10 the daily papers, which contained innu.
merablc errors, 1t is characteristic doc.
ument--bearing intrinsic evidence, in the
only point presented that will command
any considerable degree ofpublc attention
we mean the war policy of the Admin.
istratlon-of being q direct emanatiou
from the brain and pen of "a Lincoln
AS might have been expected, it goes 10
the full length of the radical programme,
ard proclaims to the world that SO long
as the executive power of the Government
continues in its present hands, the anti.
slavery measures it has initiated-the lille.
gality of which is openly confessed by the
President--shal not be retraced or mod.
flied, not even if the whole people of the
South were TO lay down their arms to.mor.
row, and offer to submit to the Federal au-
thority in strict obedience to the require
nonts af the Constitution but that hence.
forth the war is to be prosecuted primarily
for the abolition of slavery, in defiance of
law, in disregard of the declarations of the
Inaugural Address made under the solemn
sanction of an oath, and in violation of the
almost unanimous pledge by Congress in
July, 1851. The recent State elections
carried as they notoriously were, by the
interference of the military arm of the Ad-
ministration-are cited as evidence that
the people approve these radical mea surcs.
and will support them to the end. And
so, the prediction long ago made, but, up
to very recent date. stoutly denied, that
1t was the ultimate design of the Abolition
lists to usurp the power to wipe out slavery
in the States that, when the Union was
formed, had, by the consent of all, resery.
ed to themselves the exclusive control over
it, is literally fulfilled. Let us not omit
to note here, the important admission by
Mr.. Lincoln that the exercise Of this power
by the General Government is u,,lamfuk
True, he attempts to qualify it by drawing
an imaginary distinction between ga mat
ter of civil administration" and "a military
measure" But,can any one tell us whence
the President derives his right to do in the
one case what is clearly not conferred in
the other!
The plan proposed for the reconstruc.
tion of "loyal State Governments" in the
States now in rebellion, could not have
originated with any one but Mr.. Lincoln
himself. 1t is certainly original, and in.
genious enough too but it wants the yerv
important requisite of practicabiity. Is
it at all likely that any considerable mum.
Der of the people of the South will consent
to take an oath Of submission to the very
measures which they considered, when
merely threatened by q political party or.
gan lied in hostility to them, so gross an
invasion Of their constitutional rights as to
justify secession from the Union? And,
it may be pertinently asked, where does
the President get his authority to prescribe
this or any other form of oath as test of
10y atty! There were, at the time when
the whole country believed, and the Pres.
ident and Congress declared, that the war
was 10 be prosecuted for the sole and sin.
gle purpose Of preserving the Union, a
large number Of men in the Southern
Nates-in some Of them a majority, and
in all ofthem except, perhaps, South Car.
olina, strong minority-who remained
faithful to the Union, and opposed the act
of secession with all the influence they pos.
sessed but who, by the force of circum.
stances that they could not control or
overcome, were compelled to submit to the
domination of the Rebel Government
There are, even now, as we firmly believe,
not few such men left in the South, in
spite of the studied efforts of Mr.. Lincoln
and his radical advisers 10 drive them over
into the rebel ranks. These men have
done nothing voluntarily to destroy their
status as citizens of the United States, or
to forfeit any Of their constitutional rights.
They stand ready to resume their rela.
tions to the Federal Government, and with
them the performance Of all their duties, as
soon as that Cover nment is able to per.
form as duty, by extending to them its
protection. Is it not, then, a monstrous
assumption of arbitrary power, to pro.
claim that men of this class shall not be
restored 10 their rights as citizens Of the
States in which they reside and of the
United States, unless they swear to sup
port measures whose direct purpose is to
destroy some of those very rightsY
Viewing this last specimen of "procla.