Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1863-02-12
LOYALTY.

oellent little treause on Tue = Otuuy OF words,
"beipg derived from the French loi, expresses
properly that fidelity which one owes according to
law, and does not necessarily include that attachment
to the royal person which happily We in England
have been able further to throw into the word"
In England this attachmentto the royal person has
become an integral element of "loyalty" in the
true tue term because that attachments not
solely personal in its nature must be the case in
unlimited monarchies, where it exists at ALL but is
sentiment cherished towards the reigning sove-
reign, apart from his personal qualities the legal
incumbent of the executive Office, with its preroga-
tves and responsibilities defined by the constitu-
ton Of the realm. The poet Cowper truly expressed
the sentiment and the ground Of English loyalty
when he wrote,
sWe too are friends to lyalty We love
II The King who loves the law, respects ts bounds,
Aud reigns content within them"
An intelligent correspondent Of the Philadelphia
Ledger, neutral print, has recently discussed this
topic with equal discrimination and candor We
cite from his communication to that journal the
following extracts
In theory all parties would consent to accept Trcnchs
definition But in practice. Every day men are
denounced as disloyal.' Why Because they are in
sympsthy with the South No. Because they OPP
posed to the war; No. Because they would have tho
war conducted with less vigor2 No. Their great COM
plant is that it has been waged with ueicency Because
they are the freuds ofslavery No. They would hail its
removal any wise aud equitable way, boon Of unut
terabe value to the country Wherein, then lies their
sdsoyayT Why, they not ready to sanction all tie
measures whchthe Administration has adopted for carrying
on tho They distinguish between any existing Admin
Iteration and the Government Tie Constitution Is with
them paramount to the Legislature the Judiciary and the
tuaa in fbo,ry do nrhll md
Seasons 1t has carried through two wars. 1t Will
carry through third To admit that it may be set
aside by OF the authorities cnessedy subo n:to to
it. and deriving their existence from it, is to proclaim 10
the world the dissolution Of the Union For the Union
rests solely upon tho Constitution and to set aside the
Constitution is TO resolve the Union into It's primitive
elements
Such the reasoning of the class Of persons have
in vewmany of whom have cbeeruly given their money,
their sons and their whole Influence to the support OF the
war They charged with dsoyaliy. nevertheless, be-
cause among other hrgs they do not approve Of the
emancipation proclamation. II right in our def.
milton Of loyalty their estimate of that already celebrated
State paper has nothing to do with the question They
may be loyal to the Constitution loyal TO the Union
loyal to the Government as the Pre- sdent himself with
sapctonng this any other specific OF the
Administration. To make the approval Of every step
Administration may choose to take the test OF atty to
convert the Pres deut into Persian satrap and the free
cit Of the Republic into miserable erfs who have no
longer the right to think for Themselves Ii also
to establish rule ucuang 1t is arb trary What
loyal yesterday may become disloya to-day and the
These remarks are entirely just but it is pre-
cisely because they just that great candor and
consideration should be exercised in all judgments
pronounced on the incumbepts of high official
place, who may rghtfully claim degree of honor
due to their station irrespective of the personal
qualities which they bring to the station. This
understand to be the idea of an eminent divine
we allude to the Rev. DR.. Bellows-whc, in re-
cent discourse, has held the following language Oh
the respect due to civil rulers, as sab:
"The head Of nation sacred person. representing,
for the time he holds his Office the most valuable aud
rs and bs ma
pillar that astens 10 order aud holds in safey the ten
thousand varying interests, rights, aud obligations Of
nation File at the staple which God fasiens To bis
thrcoe, in the oaths OF Office which make chief ruler
OF people, and you loosen thoughessy every link in that
cham OF law and order which binds society together
There Is something in the chief magistrate of people in
fntely important than his personal qualities, his
judgment his intelligence, his recttude It's lis office
his representative character, the national head Hs
truly say with Louis XIV The Stae-itis Dis.
honor me and you dsg trace the nation Wesben me aud
yu undermine the country Speak think lightly Of my
OATH, NY cice, my place, and you cheaper yourselves
ytnr insntutons your hopes and prospects know the
attempt refnemen's with which bcentous prees
fhoughtess public attempt TO evnde their duty by dsiin
gushing between the man and his Office, despisng and
other. But practicaly-n times Of revolution war
fspecay-tbere be distinction. The Office is 20
much larger than the that abuse directed at him
hits in spite OF the mhrksmau You cannot rudey assa
the personal character judgment OF chief magistrate
wi bout weakening public respect for the Office he holds
This fact makes 1t If the utmost importance to select
lers whose characters aud qualifications do not invite die
respect But however essly nominated elected
they ought 10 be henceorh from the tongue Of light
criticism abute for their office sake sincerely
believe that the free and eay tongue Of people in dis
cussDg the personal character aud elaine Of cbief
magistrates while Office during the last twenty years
has contributed greatly to the demra cation Of the nation
has cbeapeDed the standard Of qualifications for the Pres
deDcy has lowe red aud ouseued the Office ITSELF aud at
the same time perhaps the chief danger public
afairs"
Without subscribing to the letter Of the doctrine
here propounded, are free to express our entire
concurrence 10 its spirit Under institutions like
ours it may not become the President ever to say,
with Louis Quatorze, petat c,s MOI but, within the
sphere Of his constitutional duties, the President
may justly claim the cheerful support Of all good
citizens, and even when he errs he is to be met
only by that opposition which has candor for its
motive, and which, in It's manifest atons is re.
strained within the bounds Of the law. Personal
abuse and dsparagement of the President, like
that INDUCED in by the anti-slavery radicals who
find mouthpiecc in Wendell Phillips or like that