Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1863-03-05
LABOULAYES DEFENSE OF THE
AMERICAN UNION.


-
Upon Whom Rests the Guilt Of the
War-.Separation will be War with
out End--A Splendid Defense of
the War by o French Philosopher.
The following remarkable paper original
ly appeared in the Revue Rationale Of Paris.
1t is from the pen ofM. Edward Laboulaye,
member Of the Institute and Professor of
Lcgislatem Compare Of France hold
ing the highest position in the first institu-
tion of the world. The seances Of such q
man are crowded by the most thoughtful
men and women Of the world, who make
Paris their winter residence We invite the
attention Of those who favor peace upon any
terms short of the absolute extinguishment
of the rebellion, to the thoughtful utterances
Of NJ. Laboulaye:
tTranslaionl
The civil war which, for two years past,
has divided and devastated the United
States, has produced its evil consequences
in Europe also. The scarcity of cotton oc.
casions great suffering. The workmen of
Rouen and Muhous suffer no less than the
spinners of Lancashire. Whole populations
are reduced to beggary, and have no re-
source, or hope Of sustenance during the
winter, but private charity or aid from the
Government In such cruel crisis-in
the midst of such unmerited sufferings-it
is natural that the public opinion Of Europe
should be unsettled, aud that they who pro-
long the fratricidal war should be charged
with culpabe ambition. Peace in America,
peace at any price, is the urgent need is
the cry of thousands of men among us who
are pinched with hunger, the innpcent vic
tins of the passions aud resentnents that
imbrue in blood the United States.
These complaints are but too well found
ed. The world to day is compact ofmutual
interests and obligations. For modern ma
tions therefore, who live by industry, peace
is necessary condition of existence. But,
unfortunately, if it is easy to indicate the
remedy, to apply il is almost impossible.
Until now. it is only by means of war that
we could hope to reach the end Of the war.
To throw ourselves, with arms in our hands,
between the couibatants, for the purpose of
imposing truce upon them, would be an
enterprise in which Europe would exhaust
oil u6E ECSOuiCCSf hUu W Wuht Cuu hb III
Golden has justly said, 1T would be far
cheaper to feed the laboring classes, who
are now starving in consequence of the
American crisis, on game and Champagne
Wine"
To offer to-day peaceful Intervention
would be to expose ourselves to a refusal, il
it did not even exasperate one of the parties,
and provoke it to measures of violence. 1t
would lessen, too, the chances of our media.
tion being accepted at more favorable mo
ment. We are thus forced to remain specta-
tors of deplorable war, which causes US
evils. We can only pray that
or suffering may At last appease
the maddeued combatants and oblige them
to accept re union or separation. A sad
position undoubtedly, but one which neutral
powers have at all times been obliged to
accept, and from which we cannot escape
but at the risk of unknown perils.
But if we have not this right to interfere,
we have, at least, that OF complaining, and
of seeking to discover who is really guilty
of this war, which SO disturbs our well be-
ing. The opinion Of Europe is something
1t may hasten events and bring about peace
better than bayonets. Unfortunately, for
two years public opinion in Europe has
been led astray, and has taken false direc
tios. In arrAying itself on the wrong side,
it but prolongs the resistance, instead of ar
resting it. 3 ~
The South has found numerous and skill.
ful advocates in France and England, They
have presented her cause as that Of justice
and liberty. They proclaimed the right Of
separation, and have not quailed even be-
fore the necessity Of apologising for slavery.
To day these arguments begin to lose their
force. Thanks to few writers who do not
chatter with the great interests of humanity
thanks, above all, to NJ. de Gasparin-
light has begun to break forth. We know
now what to think of the origin and char
actor Of the rebellion. To every impartial
observer, it is now evident that the wrong
lies wholly with the South. II is not ne
cessary to be Montesquieu to com prehend
that portion Of people, whose rights are
in no way endangered, but who are
led by pride and ambition to attempt the
destruction Of national unity and to rend
asunder tho country, have no claim to the
sympathy Of the French people. As tc
canonizing slavery, that is work we must
leave to Southern preachers. Not all the
ingenuity of the world will ever be able tc
retrieve that lost cause. Even if the Con
federates had a thousand reasons for com
planning and revolving, there must always re
main an ineffaceable stain on their rebellion
No Christian, no liberal thinker can eve
interest himself in men who, in the middle
of the nineteenth century, openly and au
daciously proclaim their wish to perpetual,
and extend slavery. The planters them
selves may, indeed, listen to theories which
have intoxicated and ruined them; but nj
such sophistries can ever cross the ocean.
The advocates of the South have render
ed her fatal service. They have made he
believe that Europe, enlightened or misled
would take sides with her and would finsll!
throw into the ecales something more tina
sterile wishes. This delusion has encouraged
and still encourages, the resistance Of tn
South. 1t prolongs the war and our suffer
ings. If, from the first, as the North hat
q right to expect, the friends Of liberty ha,
boldly declared themselves against the poll
cy Of slavery--if the partissns of maritim
psacs--if the defenders of the rights O
neutrals, had spoken in favor of the Unio,
had discouraged o separation which ooul
only benefit England, it is probable tn
South would have entered with less temeri
ty upon road without an outlet. If, il
spite Of the courage and devotion Of he
soldiers, if, after all the skill of her Gener
ais, the South fails in an enterprise which
in my opinion, cannot be too often denounc