The star of the north. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1849-1866, 1863-12-16

very element against whose hostility and
violence it is to be protected, is simply abb
surd. There must be a test by which to
separate the opposing elements, so as to
build only from the sound and that tes. is
sufficiently liberal one which accepts as
sound whoever will make a sworn reeanta-
tion of his former unsoundness.
But if it be proper to require, as test Of
admission to the political body, an oath Of
allegiance to the Constitution of the United
| States, and to the Union under it, why not
also to the laws and proclamations in regard
to slaveryi Those laws and proclamations
were enacted and put forth for the purpose
of aiding in the suppression of the rebel
lion. To give them their fullest effect there
had to be pledge for their maintenance. In
my judgement they have aided, and will
further aid, the cause for which they were
enlisted.
To give up this principle would be not
only to relinquish lever of power, but
would also be croel and astounding breach
of faith. | may add at this point that while
| remain in my present position, shall not
attempt to repeal or modify the Emancipa-
ton Proclamation.
Nor shall return to slavery any person
who is free by the terms of the Proclama-
ton or by any act of Congress.
For these and other reasons it is thought
best that the support of these measures shall
be included in the oath, and it is believed
the Executive may lawfully claim it in re-
turn for pardon and restoration of forfeited
| rights which he has clear constitutional
power to withhold altogether or grant upon
! the terms which be shall deem wisest for
the public interest.
| 1t should be observed, also, that this part
! Of the oath is subject to the modifying and
abrogating power Of legislative and supreme
judicial decision.
The proposed acquiescence of the Nation
al Executive in any reasonable temporary
arrangement for the freed people, is made
with the view of possibly modifying the
confusion aud destitution which must at
best attend all classes by total revolution
of labor throughout whole States. 1t Is
hoped that the already deeply afflicted peo-
| pie IN those States may be somewhat more
ready to give up the cause of their afiiction
| if, to this extent, this vital matter be left
to themselves, while no power of the Ma
tional Executive TO preveat an abuse Is
abridged by the proposftfon.
The suggestion 10 the proclamation as to
maintaining the political framework of the
States on what is called reconstruction. is
made in the hope that it may do good with
( out the danger Of harm. 1t will save labor
and avoid great confusion.
| But why any proclamation now upon this
subject2 This question Is beset by the con-
ficting views that the step might be delay
I ed too long or be taken too soon. In some
| States the elements of resumption seem
ready for action, but remain inactive appa-
rently for want of ralying point-a plan
| of actisn.
Why shall A adopt the plan of B rather
than B that of Al And if A and b should
| agree. how can they know but that the
General Government here will reject their
plan? By the proclamation plan is pre-
sented which may be accepted by them as
a ralIying point, and which they are assured
in advance will not be rejected here. Thi.
may bring them to act sooner than they
otherwise would.
The objection TO a premature presentation
( of a plan by the National Executive consists
! in the danger of eommittsls on points which
could be more safely left to further devel-
I opements Care has been taken to so shape
the document as to avoid embarrassment
/ from this source.
In saying that on certain terms certain
classes will be pardoned, with their rights
restored, it is not said that other classes, on
other terms, will never be included. In
! saying that a reconstruction will be accept
ed if presented in a specified way. it is not
said that it never will be accepted in any
| other way.
I The movements, by State action, for
emancipation in several of the States not in,
I cluded in the Emancipation Proclamation
are matters Of profound graduation. And
I while / do not repeat in detail what have
heretofore so earnestly urged upon this sub
ject, my general views aud feelings un
Q r. I xvin
no fair opportunity of aiding these impor'
tsnt steps to the great contamination.
In the midst of other cares, however i'm
portant, we must not lose sight of the fact
that the war power is still our main reli-
ance-to that power alone can we look, yet
for time, to give confidence to the people
in the contested regions that The iusurgent
power will not again overrun them. Until
that confidence shall be established little
can be done any where for what is called
reconstruction, hence, our chiefest care must
still be directed to the army and navy, who
have thus far borne their harder part SO
Z nobly and we'll. And it may be esteemed
fortunate that in giving the greatest eff
cheney to those indispensable arms, we dc
( also honorably recognize the gallant men
/ from commander to sentinel, who compose
them and to whom more than to others the
world must stand indebted for the home Of
| freedom disenthrallsd, regsnerated, enlarged
and psrpetuated.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
December 8, 1868.
! The following proclamation is appended
! to the message.
PROCLAMATION.
Whereas, In and by the Constitution o.
| the United States. it is provided that the
President shall have power to grant re
| prieves and pardons for offences against The
! United States. except in cases of impeach
meut; and, whereas, rebellion now exists
whereby the loyal State governments OF sew
eral States have for long time been sub
verted, and many persons have committed
and are now guilty Of treason against the
United States and whereas, with reference
! 10 said rebellion and treason. laws have beer
enacted by Congress declaring forfeiture
and canfsoation of propertv and liberation