The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1863-02-28

lne party. lhlS IS because tnc great
mass Of the people Of the country are
honest, Democrats as well as others.
The speaker then referred TO the sland-
ers by which the electioa last fall had
been carried. II had been said that IL
was the policy Of the Administration TO
bring ibe negroes up North 60 compete
with white laborers-that the blacks
would work for ten cents day and thus
drive the mechanics from their shops
Men who could deliberately utter such
falsehoods were ready to do anything
It was not true that the Administration,
or its friends, advocated any such policy.
Here some one in the crowd called out
YOU'RE a liar" Some confusion fol-
lowed with many cries of Put him out"
put him out" Quiet, however soon re-
stored.
Mr. Wright continued: | was only go
ing to add that The black man, as n slave,
does the same labor as he would prob
ably do as freeman. He would have
only the same hands with which TO labor
as when slave, But suppose he not on
ly becomes free, but goes out of the coun-
try, does he not give more room for the
white man?
believe that Mr.. Linoolns Objects to
save the nation, and if to save IL slavery
must go overheard, | say, Amen. And
there 10 one thing can tell every honest
man, that, when this war is over, il slav-
cry is destroyed, we can say that we
didn't do it, but that the Shareholders
did it themselves.
The speaker then referred 20 the pas
sage of the bill recognizing the national
ity of Liberia. He was in Congress and
voted for that bill, and thought it one Of
the best acts of his life. The United
States was the last TO recognize her rs a
nation, and should have been the first
He spoke of the advantage in commercial
point Of view 10 this country, resulting
from that recognition, and alluded TO in.
dividual cases of emigrants from this
country to Liberis-of men who had gone
there and become wealthy and influential
citizens. They had established schools
and colleges, and were in fair way TO
become one Of the nations of the earth.
He believed that this rebellion must be
an instrument in the hands of Providence
q removing slavery from our midst.
He next took up the subject of arrests
and the suspension of the writ of haJeas
corpus. As jackson man, he approved
the suspension of the writ The only
question was whether it should be sus-
pended by the President or by Congress.
In reference TO this, there was an honest
differences of opinion. The provision
for its suspension was made in the Con /.
stitution, but no authority is specially
given TO either Congress or the President,
and II, surely, was no great crime that
the President has exercised II. When is
the writ suspended? Only in cases
where men are about TO commit crime.
Suppose a war breaks out between this
country and England, and you see men
engaged in traitorous and disloyal p=o-
ceedings; Congress may not assemble
for nine mOnths--must nothing be done
to arrest these proseedingsp 1t seems
that under such circumstances the Pres
ident cannot do wrong in suspending the
writ. Itis asked why don't you try these
men? There may be many good reasons
for its trial important correspondence
and facts might be diyulged that would
be ruinous TO the Government, therefore
this matter should be left with tho Pres
ident. How many men have complain
cd of having been arrested | have
heard of not moro than ten cases, and
all could have been liberated any day, Il
they had taken the oath Of obedienco tC
the Government; and, as they did not
have they any right TO claim the protec.
ton Of the Government?
What is 20 be the end of this? Is ther,
TO be intervention? viii we have thil
rebellion suppressed in six months OF
nine months? AS for intervention, / will
never believe that France will interfer,
against us until see the French -of.
war on our waters. II is the last Gov.
ernment that will touch this nation so fal
as the North is concerned. As for peace
| shall look for it whenever your army
shall have driven the great body of the
rebels into their holes in the South, anC
they shall attempt TO carry on the war by
guerrilla fighting. The line between th
free and the slave States is not five hun
dredtmiles il, is 1000 miles, and you coul,
not guard that line with any army w
now have; but the very moment that Eng
land and France find out that the soutl
is driven 10 this policy, you will have in
teryention, and IL viii be in your favor
They will pronounce such warfare piracl
and robbery, and you will have peace il
thirty days But we must prosecute thi
war with yigor. | want 10 see our army
on the Mississippi running up into al
the Southern rivers. want 10 SEQ a han
drcd thousand Shareholders running on
} way, and million Of negroes the other
Do you ask where / want 10 see then
3 run? Every man who goes home takes
e negro with him. Some are going 10 Cen
{ trail America and some TO Liberia, anC
i elsewhere, and firm In Vermont pro
) poses TO take ten thousand and pay then
, wages for working in the cotton fields a
: Hilton Head at 81 % per day. All thi
strikes az the heart Of the rebellion, an,
J il must soon fall under such influences
The principle Of all governments il
} that the government belongs TO the lOya
9 and not TO the disloyal. They forfeit al
rights under II, and tho traitor and dis
) loyal man is always regarded as an out
cast, and 10 be dealt with as a criminal
| The question now is, whether $1,000
= Shareholders, who call you and thei
D menials, should have control Of this Gov
eminent, or whether the people Of the ma
! tion should govern 10 suit themselves
B Does any man believe that we shall hay
r peace with the South, il we allow "a
9 seven cotton States TO 60 OG into thei
. Coniederacy2 They would not be con
4 tent, and they would induce every slay
o State TO follow them. The consequenc
E would be that every Geld In Ohio and IN
4 diana would be q battlefield in all CON
. ing time. Any man who dreams
= . r,.aga stndar aueH rfrottr.afarr.a IL Z