Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1863-02-11
Nationality at ANY Price.
An Excellent Article written from n
Truly Conservative Stand Point.
From the N. Y. Tlmcs--Con,crn.iyO l'aperI

From the n. Y. Conservative laperl
Hon. Henry May, OF Baltimore, the
most intelligent and able peace Democrat
in Congress, declared, in his elaborate
speech Of this week, that
"rhr people Of the South believe, and believe
that there is established fixed and unNlIcrnc All
tAgontsm Iiween the sect iunS where slHVaFy isnnl
is not allowed and that no future political union, a.
long as lIrsry rriJI, can ever he mRIntHne between
them nI'HI lny LdItt whGterer.
He therefore Avowel himself prepared
for "A treaty with the Confederate Govern.
men,, acknowledging its independence,
We have no doubt that the belief here
imputed to "the people of the South act.
ually prevails, and that this is the true reH-
sou why HIl the UuiOuism that exists i'll the
regions recovered from the ConteIeracy hHs
so completely identified itself with the
emancipation policy. \ considerable por.
liOn Of the Northern people have not yet
come up 10 this conviction. These still
consider that the Union and slavery are
not incompatible. But there is no denying
thnt this class OF thinkers is daily dimin-
ishing, The tendency is toward n general
recognition here at the North, likewise,
that there can be 'no futnre political In.
ion, as long As slavery exists This grow
ing feeling has both theory and fact to fn'
vor 1.-THE theory, that slavery could have
never caused dlsunion, unless ii we're Is.
GeMliGkiy a diSuGiUn element; and the fact,
that nll efforts to draw it back to Union.
ism, by concession, have failed utterly
We look upon ii rs certain, that unless
some new and strange development occurs,
the issue must, inevitably and at no distant
period, take, before everybody whether
they like it or not, this plain shape
Emancipation or disuniOn; and TINT there
will he no UniOnism left that is not in full
accord with the Presidents Proclamation.
1t is just this difficulty, OF thcirreroncil.
ablCness Of Slavery, that so sOrely exer-
cises the Peace Democrats generally. They
dare not come out with Henry May in posi-.
tive favor OF diSuniOn; they cannot obtain
from the rebel shareholders anything but
reiterated determination to take nothing
less; aud yet they will not break with
Slavery. The ground on which they stand
between Emancipation and DisuuiOn is
daily Crumbling beneath their feet still
they stouily protest that in no contingency
will they take to either. What then is 10
become Of them?
The true Union man, whatever he may
think Of emancipation, experience no such
dilemma. lie is Tor the Union without al
trrnau9e, aud in all contingencies. lie will
no, say, with Wendell Phillips, that if the
Union endures Slavery, the Union must be
abandoned; nor with Henry May, that il
Slavery cannot be otherwise preserved !;
the Union must be abandoned; but that
| the Union mHt not be, amt 'hdH not be GJGn.
toned, whqtertr hc disposition and WhdtcrCr
Tie lot Of SidVery. lie plants himself on
that solid fuolhOld, and is not to be moved
from It one hairs breadth by auy regard to
the institution, one way or the other
Away from that his unionism is at the
mercy Of every chaugeablc policy Of the
Government, aud OF every variable mood
Of the people: but on it his UniOnism is ever
secure and serene.
SrlG.prrscrvAtiOn is the first law Of na.
ture. The Creator has ordained it as truly
in reference to nations rs To individuals
However bad, or bAdly oil, nation or II
man may be, TO save the life ia the first
duty, As well Hs the first instinct. That
secured, there Is chance for time 10 mend
Without it COmes ruin, absolute md hope,
less. Let slavery be Ns malignant an evil
rs its worst enemies say thHt it is, Mdt is
no reason why the nation should yield Its
life in order to destroy it. Let it be as
great u good us its best friends claim ii to
be, that is no reason why the nation should
Yield iIs life 10 order to save it, The nR'
siOu's first duty il to itseli-lhc duty to
live; and whatever stHnds in the way OI
this, bad or good, small or great, has no
title or character that should be taken into
account nm instant,
We hear good deal said about the war
heiug for the restoration Of the UniOn az Il
cn'. As vague indication Of what was
desirabIc--R loose party watchword, such
ay party wAtchwOrds generally Hrr-prr.
haps 1t WAS well enough. But II imposed
on none but the shAllOwest understanding
The thing is an AbsuTdlty. No form OF hu.
man society has ever sustained such Il
shock az wO have experienced, and
afterwards returned to its original CnRdi.
ton. History, we know, speaks Ot R'''o'
raHona But who il such m guOramus IA.
to suppose that the England Of Charles See
ond was the England OF Charles First, Of
TINT the France Of Louis Eighteenth WI,
the France of Louis Si1LGenth! The re,
aCtionists may talk as much rs the pleas,
about the Union Rs it WNs-they canno
have It. They lnay have the zane letter o
the COnstitutiOn--we trust they will-bu
Il is as certain as that to morrow will sue.
Cccl to-day, that the principle and spirit
and policy which slnpe its construction
and administration, mud which give form
and impress to the Union itself, Cannu
hereafter bU what they have been We dc
not undertake to predict what thcy will bO
In these great critical periods, "thc Wnror,
seen governs always, 1t Is enough for III
to know that the stream which thiI rebel
lion, in It's madness, hns unlocked, can nov
or, in the nature Of things, be turnVd bnck
it Is enough for VS. to know this, without
seeking to Nugur It's ultimate destination
We repud,Nte, then, Rs deceptive, all MCl
| fnT TnulHa M ihn l'ninn ,tS IL ig,Is A TIN,