Weekly national intelligencer. [volume] (Washington [D.C.]) 1841-1869, 1863-10-22

cause of the rebellion" Ard his attitude during
this period may be cited in evidence OF the fAot
that man is not necessarily pro-slayery cham
pion," or "sympathizer with the rebellion, be-
cause he does not subscribe to the EXTREMIST
theory of political action which may be propoundsd
at any particular time. The political cousidera-
tous which for many months determined the
judgment Of Mr.. Chase in opposition to the poiicy
of direct and unrelenting warfare on slavery are
considerations which doubtless seemed satisfactory
and conclusive to his mind at the time. And he
remained steadfast it seems, 10 these original con
yctons of public expediency down to late DAY
in September 1862, when President Lincoln issued
his preliminary edict of emancipation, which MI.
Chase now says in full retrospect of the past was
q the right thing in the right place"-coming just
when it was wanted and just in the shape that
was best.
And such being the antecedent impressions of
Mr. Chase it was natural that he should fad it
not only easy but just to practise large degree Of
candor toward some whose minds are so constituted
that they still remain under the surviving .infu-
ence of the same ideas which once prevailed in his
own AS he was at one time opposed to "pro-
clamation of freedom" and became in favor OF it
only as his mind was enlightened by the progress
of events seeming to justify or compel such re-
sort, he is frank to admit that there may be some
who still question the wisdom of the proclamation
only because they "speak ignorantly about that OF
which they know little or nothing" Fully per-
suaded in his own mind that " the rebellion would
L L.. r. Al al ha aAd
that " if man opposes the proclamation he opposes
it because be does not understand it, or because he
| wishes the rebellion to succeed"
As Mr. Chase was at one time convinced that a
| proclamation would be nexpedent, and even de,
sired to see the Union restored with slavery undis-
urbed it is clear that when he honestly held these
views he did not hold them because he wished
I" the rebellion TO succeed" He held them be-
cause, as practical statesman, he believed these
ideas to be appropriate to the exigeney that was then
upon the country; and he modified these views
only because the progress of events seemed, in bis
judgment, to bring with it new necessities calling
for new cxpedients; and among the latter he deem
ed the proclamation of freedom" to be " the right
thing in the right place"
Now, this is perfectly Ineligible, and if the dis
tinguished Secretary had proceeded to give the
reasons for his altered convictions he might posi-
bly, have corrected the impressions of those who,
for the want, it may be- of light still speak igno
| ranuy of the proclamation as being measure Of
which they cannot perceive the expedency.
The only reasons which Mr.. Chase assigns for
its PRONUNCIATION certainly reasons which carry
DO conviction to plain minds like ours when he says,
in the paragraph above quoted, that awe had to
strike at" slavery because the insurgents could
send all their white laboriDg population into the
field so lorg as they bad the black laborers behind
them to feed and support them, and because the
blacks were the only friends our armies could
fui at the South. For, how many less of their
white population have the insurgents been able
to send into the field, or how many less of their
black population have been left behind to feed
and support the former, because Of the procla-
nation? Major Gen. Logan, fresh from his ex-
perienccs as soldier in the heart of the South,
has repeatedly said in his public addresses that he
never yet saw negro who was made free ~ the
| proclamation, though he had seen a good many
WHO were litc ~ IOftbCt WNt our ufWtes III
we wish to the efficacy Of the proclamation
as disturber of slavery, We have but to consider
the condition of the slaves in Alabama, (to which
State the proclamation applies 10 all the plenitude
of its intrinsic power,) as compared with the condi-
tion of the slaves in the parishes Of st. Bernard,
Plaqucmjncs, Jefferson, st. John, ST. Charles, St.
james, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, La
fourche, Ste. Marie, ST. Martin and New Orleans,
including the city of New Orleans which are the
parts of Louisiana exempted from the opera
ton CT the proclamation, but which are made
the theatre of military operations. In Alabama
we see what the proclamation does without
the presence of army. In these parishes Of
Louisiana We see what the presence of an amy
does without proclamation. In Alabama no
slaves are freed where they arc all ordered and
declared" to be free. In the excepted parishes Of
Louisiana slavery is utterly destroyed where no
such order or declaration is authorized to be en-
forced. Ard yet there are many who suppose that
| they are arguing in defence of tie proclamation
when they say with Mr.. Chase that slavery is the
"undey- prop" of the rebellion, and that we must
"strike at it," They might advance the purposes
of their argument If they could only show that the
ubder-prop" has been 10 the slightest degree
we kcncd by that paper sssdct That our armies