Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1863-01-07

bridge. The governors message will proba-
bly, be delivered on Thursday or Friday.
The French Intervention Question.
Louis Napoleon is accustomed to give the
world surprises, and many of those who have
studied him closely, believe he is about to add
another surprise, in his policy towards the
United States. The New York Tribune,
which has always been animated by inveter-
ate dislike, not to say hatred, of Napoleon ILL.,
says
ga letter from well informed source at
Paris, received by the Asia, states that few
days before the letter was written, the minis
ter of foreign affairs, Drouyn de Lhuys, visit
ed the emperor and advised him tx at modit-
cation of the policy OF the empire was required
by the public voice; that he was so far COM
mitted to the present policy that he could
not change, and therefore rendered his
resignation, recommending Lavalette as
his successor. That the notifications
needed were, in the first place, great
er liberality in regard to Italy; secondly,
the withdrawal of the French army from Mex
ico and treaty with that power, and thirdly,
the joining in Il note, to be signed also by
England and Russia, to the confederate au-
thorities, taking ground that as the rebellion
had now continued nearly two years without
success, that the interests of humanity and
civilization required them to lay down their
arms. The writer adds that, after opposing
these propositions, the emperor, upon further
consideration, took more favorable view of
the policy indicated. The writer asserts in
the strongest manner that Notwithstanding the
unexpected and surprising character OF this
information, it is strictly true"
The unexpected and surprising character"
of this information should not lead us to doubt
its correctness. Almost any other govern
ment in Europe is probably incapable of Gre
ating such sensations but Louis Napoleon
does net proceed by the established dynastic
rules of routine and consistency; he is re-
sUT'vu, Mysterious, anu UrIgIuirI meUn-
DDS, and does what seems to him most polite
without much regard to any commitment to
an opposite course; and the present condition
of public sentiment in France undoubtedly
gives him some pressing reasons for change
in his policy. His policy on the Roman ques-
ton and towards Mexico has not been salts
factory to the liberal sentiment of France; and
it is said that his thought of interfering in our
affairs in favor of the rebels has lent force to
growing antagonsm to his schemes. He has
nothing to hope from the ever-plotting, ever
hoping Bourbonists, and should he lose his
prestige with the French liberals, and turn
their influence against him, he might some
day fall from his throne as suddenly and swift
ly as he mounted it.
1t is said in letters from Europe that there
are already among the French people omin-
Gus signs of discomfort. How much in these
letters is due to imaginative logic in the writ
ers it is impossible to say. But it is said very
confidently, and probably not without some
reason. At any rate, it is quite true that his
reliable supporters, those who have done most
to sustain his government, those whose moral
support has been most potent in his favor, do
not feel about his invasion of Mexico as they
felt about his brilliant campaign in Italy. He
fought the Austrians to rescue and aggrandize
the government of Victor Emanuel, and to
establish freedom in Italy. He fought the
basest and most incorrigable despotism in Eu-
rope. In Mexico he attacks the most liberal
and promising government ever known in that
country, = attacks it in the interest of a
crew of unprincpled knaves and robbers who
seek to compel Mexico to pay money she
does not owe,-and threatens to overturn that
government.
The difference is seen and felt by the French
people; and Louis Napoleon must be shrewd
enough to discover that by attacking the pres
ent government of Mexico he attacks his own
power at home. The same liberal sentiment
in France understands very clearly what is
comprehended in this conflict in the United
States between the slave power and our free
institutions. 1t can not sympathize with the
secession conspirators any more than it can
sympathize with Austrian despotsm, and
therefore can not look with approval on any
interference in its favor. How far Louis Ma
poleon can dare to offend this sentiment, he
ought to know quite as well as anybody else.
But selfish ambition is sometimes blind, and
willno see as others see the dangers that me.
mace it. Nevertheless this man has shown
wonderful sagacity in dealing with public sen
timent and we do not believe he is likely t,
wreck his fortunes by undertaking an obsti
nate and reckless defiance of it in France, a
the present time.
Inc report is that his minister of foreign AT
tars tells HIM earnestly that public sentimen
demands some change in his foreign policy.
and that among other things necessary to h.
done, he must decide to interfere against til
rebellion IN this country. 1t is added tina
after some hesitation he decides to accon+ tl;
counsel and initiate measures for puttino a.
whole weight OF European diplomacy and in
fuence against the most atrocious rebel
lion, SO as to compel it to submit to tn
government they would destroy. This may nc
be true, but it is not at all improbable. Gu
government has more friends among the inlu
entail classes in France than in Great Brit
ain. There may be more centralized despot
ism in France than in Great Britain, but Their