Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1863-02-20
French Mediation,

Of France had made overtures to the Lincoln gov
erment proposing an arrangement for ending the
war and settling the difficulties between the North
and South. The Northern papers contain the
lengthy diplomatic correspondence laid before Con-
gress on this subject and the letter Of Mons Drouyn
de Lhuys, Napoleon's Prime Minister to Mons.
MERCER, French Minister at Washington and the
reply of Mr.. Seward have appeared in the Southern
dailies. These letters, we regret too lengthy
for our columns, but we give such analysis Of them
as will enable the reader to judge of their import,
The letter of the French Minister is dated the 9th
OF january last, and starts out with the assurance
that the Emperor of France is prompted in making
this overture by the highest considerations of friend
ship for the United States and desire for its pros
perity. Mons. Drouyn de Lhuys says:
awe cannot regard without profound regret this war;
worse than civil comparable to the terrible dstrac-
tons of the Gncient republics and whose disasters multi
ply proportion TO the resources and vaOr which each of
the belllgerent parties deyelOpe."
He then proceeds to argue, that the acceptance
Of the United States of the kind offices of the French
Emperor, could not compromise the dignity or honor
Of the United States and Aatters Lincoln with the
suggestion, that it is well known that the North
does not despair of ultimate success nor has it
uduSteu us Suggests IllaI III
yielding to his proposition hostilities need not cease
illustrating his position by reference to the history
Of the first American revolution and then distinctly
states his proposition in the following terms:
Nothing, therefore, would hinder the government of
the United States without renouncng the advantage which
it believes attain by the continuation of the war;
from entering informal conferences with the Conede
rates OF the South in case they should show themselves
disposed thereto. Representatives commissioners of
the two parties could assemble at such point it should
be deemed proper to designate aud which could for this
purpose be declared neutral Reciprocal complaints would
lie examined into at this meeting. In place of the
uonS which North and South mutually upon each
this time would be substituted an argumentatve dis
cusson of the interests which divide them. They would
seek out by means of well ordered and profound deber
tonS whether these interests indefinitely irrecOnce
able whether separation which longer
oe avoided or whether the memories OF common existence
whether the ties Of kind which have made the North
and OF the South sole and whole federave State and
nave oorue them on 10 SO hgh degree OF prosperity are
not more powerful than the winch have placed
IN the hands OF the two populations negotiation, the
OBJECT OF which would be thus deermnatiye would not
involve of the objections raised against the diplomatic
Intervention of Europe and without giving birth the
hopes immediate conclusion vi an armistice
would exercise lSppy influence the march of events
Why therefore, should not combination which respects
all the relations OF the United States, obtain the approba
ton Of the Federal Government? Persuaded part,
that Is conformity with their true interests do not
hesitate to recommend it their attention. and. not hav
ing sought in the project of mediation of the maritime
Powers OF Europe any vain display of influence would
applaud, with entire freedom from all suScepubIhtes Of
SelfeStee, the OF which would
vItL the populations discuss without the opera
ton Of Europe the solution of their differences"
Mr.. Seward, in his reply, admits the confidence
which his government has in the friendship Of France
and that the proposition has been seriously consid
cred; but proceeds to show that the French Empe-
ror in forming his opinions of the status of the quar-
REL has not been governed by the facts contained in
his correspondence with the French government,
lat by information from other sources not very
friendly to the United States So far from relaxing
is efforts to subdue the rebellion or being discour
aged he afrms that the North has at all times been
cheerful and confident and that what it has already
done in taking ports, &c, shows prowess and abil
ity not surpassed by any other power He claims
to have conquered half of Virginia, North Carolina
and Mississippi, twOthrds of Louisiana and Arkan-
sas and one third of South Carolina. The letter is
highly characteristic of the source whence it ema-
mates, boastful ingenious and we'll spced with false
hood as if he were sure of being successful in throw
ing dust in the eyes of the French Emperor. Sew
ard would still persuade him that the rebellion is
small affair.
The proposition is, however, declined in plain
terms and he reaifirms the purpose of Lincoln to
maintain, at all hazards the integrity of the coun-
try, and labors to show that the proposition is I'M
constitutional and would result in accomplishing
nothing The only forum for the South, he insists,
to debate the questions of difficulty is in the North
ern Congress, where the loyal people Of the South
already have their representatives.
The Richmond Examiner, in noticing the CORES
| pondence, says
"Tew will from their perusa without the conviction
that there will be peace cessation Of warfare be-
tween the Southern Cunederacy aud the United States
dTring Abraham Lincoln Of office, which will yet
endure two full years"
What is the for Southern men to be talking and
quarrelng about constitutional questions while the
pr crossing and before the enemy is driven from
soil?-ChariOtte IemOcrut.
Such has oeen the syren song by which, in all
ages, the masses of mankind have been enslaved.
We are fighting either for Constitutional liberty
or for nothing. If this is a war merely of hatred
and revenge, then we are opposed to it. God will
prosper no cause which has the qualification of
these passions for Its object Vengeance is mine
will repay, saith the Lord"
No, we are fighting for Constitutional liberty and
independence. Our Constitutions are the charters
of our liberties. The Confederate Constitution is
one solely of delegated powers, and those powers
must be strictly construed. This Constitution is
ample for all purposes, whether of peace or war
1t was made in war, and as much for war as peace.
Every violation of it infics blow either upon the
States or the people If disregarded in instance,
it may be in another Hoist the foodgates of uSur-
patton, and every thing valuable will be swept
away. The little rll, not larger than mans finger,
which at first merely trickes the levee on the
Mississippi, soon swels into torrent carrying de-
vastation in its track. 1t is so with innovations
upon Constitutions. We would guard the charter
of orr liberties and of our rights with the utmost
vigilance at every point. Human nature is no
better now than when Caesar clutched the purple.
and Napoleon aimed at universal empire. We
would trust no man single hairs breadth be-