The daily register. [volume] (Wheeling, W. Va.) 1863-1864, 1863-11-18
ONE party can make war, but it requires

One party can make war, but it requires
two to make peace; and while our country
is exposed to the depredations of active
hostile armies, No good citizen will know
ingly do anything to put it at the mercy of
the enemy. No matter whether the war is
just or ,nhjust, ShIec, the enemy does not
choose to make peace we have no choice
but to continue the war; and any war which
is not prosecuted with spirit and energy
dishonors the national character. 1t is for
the interestsofa nation to be at war as
seldom as possible. 1t is, therefore, for the
national advantage that every war it under
takes shall be prosecuted with such vigor,
force, and spirit, that every other nation as
well as the immediate enemy shall take
warning from its pluck and determination,
and become convinced that war with it, by
whomsoever undertaken, will prove any
thing but child's play. If We are defeated,
wemust of course make place; but even
then the more formidable our attitude of
of resistance, the better the terms likelyito
be obtained from the victorious party
When we have gained some great advan-
tage over the enemy We can honorably Of
fer him terms Of peace. But so long as he
neither sues for peace nor will accept of it,
there is nothing to do but to fight him.
The duties and obligations of an opposi-
ton party when the country is at war are
discussed with his accustomed ability by
Mr. CALHOUN in one of his speeches, from
which we make the following extract:
"How far the minority in state of war
may Justly oppose the measures of the
government, is a question of the greatest
delicacy. On the one side, an honest man,
If he believe the war,o be unjust or unwise,
will not disavow his opinion. But, on the
other hand, an upright citizen will do no
act, whatever he may think of the war, to
put his country in the power of the enemy
1t is this double aspect Of the subject
which indicates the course that reason ap-
proves. Among ourselves, at home, We may
contend; but whatever may be necessary to
give the reputation and army of tho. re-
public superiority over its enemy, it is
the duty of all-the minority no less than
the majority-tos support In some cases
it may possibly be doubtful, even to the
most conscientious, now to act. This is
one of the misfortunes of differing from the
rest of the community on the subject Of
war.-On The Loan Bill, Fsb., 1914.
While all this is forcibly expressed, and
doubtless correct, We sec no reason nor JUS
tee in stigmstizing as traitors men who adj
vocate peace while their country is at war
During the war of the Crimea Mr.. BRIGHT
and other distinguished English statesmen
were its strenuous opponents; but nobody
questioned their patriotism or good inten.
tons Mr.. BRIeHr, indeed, gained no popu
lsrity by his course at that time, nor unless
a war is fsgrantly unjust and disastrous is
any public man likely to become popular
favorite by opposing it in its early stages.
But provided bis course does not tend to
put his country at the mercy of the enemy,
a peace man in war time may be just as
good patriot as war man. England never
had better patriots than Lord CHATHAM and
Mr. BURKE; but these great statesmen were
vehement in their opposition to the Ameri-
can war. 50 & 20, 50 s.i' -As'-- "a =
We are resolutely opposed to peace, I'm
til we can sec that peace is consistent With
the restoration of the Union. The South
will not at present treat on any other basis
than,its independence, and we cannot con-
sent to peace on such terms. So long as
the North will not listsnto peace and sepa
ration, and the South to peace and re.staion,
there is nothing for negotiation to stand up
ON and peace Is impracticabls. q