Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1862-1865, 1863-12-09

instrument rather as theoretical exposition of prrc
pies than binding agreement, may be considered BY
the British Ministry a. justifyDg them in srekiDg
great advantage for their own country at the expense
| OF ours Bus We cannot permit without protest, the
assertion that international law or morals regard IS
Impartial neutrality" conduct avowed to be "e1csed
| ingly advantageous" to ole Of the belhgerents.
| have stated that without adequate remedy
against the Injustice under which suffer- There are
but two measures that applicable to the present
condition of our relations with neutral powers One is
to i'm tate the wrong of which complain, to retaate
by the declaration of paper blockade OF the coast OF
the Unted StVes, and to capture oil neutral vessels
trading with their ports that cruisers intercept
on The high seas. This measure l cannot recommend.
It's true that in doing, should but follow the pre-
cedents set by Great Britain and France in the Berlin
and Milan decrees and the British orders in council at
the beginning Of the present century. But it must be
remembered that we, ourselves ested against those
very measures signal vic atoms OF the law Of ma
TONS and declared the attempts to them the
ground of their being retaiatory, utterly Insufficient
Those bockades now quoted by writer's on public
law q standing reproach on the good name OF the
nations who were betrayed by temporary evaporation
into wrong doing, and ought to be regarded rather
errors to be avoided than examples to be followed
TIE other is not open TO this objection. The
second article of the declaration Of Paris which pro-
vidss THAT the neutral flag covers enemys goods with
the exception of contrabAnd OF war" was new con-
cessOn by begerents in favor Of neutras and not Sim
ply the enunciation of an acknowledged pree1istirg
rule like the fourth article which referred to bockades
To this concession bound ourselves by the cOnven
ton with Great Britain and France, which took the
shape of the resolutions adopted by your predecessors
on the 18th August 1861. The consideration rendered
for that concession has been withheld. We have there
FORE the undeniable right to refuse longer to remain
bound by compact which the other party refuses to
fulfill. But We should not forget that Is bu! ten
porary and that We desi that peace shall be germ
nenL The future policy Of the Oonfederacy muSt
De to uphold neutral rights TO their full extent. The
principles of the declaration OF Paris commend them
selyes to cur judgment just, humane and
moro consonRnt with modern civilization than those
beigerent preensions which great naval powers have
heretofore sought to Introduce into the maritime code
To iorego undenSbe right 10 the exercise OF those
pretensions is policy higher, Worthier of and Of
than to revoke adhesion to principles that
We approve. Let hope for redress rather on
returning sense of justice which cannot fail to awaken
great people 10 the consciousnes' that the In
which engaged ought rather to be mazda
for oFbearnce Of advantage THAI occasion for tbs
unfriendy conduct Of which We make just complaint.
The eveLts-Of the last year have produced important
changes in the condition of our Southern neighbour
The occupation of the capital of Mexico by the French
army, aud the establishment of provisional govern
menf, followed by radical change the constitution
Of the country have excited lively Interest Although
preierring own government and -situons these
OF other countries have no disposition to con.
test the exercise by them Of the right of tel-
government which assert for ourselves If the
Mexican people prefer monarchy TO republic, it Is
plain duty cheerfuy TO acquiesee in their decision
and to tVnCe sincere and friendly interest in their
prosperity, IT. however, the AeIcAns prefer main
timing their former institutions We have no reason to
apprehend any obstacle 10 the free exercise Of their
choice. The Emperor of the French has solemuy dis.
| claimed any purpose TO impose on Mexico form Of
government not acceptable tie naon and the emf
nent parsonage TO whom the throne has been rendered
declines its acceptance unless the offer be sanctioned
by the sufages Of the people. In either event. there
| lore, We may confidently expect the continuance Of
those peaceful relations which have been maintained on
the frontier, and large development of the com
merce already existing ohS mutual advantage of the
| Two countries.
Il has been fout necessary since your adjournment
to take action the subject of certain foreign consus
within the Confederacy. The nature of this action and
the which Rod so fully exhibited
in the correspondence of the ate Department which is
transmitted 10 you that no additional nent is re-
CURED
Ia connection with this subjc. Of our relations wit
foreign Countries it ia deemed opportune to commuui-
cate my views in reference to the treaties mads by the
government OF the United States at date anterior to
our SEPARATION, and which we're consequently binding
on well as on foreign powers when the separation
tock effect. Il partly with view to entering into
| such arrangements as the change in government
had made necessary that we fel. il our du To sand
commissioners abroad for the purpose Of entering into
the negotiations roper to fix the relative rights and OBJ
legations OF the parties to those treaties A. this tender
on part has been decined foreign nations have
refused the benefit of the treaties to which we were
parties they certainly have ceased to be binding on U.s.
and 10 my opinion relations with Elrop an nations
are, therefore, controlled exclusively BY the gene
raj rules OF the law Of nations i Is proper TO add that
these remarks are intended to apply IOley treaty OBJ
legations towards foreign governments, and have no re-
| ference to rights Of individuals.
| TNAECEs
The state Of the public finances is such a. to demand
your earliest and most attention need hardly
say that prompt and ecacous remedy for the present
condition of the currency necessary the successful
| Performance of the functions of government For
tunatey the resources o. country 10 ample and
the spirt OF people devoted to i cause thai they
are ready TO make any necessary contribution Relief
ia thus entirely within reach If have the wisdom
to iegislate in such as render available the
mans at our disposal.
At the commencement of the war we were far from
anticipating the magnitude and duration of the Struggle
| In which We are engaged The most sagacious fore.
sight could have predicted that the passions of the
Northern people would lead them bndy 70 the sacrifice
life, treasure and liberty in vain hopa SIS that of
! subugaing thirteen independent States inhabited by
many mlonB of people, whose brthrght of freedoms il
dearer 10 them than fe long exemption from direct
taxation BY the general government had created an
aversion TO its raising by any other than
oy duties on imports, and it supposed that these
duties would be ample for current peace expenditure
while the for conducting the could be raised
almost exclusively by the use of the public credit.
The hrst action OF the Prod,onAl Congress WAS
thereforef coDfned to passing tariff law and to raisug
| sum of fifteen millions Of dollars by loan, with
pledge of small export duty cotton to provide for
| the redemption Of the debt.
At it's second session was declared to exist be-
tween the ConedsrAcy aud the United Sats ADD pIo-
vision made for the issue Of twenty millions of dol.
lars 10 treasury notis and for borrowing thirty lions
OF dollars bonds. The tariff revised and pre-
paratory measures taken to enable the Congress to levy
internal taxation at its succeeding session. These laws
we're passed in Nay, and the States Of Virginia, North
Carolina Tennessee and Arkansas having joiaed the
Contederacy, the Congress adjourned to meet in the
city Of Rchmo in the following month of July
Prior to the assembling Of your predecessors in Rich.
mond at their third session the end Of July 1851
the Pr,sdeOt of the United States had developed in his