Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1863-09-16

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Mr.. Sumner said the French Emperor,
though acting habitually in concert With
the British Cabinet, has not intsrnedled
50 iIlogieally, or displayed temper Of 50
little international amisbiity. There has
not been q single blockade runner under
the French flag, nor 3 single pirate ship
from French port. But in spite Of these
things, 1t Is too apparent that the Emperor
has taken sides against us in at least four
important public acts, positively, plainly,
Extensively. He has acknowledged the
Rebel slavs-mongers as ocean belligerenis.
He has invaded Mexico, under spscious
pretense, and more than intimates that
the United States must be restrained in
power and influence over the Gulf of Mex
leo and the Antilles He invited England
and Russia to unite with France in ten
dering to " the two belligerenis" their
joint mediation to procure an "armistice." +"
He has openly manifested his unfriendli-
ness to our Government, by tampsring
with the agents Of the Slsve-mongers at
the Tueleries, and By receiving with open
arms members Of the British Parliament
at FontainebIsau, on an errand Of hostii-
ty to our cause and the official deelara-
ton has been made that he desires to re-
cognize the Rebel sIave-mongers as an in
dependent Power. This has been hard to
believe, but it is too true. The French
Emperor is sgainst u.s.. 3
Mr.. Sumner discusses at length the sub
ject of foreign Intervention by mediation
or interoession, herein Of Intervention in
external afairs, and Intervention in inter
nal affairs-and significantly hints to the
hostile powers the possibility of having
the poisoned chalice commended to their
oWn lips. he says;
HNstions are equal in the eye Of inter
national lsw, so that what is right for one
is right for all It follows that no nation
can Justly exercise any right which it is
mot bound to concede under like circum-
stances, Therefore, should our cases be
reversed, there is nothing which England
and France have now proposed, or which
they may hereafter propose, which it will
not be our equal right to propose when
ireland or India once more rebel, or when
France is in the throes Of its next reyolu-
ton. Generously and for the sake Of that
International eonity, which should not be
lightly hazarded, We may reject the prece-
dents they now furnish; but it will be
hard for them to complain if we follow
them" 49,
These brief notices can convey no real
ly adequate idea Of the ststesmanship, the
philosophical aoumen, elevation and dig
nifty Of style, and ample historical re-
search disclosed by this great effort. Il
viii stand as q, monument Of the ability.
Learning and patriotism Of its author,
We conclude this brief notice by giving
some Of the concluding passages Of the
speech:
HFreedom Is the growing aspiration Of
our armies and the just inscription Of our
banners. By this sign We conquer. Such 8
war is rot in any just sense war, Of sub
llHdL1QH Uut = wa VI AADoIHEAu4~-A1 VI
der tosaVe the Republic from 8 petty oil
garchy Of task-mssterE, and to rescue four
millions Of human beings from cruel op-
preston. Not to subjugste but to iberate
is the object Of our Holy War. And yet
British statesmen, forgetting for the mo-
ment sll moral distinctions-fOrgett
God, who viii not be fOrgotten-gravsly
announce thatear cause mNsG fall sAlAHt
individual Wickedness is too often sue
cessful. but a pretended Nation, sucked
N Wickedness and bOasting its wickedness
"a new SOdom, with all the guilt Of the
old, waiting to be blasted, and yet, in its
effrontery, openly seeking the fellowship
Of Christian POWers-is doomN1 L~-'a0f7''ta
avs1EuuIvH OF sucn 8 pretension is practl-
cal Atheism. Chronology and geography
are both offended by it. Piety stands
aghast. In this age Of light, and in cOun-
tries boasting civilization, there can be no
place for iis barbarous plenipotentaries.
AS well expect erocodiles crawling on the
psvements Of London and Paris, or the
carniVorous idols Of Africa installed for
worship in Westminster Abbey and Notre
Dame.
Even if the Republic were less strong,
yet am glad to believe that the Rebellion
must fail, from the essential impossibility
Of any such wicked success. The respon-
sibilities Of the Christian Powers would
be increased by our weakness. Behind
sur blockade there would be moral
blockade; behind our armies there would
be the aroused judgment Of the civilized
world. But not on this account can we
hesitate. This Is no time to stop. For
ward; forward. Thus do I, who formerly
pleaded 50 eften for peace, now sound to
arms. But it is because, in this terrible
moment there is no other way to that sim
cere and solid peace without which there
viii be endless war. Even on economic
grounds, it were better than this war
should proseed, rather than recognize any
partition, which, beginning with humilia-
ton, must involve the perpetuation Of ar
msments and bresk cut sgain in blood.
But there is something worse than waste
OF money; it is q waste Of chsracter.-
Give me any peace but LibeTtieids peace.
In other days, the immeAse elequence Of
Burke was stirred against Regicide peace.
But peace founded on the killing Of
king is not so bad as peace founded on
the killing Of Liberty; nor can the sad
dest scenes Of such peace be SO sad as
the daily fewhich is legslized by sla-
very. A Queen on the scaffold is not 50
pitiful a sight as woman on the auction
block. Therefore, say again, Forsoard :
Forward
& But while thus steady in our purpose
at home, we must not neglect that proper
moderation abroad, which becomes con-
ciousness of our strength and the nobleness
Of our cause. This mistaken sympathy
which our Foreign Powers now bestoW up
on SlsVery-Or it may be the mistaken in
sensibility-under the plausible name Of
" neutrality" which they prOfess-will be
worse for them than for US. For them it
will be q record of shama Hhinh their