The Cadiz Democratic sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1854-1864, 1863-02-04

} the utter, disAstrous, and most bloody taii.
ure OF the experiment. .r.-
, But To return: the country was at war
: and belonged to that school Of politics
/ which teaches that when we are at war, The
Governmental do net mean the Executive
alone, but the Government--is entitled GO
/ demand and have, without resistance such
number OF men, and such amoant Of money
and supplies generally, as may be necessary
for the war, until 40 appeal can be had to the
people. Before that tribunal alone, in the
first instance, must the question OF The war
be tried. This was Mr.. Ealhoun's opinion.
and he laid it down very broadly and strong
{ ly in speech on the loan bill, in 184l.-
Speaking Of supplies, he said:
"l hold that there is a distinction in this re.
specI between 4 state Of peace aud war. In the
latter, the right OF Withholding supplies ough
ever TO be held subordinate TO the nergetc an
successful prosecution OF the war. 90 further
and regard the Withholding supplies, with Q
view oi forcing the country into a dishonnrab BILE
peace, as not only 10 be what it has been called,
moral treason, but very little short Of aelua
treason ITSELF"
| Upon this principle, sir, he acted after.
wards in the Mexican war. Speaking OF thai
war in 1847, be said:
EVERY Senator knows that ] was opposed tC
the war, but none knows but myself the depil
Of that opposition. With my conception OF itt
character and consequences, it was impossible
for me 10 vote Tor it,"
Ard again, in 1849;
"But, after the war was declared, by tho su
thorty Of the Government, laequiesced in what
l could not prevent, aud which it was impessi-
BILE for me to arrest; and then telt it to be my
duty to limit my efforts to give such direction
to the war as would, as far as possible, preye mt
the evils and dangers with which it threatened
the country and its Institutions"
Sir, adopt all this as my own position
and my defense; though, perhaps, in civil
war, | might fairly go lurther in opposition
| could not, with my convictions, vote men
and money for this war, and ! would not, as
o Representative, vote against them.
meant that, without opposition, the President
might take all the men and all the money
he should demand, and then to hold him to
strict Accountability before the people tor
the results. Not believing the soldiers re
sponsible for the war, or its purposes, or. its
consequences, have never withheld my
vote where their separate Interests we're cons
cerned. But have denouaced from the be
ginning the usurpations and the iniractions
one snd all, OF law and Constitution, by the
President and those under him; their re
peated aud persistent arbitrary arrests, the
suspension Of habeas corpus, the violation of
! freedom OF the mails, oil the private house,
OF the press and the speech. and all the other
multiplied wrongs and outrages upon public
liberty and private right, which have made
this country one OF the worst despotisms on
earth for the past twenty months; and will
continue to rebuke and denouncs them to
the end; and tho people, thank God, have at
last heard aud needed, and rebuked them,
too. To the record and TO time ] appeal
again for my Justification.
And now, sir, reeur to the state OF the
Union to day. What is II? Sir, twenty
months have elasped bat The rebellion is not
crushed out; its litary power has not been
broken; the insurgents haze not disperfed.-
The Union is not restored; nor the Constis
tuition maintained; nor the laws enforced
Twenty, sixty, three hundred, six hundred
days have passed.; . thousand millions been
expended; and three hundred thousand lives
lost or bodies IN ,ngled; and to day the con
federate flag is still near the Potomac
and the Ohio, and tho confederate govern
ment stronger many times, than at the be-
ginning. Not State has been restored, not
any part Of any State has voluntarily re.
turned 10 the Union. And has anything
been wanting that Congress, or the States,
or he people in their most generous enthu
sissm, their most impassioned patriotism,
could bestow? Was it power? And did
not the party OF the executive control tho
entire Federal Government, every state goys
ernment, every county, every city, town and
village in the North and West? Was it
patronage? All belonged to it. Was it in
tuence? What more? Did not the school,
the college, the church, the press, the secret
orders, the municipality, the corporation,
railroads. telegraps express companies, the
voluntary association, all, all yield it to the
utmost? Was it unanimi,y? Never was
an Administration SO supported in England
or America. Five men and hall L score OF
newspapers made up the opposition. Was
it enthusiasm The enthusiasm was ianat
ical. There has been nothing like it since
the Crusades Was it confidence? Sir, the
'aith Of the people exceeded that OF the pats
riarch. They gave up Constitution, law.
right, liberty, all at Your demand for arbit~
rary power that the rebellion might, ss you
promised be crushed out in three months
and the Union restored Was credit needed?
You took control OF country, young, vig-
oruus, and inexhaustible in wealth and re
sources and of a Government almost free
from public debt, and whose good faith had
never been tarnished. Your good national
loan bubble lailed miserably, as it deserved
to tail; but the bankers and merchants OF
Philadelphia, New York, and Boston lent
hOr q ~, al
And when that failed too, you forced cred
it by declaring your paper promises to pay
q legal tender for all debts. Was money
wanted? You had all tNe revenues of the
United States, diminished indeed but still
in gold. The whole wealth OF the country
to the last dollar, lay at your feet. Private
individuals, municipal corporations, the State
governments, all in their frenzy gave you
money or means with reckless probability
The great eastern cities lent you Sl50000.-
600. Congress voted, first, $250,000, ,O00
and next $500 0OU, 600 more in loans: and
then, first, $5O,0O0000, then Sl0,O00,OO0
next $90,O0O,oOO, and, in July last. $50,
100000 in Treasury notes, and the Secretary
has issued q paper postage currency" in
sums as low as FIVE cents, limited in amount
only by his discretion. Nay. more: already
since the 4th Of July, 1861, this House has
appropriated $2,017, $4,000, almost every
dollar without debate, and without record
vote thousand millions have been ex
pended since the 18th Of April, 1861; and a
public debt or liability oi $l,500,000,0OO al
ready incurred. And to support all this
stupendous out lay and Indebtedness, q sys
TEN of taxation, direct and indirect, has
been inaugurated, the most onerous and an
just ever imposed upon any but conquered
people.
Money and credit, then, you have had In