Dayton daily empire. [volume] (Dayton [Ohio]) 1850-1865, 1863-11-27

he Union, who are SUBJECT 70 Tue leRlsiauoh
# Congress, are still consigned TO everlasting y
bondage.
that the condition OF the emancipated slave in :
The North is more humihating to n sensitive c
snirit than the enforced subjection which IS
maintained 10 the South. He knows that,
with a few exceptions, the Northern emancl- t
pator will neither eat pray, nor travel with
men of color--even though they be as well
educated and refined as the most accomplish
ed of the white population. He knows that
,be President has held out no other hope to
tho emaneipated slaves of the South than that
fof compulsory removal to some land distant
from the homes OF their childhood lie knows
that the condition and prospects OF the eman-
! c;nated slaves are such that, Of the many mil
| lions of slaves to whom the present war has
Afforded an opportunity OF fleeing from serv-
tnde only few thousands have sought to es' |
cane. though they have been stimulated by |
lthe Northerns, not only TO lice from their
masters, but also to plumber and to massacre
the families amongst whom they have lived
frout their infancy He has yet to learn that
the Southern may prefer to trust themselves
N their slayes rather than submit to Northern
Illumination and shat before tins horrible
strueete shall bo ended we may witness the
invasion Of the North by hdli million oi col
Ored troops, armed and led by their former
naGaters.
God forbid that should say word id
favor Of slavery. The one redeeming advan-
hsage which have contemplated rs possible
result of this conflict is that it may induce
| the Soutberns voluntarily to emancipate their
slaves but will not allow my countrymen
10 be misled by grandiloquent vituperation
AS to believe that this present war is war
undertaken for the abolition of slavery in
America. As for our friend, Meagher himself
| have no reason to suppose that he ever OBJ
ected to be the gnest or the friend of those
who grew sleek and naughty on the sweat
of the black skim" and if, like some of his
friends at Mobile and Charleston, he had in.
herted an estate to which q hundred slaves
we're attached, am by no means convinced
that he would emsnoipate them
Having thus endeayOred 10 disconnect from
, the main question at issue the various fsllar
J cies and preiudices by which it has been sur
, rounded, / now address myself to the ques-
, ton whether Virginia, Carolina, Georgia, Ala
bama, Mississippi, and the other seeding
, States, have o. havo not natural and inde.
feasible right to determine what form OF gov
ernmept is most conducive to their interests,
and acceptable to their feelings, This appears
to me to be question which does not admit
of argument on the part of those who, like T.
3 L. Meagher, have cpntended that Ireland and
E Poland have a moral right 10 Withdraw from
9 the domination OF England or of Russia, There
I is perhaps, no part of'the world in which the
3 pressure of metropolitan dominion is less felt
than in Canada, yet General Meagher wou Id
t not deny to the Canadians the right to declare
, then independence, or to associate themselves
Iu,;tb tho nj of m II is dif1ipult
+ therefore, to understaBd BY what process of
y reasoning he can satisfy himseltth ireland en-
= Joys such right-that Poland enjoys such
s right-that Canada enjoys such u right-that
J. Australia enjoys such right-but that the
: States OF AneIiep which never, for a mo-
# ment, relinquished the title of sovereignty
b that belongs to them individually, ought TO bs
o debarred from the enjoyment of similar
IS right With very questionable taste he gives
instead OF an Argument, an anecdote, in which
D. he relates "a private conversation that was
IS held at New York by Mr. Tombs, distns
l guished Southern, whose sympathies with Ire
A. land and lrishmen have been unreservedly eX-
,e hibited. This conversation is given at second
a hand General Meagher did not hear it him
at self The inference which he wishes his read
h ers to draw from it is, that the chief men OF
es the South stimulated the Secession movement
u bDlhl1 III RIuIE W VIobcTFb llI bubHlbHlfts "
g. monopoly of the offices of the Southern States
st Now, | may be allowed to set of conversations
g. which heard myself fagainst those which Gen.
Is eral Meagher received through report from q
u, friend. When vas ip Georgia, in the year
IL 1859, had the pleasure of spending two days
at the house Of Mr.. Tombs, and two days nt
d. the house Of Mr. Stephens Vice President Of
It, the Confederate States. Our popversation ma
as turally turned much upon the reiAtions which
ne then existed between the Northern and
n Southern States. My hosts, one OF whom had
re retired from public life, said nothing thai
,ir could induce ne to think that their minds
ic we're affected by considerations connected
lis with official patronage, but they complained
ri much of the calnmnies which were daily vent
Oi ed against the Southerns by portion of thf
is Northern press. They spoke with Indignation
p- of the incentives by which their slaves wer,
Ell encouraged to revolt against them-they com
To- planned ofthe injustice, commercial and linan
Id oial, which the Southern States underwent
ur as a consequence of their connection with tn,
,p- North-they spoke of the Secession as prob
ss' able contingencies an evegt which woult
IN, probably impose upon them many sacrifices
lat but they stated that these sacrifices would b.
sst accepted by the South as ar alternative pref
~, cradle to continuance of 10 lations whol
on then subsisted bctYeen ~-1~e-N Orthern ant
am Southern States. These congregations wer
en- held more than year before the election Q
INT Mr.. Lincoln-Rt a time when according d
les General Mesghsr, the Southerns we're occu
ed pants Of all the influential positions of tn
an general government. I do not remembe
cal that the interests connected with Official pnt
ronage were brought into discussion, buI
ng even il they Ind been brought forward, d.
ara mt eohoeiVe that any limitation of 'lawlea