The Bedford gazette. [volume] (Bedford, Pa.) 1805-current, 1863-05-22
SPEECH OF HENRY CLAY,
In the u. s. Senate, Feb. 7, 1889. 3,


Mr.. PRESIDENT: At the period of the form
alton of oar Constitution, and afterwards, our
| patriotic ancestors apprehended danger to the
4 Union from two causes. One was the Allegha-
ny mountains dividing the waters that flow into
| the Atlantic Ocean from those which find their
outlet in the Gulf of Mexico. They seemed to
present Il natural separation. That danger has
! vanished before the noble achievements of the
spirit of internal improvement, and the immor-
! tai genius of Fulton. And now nowhere is
found a more loyal attachment to the Union,
than among those very Western people, who, it
was apprehended, would be the first TO burst its
| ties.
The other cause, domestic slavery, happily
the sole remaining cause which is likely to dis
! turb our harmony, continues to exist 1t was
this which created the greatest obstacle, and
the most anxious solicitude, in the deliberations
of the Convention that adopted the Federal
! Constitution. And it is this subject that has
| ever been regarded with the deepest anxiety by
all who are sincerely desrous of the permanent
cy of our Union. The Father of his Country,
in his last affecting and solemn appeal to bis
[ fellow -citizens, deprecated as most calamitous
event, the geographical divisions which it might
produce. &c..
The Convention wisely left the several States
the power over the institution of slavery, as a
power not necessary to the plan of the Union,
and which contained the seeds of certain des-
truction. There let it remain, undisturbed by
any unhalowed hand.
Sir, am not in the habit Of speaking light
ly of the possibility of dissolving this happy u
niou The Senate knows that have deprecated
illusions, on ordinary occasions, TO that direful
event. The country will testify, that if there
be anything in the history of my public career
worthy of recollection, it is the truth and sin
cerity of my ardent devotion to its lasting pres
ervation. But we should be false in our allegi-
ancc to it, if we did not discriminate between the
imaginary and real dangers by which 1t may be
assaed. ABoIIrIoNIsTs should be no longer
regarded as an imaginary danger. The Abo-
litonsts, let mo suppose, succeed in their pres
ent aim of uniting the inhabitants of the free
States, as one man, against the inhabitants of
| the slave States Union on one side will beget
union on the other. And this process of recip-
rocal consolidation will be attended with all the
violent prejudices, embittered passions, and i'm
tts1i-.ii1 an;.,asitics which are nossible to de-
| grade or deform human Htturc. vItVs.s.. s.so
solution of the Union will have taken place,
whilst the forms of its existence remain. The
most valuable element of union, mutual kind
ness, the feelings of sympathy, the fraternal
bonds, which now happily unite us, viii have
| been extinguished forever. One section will
stand in menacing and hostile array against the
other The collision of opinion will be quick
ly followed by the clash of arms. l will not
attcmpt to describe scenes Which now happily
! lie concealed from our view. ABoITIoNIsTs
THEMSELVES WOULD SHRINK BACK IN DIsMAY AND
HORROR at the contemplation of desolated fields,
confagra,ed cities, murdered inhabitaats, and the
overthrow of the farest fabric of human gov
ernment that ever rose to animate the hopes of
civilized man.
| Nor should these Abolitionists fatter Them
selves that if they can succeed in their object
of uniting the people of the free States, they
will enter the contest with numerical superb
| ority that must insure victory. All history and
experience prove the hazard and uncertainty
of war. And we are admonished by Holy Writ
that the race is not to the swift, nor the battle
| to the strong.
But if they acere to conquer, whom would
they conquer? foreign foe? No, sir. Hwould
| be a conquest uithom Iatnels, withont glory A
SELF, SUICIDAL CONQUEST; a conquest of broth
ers oue, brothers, achieved by one over another
portion of the descendants Of common ances-
tors who, nobly pledging their lives, their for
tunes and their sacred honors, had fought and
blcd side by side, in many a hard battle on land
and ocean, severed our country from the Brit
ish crown, and established our national inde-
pendence.
am, Mr.. President, no friend of slavery.
The searclier of all hearts knows that every
pulsation of mine beats high and strong in the
cause of civil liberty. Whenever it is safe and
practicable, desire to see every portion Of the
human family in the enjoyment of it. But |
prefer the LIBERTY OF MY OWN RACE to that of
any other race The liberty of the descendants
of Africa in the United States is incompatible
with the safety and liberty of the European
descendants. Their slavery forms an exception
AN exception resulting from stern and mex
orable necessity-to the general liberty in the
United States. We did not originate, nor are
we responsible for, this necessity. Their lber-
ty, if it were possible, could only be established
by violating the incontestible powers of the
STATES, and sUBvERTING THE UNION. And be-
meath the ruins of the Union would be buried
sooner or later, THE LIBERTY OF BOTH RACES.
How fearfully are these words of wisdom and
prophecy now being fulfilled.
A father came home from his business at
early evening, and took his little girl upon his