The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1863-06-13
For The Cecil Wing.
Enna ncipatiOn.

iious al issue in the State, rs to make il proper
suGjecI for general comment. With the con
tlorersy heiwceh Mr. Matlit and the colIs>pon-
dent vi Tie 1riJaR. / will haze nothing to do
II that correspondent be the person whom the
I'M ialS Indicate, the friends of Emancipation
neither desire his sympathy, nor will ihey have
his aid. Mr.. Muilit may beahor him 10 his
hearts content, and they will never say hold.
But when he leaves the sub ect in hand and
goes off TO strike back-huuded blows at those
VIII" believe that the vital interests of Maryland
deinnnd that she shall be free State, he must
expert-and know will not shrink ironl-a
thorough scrutiny of his Arguments.
He says, this d" is IA question upon which there
are honest differences of opinion among Onion
men of the State and | am truly mioiced To
have lived to see the day, that the expression OF
opinions adverse to slavery Is characterized, by
So determined pro-slgvery man ~ Mr.. Msttif
as " an honest difference of opinion, that |
may discuss question, in my Judgment, Of the
glarsst Importance to the stability aud pros
peritv of my native State, without ncurling the
violence or snccrs of ignorance aud prejudice
is 10 me n reflection full of hope Tor the future
of my cunfr, and my race
Nor can see how the discussion of this qlles-
ton, oreycn the actuai la .ding ol such features
of it as now Of practical Importance, need
" distract or divide" the Union men Of the
S'afc. Two things we can do now to advance
phIioH. tPtI Uclilbcls III l OllpltSS WHO
will work to secure an appropriation to con,pcl-
safe the owners Of slaves, and elect members Of
the Legislature who will call n State Colven-
ton. l'ut these do not make Emancipation
ncv simply clear the way for II lair tlal of
strength between those Tho favor and those who
oppose the measure Why II candidate for Con-
gress or for the I.egi.lature-wh" Unoni:m
is clear Of ull duubt-who invors an apprupria-
ton or Il convention, should ON this account be
al
understand; and that this opposition should be
carried to the extreme of boiling nominations
and "distracting and dividing the Union
organization, seems to me absolutely impossible,
except to men who's, anxiety to pies;,ve their
consistency as pro-sluvoly Democrats is gIcater
than their anxiety to preserve the Union.
Wien i'll 1861, Mr.. Mniiii insisted upon put
ting his pro-s'ayery plank into the Union plat
torm-he was not then 81 sensitive about issues
foreign to the naked Inion qucstion-rente-
men protested against it, and begged that he
would ut least abstain from II direct insult to
numbers oi persons who were rs loyal and as
sound upon the main issue rs lie was but when
in spite of their protests this thing was crumned
down their threats, did they bolt or distract
and divide"1 Nu--lcy swallowed the insult
along with the man who gave it, and joined as
heartily and us effectively IT'S any others i'll that
campaign.
One Of the very reasons given by Mr.. Mutiit
why we should not agiiate this Emancipation
question now, is because " there will be in all
probability no aid given to Maryland or any
other State for this purpose by any future Con-
gress, and we know that none has already been
Voted and he is doing all he can to perpeua'e
this reason to all eternity, by the election Of men
to Congress, who will in the future, rs have his
trici,is in the past, prevent Maryland from
receiving the hid which The Representatives of
the other loyal States are willing and al xious to
give her. Thus have MIR. Mafit and his friends
put themselves in the anomalous position of
using all their political power and political craft
to prevent the giving of the aid, and, having
succeeded, use tina! is an argument why other
n.en should not be elected, who will procure il
to be given; when, pray, will the time come
to eniancipae, at this rae !-ncvel, and .nevcr"
is just what Mr.. Mut,ii and his friends mean
Mr. Matlit says, there is no constitutional
authority to devote the money of the general
Treasury to the purchase OF slaves of particular
States This involves questions Of cnllSi;u-
ti"ual powers which can hardly he argued in
the short space OF n newspaper article. | assert,
a1 positively, that there is constitutional aa'hor-
ity for an appropriation for compensation, and
until he Shall furnish some arguments in favor
nf his position, contend that my naked asscr-
ton, supported by the opinion OF the President
and liH legal advisers is as good AS his, stand
ing without support. But why le>p,e the old
provcrb, and look This gilt-hor>c in the mouth
As to the time W hen we shall lake up the sub
lect of Emancipation, it acenls 10 me, that every
man must see that the industrial condition of
Maryland is in that state Of confusion ard
jeopardy which demands that something Shall
be done at once. The httercst opponent of
Emancipation admits that slavery is dead then
why, III the name Of common sense, do we not
carry its carcass away, and make room for some
other system of labor! Shall we whit until our
fields lie uncullvaed for two or three years
before we bsgin to devise some new means of
cultivutng them, in the stead of the one TO which
WE now look and which all men of observation
and Judgment admit is dead and useless and
unreliable!
But arguments ahont the time or thc mode of
Emancipation, with men like Mr.. Mat, who
oppose the right to cinancipatc, are not in point
and we come To the main feature of his Card
the denial Of the right to eIllancipac as shown
by the following extracts thcrcirom:
al am opposed to Interference with tho private
6 and guaranteed rights of any of our citizens
" am oppose to any act Of emancipation
which has the effect to despoil the owners Of
slave properly of their right to this property.
" which regard to be as lawfully theirs. any
property l lhave, is mine. | am opposed to an
g." act of EMANCIPATION. with compen saion, at this
- time because it is not asked for by any consid-
:" crabc number Of Shareholders holding any con.
" siderable number of slaves"
contend, that whenever the people of the
State believe thar the general prosperity and
happiness demand the prosecution of any great
public measure, they have the right to prosecute
it, notwithstanding its interference with private
rights, however we'll vested, or however vaua-
be. | instance the case of railroads and other
public thuroughtares, which are deemed neccs-
snry for the general welfare and convenience
In these cases private rights are considered so
far subservient to the general good that, without
| the consent of the owner, and in nearly every
instance in spite of his bittercst opposition, we
enter upon and dcspoil'' him of lis land, and
then, as we propose to do with the Shareholder,
compensate him for his loss and in fixing the
amount OF that compensation, we take into con-
sideration the advantages which the injured
party, in common with the whole community,
will derive from the proposed measure. | con-
| tend further that slaves are moi Il species of pro-
perty which can form an exception to this rule ;
so far from it, they have less claim upon the
public consideration than any other property,
for the reason that slavery is simply the creature
of laws-tbat the Shareholder has no aaturai
right in this species Of properiy-that whenever
the people, who made the law which gives him
the right to hold slaves, shall deem that law no
longer conducive to the public veal, they may
repeal it, cannot do more than touch upon
these general principles of law applicable to
this question, but l court for them the fullest
investigation and examination, assured that they
will be found to be supported by the highest
authorities.
When Mr.. Maffit talks about the decrease in
the "basis of taxation" which will follow