The Jeffersonian Democrat. [volume] (Chardon, Ohio) 1854-1865, 1863-06-26


MIR. LrScoLN's REPLY.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WAsH1NoroN, juno IL, 1868.
Hon. Erdstvs Corning, aud others.
GENTLEMEN Your letter of Nay 9, en-.
closing tho resolutions Of public meeting
held at Albany, New York, on tho l6th oil
the same month, was received soyerol days
ago.
The resolutions, as understand thom,
are rcsoivable in two ropositons-frst,
the expression Of a purpese to sustain the
cause of tho Union. to secure peace through
victory, and to support tho Administration
in every constitutional and lawful measure
to suppress tho rebellion and secondly, a
declaration of censure upon tho Admins
tration for supposed uuconsti utional action,
such as the making of military arrests. And,
from the two propositions, third is do.
duced, which is that tho gentlemen com.
posing the meeting are resolved on doing
their part to maintain our common govern.
mont and country, despite tho folly or
wickedress, as they may conceive, of any
administration. This position is emineutly
patriotic, and as such, thank tho meeting,
and congratulate tho nation for It. NV own
purpose is the same so that tho meeting
and myself have common object, aud can
have no Difference, except in the choice of
means or measures for effecting thar object.
And here ought to close this papor, and
would close 1t, IT there were no apprehon.
siou that more njurious consequences than
any merely personal to myself might follow
tho consures systematically cast upon me
for doing what, in my Wow of duty I could
not forbear. TIE resolutions promise to
support mo in every constitutional aud law
ful measure to suppress the rebellion; aud
have not knowingly employed, nor shall
knowingly employ, any other. But tho
meeting, by thor resolutions, assert and
argue that certain military arrests and pro.
ceediugs foloSing tbom, for which am ul
timately responsible, are unconstitutional
l think they are not. These resolutions
| quote from the Constitution the definition
| and guarantees therein provided for the
citizen on trials for treason. and on his being
held TO answer for capital or otherwise in
famous crimes, and, in criminal prosecutions
his right to aspoody and public trial oy an
impartial jury. They proceed to resolve
that these safeguards of tho rights of the
citizeus against the pretensions of ar
bitrary power were intended moro es-
peciaNy for bis protection in times of civil
commotion." And. apparently to demon.
strate the proposition, the resolutions pro-
eeed: "Tbey were secured substantially
to the English people after years of pro-
tracted civil war, and were adopted into our
Constitution at the close of the revolution. "
Would not the demonstration have been
better, il It could have been truly said that
these safeguards have been adopted and ap
piled during tho civil wars aAd daring our
revolution, instead of a. fter tho one and at
the close of the other !, too, am devoted
ly for them after civil war, and before civi
war, and at all times, "except when, in ca
ses OF rebellion or Invasion, the public safe
ty may require" their suspension. The res
olutions proceed to tell US that these safe
guards shave stood the test of sevonty-si,
years of trial, under onr republican system
under circumstances which show that while
they constitute the foundation of all fret
government, they are the elements of tn,
enduring stability of the republic" M
one denies that they have so stood the tos
up to the beginning of tho present rebellion
If we except certain occurrence ut New
Orleans nor does any one question tina
they will stand tho same test much longo
after the rebellion closes. But these pro
visions of the Constitution have no applica
ton to the case we have in hand, becaus,
the arrests complained of were not mad
for treason--that is, not for the treason de
fined in the Constitution, and upon tbs con
viction of which the punishment is death
nor yet were they made to hold persons +
answer for any capital or otherwise infamou
crimes nor were the proceedings following
in any constitutional or legal sense, "crimi
mai 4 no were mao
on totally different grounds of the arrests
' Let US consider tho real case with which W
, are dealing, and apply to it the parts of tn
/, Constitution plainly made for such cases.
Prior to my installation here it had bee
inculcated that any State had a lawful righ
to secede from the national Union, and tha
it would be expedent to exercise the righ
whenever the deVotees of the doctrine shou
fail to elect President to their own liking
wOs elected contrary to their liking; anc
q accordingly, SO far as 1t was legally possible
they had taken seven States out of the Uu
ion, had seized many of tho United State
forts, aud bad fred upon the United State
:, flag, all before was inaugurated, and, G
course, before i had done any official ac
whatever. The rebellion thus began 500
ran into the present civil war aud, in Ger
tain respects, it began on very unequal term
!. between tho parties. The insurgents ha
J. been preparing for II more than thirty year.
while tho government had taken no step