The Pacific commercial advertiser. [volume] (Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands) 1856-1888, 1863-10-22
Mr. LinCOin'S Letter.

The following epitome Of the Letter Of the
President % the Union Mass Meeting at Spring
field, is another evidence of the plain, unpreten-
tious character Of our Chief Magistrate. IL does
not possess the elegance which characterlzes the
productions of the Secretary Of State. but it
treats the great issues Of the day in q clear and
simple style which appeals to the intelligence of
every one. and carries an Irresistible conviction
Of the sincerity Of its author. IL is fortunate for
the United States that the control of It's destinies
has been confded to a man so little Influenced by
personal ambition. Mr.. Lincoln has been tried
and found faithful, and "a a change OF admins
tration cannot fail 70 be fraught with evil, the
people should reward his faithfulness by electing
him a second time 10 the Presidency
After regretting his inability 10 attend, he
says There are those who are dissatisfied with
me. To such | would say you desire peace
and you blame me that you do not have it. But
how can we attain il? There are but three con-
eeivable ways. First, to suppress the rebellion
with force Of arms. This l am trying 10 do.
Are you for it? If you are, SO far we are agreed.
The second way is 70 give up the Union. I am
against this. If you are, you should say so
plainly. If you are not for force, nor vet for a
dissolution there only remains some imaginable
compromise. ! do not believe any compromise
embracing the maintenance of the Union can be
p-ssible. All that l learn leads 10 a directly
opposite belief. The strength Of the rebellion is
IN its military. and the army dominates the
country and all the people within it's range.
Any offers of terms made by any man or men,
within that range, IN opposition TO that army, is
simply nothing for the present, because such
man or men have no power whatever To enforce
their side of the compromise If one were made
with them. y compromise 10 be effective must
be made either with those who have control Of
the rebel army or with the people first liberated
from the domination of them by the success of
cur army. Allow me 10 assure YOU that no
word or intimation from the rebel army, or from
the men controlling it, in relation TO any peace
compromise, has ever come TO my knowledge or
belief, and all charges and limitations TO the
contrary are deceptive and grOundless and |
promise you that if any such proposition shall
hereafter come 1t shall not be rejected or be kept
secret from you. You dislike the Emancipation
Proclamation, and perhaps would have it re-
tracted. You say 1t Is unconstitutional. | think
the Constitution invests the Commander-in-Ch
with the laws of war in time of war. The most
that can be said is that slaves are property. Is
there, or has there ever been, any question that
by the laws of war property both OF enemies and
friends may be taken when needed. and it is not
needed when our taking it helps Us or hurts the
Armies, the world over, destroy the
enemy's property when they cannot use it, and
destroy their own 10 keep ii from the enemy.
belIIgerents do all in their power to
help themselves or hurt the enemy. except a few
things regarded as barbarous. The PrOclama-
is law and valid, or not valid. If it Is
valid, IL cannot be retracted any more than the
4cdl al - Drought & HE some OF You prefer
10 think that a retraction would operate favora-
bly, 10 the Union. Why better after retraction,
han before the issue? There was more than a
and a half of trial 70 suppress the rebellion
before the Proclamation was issued, the last one
hundred days, Of which passed under an explicit
lotlce that II was coming unless ayerted by those
n revolt returning 10 their allegiance. The war
las certainly progressed as f~avOrably since the
ssUe of the Proclamation as before. | know. as
a. one can know the opinions of others,
hat some Of the commanders Of the armies in
he field. who haze given Us our important victo-
believe in the emancipation policy, and that
olOred troops contribute the heaviest blows yet
ealt TO rebellion, and that one at least Of these
u; Ortant successes could not have been achieved
Mess it was with the aid of the black soldiers.
among the commanders holding these views
re some who have never had any affinity with
that is called AbOlitionism, or with the Repub-
can party in politics, hut who hold them purely
military opinions and | submit their opinions
being entitled To some weight against the obiec-
ons often urged that the Emancipation Procla-
alton and arming the blacks are unwise az mill
measures, and were not adopted as such in
faith. Some say that they will not fight To
zee negroes, Some of the negroes seem willing
lOugh 10 hight for you but no matter, fight you
len to save the Union. l issued the proclama-
on for the purpose TO aid in saving the Union
nd whenever you shall have conquered all resis-
to the Union. if L shall urge you to con-
nue. fighting, it will be an apt time then for
gu to declare that you will not fight to free ne {
roes. | Thought that in our struggle for the
MON, to whatever extent the negroes should
helping the enemy, to that extent it weak
IS the enemy in his resistance 70 you. Do you
link differently? | thought that whenever ne
get 10 be soldiers leaves Just so much less Y
II white soldiers 10 do in saving the Union.
1t appear otherwise TO you? But negroes,
Ike other people, act upon IA motive. Why
lOuld they do anything for us if we do nothing
7 them = If thew stake their lives for rs fbev
Iould be protected by the strongest possible mo- ,
We, even Il promise of freedom and a promise
ade must be kept.