The Cadiz Democratic sentinel. [volume] (Cadiz, Ohio) 1854-1864, 1863-09-02
very TVFpecIIuITY,
w. MARSHALL ANDERSON
Phc AbGEiGiOnists and the War.

Phc AbGIsGiOHists and the War.
LETTER FROM WENDELL PHILLIPS.
From the Liberator.
DEAR SIR: You ask me how we, who
have hitherto been dsunioDists, now Join IN
supporting the Union.
answer:
We refused to take office and swear to
support the Constitution because we could
not promise TO do what we thought sin
return slaves to their masters, tor instance,
as required by the Constitu ion. Further
than that, our efforts to break the Union
was only means to an end. Our object
was the abolition Of slavery. No man can
forsce thu future, or certainly tell even the
immediate, much less the final results Of any
measure. We must act on probabilities, and
use those rightiul means within our reach,
which seem most likely TO end an evil per.
iecty, in The shortest time, and with the
least harm. On this principle, in the old
times of peace, we labored to break the
Union as the best and quickest way to end
slavery Let me remind you that we never
undervalued Union never had any ohjec-
tion to Union but only to Union on pro-
slavery conditions one that supported and
strengthened slavery. Tho disunion we
sought was one which should be begun by
the North on principle, from conscientious
objection to upholding slavery, Such di-
vision of the Union would have given us a
nation in the north, united on high principle,
able to defend itself, rigid against granting
any pro>slavery advantage to its Southern
neghbor; and the vicinity and example Of
such North would have co operated With
the essential weakness of all slave holding
Governments in finally abolishing slavery at
the South. Such disulion must have been
brought about by public opinion through
out the North adverse to slavery and would
have guaranteed one for the future. The
agitation for such disunion, based on the idea
that slavery is sin, TO be Immediately re-
pudiated at every cost; was the most direct
and efficient way OF educating the public to
stern anti slavery principle. You see
therefore. that the abolition Of slavery was
our object, dlsunion our weapon, and oul
method of reaching it was to convert the
nation, and create a strong anti slavery pub
lie opinion. We sought such disunion fol
the slaves sake, well knowing all the time
how much of what his toll had fairly earned
disupion would sacrifice, but convinced that
as things then stood, it was the quickest and
shortest way to free him. We knew also
that our clan would leave the slave to strug
ole up to freedom against thousand obsta'
Giles alone and unaided, vexed and hampered
by reluctant master; but that disadvantage
l.. o,,l
son why we should forego the only method
which promised bin speedy and certain
relief We held that, Tor such reasons-the
rights of the slave and the sin (tor anti-sla
yeyy men) OF upbolding the Constitution
the North had the right of reyolution-the
right to break the Union; and that such di'
vision would sooner end slavery than contin
ming under Constitution that forbade the
North, during peace, to inter ere with the
slave system Of the Southern States. Wal
came. The South began war on the ma
ton. To accept disunion then, one not be-
gun by an anti slavery North but forced OF
reluctant and half converted North, though
it would have killed slavery in the end
would have lost the slave his share in the
nation he helped to found, and would have
left the slave obstructed in his path to free'
dom by great obstacles, unpited, unaided
and hampered by an embittered MASTER
Such disupion, too, would probably have
helped to proloDg lavery, seeing that such a
North would have been willing to grant its
pro,slavery neighbor many advantages, the
recapture of slaves, etc.--and that the South
in this secession, planned to found military
despot,sm, would have been doubly able te
protect and prolong the hold of the master
on his slave. The conflict of two such ma.
tionalities would have entailed perpetual war
On the contrary, the firsC gun the South
fired gave the nation the constitutional right
to abolish slavery wherever its flag floats
showed that such measure would inevitably
be necessary, and that the Union must prob
ably cease. or rest on the equal liberty OF all
races.
In these circumstances, the Abolitionists
who were not peace men, and had never as
serted the sinfulness of war, perceived that
the war itself would produce an overwhelm
ipp national opinion adverse to slavery soon
er than any other agency. The manifesta-
ton war must make OF the nature and de-
signs OF the slave power would inevitably
make every UDionist an Abolitionist. The
need oi the negro in the conflict would de-
slroy prejudices against color more speedily
than any other means could, and his pres
ence in the army would be the first step to
civil equality. We saw that the preserva~
ton Of the Union would effectuslly protect
the negro in his transition to perfect freedom
and that the nation he helped to create owed
him this sid, which is OF vast importance.
AS things stood, there lore, since the war:
1. The Union means liberty, and to save
itself must free the blacks. To uphold it in
this struggle for existence, is the readiest way
to convert the nation into Aboli;ionists. =
One year oil such war is worth, for this pur.
pose, twenty years Of peaceful agitation.
2. The Union protects the slave in his
transition to liberty, and makes that passage
speedy and easy.
8. It saves him and ourselves all the bene.
fits Of q nationalsiiy which his toll and ours
has earned in three generations.
4. 1t insures peace throughout North
America. E5 a9. Il
At the present time, therefore,, tho preser.
yation Of the Union gives US oil these bene-