Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1862-10-25

4
this its darkest hour; one only; know of
no other to which we may nationally trust
for relief from Impeding dangers without
| aud within. f1 od - IL Sts I'D y
The dangers which threaten rs are two
fold First, from the Confederate forces
composed of men whose earnest convie-
tiols andreekless bravery dtis idle % deny,
Secondly, from ourselves, compelled TO
make use of a military power of propOr-
ti0ns so gigantic that no nation ever per-
mitted the existence of such without more
or less risk tO.the people who employed il.
| If We think lightly OF this latter danger,
we slightthe teachings Of all past time.
.AS 10 the hrst: Have you not had your
moments of doubt whether We. are TO sue
ceed at oil ll-Whether the Union, once so
glortoQs. will ever be reunited 7-4-Whether
peace, which We used 10 enjoy with as lit
tie gratitude as we do the sunlight or the
AIR We breathe, will ever again settle down
over our distracted country7 -rr4s sa
IL have doubts of all this, 1t is only be.
| cause do not know what your action will
be-. We have at our disposal the means Of
certain success; but cAnnUt tell whether,
while there is yet time; yOu will decide 70
| employ them. A fs.a a..t --o
Our enemies, like the Grecian hero, have
one vulnerable point. YOu have notassaiI-
GA ~ NGlff ~ 9hb HuOulQ uhNe ueEu .EuelI
element of weakness has been suffered to
remain an element OF streugth. p r. ssro
They have nearly million of able-bodi-
ed men of it age for war or for labor
Holding these men in bondage, and ems
plOying them 10 till the soil, they are en-.
abled to send to tue battle.f field slmsst
their entire white male adult population,
yet preserve their commissariat sufficiently
supplied. .m1l 3 mo.s z H+d .srm-
1T has always been a, great wrong that
these men and their families should be held
in bondage. We OF the North have hither-
to aequiesced in 1t, lest, Ia the endeaVor TO
redress itiu violation of the Constitution,
greater evils may eusue. .s-.sH..7 vi d.
But the time has come when II is cousti-
tutional TO redress it. The rebellion has
made II so. Property in man, always NOR
ally unjust, has become nationally dagger
ous. Property that endangers the safety
OF nation should NOT be suffered to remain
in the hands of its citizens. A Chief Magis-
trate who permits it so to remain becomes
responsible for the consequence. For he
has the right, nader the law and the Con-
stitution, to take private property, with just
compensation offered, for public use, when
ever it is apparent that any public exigency
demands such appropriation. s1iIss.i' II
Forgive what may seem curt speech if
say that, 10 my Judgment, a President with
a just sense of duty has no option in such
a case. afs i7-- .i- ~. -lf
In the due exercise Of your official pow
er, in strictest accordance with law aud the
Constitution, you can deprive the enemy of
that which above all else, has given, and
still gives him, aid and COMFORT You can
declare emaucipated his slaves, the snppIi-
ers of his commssAriat. Gradually, you can
deprive him of these; and for every hun
dred Thousand productive laborers he loses,
you may have hundred thousand soldiers.
With their aid you can reach the rest
What then remains for him? He must thin
HE ranks to cultivate his plantations He
must labor for his own food, or must perish
for the lick of of - sss
The people are forbidden to give aid and
comfort TO Rebels. What Of Government
that has the power TO cut OF from aid and
comfort all the Rebels OF the South and
fails to exercise it2 a.E a3el
We ought to do that which is right, even
If the TecOmpense be distant and uneer-
tain but we add folly to injustice IL We
neglect great act Of benefcence that Is 70
be rewarded, even now by our own pre-
seEvation. .-
Yet again. Can you look forward to the
future of Ous country aud imagine any
state Of things in which, with Slavery still
existing, We should be assured of perma-
pent peace? Icaunot. We eau cOnstitu-
tiopally extirpate Slavery at this time. But
il we fail to do this, then, unless we intend
hereafter to violate the Constitution, We
shall have fugitive slave law in operation
whenever the war is over. Shall the North
have sacrihed q hundred thousand lives
aud two Thousand millions OF treasure 10
come TO that at last 2 Not even guaran-
. r,E \
cost2 After voluntary exertions on the
part Of our people to which the history of
the world furnishes no parallel, is the old
root Of bitterness still TO remain in the
ground to sprout and bear fruit in the fu-
ture as II has borne fruit in the past2
The questions are addressed to you
For upon you and upon your action more
than upon any other one thing doesIhe an
sWer depend. You have, at this time more
power than any constitutional monarch in
the world. The English Government al !.
ways according toithe policy approved by
the constitutional advisers of the Grown
You would violate usage only II you should
act without the advice, or even contrary To
the opinions, or your constitutional adVi-
sers. do not mean that you could eontiu-
ue to do this with propriety or even with
safety; merely assert that the power lie, in
point of fact, in your hands. Aud for such
a power, what q responsibility 70 God and
mani -it9 r7a77 >f-s Il Teaw 1.ia
1t Is Within your power at this very mo-
ment uot onlytO oonsummate au act of ep-.
lightened statesmanship, but, ne the in-
strument of the Almighty, TO restore; to
freedom race Of men. If you are tempt
ed by an :mperishahle name it is within
your reach. We may look through ancient
and modern history, yet scarce End SOW
er1eigu to whom God offered the privilege
of bestowiug on Humanity boon so
vast. 'ii5o
Such an offer comes 70 no human being
twice, II IL made to you to-day, How
long II will remain Open7whether in three
months or in one month from nov n viii