, 1862-07-01

||Gbe Gr:ibtt: Il,
TUESDAY, JULY i, 1869.
: AMERICA BEFORE EUROPE,
Noble Testimony to the Righteous.
= ness Of Our Cause,

! Noble Testimony to the Righteous
. - ness Of Our Cause.
COUNT DE CAsPARIN's NEW
:. WORK.
Having taken up: Gasparin's l,An4e,.iqus de-
ua"t u Europe with high expectations, We have
fonnd them tar exceeded By it's merit To an
accurate acqua1ntance with the political situa.
tfon OF this country the author adds . states-
manlike sagacity, which events have most re-
matkably vindicated, and that earnest faith in
principles which has ever sfgnalized really
great men. Or, let US sayr rather, that his
earnest devotion to the principles of Justice
aid freedom has led him to conclusions which,
IL inc hsht OF subsequent events, seem like
prophecies.
The present work fB the completement to
Ihe Uprising Of Great Peop1e,'' which has
become 50 extensively known and approved.
1t IS divided into six parts. In the fist are
discussed the attitude OF Europe and it's causes,
the acsnowledg of the South as ,sbsIlig-
efcnt, and the questions relating to the
blockade. The second part treats Of England
in particular, its public opinion aud the re-
suits OF the Trent affair. TIE third part is de-
voted 10 rcpelling certain notions prevalent in
Europe, such as that slavery does not enter
into question in this war, tLat the South hid a
right to secede, and that the Southern States
are unconquerable, or if conquered can never
be brought back into the Union. In the
fourth part the author expresses his congic-
tiens concerning the policy OF European
powers, and particularly Spain, in their recent
expeditions and intermeddling in st. Domir-
go and Mexico. The fifth part Is addressed to
the people Of the United States, and proposes
apoicy of emancipation singularly in accord
ance with that which is now shaping itself
under the earnest and prudent craftsmanship
Of the President and the inexorable urgency
OF the times. 1t comprises abolition in the
District OF Columbia, prohibition in the Terri
tories, and the offer Of compensation to such
States as shall initiate the adjustment Of
slavery within their own limits.
The last division Of this able and friendly
treatise consists Of an appeal to American and
European Christians setting forth and seeking
to enforce their duties in this conjuncture, IN
sustaining by their sympathy and action the
cause Of freedom. But Gasparin's views can
be better judged By quoting his own words:
TIE EUROPEAN sES7IMENT.
SIT seems as it. at the thought Of diTidiag
the United States, Europe has leaned with
joy. From the first she was possessed with
this idea, and has not yct been willing to re-
nounce it.
"The fact is that, from the beginning, both
from scrt ci instiacE and By authority, We
have decided this: that the separation is dedni-
tive, and the South will attain its object; two
rival republics are henceforth inevitable, This
opinion, go prevalent in Europe, Of itself ex-
plains the incessant i1l-fealing which. during
IN entire year, las existed between us and
America. Viewed IN this light everything BE-
comes clear, including even our obstinate re-
fnsal to believe in the moral character of the
var, ana our promptitnde to adIuit the super
Iotiry of the South, our increduity Of the
prospect Of success or the RESOURCES Of the
North, o1r lmp2tlence Of q war deemed b7 US
useless, cur Injustice towards LII. LincoIn's
government, onr readiness to recognise hellig-
erents where there we're only simple rebels,
our willingness to change our position as
friendly nations to ne1trll, and our disDosi-
ton to seek in an incident like that OF the
Trent, or in the practical difficulties Of the
hio:Eade, an occasion to terminate the crisis
aud officially recognise the South"
Alter further a]l1diE', to the sympathy felt
IN France, if not for TIE South, at least for the
SUCCESS OF its plans, and asking how IN auda-
cious nation could, in this nineteenth cen
tury, dare to lpFcrfbe the word slavery on its
banner, the anthor admitting that Europe is
| practically ranging herself on the side Of the
| slave merchants, continues:
| TEE TRENT AFFAIR.
! But We Will not, hope, go to extremes :
| I hope it, above all, since the affair of the
| Trent, which, in conducting Us to the brink Of
the abyss, has forced Us to f.thom It's depth.
| On tildirg herself 50 near firing her cannon in
behalf Of slavery, Europe could not help re-
coiling with conformation. She has perceived
that behind this great desire for pace lurked
| te1rib1e wars, anG that il frying to nut IN end
to the quarrel il the United States, we should
run tue risk Of melting at present, or prepar-
lrg for the fnture, ,guarrcls against natuTe-.
between tue United States and ourselves. The
dormant sympathies at last began to awaken,
and Christians and Abolitionists deemed them
| Selves Oh the road which would lend to the
attainment. It was then that, after having al
the arrest Of Mason end slidell, the partisaus
Of the recognition Cftbe South suddenly found
themselves thrown far back from their desired
object. ----....
"It is not enough to describe and deplort
our attitude. It is above all important to ey
! plain it. In reviewing the Causes we shall
have chance Of discovering the remedies
Whence comes the fact, So strange at frs
sight, that, while the United States we're gov
S4llCQ " S1ASci4 IHu 4oI E1ltcIf1 LlEy NCI
allowed to remain undisturhed; but, sine
, they have begun to act against slavery
ug:inst the entire system Of violence aud cog
quest, and Of attempts against humanity 0
! public lw-there has been concoctcd tn
hitherto unknown theory Of bcliggereut irsut
; gents?
: The explanation is not difficult. From tt,
beginning Of the troubles Europe a-75gated t
herself q scrt of benevolent patronage oye
. | divided America she viewed them as minor
d.,
J turcr minds. With this rcpublie, with tnj
danger~threatened confederation, we did nc
feel Ourselves bound to observe the rules a1
| plicable to States which hold serious relation
nth another. Ne 1sver thought Of saving
'Whatevcr be our opinion Of the futal
. American government to determine the coura
ofconduct which it may deem propsr to pr,
, SUE: if it is wrong in resisting the Bepar.
lion, it alone must suffer the Consequence:
for: as fur Is We are concerned, it still cor
tinues the American government Far fro1
tLa. we have. without pcrmeditation, As if +
Instinct, established, (under the impulse ofth
interests depending here and elsewhere in Eli
rope or Anne rican afairs,} the idea that til
: matter is ours too, and that we hare 4 ris!
TO meddle with 1t (qnc nous auons q no,ss {
ntk7.l
FOREIGN INTERVENTION.
stBut thanks be to God, the United Stat,
J will not be destroyed. No one has the pow,
! to efface from the 1ist Of great nations th
people, now passin;; through crisis as pai
ful IS 1t is salutary, from which they wI 1851
stronger, because better. Our Sonth-symp
. thizing movements will not simply irritatc Il
: nation by 8 measure Which wounds them
the most sensitive spot, but will Introduce
principle resulting III 3 condition Of perpelu
antagonism.
THE policy recommended by the friends
= the South is nothing less, ne should 7ealer
ber, than Europe il America tor vhera
We not hear Of some aduixtuse Of Europe
r American discussions. am not one OF Tho;
u who think that the Monroe doctrine viii r
4 main intact through the conflicts Of the mia
]. teenth century; believe in tue frequent i
tervention Of Europe in America, aud Anll
= ca in Europe, and in the admission Of I'll
| United States irfn thh rnurcfIs nf the ora