Lamoille newsdealer. [volume] (Hyde Park, Vt.) 1860-1877, 1862-07-25
The President and the Border state Congress-

We have published some account Oh inc
appeal of the president to the border state
members of Congress in behalf of his
scheme of compensated emancipation, and
the reply of the minority of these men,
bers. The reply of the majority is pub
lished in the National Intelligence. 1t
is candid and patriotic in spirit, and
while it states objections to the presidents
Plan, promises to present it to the favor
able consideration of their constituents.
1t is signed by John j. Crittenden and
ten others.
The border state men say that the pres
ident's proposition involves too great cost
to be assumed by the country at present.
The six border states, they say, have
l,196,l12 slaves, and it would cost
$500 each to buy them and 500 each to
colonize them, making the whole cost
nearly five hundred millions of dollars
They also assert that the passage of the
resolution for the plan by Congress was
evidently the mere declaration of a SEN
timent, and that Congress has refused to
vote even so small sum as 100000 to
initiate the movement "What conf
dence, then, could VIC reasonably feel that
if we committed ourselves to the policy it
proposed, our constituents would reap the
fruits of the promise held out and on
what ground could we, as fair men, ap-
proach them and challenge their support?"
They proceed to argue the case as follows:
Springfield Republican.
"The right to hold slaves is right
appertaining to all the states of this In
ion. They have the right to cherish or
abolish the institution, as their taste or
their interests may prompt, and no one is
authorized to question the right, or limit
its enjoyment. And no one has more
clearly affirmed that right than you have.
Your inaugural address does you great
honor in this respect, and inspired the
country with confidence in your fairness
and respect. Our states are in the enjoy
ment Of that right. We do not feel called
on to defend the institution, or to affirm
it is one which ought to be cherished
perhaps, if we were to make the attempt,
we might find that we may differ even
among ourselves. 1t is enough for our
purpose to know that it is right and,
so knowing, we do not see why we should
now be expected to yield it. We had
contributed our full share to relieve the
country at this terrible crisis; we had
done as much as had been required of
others, in like circumstances and we did
not see why sacrifices should be expected
of us, from which others, no more loyal,
were exempt. Nor could we see what
good the nation would derive from it.
Such a sacrifice submitted to by us would
not have strengthened the arm of this
government or weakened that of the enc
my. 1t was not necessary as a pledge of
our loyalty, for that had been manifested
beyond a reasonable doubt in every form,
and at every place possible. There was
not the remotest probability that the
states we represent would join in the re-
bellion, nor is there now or of their
electing to 60 with the southern section in
the event of a recognition of the indepen-
dence of any part of the disafected region.
Our states are fixed unalterably in their
resolution to adhere to and support the
Union they see no safety for themselves
and no hope for constitutional liberty but
by its preservation. They will under no
circumstances consent to its dissolution
and we do them no more than justice
when we assure you that while the war is
conducted to prevent that deplorable ca
tastrophe, they will sustain it as long as
they can muster man or command a
dollar. Nor will they ever consent in
any event, to unite with the southern con-
federacy. The bitter fruits Of the pecu-
liar doctrines Of that region will forever
prevent them from placing their security
and happiness in the custody of an asso-
citation which has incorporated in its or
ganic law the seeds of its own destruction.
{" We cannot admit, Mr.. President, that