Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-12-08

through time and in eternity. Is il true, then,
that colored people can displace any more white
labor, by being free, than by remaining slavesf
II they STAY in their old places, they iostle no
white aborers; il they leave their old places,
they leave them open 10 white lsbOrers. Logi-
cally, there is neither more nor less of II Eman-
cipation, even without deportation, would prob-
ably enhance the wages of white labor, and, very
surely, would not reduce them. Thus, the Gus
tomary amount OF labor would still have TO be
performed; the freed people would surely not do
more than their old proportion Of il, and very
probably, for time. would do less. leaving an in
creased part To white laborers, bringing their
labor into greater demand, and, Consequently,
enhancing the wages of il. With deportation,
to limited extent, enhanced wages TO
white labor is mathematically certain. Labor is
like any other commodity in the market-in-
crease the demand for il, and you increase the
price of it, Reduce the supply of black labor,
by colOnizng the black labOrer out Of the coun-
try, and. by precisely much, YOU increase the
demand for, and wages Of, white labor.
But it is dreaded that the freed people viii
swarm forth and cover the whole lands Are
they not already in the land! Will Liberation
make them any more numerous! Equally dis
tributed among the whites of the whole country
and there would be butone colored TO seven whites.
Could the one, in any way, greatly disturb the
seven! There are many communities now having
more than one free colored person TO seven whites,
and this, without any apparent consciousness of
evil from it, The District of Columbia, and the
States Of Maryland and Delaware, arc all in
this condition. The District has more than one
free colOred to six whites; and vet, in its fire.
quent petitions to Congress believe il has
never presented the presence of free colored per-
sons as one of its grievances. But why should
emancipation SOUTH send the freed people noTth7
People, of any color, seldom run, unless there be
something TO run from. Heretofore colored people,
to some extent have fed north from bondage,
and now, perhops from both bondage and desti-
tuition. But if gradual emancipation and depor-
tation be adopted, they will have neither 10 fee
from Their old masters will give them wages,
at least until new laborers can be procured; and
the freed men, in turn will gladly give their la
Dor for the wages till new homes caa be found
for them, in congenial chimes, and with people of
their own blood and race. This proposition can
be trusted on the mutual interests involved.
And, in any event. can not the north decide for
itself, whether 10 receive them!
Again, practice proves more than theory, In
any case. has there been any irrupton of colored
people northward. because OF the abolshment of
slavery in this District, last springi
What have said of the proportion Of free col
ored persons to the whites in the District is from
the census of 1850, having no reference per-
sons called cOnirabands, nor 20 those made free
by the act of Congress aboishing slavery there.
The plan consisting of these articles is re
commended, not but that restoration of the
national authority would be accepted without
its adoption.
THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION ADHERED TO.
Nor will the war. nor proceedings under the
proclamation OF September % 1862. be stayed
because of the Recommendation OF this plan. Its
timely adoption, ! doubt not, would bring restora-
ton, and thereby stay both
And notWith standing this nian the racorn-
mendltiou that Congress provide by Law for COM
pensating any State which NAV adopt emancipa-
ton, before this plan shall have heen acted upon
is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would be
only an advance part of the plan, and the same
arguments apply to both.
THE ECONOMICAL ASPECT OF EMANCIPATION.
This plan is recommended as a means, not ia
exclusion of. but additional TO, all Others for re-
storing aud preserving the national authority
throughout the Union. The subject is presented
excuclusvely in its economical aspect The
plan would | am confident, secure peace more
speedily, and maintain il more permanently than
can be done by force alone; while all il would
cost considering amounts, and manner Of pay
ment, and times of payment. would be elsier paid
than will be the additional cost Of the war. if We
rely solely upon force. IL is much-very much
that it would cost no blood at all.
The plan is proposed as permanent eonstitu.
tional law. Ii cannot become such without the
concurrence OF. first, two thirds Of Congress and
afterwards. three-fourths Of the States. The
requisite -fourths Of the States will neces-
sarily include seven OF the slave States Their
concurrence, IL obtained, will give assurances Of
their severally adopting emancioation, at no very
distant day. upon the new constitutional terms.
This assurance would end the struggle now. and
save the Union forever.
do not forget the gravity which should char
acterize paper addressed To the Congress ot the
Nation. by the Chief Magistrate of the Nation
Nor do | forget that some of you are my seniors,
nor that many OF you have more experience than
]. in the conduct of public affairs Yet trust
that in view of the great responsibility resting
upon me. YOU will perceive mo want Of respect to
yourselves. in any undue earnestness may seem
TO display
COMPENSATORY LMASoIPAIIUS AGAIN URGED.
Is il doubted, then, that the plan | propose. IL
adopted. would shorten the war, and thus lessen
its expenditure of money and Of blood? Is il
doubted that 10 would restore the National au-
thority and National prosperity. and perpetuate
both indefinitely? Is il doubted that We here
Congress and Executive-can secure It's adop-
tionf Will not the good people respond 20 a
united and earnest appeal from usI Can we, can
they by any other means, SO certainly. or so
speedily. assure these vital obectsf We can sue
ceed only by concert. Ii is not. "can any of us
imagine betterl" but. "can all do betterf"
Object whatsoever is possible, still the question
recurs, ''can we do betterl" The dogmas Of the
quiet past are inadequate the stormy present
The occasion is piled high with difficulty. and
must rise with the occasion. AS our case 5 now,
so we must think anew and act anew. We
must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall
save the country
PERoRATIoN-MoRE ABOUT THE NEGRO.
FeIlow-citizens, we cannot escape history We,
of this Congress and this Administration, will
be remembered in spite of ourselves. No per-
sonal significance, or insigniicance, can spare
one or another of us. The fiery trial through
which we pass, will light us down, in honor or
dishonor, to the latest generations. We say we
are for the Union. The world will not forget
that we say this. We know how to save the
Union The world knows we do know how to
save it, We-even we here-hold the power,
and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom
TO the slave, VIC assure freedom to the free-hon-
orable alike in what we give, and what We pre-
serve. We shall nobly save meanly lose the
last best hope of earth. Other means may sue
ceed; this could not fail. The way is plain,
peaceful, generous, just-a way which, if follow
ed, the world will forever applaud, and God must
forever bless.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
December l, 1862
IMPORTANT DEcIsIoS-The Supreme Court Of