East Saginaw courier. (East Saginaw, Mich.) 1859-18??, 1862-04-22
.SAHN SN

compared to il; for secession comes with
arms in its hands; it announces mission
of hostility and death; il appears as an
| hnplacable enemy, bat the Austrian
scheme plays the hypocrite. 1t Processes
/ friendship and devotion to the Union. II
speaks the language of fcignel patriot
ism. II opens its arms to decoy the ma
ton into an embrace which will press the
life and power of freedom out OF 1t. Why
does it do this? Why do Sumner, Chan
der, Phillips and their brother fanatics
and agitators, propose this to the country?
Is it because they love the constitution
because they desire the restoration of the
Union? The constitution aud the Union
are one and inseparablc. The first is the
soul, the latter the body. Violate the first
and you destroy the latter. Turn the
latter into mere aggregation OF prov
inces, and YOU have trampled the first
under foot. 1t may live in the govern
ment archives. 1t may remain upon the
statute books, but il will have as little
efficacy in protecting the liberties of the
people as the soul of deceased patriarch
has to control the dust which once formed
his body, but is now a component OF a
tree or some other body. In Ia word, the
Union which the abolitionists sustain is
not one which exists or ever has existed.
1t is a Union to be formed according to
their ideas of right and wrong; mere
despotism in which the consciences, pas
sions, or vices of few shall give the law
to the many. Whatever they think is
wicked in Others, or convenient to them
selves, they propose to destroy or to es
tablsh. If they are fond of Maine
law, they insist that everybody else
ought to be fond of it, and, therefore,
that the whole power of the government
should be used to establish the Maine law
system everywhere. Indeed this smile
Is not altogether an imaginary one. Even
at the present session of Congress the
idea has been preached that the tax bill
ought to be framed 20 prohibit the manu-
) facture and sale Of beer and alcoholic
drinks, and next winter we shall expect
Chandler, who wrote letter, when run
ming for Governor of this State, in favor
of the prohibtory liquor law, to apply
the principle of the absolute power of
Congress to the liquor question.
When once adespo:ic power is assumed
there is no limit to it's exercise. When
it grows into precedent, it is prolific of
; every oppression which men can imagine.
(. It matters not what preteXt gives it
Y birth-whether as in France, terrible
: social and political evils need correction ;
whether, as in this country, abolition and
secession have plunged the people into a
t fratricidGl war, endangering the national
, existence No necessity robs unrestrained
> power of its danger to liberty; no people
can try the experiment of how much
: they shall leave to the mere wills of their
e rulers, without jeopardizing all their
0 rights. Hence the question with think
ing men is not, nor ever should be, is
slavery wrong, is slavery right? Or, to
state the abstract principle correctly, the
G question in all political matters, is not
o whether right or wrong, but whether
] rulers have the power. If they have not
it is no answer that they ought to have;
and if they have, it is no answer that
: they ought not to have. The elementary
( rule of freedom is, that the government
, is founded upon the consent of the gov
crned, and that consent, in this country
is embodied in the constitution. In that
S instrument the PEOPLE have expressed
their wills; but if they define the limits
of all governmental power-prescribe
the subjects over which Congress and the
President shall exercise authority. Who
ever essays to control other subjects, is a
usurpcr. Is not this plain? Congress
are elected to do what the constitution
prescrbes the general government may or
: shall do. What right have Congress to
n exceed this? Every one will answer,
i. "no right" Now, the constitution pre-
scribes Congress shall make no law re-
specting an establishment of religion, o:
i prohibiting the free exercise thereof, oil
o abridging the freedom of speech, or Of
f., the press" So the same instrument pro-
vidos that "the powers not delegated tc
. the United States by the constitution
nor prohibited by it to the States, are re
served to the States respectively, or &c
the people," The fast of these provis
ions prohibits interference with religious
S opinions-thc latter confines the power o
/, Congress to the grants of the constitu
s. ton. 1t leaves the control of the liquor
l. question, of slavery, of the punishment
e of crimes, and all other domestic ques
e tons, to the States and to the people,
&c Congress, therefore, have no more powe
n to abolish a State than to establish rell
Ie gion. Now, the Sumner scheme answers
r "But slavery is wrong. We abolish
is States only to abolish slavery" Suppos
y this same reasoning to be applied to reli
n gion. Suppose Sumner and his set t
e announce that the religious belief of
It certain sect is wrong, or that it is not re
= ligion in the sense of the constitution
a AM, .ha, therefore, it may be interfere'
@ with. Would not the answer be at once
e "you can't do that You violate the con
% stitution." "Oh, but You are an infdel
t, The constitution ought to give me tn
S power to stop infdelity; therefore, vii
lie assume it," is the answer of Sumner, ant
4 so he would go on, making his conscience
r or his lack of conscience, the organic Law
IF of the land, just as Bomba, Francis 10
d seph, or any other dcspot does.
g In truth, no process Of reasoning cal