Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-09-29


half way indorses the Presidents emancipation
proclamation. II is our purpose at this time only
to refer to two points it makes in its effort say
something upon the subject. The first is this:
The proclamation is too sweeping in enamel
pating the slaves of loyal in the rebel
States.
The Journal and the Republican prints gener
ally have asserted over and over again that there
i large Union sentiment in the South now
overridden kept in allowance BY the usurpers
who have control of the State Governments,
which only needs protection to be developed. Is
not the proclamation, if il could be made effect
i've. gross injustice to that class? The Journal
consedes that it is wrong in that regard. Again,
il says:
Wherever that proclamation can be made ope
ratve. there the rebellion loses its foundation
And how is il 20 be made "operatveY" Can
il be in any other way than by overthrowing the
rebel armies. and occupying rebel territory7 Until
our forces conquer the rebels the proclamation I
cannot be made enective--it Is as imperative, as
useless. "a the paper upon which it was written.
Even il the President had the right to issue the
edict of emancipation. it was ill-timed and un-
necessary. What he intends to accomplish by il |
has been practiced wherever our army has had the
control And il would have been far wiser if he
had lett the whole matter TO the fate of the war.
That would have been the true policy. But the
proclamation opens the discussion OF the |
question: and the effect will be 10 introduce con
tention and doubt where harmony and confidence
are necessary TO our national salvation. Instead
of weakening it will give strength and vigor to
the rebel The freeing of the slaves as
proposed by Mr.. LINCOLN would not only destroy
slavery, but il would be the destruction of the
slave States. and loyal and disloyal would suffer
alike. The sympathy of common interest will
consolidate the entire South. and instead of weak
ening the rebellion the proclamation will help to
recruit. the rebel armies and excite renewed zeal
aud still greater efforts in their cause.
If the President has the right free the slaves,
as il is claimed that he has under the war power,
as means necessary to suppress the rebellion, he
would have an equal right. Tor the same purpose,
TO make bondmen of the negroes. 1t the sc
ceded States are yet within the Union, as
Mr. LINCOLN and the party he represents
pronounce them 10 be, certainly the Con
stitution must be operative over them.
In that case is not his proclamation usurpaton
of powerg Ii the seeded States are not in the
Union. and are not subject to the Constitution.
then proclamation BY the President to free the
serfs of Russia would be just as operative as the
one he has issued
fair construction of the Journals argu-
mentS. If they can be dienified as such. amounts
10 just this: that in lis view the means iustfes
the end-that the President can, in the prosecu-
ton of the war. do just what We charge against
the rebels. disregard all constitutional obligations
Ii violation Of the Constitution and the laws by
the rebels IS a crime similar acts by those who
claim To be loyal citizens are none the less
censurable.
Emancipation proclaihations have been tried
before The British Government in both the of
the revolution and in the war 1912 issued proc
lamations offering freedom TO all slaves who
would join it, cause or come within their lines,
but few responded. Then the sentiment of our
own country revolted at what was Justly regarded
acts of barbarism- In the controversy which
arose upon the subject in the war of lsl2-l5.
JoHS Quincy ADAMS, then Secretary OF State, in
behalf of our Government, thus characterized this
measure of the British Government:
They (the BRITISH had no right to make any
such temancipation) promises to the negroes.
The principle Is. that the emancipation of an
enemy's slaves is not among the acts of legt-
innate war; relates the owners. il de-
struction of private property nowhere warranted
by the nsages OF war.
rive years atterward Mr.. ADAMS most emphat-
ica'ly denied the right of belIigerent to eman-
cipate slaves. de said:
No such right i acknowledged as law of war
BY writer's who admit any Limitation. The right
of putting 10 death all prisoners in cold blood.
and without special cause. might as well be pre-
tended 10 be law of war. or the right TO use
poisoned weapons. or 10 assaSsinate.
Such we're the sentiments of JoHS QUINoY
ADAMS and our Government in 1915 and in le2O.
In LIS, Lord DuSxoRE. the British Governor
of Virginia. attempted to promote the interests of
the British Government by offering freedom to ali
slaves who would rise and assist him What
says British historian in regard to this Infamous
measured
IL the colonies, and even IN all other countries
tended 70 disturb society in lis very foundations
60 engencer mortal suspicious. and to excite
race natural, ierocious. to vengeance and muir
der.
The colonies then were in rebellion against the
British Government According TO the Journal
the rebel States occupy the same position toward
the Federal Government a. did The colonies 10
Great Britain. equote from that print in con
hrmatlOn:
We believed, and still believe. that the true
province OF Government i not more TO preserye
Itself than 10 adapt Itself 10 the demands of the
governed. and that war to maintain Gov
eminent over those who believe that they would
be better of under another, i unwise. cruel and
in Americans, inconsistent Journal, January
~. le6l
IL is said thar the proclamation of Lord DuS
sosf was not merely useless: il was pernicious;