Wood County reporter. [volume] (Grand Rapids [i.e. Wisconsin Rapids], Wis.) 1857-1923, 1862-02-01
How Will it End.
BY J. ". BACON.


progress of events during the incep-
tlon and the prosecution of the war
thus far, cannot have failed to perceive
that a wide difference exists between
putting down rebellion and securing
permanent peace. Enough has been
developed already to show that the
causes Of the war is not attracting that
attention which is essential to secure
a settlement on terms that will render
the peace enduring and perpetual
Oar leaders and people are SO anxious
to get out of this war that they are
persistently striving to bring it to a
close without inquiry as to its cause
Nay, worse; they are striving to make
themselves believe that the real cause
Of the war did not cause ito believe
a lie, and thus to hush up present diff
fculties by carefully preserving, guard
ing, protecting, and nursing the cause
which produced them, thct it may
wears hence bring forth another rcbell-
ion with It's awful horrors.
There is indeed a feverish, sensitive,
and all pervading feeling in the com
munity III regard to the slavery ques-
tion-amounting almost to universal
conviction that IT is the parent Of our
troubles. Slavery is an exciting ques-
tion-a more exciting question than
war War can be talked about, writ
ten about, discussed in every way, free
Iy and fully, and it is highly patriotic
to advocate it, and more patriotic to
enlist in it and fight in 1t {; but it is We
ry imprudcnt to discuss slavery, not to
say Ticious. In all high quarters there
is manifest the clcarest intention to
avoid it. We can bombard HatteraS,
storm the mask batteries of Bull Run,
butt our brains ont against Manassas,
meet death in the camp or in the field i,
but we cannot march up and confront
slavery. We can cOnstrue the cOnSti-
tuition so rs to enable us to raise ar
mics to kill our "Southren brethren" ;"
and the President can find ample au-
thoritv or, if not authority, ample cx-
cuse for taking the property of the peo-
pie to pay the expenses Of batchering
the rebels, but to give freedom to a
slave appails him; anil if, under the ne
cessities Of warfare, the thing is likely
to be done, the President suddenly re-
members that it is not authorized by
law, and he ''most cheerfulIy' interpo-
ses to save the law from violation, and
the master from loss.
This very ticklishness on the slavery
question when we are so comparative
y cool and moderate on the war itself,
shows at once how fcarfuly vital is the
connection between it and the war, and
also the depth Of the conviction of the
people that such is the case.
1t seems as though we are willing to
do anything and suffer anything, rath-
er than allow slaves to become free
There is not quite SO much squeamish-
ness about depriving the master Of the
US, Of his slave as there is in allowing
the slave to obtain any advantages out
Of it.
The ingenious application of the
term "contraband" to slaves was sup
posed at first to be clever dodge
which would answer the end of weak
ening the master, without freeing the
slave, but it proves TO be completely
harmless to the masters as q body, and
stands forth to the world confession
of our cowardly design to sneak be
hind paltry subterfuge in order to es,
cape doing justice to the race which
we have oppressed and trodden under
foot. We dare not do Justice. We
dare not even so much as allow that we
can be driven by force of circumstances
to emancipate the slaves, who are
now employed by their masters in run
ming the bullets which are to kill ouL
sons and brothers. Dare we?
Then why interpose al act of Con
gress? Why go to the extreme Of al
interference to construe an act OF Con
cress to mean that it shall not be done