Holmes County farmer. [volume] (Millersburg, Ohio) 1857-1926, 1862-05-08

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and the Constitution gives you implicitly
all Of the powers incidental to it. The
war power, as it may be called, gives you
that. Does it include power hostile to
the Constitution itself =? That would
nave been a strange harmony indeed
No, sir; all must harmonize with the
Constitution.
There are some gentlemen, sir, who
seem to me to think that no war meas
ure can be Of sufficient energy that does
not find its beginning and sources some
where outside Of the limits Of the g on
stitution. Bnt the Constitution is a
tame, sober instrument that yields moth
ing to peace or war. 1t has no scnsa
tions. 1t has no en- thusiasms. 1t is a
calm, steady, cold rule Of the Govern
meEt at all times, through the night and
through the day, through storm and sun
shine, through peace or war. That is
what it is 1t does lack those sensations
which we have in high degree. They
seem to think that some portion Of these
unconstitutional enthusiasms must come
into a war measure to give it efficiency
and force. Not bit of it,
Mr.. Chairman, the Constitution is our
strength. 1t warns the heart Of the peo-
pie, and it is their defence and protection.
! What has filled the fields with six hun-
dred thousand men in arms in opposition
to this rebellion? 1t is the Constitution,
the bond Of freedom, the bond Of free
I Government. Let that admonish us that
our strength is in the Constitution, and
that it is not in the sensation sort oil
measure which we attempt sometimes to
&c. up here as more forcible than the Con
stitution. 1t is not the phantasy nor the
chimera which politicians may delight in.
But what do the beople delight in?--
/ What makes them rush to battle and to
lay down their lives to preserve? 1t is
the Constitution. 1t is known to the
/ people-known to their wives and chill
dren. 1t is the heritage Of the poor man,
that puts him upon an equality in point
Of rights under the laws with the highest
and most alistocratic in the land 1t is
our spear and shield. 1t is our strength.
1t is that which has guided our Army
and enabled it to overpower all who op
posed it. That is your strength; never
let it go. The more faithfully you adj
here to it, the more constantly you wor-
ship it, and show by your acts that You
will do nothing not warranted by 1t, the
more you viii have the favor and conf =
/ Gence of the people, and the more the
/ Government will have strength. All
outside is mere alteration, all outside is
delusiye, there is no strength in it. Ad-
here to that as the line Of our policy
Allow of no policy, indulge in no prac
tice, that shall take you beyond the limit
of your power. The limit If your power
is the landmark of the rights and privi-
leges of your constituents. Its limit to-
day protects me. You may struggle
against its limits. We as Legislators
may struggle against the limits that con-
strain us, but they defend the limits which
protect the interests and the rights of the
people. Whenever you enlarge your
! powers by going beyond the Constitution,
/ you diminish their rights ol enlarge their
rights. The people are for the Consti-
tuition whether you are or not, and we
must thank Heaven that it is so.
Mr.. Chairman, have but little more
to say, and but little time to say It in.
Other measures are proposed. You pIo-
pose the confscation of all of the prop
erty Of rebels, their aiders and abettors.
Let me ask gentlemen to consider for a
moment what is the extent of this rebel
lion? What is the number Of people
who would be included in this procrip-
ton? The rebels, their aiders and abet-
tors in ten States Of the Union? Who
should be considered by legal interpreta-
ton as aiders and abettors? All who
have paid taxes? All who have made
contributions to support the rebellion?
/ All who have taken up arms, or all who
have given aid and comfort to those who
have taken up arms in support of the
rebellion? How many would that leave?
Too many, | fear, Mr.. Chairman, have
voluntarily taken part in the rebellion;
many have taken part through intimida-
ton; many through fear; many not
knowing what else to do. Here is a
plain man, not versed in public affairs,
knowing that his State took a particular
direction, finding the secessionists usurp-
ing the State under the forms of law,
and prescribing his duty. He is incapa-
bic of arguing these questions with the
leaders of the rebellion. Shall he be in
cluded? You take the principal and his
aiders and abettors. Gou include all;
You include ten States. The exceptions
will be but very few, if you consider who
are the principals and who are the aiders
and abettors of this rebellion.
Here are these ten States, and by your
law of confscstion you prescribe man,
woman, and child AS my honorable
frind from Massachusetts, Mr.. Thomas }
said yesterday, you take no notice Of any
discrimination in the guilt of those par
ties. He who temps and he who has been
tempted stand upon an equal footinG.-
Your Justice does not stop; your ven
geancc, at least, does not stop. to make
discrimination. a promiscuous, a
universal decree Of prescription goes for
ward, and all a reimpoverished, and all
are striped of every particle Of property.
What a measure it Isl There is nothing
human in it but its presumption. Who
ever heard of human decree before,
that should strip of all the comforts OF
/ life, which would Stlip Of all the means
1 of substance, which would strip Of clo-
thing and of bread, five millions OF peo-
pie, in bill of one section? Did ever
human presumption and human crime
rise higher than that? Gentlemen will
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