Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1862-12-03
Observation-Disclosures.


These words are sometimes used inter-
cnangeabir, but they are by no means srnony-
nous. We are considering them now, of
course, as they apply to slaves and slavery.
TIE first applies TO person, or to persons, the
other TO slavery system.
The President in his proclamation does not
propose to abolish slavery, but only to eman-
cipate certain slaves. His authority, under
the war power reaches persons, bat does not
tonch laws. They remain as they were. He
has power under the laws of war. and also by
express statute, to confscate the property of a
rebel. horse, for example; bnt how absurd
would it be TO say that his doing so interfered
with the abstract right of all men to own horses |!
re bel may lose his horse to-day by conGsca.
tlnn bnt he has 4 perfect right to buy another
to morrow, if he chooses, or is able, to do SO.
Just so it is in the before us. If every
slave in Virginia or South Carolina should be
set free on the first day of January next, the
people of those States may Immediately pur-
chase another set, ifthey can find them for the
laws authorizing them to do SO remain as they
were. They cannot. however, re -enslave the
persons emancipated, because the proc la :
nation expressly declares that they shall be
s.fcrever free''
While, therefore, the abstract right to hold
slaves reinins intact. practically that prociama-
tion will work an abolition of Slavery. But
it has nothing to do with laws i: impinges
upon reserved rights of States but simply
lays its hand upon certain kind of property
which it finds existing, and which gives
strength, aid and comfort to the enemies of
the country, to persons who have by their own
act renounced their allegiance to the govern
ment, cnt themselves off from all claim to its
protection, and placed themselves in the atti-
it gives to another set of persons is but an un-
avoidable incident in the procedure.
However right, and just, and proper, aboli-
tionism may be in itself, or however wrong,
unjust and mischevous-it matters not which
view we may take of lit has nothing to do
with the question before us. A man might,
therefore, with consistency argne that Slavery
is right in itself. and that it is in perfect ac-
eordance with the divine law, and yet argue
that, inasmuch as it constitutes the main
strength of this great rebellion. il is the duty
Of the government to strike it down as means
of national salvation.
We must in all honesty admit, that, how
ever desirable it may he to abolish Slavery, this
PROCLAIM alton of which We are speaking does
not do it. 1t only emancipates certain persons
found in specified condition; yet it gees as
far as the President has right to go /; still its
practical effect will be the abolition of the
system. He has not interfered with the slave
codes even of insurgents States. They stand
as they did and all the talk we have had
among the opposition about violating the Con-
stItution, and invading the reserved rights of
the States. is mere bosh. The President has
laid his hand upon what certain persons once
claimed as rights, personal rights, but which
are rights no longer; and this he did, not as a
policy in peace, but as necessity in war.