The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1862-11-06
sl.5O PER ANNUNH IN ADVANCE.
The Eove<idt.ns e's Proclamation.
To;tha, Editnrs of tho RnSton, DAILY

| 'EfRse IL EseSa0$.1s SIS FrOcl&AnalaOAs '
| Toithe Editors of the Boston DAILY
! Advertiser :: ales- vaaa .a...f.. .rrrT aa
There are three questions concern
ling the Presidents emancipation proc
lamation. One, has he constitution
al poWe; to issue il az a civil, political
or administrative act Fhe second,
was it expedient? The third, has he
constitutional power as commander lln an Ter
mischief to issue it, at this time as a
military act. '.'-'''a .'.' . .
These questions are perfectly dis
.tinct. ~ One Of the most common and
most fruitful causes. of error upon all
subjects is the mlngling of questions
which are distinct IN themselves, but
SO near each other that they confuse
each other. .lGamw5yo) sl5 taa.au.
I Judge Curtis mingles these questions
SO entirely, that no study OF his pamph-
let enablesrne to see clearly as to much
of his arguments upon which of these
questions it is intended to bear. pi3J9.
I Let US seperate theselquestions. j
| am sure that the president has no
power to emancipale a single slave, as
a civil, political or administrative act.
Was it expedlent F? n leave this
question to the president. For he is
honest, he is capabld ; he has consid-
cred the question long, carefully and
painfully and in all the relations in
which it can present itself. However
wise | my be, or Judge Curtis may be,
on this su ect the president must be
wiser, or all rules of probability fail.
As to the remaining question: have
not the slightest doubt Of his constitu>
tional right as commander-in chief, to
issue this proclamation as military
act. rafn.a..aai- a.- t.asifes-f
If Halleck, when before Corinth
might have sent a force a hundred
miles to catch and bring into his ranks
hundred negroes with the wagons,
horses, land provisions they were bring
ing 70 b auregard. the president and
commander>in chief, sitting in thu
centre with wider views, wider neces
sites, may,it' he can, prevent the whole
mass of slaves from laboring. to feed
the rebellion. He may, if he can, by
the danger OF insurrectiOn, u starva-
ton, or OF loss OF property, dishearten
the rebels and drive their armies home.
To say otheraise. would be to say
thai he might strike at rebellion, but
must be carefui not to strike away It's
corner stone.
Can he do it in fact This question
touches the expediency of the meas
ure, and tIfislI leave to him. But it
doesnot touch his military right To
threaten it, and do it ii he can. ,a.,ya.
Judge Curtis speaks much and elo~
quently of the presidents right to in
tllct, penalty and ''Punshment,"
and the rights of the rebels to the pro
lection of the law. 9 e.-.a 9.g 4
Rebellion has no rights. Il rebel
lion means anything, it means the re,
nunclst ton add destruction Of ali law.
And therefore it is accursed before
God and man. .E7u".r 4lt 10 i
No rebel has any right, a regard to
which should weaken or obstruct any
military measures needed to subdue
the rebellion. -> III '--'. -.-
Judge Curtis argument W 'uld give
the constitution and the law to the reb /
els, as their sword to smlte with, and
their shield to save them, and leave it |
10 us only as fetter.
Then he tells Us that the innocent
must suffer with the guilty. This is
true, and it is sad. But when tt min
gled fire and hail Of Gods vengeance
run along the ground they pursue no
devious path that they may leave the
homes of the innocent unframed !; for
when national sins bring national ca
amities, the innocent suffer with
-he guilty. This may be one
he mysteries of providence; it is
at all events fact. Aud what
las been will be. " 1yW grew -a.
ruEopuJrITs PARSONS t