The daily Green Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1861-1865, 1862-04-15
MONTPELIER, April IA, 1862

paper vi tuo lAtn lEet., Sou no'ioo "' QUILL.
length Fast Day discourse preached by me, and
published in the Watchmaan. With the general
tenor o. the criticism have no fault to find
My impression however Is, that if you had pub
lished the text by the side of the commentary
your readers would have perceived that you Ia
bored under IA misapprehenslon of my meaning
| enclose that PORTION of the sermon in respect
to which your remarks are made, regarding tho
extract itself a sufficient reply to your strict
ures. 1t may not, indeed, show that there is no
difference in our views but think it will at least
have the merit of stating my views as should
desire to have them expressed. | would, how
ever, say in answer to your alluslon to Calhoun
motive in adopting the State Rights theory OF
the Constitution that in point OF fact 1t was not
- Slavery as you affirm, but the tariff, upon
which that theory came into conflict with the
Government IN the days OF South Carolina null
LITIGATION. But the theory existed long before
that, before even tie days OF Calhoun. Cal.
noun was not its origin, but its most distin-
guished advocate. And when Jackson laid his
hand upon it in Cahoun's time, he said that
" the institution of Slavery would furnish the
next occasion for carrying into effect that tLeo
ry of States Rights" If | am wrong in my
statements in the sermon, [ have the honor of
being wrong in such company as Jackson s,
Webster and Clay sly
So also in respect to Garrison do not mean
that he originated the "centruization theory of
our Government, but | mean simply what |
said, that he and his followers in all the les
SEEMING shades Of opinion Che consciously, they
more or less unconscously,) have been trying to
use the General Government 10 weaken or de-
stroy the vested rights of the States. If he de-
spared OF succeeding in his mad attempt, and
retired from the Union and Constitution in u
hut, and came back to his allegiance recently,
since he thought he could succeed, that does not
dsprove him To have been the most able and
consistent champion Of the Capitalization theory.
And as | suppose that the States Rig hts theory
Is practically dead here at the North, | am Al
loss 10 see why any one should object to the true
Republlcan theory of our Government, as it was
upheld 10y the trainers and defenders of the Con-
stltution, unless they are more OF less imbucd
with this other false theory, which would use
| the Federal Government to subvert The guaran-
teed rights of the several States. If there are
such persons at the North, whether they call
themselves Gar1isonians, or repel that title, |
most surely meant them in my discourse. Go
most cert ,inly hope that &" | lave spent much
time and labor to annihilate very insignificant
party but am fearful FROM indications that
|
you or may think possible. May ask why
even you show SO much sensltiveness when have
| but attempted to rebuke two false theories OF!
the Constitution, and to persuade the people to
walk in the cold ways" of the harmonzed
several States? (2)
whether regard the Republican party, or its
| al hoyn ia1 IN, hrIpp
about this conflict. But if you think the an
ower is not sufficiently plain, | will say, that if
there are any Republicans or Democrats, or men
of any other party whatever, whether leaders or
privates, who have thought in their hearts or
strlven by their votes to make the Federal
Government subserve the interests of Slavery,
which is, according to the true theory of the
Constitution, local and State institution, 50
as to make it national or, to use Its powers di-
rectly or indirectly to the detrment and over
throw of Slavery in the States, and to stretch
it one hairs breadth beyond its true idea, to in
hict injury upon the South, did most certainly
and unqualihedly mean those men. But if you
mean to ask me whether | am Republican,
answer, that | am not q un,i of any party,
though when have voted | have voted with
the Republicans, but that as my sermon shows,
do thus Tar most cordially approve the wise
course of our excellent, faithful intelligent and
honest President. And shall continue to ap-
Prove him SO long as he bends his whole strength
against treason in the United States, and doe,
not use his exalted powers to injurc, OF
destroy, or territoriaH:e any one Of the United
States. (3)
One word further and have DONE You ask
what meant by the exclamation, "Great God
on whose hands is that blood?" The printer
made it an interrogation, as if | was enquirns
for the responsible authors of 81 much misery
AS written and spoken it was an exclamation
designed to express my horror of its responsible
authors But have no objection TO answer it al
Il question. And first let me say that do not
regard those who fought and died on the blood,
field of Pittsburg as responsible for the sacrifice
Those martyred heroes o! both Sides for heroe,
in courage and devotion they were, would fol
the most part have still been living and pursu
ing their peaceful avocations their fathers would
have still have been rejoicing in fondness. the
mothers and wives would not to DAY have beer
mourning over dead sons and husbands, anc
grieving over that long absence which shall
know no return; but for the desperate schemeso
the politicians and partzans who have beer
drifting away for many years from the tru,
idea of our Government. The flint and the stee
have produced the spark, and if We have hat
any hand in producing or in provoking tn
present state of affairs in our country it become
US to humble ourselves before the God of GU
fathers and repent in dust and ashes. (4)
Truly yours,
w. ii. LORD
The following is the extract from MIR. Lord
sermon alluded to above: