The New York herald., 1862-07-15

two or three weeks we can reinforce our Vir
ginia armies to the extent of ahundYsd thousand
men, it may save US vast amount Of human
life and thousand millions Of dollars, which
may otherwise be required for the suppression
Of this rebellion. Now II the time for action
five woxld save the Union. We can. Let
action, then, be the word.
Fighting In Earnest-Dswn with Al
Traitors.
This is the crisis of tho rebellion. It Is morc
than this: it is the crisis of the country. There
is no longer time for argument, indecision or
delay. Every reasonable man has now arrived
at the conclusion that the rebellion must be put
down, and that it must be put down by force.
The repulse from before Richmond is to this
final act Of the drama Of rebellion what the
surrender Of Fort Sumter was to its prolog ne.
It closes the argument at once and for
ever. There is no TINS left for talking, and
there is nothing left to say. Hencefort3 we
must have only action, action, and again action.
We are done playing with war, and must n0w
fight in earnest. The order Of the day y,
Down with all traitors.
This civil war has dragged its slow length
along for fifteen months. It could have
been, and ought to have been, settled
in half the time. It has already cost
the country six hundred millions of
dollars. The greater part of this immense sum
has been wasted and stolen. Up to this date
thousands of lives have been lost upon our bat
tie fields. Thousands of these lives have been
thrown away, unnecessarily sacrificed, wan
tonly squandered, heedlessly murdered. The
bones Of our dead soldiers would make
Gelgotha monument higher than that Of Bum
ker Hill. The money already spent upon this
war would have given competencies 70 mil
lion Of people. In return for this immense
outlay Of blood and treasure, what have we
gained? Arc the rebels subdued? On the
contrary, they seem stronger than ever. Is the
rebellion at its last gasps 1t has to-day more
soldiers in the field than the Union. Have we
succeeded in reviving the Union feeling at the
South? Why, every day the two sections drift
farther and farther apart every day we be-
come more and more ignorant of the sentiments
of the Southern people; every day that this
accursed rebellion is permitted to continue the
number of Southern Union men becomesless, rs
theold Union seems more powerless andirsrnote
and the new confederacy more powerful and
successful What, then, have we gainedr In
spite of our brilliant victories, our naval su-
periority, our numerous but isolated triumphs,
wshave practically y and in results gainedvery
little and lost very much.
What, then, shals We do next! Shall we gaye
up the war, dsbanh our army and navy, andllet
the rebels 60 in peaces Never 1t is too late
to think of such a course The recognition Of
the Southern confederacy by our own govern
ment is no longer among the contingencies Of
this war. Tho rebels may defeat our
armies and capture our capital-these are pos
sibilities-but tbs rebels can never conqper
their independence. The conflict has assumed
new and sublimcr aspect We have to de-
eide. now, not whether the rebels can be
subdned, but whether the country Is. to
be saved The question is no longer
the putting down of the rebellion, but
the salvation Of the nation. We are
in o csd de sac, from which our only escape is
the suppression Of the rebellion by force. Fif-
teen months ago we might. perhaps, have
peaceably divided the Union;. but such adivi-
sion is now utterly impossible. Later still, if
there had been one great statesman in the
country, we might have reuaited the nation by
compromise, or by diplomatic appeal tothe old
national feeling against fsreign foe; but now
no compromise is possible, and the only di-
plomacy left us is that of the sword Like
Alexander, we cannot unite, and must cut, the
Gordian knot of our affairs. Like Cesar, we
have passed the Rubioon, and must advance.
Like Csrtez we have destroyed oil means Of
retreat, and must fight the matter out The
crisis d no longer the comparatively insigni.
fcant affair of the secession Of few States, but
It is the crisis of our national existence. What
Rome suffered during her intestine conflicts
what France suffered during her revolutions
what England suffered during her civil wars
this republic is suffering now. From these cruel
pangs we must emerge . great and united nation
or tho Kissing, the rcproach, tho scoff and the
byword of the world. II we succeed we shall
rank the first among nations. If we fail
Liberty Is dead, aud we die with her. But VIZ
shall not fail IL from past experiences we learn
the secret of success and prosecute the wal
with united North.
Beg the question as you may, there can b
no sane doubt but that the cause of our i'll sue
cess thus far has been the want Of unanimity II
sentiment aud action at the North. Those sbo
lition fanatics who adore the negro and despis'
the Union have distracted our counsels, i'm
pedsd our armies and neutralized our advan
tapes. To strong but divided North we hav'
had opposeda weaker but more united South
The result was certain; for unauimity is power
1t is now quite time that we had this power O
our own side. The aboltionists are the onl
faction which prevent this, and therefore pre-
vent victory. The abolitionists in the Cabine