Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1862-03-15
liz FKDERAL ooNenRss.


WASHINGTON, March 4-Ssaats-The morn.
| ing hour having expired, the consideration ol
the c0nhscation bill was resumed, and McDou-
gall, Of California, continued his speech from
yesterday against the measure. He declared
tne measure to be vi5iOnary-nOt ia the grasp OF
the power OF the government. It was as If we
We're endeayoring to cOuuteract the wavs of
Providence. 1t has for its object. though NOT
ayOwed general emancipation, to follow In the
course OF our armies. We are to colonize these
negroes, aud where2 On lands in some of the
territories which were formerly colonies of Spain
not lands held in whole by any government.
but cut up into individual proprietorships What
| kind OF prices would We have thus TO pay ?
There would be any number Of agents and com
| bnatous OK spectators with the lands
Ihe colonization of four millions of people
thus was an impracticable thing. We would
have to uphold and support these people. as il
were maintaining foreign government beyond
our limits There was no constitutional power
tor this, besides there being no means ADEQUATE
to Its Immense expense. Mr. McDougal passed
to other branches of the subject, aud dwelt
upon slavery as an evil but not to be dealt with
IN the way proposed. 1t was ike many other
evils with which society was afflicted for which
there was no remedy except through the iuhu-
ence OF time and circumstances as affecting the
interest and convenience of those affected by it.
In this connection, he referred to she fact that
the steps which were being taken some years
ago by the State of Virginia MARYLAND. Ken
lucky, etc, were necessarily thrown back by
the mischieVous Vaccinations of the abolition
lists, and their benhcens policy thwarted by being
put On the defensive.
He thought that men in high position should
lead rather than follow an enlightened public
opinion. This he should supposing his opin-
lngs not TO be at the time popular, endeayor to
do, giving reason therefor, and endesvoring TO
influence by argument and the sense of right.
lie cOunselled clemency, now that our gigant C
strength had been put forth, and the South had
telt our might. In days of triumph the great
virtue was magnsnimity, as was charity in the
days of pesce.
Mr.. COwau, Of Pennsylvania, spoke at length.
and elOquenty, against the bill. Il would not
be denied, he supposed that at least one half of
the people in the seeded States acted on the
side Of the reb .Ilion and the sweeping character
of this measure, affecting at least all these would
make its passage the historical event Of the times
Shall we, lie asked, undertake to E5erate the
slaves IN the rebelGous States, or leave the in
habitants TO direct their own domestic affairs
This was no way TO reconcile these people Il
was proposed to revive the old policy OF forfeit
ures, which in ancient times applied only 10 the
special few; but now il was 70 be applied TO the
many. Whatever property may be forfeited,
however, it did not apply 20 the liberation Of
slaves. That was another thing altogether, and
by such policy three millions perhaps might be
manumitted in incompetency. The measure
would embitter southern feeling and serve TO pro-
lcng the war indefinitely.
The emigration scheme connected with this
would need the miraculous agency OF Heaven,
rs did the EXODUS of the Israelites Was it ex-
peoted that quails ard mama would fall tor sus-
tenance of those millions Burdened with the
great cost of the war we could undertake no
such gigantic scheme. Pass the bill, and all
that is lett of the Constitution is not worth
much He was aware that many thought the
Constitution a restraint UPON the free action Of
the nation. But he thought that everything in
that instrument was salUtary and equal to all
emergencies. He proceeded at length to show
that the measure was impracucsbie, uuconsttu-
bOnal aud unnecessary. The statutes were SUI
hcient for the punishment OF treasOzsRapd any
rebel captured becomes subject thereto, and en-
titled 10 trial through the courts
He cited the Constitution to show that no for
feitme could extend beyond life, and penalties
could not be multiplied so as 10 sUbvert the
general prohibition and statute The bill was
ia effrc bill Of attaiuder while the COusttu-
ton declared that no such law should be passed.
Aud 20 the selling Of this seized property,
who would buy it We might as well expect
TO seek the brink Of a volcano before the lava
was cold. But, supp0sing that il could be sold,
q terrible neighboFho0d relationship would be
the result as al must know
Mr. C0wsn then considered the question Of
policy with people who were expected to return
to their allegiance but who might naturally
teach their children and their chiljreu's children
to hate those who would thus take their property.
lie cited historical, legal and national law su-
thorties against the policy, and showed that that
which was left by the man even in arms for the
support of the wife and children was 70 be held
sacred, and the home which sheltered and sus-
tanned them, whether it be a mansion or howell
And yet it was proposed by this bill to strike
down aud conhscate the mansion OF him who
owned broad acres as well as the cabin which
sheltered the slave
There was no more power under the Consttu-
ton now than heretofore. If Jefferson Davis
had become traitor alone years ago no one
would have pretended that Congress could at
faint him or confscste his property. Il made no
difference whether it be one man or one hundred
thousand men, the rule must be the same. he |
then declared the bill 70 be absurd, as Of for
feitu.e or confscatiou, or a confused attempt at
both. On the one hand it treats those people as
bell gerents by proposing oouhscatiou, and on
the other it denies their rights as such by under
taking to legislate for them and punish them as
viois,Ors Of our laws With regard to arming /
negroes against the rebellion, he would leave it
to the President Civilization and hnmanity do [
not permit the employment of barbarOus and ig- I
nOrant races as against civilized enemy
He finally touched upon the m0nstr0us dslu- I
sion which had been put upon the people of tie
South, aided by northern knayes, he said to the [
effect that the masses Of the North designed To
abolish slavery where il cOnsdtudOua.ly existed |
These it was that lead to the rebellion. But /
he, SIS a Republican, declared against any sucn I
policy. Yet, if we pass this bill. it gives the /
rebels the energy Of despair, and viii do that I
which rebellion itself cannot do-cOnsolidste all .
classes in the South.
The light Of Christianity dictated a different I
ipirit, and led to the establishment among tue 4
Iations Of higher and better principle, contrary
O that of less enlightened and bar0arous times.
Mr.. Morrill,, of Maine, obtained the door, but
leferred his remarks and the bin was laid aside
Tue Senate went into executive session, ana
adjourned.
The House proceedings were not important or
interesting.
The FinnnciuI Resuit Of Defeat.
We have no disposition III these stirring times
% write LONG articles. But we wish to put
ew 6gures before our readers with the hope
hat they may reach the eyes OF those for whose
xpyess benefit the calculation has been made.
The Yankee papers admit that tpe United States
government has been spending 53,00O,O00
iav. The debt of the North by the trsJ of JBly
giil therefore be about 100000, 600. Add to