Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1862-07-08
w o r c f S T f R:
TUESDAY. JULY $, 1869.
George n. CurtIs-HIs Grafton.

1t is conceivable that a few persons OF strong
prejudices and weak judgment may have
found something to admire in such an address
as Mr. Curtis gave to the Boston city govern
mcnt on the Fourth. 1t is hard to conceive
that man of reputed intelligence, and famil-
iarity with the political history of the last
quarter of Il century could deliberately make
such an Grafton, and at the same time mean
well to his country. His leading and control
ling purpose was to find in northern public
sentiment and conduct the cause if not jdsti-
ficaton of the secession conspiracy, and It's
dreadful consequences. 1t would have been
easy for him to have traced some connec-
ton between the doctrines of secession and
the notification heresies of Calhoun. Does
he do so? Not at all. He has different
theory, and denies the relationship. Mr.. Cal
houn never contemplated or desired diSunion.
Mr.. Calhoun held that his notification rene
dy for grievances, was remedy within the
Union, and not an act of revolution, or seces-
sion; and, says Mr.. Curtis in effect, those
who hold notification responsible for seces-
sion, misreprcsent the doctrine as its author
understood it. Mr.. Curtis might have traced
some natural connection between the
act of secession and the purpose of
ambitious men to found new confpderacy
with slavery recognized as its corner stone.
Does he attempt the task? On the contrary
he assumes that, as a question of the welfare
of the colored race, the slavery propagandists
and extremists are right and, if there could
be Il question about that, ''our maker has not
cast upon us the responsibility Of becoming his
agents in the premises :" Mr.. Curtis enters into
long and learned augmentation to prove that
the social system OF the south and the pecul-
lar theories of state rights which long prcdom-
mated there arc innocent of all blame in this
most guilty matter. Speaking in MasSa-
chusettS To people whose sons have fallen by
hundreds in the path Of this internal warfare
upon the constitution and the government,
MIR. Curtis had the courage to arraign what
ever is yirtuous and commendable in the public
sentiment of states like Massachusetts, whose
loyalty is above suspicion, as the provoking
cause.-The cdHsG CauSaiuDs-of the rebellion.
I'VE have had, said he, "a faction, or sect,
or party,-call it what you will-constantly
increasing, constantly becoming more and
more an element in our politics, which has
made, not covert and secret, but open and I'M
disguised war upon the constitution, its
authority, its law, and the ministers of its
laws, because its founders, for wise and nee
essary purposes, threw the shield of its pro-
-tectiOn over the institutions of the south"
This the seed from which the asserted
right Of secession sprung. See first the dis
honesty of such Il statement OF the progress
of opinion in the free states. The abolition
lists who advocated disunion were always few
in number, and without influence as an ''ele-
ment in our politics. The people who
were convinced that the influence OF slay-
cry upon the country was in all its
relations pcrnicious, and ought to be
restrained under the constitutions formed the
party which became the controlling element
in the politics of the country, and of which
Mr.. Lincoln was the representative till he be-
came representative and rightful ruler of the
whole people. These are the people whom
Mr.. Curtis and his pro-slavery crew mean,
when they wish to shield from the guilt of
rebellion the southern leaders to whom their
sympathes have been during their long and
not very useful lives devoted. But the in
fernasm of this method of misrepresentation
consists in the single fact that while ii Is false
to the well-understood truth of history, it mis-
leads and deceives the large class Of people
who if they had other means Of information
would look with candor if not with favor on
the objects which the government expects to
accomplish.