Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1862-08-21

for measure which, if carried out would add this vast
amount to cur public debt at moment when the trea
suy was reeng under the enormous expenditure OF the
war.
The right to hold slaves is right appertaining to all
The States of this Union. They have the right to cher
sh abolish the institution their tastes or interests
may prompt and no is authorized to question the
right or limit It's enjoyment. And no one has more
clearly affirmed that right than you have Your inau
gura address does you great honor in this respect and
inspired the country with confidence in your fairness
and respect for the law Our States are in the enjoy
ment of that r'ht We DO not feel called upon to de-
fend the Institution, to admit it is which ought
to be cherished perhaps we were to make the at
tempt, might find that differed even among our
selves 1t enough for purpose to know that is
light and 50 knowing. did not why we should
now be expected TO yield it, We bad contributed our
lu share to relieve The country at this terrible crisis
had done much had been required OF Others in
like circumstances and did lot why sacrifices
should be expected of from which others, no more
loyal were exempt.
Nor could we see what good the nation would derive
from it. Such q sacrifice submitted to by Us would not
have strengthened the of this Government or weak
enCd that OF the enemy. 1t was not necessary as
pledge of our loyalty, for that had been manifested be-
yond reasonable doubt in every FORM and at every
place possible There not the remotest prob bity
that the States represent would join in the rebellion,
nor IS there now; Or OF their eectDg to GO with the
Southern section in the event OF recognition Of the IL
States fixed uualterAby IN their resolution to ad-
here to and support the Union the no safety for
themselves and hope for institutional liberty bat by
its preservation. they will, under circumstances,
consent TO It's dissolution, and do them than
justice when you that while the war is con-
Quoted 10 prevent that epl0rabe catastrophe they will
sustain 1t as long as they muster man or command
dollar. Nor will they CONSENT IL any event, to unite
with The Southern Confederacy The bitter fruits of
the peculiar doctrines OF that region will forever pre-
vent them nom placing their secur and happiness in
The custody OF an ASSOCIATION which has Incorporated IN
ts organic law, the seeds Of its own destruction.
This latter class are not dsuniO0Sts per Sc g; they
are Cniy SO because they have been made to believe
that this administration is nmlcal TO their rights and
Is making war On their domestic Institutions AS
long these two CLASSES act together they will never
assent to peace The policy then, 10 be pursued, is
obvious. The former class will be reconced but
the latter may be- Remove their apprehenSi0ns sat
isy them that h nm is intended TO them and their
Institutions Sat this Government is not making war
their rights property but is simply defending its
legitimate authority, and they will gladly return to their
allegiance as The pressure Of military dominion
imposed bybthe Confederate authority is removed from
them.
Twelve months ago, both Houses Of Congress-
adopting the spili OF your message, then but recently
sent in, declared with singular unanmity the Objects OF
the war; and the country Instantly bounded to your side
to assist you in carrying 1t 1t the spirit OF that
resolution had been adhered to confident that
should before have the end of this deporable
conflict. But what have we seen? La both Houses
OF Congress have heard doctrines subversve Of the
principles of the Constitution, and seen measure alter
measure founded in substance those doctrines pro-
posed and carried through which have other ef
feet than distract and divide loyal men, and exaspe
and drive still further from arl their duty the
people of the rebeIouS States = ,|tary officers, fol-
lowing these bad examples, have 8.cpped beyond the
just limits OF their authority in the direction,
ill., IN several instances, you EaVe telt the necessity
interfering to arrest them. And even the passage o.
the resolution to which you refer has been otentatous
ly proclaimed the triumph OF principle which the
people Of the Southern States reg-rl ruinous tC
them. The effect of these measures was foreold
may be seen in the n0urated state Of SOuthelr
! feeling.
To these causes MIR. President, and not to our oms
sion to vote for the resolution recommended by you, W.
solemny believe to attribute the terrible earnest
ness Of those who ia against the Government
| and the continuance OF the Nor do we (permi
US to say, MIR. President, with all respect for you
agree that the institution of slavery is the lever
their power" but OF the opinion that the leve
OF their power is the apprehension that the power
| of a common Government, created for common ant
equal protection to the interests OF a will be wiede(
| against the institutions of the Southern States.
There ore other idea in your address feel calle(
on to notice After stating the fact Of your repuda
ton of General Hunters proclamation, you add
" Yet in repudatirg it, [ gave dissatisfaction if no
|
ford to lose this is not the end of it, The pressur
in this direction is still upon me, and is increasing b
concedirg what I ask, you relieve me, ant
much more, can relieve the country on this importan
point"
We cannot admit. Mr..President, that if we had vo
ted for the resolution in the emanc patton message 0
| March last, the war would be substantially ended
We unable to how action IN this particula
has given could give encouragement to the rebel
lion The resolution has passed and if there be vir
| 1olf1, hol
ted for.it. We have power to bind our States il
this respect by votes here and whether we hat
voted tie way the other, they are in the same
condition Of freedom to accept reject its provisions
No. sir the has Lot been prolonged or hindered b.
our action on this or any other measure. We mus
looi.tor other causes for that anencd fact. We thnl
there is net much difficulty, not much uncertainty, il
pointing out Others lar probable and potent il
their agencies to that end.
The rebellion derives its strength from the union
all classes in the insprgent States and while tha
union lasts, the will end until they utter
! Iy exhausted We know that at the inception Of thes
troubles Southern society was divided and that arg
portion, perhaps 0ry, opposed to secession
Now the great mass of Southern people are united
To discover why they must glance at South
ern society, and note the casSs into which it has bee
divided, and which still distinguish it. They are i
arms, but not for the objects they are moved
common end. but by different and even inconsisten
reasons. I he leaders, which comprehend what Wa
previously known as the State Rights party, and
much the lesser class, seek to break down national il
dependence and set up State domination. With thei
it is a war against nationality. The other class
fighting, it supposed, to maintain and preserve il
rights of property and domestic safety which it ha
been made to believe assailed by this Government.
We have seriously looked into this passage to discove
its true import but yet in painful uncertaint,
How can We, by c1nceding what you now ask, Fl
ieve you ard the country from the increasing pressul
to which you refer? We will not allow ourselves
think that the prOps on IS that consent to give
slavery TO the end trat the Hunter proclamation ma