Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-07-14

suppose tnat Sucn an luea might suggest an IN
curry into the limits of human responsibility. 1t
is not allowed among sound moralists, that there
is any rule which authorizes a statesman to undo
an original wrong, at the imminent hazard of do
ing another wrong, ms great OF greater; and there
is no rule of moral obligation for astatesman that
is not applicable 10 the conduct of a people.
Setting aside, then, for > moment, all idea of
constitutional restraint, let me put it to eich one
of you to ask himself how many persons there
are in all the North, on whose judgment you
would rely for n reasonably safe determination as
to what ought to be done with slavery, having a
single view to the welfare of that race? OF
course | do not speak Of d~isposing of a few hun
dred individuals, but of general measures or
movements affecting four millions of your fellow
creatures. Ii has been my fortune, in the course
OF life, to know "A few truly great statesmen in
this our Northern latitude, and to know many
other persons, for whose general opinions on
what concerns the welfare of the human race |
should have profound respect. But l have never
seen the man, born, educated and living away
from contact with slavery as it exist in the
South. whom / could regard as competent to de-
termine what radical changes ought to be made
IN the condition of a race. OF whom all that We
yet know evince their present incapacity to be-
come self-sustaiuiug and self-dependent. Long
continued applause and some Kisses In such a
case. it appears to me a very plain moral propo-
sition, that our Maker has not cast upon US the
responsibility Of becoming his agent in the prem
ises. Applause and Kisses But it further ap
pears to me that, in this case, he has surrounded
my moral responsibility with other limitations
which | cannot transcend. II the order of civil
society in which | am placed imposes on me an
obligation TO refrain from acting ON the affi irs of
Others: ii | cannot break that obligation without
destroying the principle of a beueicent govern
ment and Overturning the foundations of proper
ty; il | cannot use means which | am tempted to
employ, without danger or unspeakable wrong;
or ii the utter ineficacy of those means is appa
rent to me and to all men-what is my duty to
Him who sets the moral bounds of all my actions?
Ii is to use those means, and those only, against
which he has raised no such gigantic and insuper-
able moral Obstacles. That any valuable mill
tary allies can be found among the negroes of
the South; that any description of Government
custody or charge of them can become more
than a change of masters, and that anything but
weakness to the national cause results from pro-
jects that look to the acquisition of national
power over their condition. truths on which
the public mind appears to be rapidly approaching
a settle conviction. Applause
| add one word more upon this topic; and l do
it for the purpose of saying in the presence Of
this community that any project for arming the
blacks against their masters deserves the indig-
nant rebuke of every Christian in the land.
[Cheers and Kisses When the descendants of
those whom Chatham protected against miais;e-
rial employment of the indian ~scalping knife so
forgot the civilization of the age and their own
manhood as to sanction a greater ~atrocity. we
may hang our heads in shame before the nations
of the earth.
But there is another aspect of this matter,
which it would he entirely wrong to overlook.
The great army which has rallied with such ex
traordinary vigor and alacrity to the defense of
the Union and the preservation of the Consiitu-
tior-which has endured so much. and has ex-
hlbited such heroic qualitieS-is not a standing
army of hired mercenaFies. 1t is an army OF
volunteers, of citizen soldiers vino have left their
homes and entered the service OF their country,
for Il special purpose which they distinctly under
stand. Permit me to say that you are bound to
remember this: or, rather let me cast aside the
language Of exhOrtatiol, and assert, in your
name, that YOU remember it, with pride and ex
%ultation. The purpose for which these men were
asked to enter the public service was the protec-
ton of the existing Union and the existing Con
%stltution from attempts to overthrow or change
them by organized violence; and that purpose is
the most important element in their relation to
the Government. No other army in the world
ever entered the service OF any power, with an
understanding so distinct, so peculiar. so circum-
scribed in respect to the objects for which it was
u " Z uSed, 81 uIcChl duule>S0l 10 tue mOfoi
sense and intelligent judgment of intelligent men.
| can not doubt that L speak the sentiments of
nine men out of every ten in this community,
when | say that to change that purpose, and TO
use that army for any other end than the defense
OF the Constitution rs it is, and the restoration of
the Union of our forefathers, would be a viola
ton of the public faith. Applause.
1t Is now proposed to enlarge that army by a
further call for volunteers. Let them come forth
making no conditions with the Government lap
plausel; for the Government has made its own
conditions, and has made them in accordance
with the letter and the spirit of the Constitution.
The purposes and objects OF the war, as declared
at the beginning, can never be changed. unless
the peop'e shall be so untrue To themselves as to
compel a change; aud when they do that, they
will be themselves responsible for the defeat of
their own hopes.
There is yet another topic, on which, as it
seems TO me, we ought carefully aud soberly to
reflect. l mean the history of opinion concern
ing the nature Of the Union, and the causes
which from time to time have produced disorgan
lied doctrines respecting it. But let me ask you
here not to misunderstood me. | seek no occas-
ion to fasten upon particular persi ms one or an
other measure of responsibility for what has oc-
Cured; aud, therefore, in pursuance of a rule
which | have imposed on myself in the preparl-
ton of this discourse, the na ne OF designation of
no living man in the North or the South, will
pass my lips this day. Applause
Whoever is well acquainted with the political
history of this country since the adoption of the
Federal Constitution, must know that there have
been developed at various times certain strange
opinions concerning the nature of the Federal
Union, the foundation of its authority and the
character of the obligations which We owe to it.
In general the people of the United States have
been content to rest upon that theory respecting
their Government, which has always prevailed in
its official administration in whatever hands that
administration has been lodged; this theory being
that the central Government holds certain direct
and sovereign but special powers over the whole
people, ceded to il by the voluntary grant of the
people of each State. But a sense of injury in
certain localities, springing from wrong supposed
to have been committed or meditated by the
ruling majority. or by those who at the time exer
cised the power of the majority, has not unfre-
quently led men here as elsewhere to indulge in
speculations and acts quite Inconsistent with the
ouly basis on which the Government can be said
to have any real authority whatever. To emu
merate all these occasions or to recite the intem-
perate conduct that has attended them in periods
of great excitement. is unnecessary. But there
is one of them which may serve rs a simple H.
lustration of all that / desire to say on this special
topic.
1t is commonly said-snd with much logical
truth-that the doctrines of Qualification lead, by
natural steps. to the doctrines of secession; and
the late Mr.. Calhoun, who is Justly considered as
the patron, if not the author. of the former, is
also popularity regarded as the father of the latter.
But it is important for US. in more aspects than
one, to know that Mr.. Calhoun did not contem-
plate or desire a dissolution of the Union. He
adopted a doctrine respecting it which does in
decd lead. when consistently followed out, to
what is called the constitutional right of seces
sion; but he did not see this connection or intend
the consequence. There is reason to believe that
20 L. l.~ l...w .Lo