The Burlington weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington [Iowa]) 1860-1876, 1862-04-05

slaves who are preaching 70 the free colOred peo
pie OF Baltimore. have this day in my family
manumitted slave who has the privilege q
teaching school. A manumitted slave Of my
own family is with me now. and is teacher ol
school. There is no restriction whatever in
Maryland upon education Of any sort in regard
to the colored population. g4'
Mr.. HARLAN. / would inquire at the Leel
of that remark of the Senator if he has any dis.
/ position to murder them? e
Mr.. KENNEDY. None whatever; but there
is a natural opposition that exists between two
/ antagonist Faces Of people; and the colored race
regulated people Of my State, men, like myself
and other gentlemen who represent the State,
who are struggling everywhere to prevent the
dominance of rule that might be exercised by
an antagonistic class.
| Mr.. HARLAN. And il the Senator does not
feel savage disposition to murder his freed
man, does he say that the mass OF the slavehod
ers of his State less civilized than himself ?
Ar. KENNEDY. Not one particle more than
the people of the gentleman's own country seem
disposed to murder tn, white people Of my Sec
tion. a.
Mr. HARLAN Then, il neither he nor his
| fellow. Shareholders in Maryland now entertain
such disposition, apprehended that no such
cruel result will fow from the liberation Of slaves
that do net live in his own State, but live under
! different Jurisdiction. No, sir, these Senators
| have misrepresented their own people; they are
not the savages they have portrayed on this
| aoor doubt not they are in possession of all
the elements Of humanity, humanity that has
been cultivated highly, cultivated we'll, and that
| they would be as far from numbering colored
men, merely because they are free, as would or
| the people whom represent
Mr.. DAVIS. Will the gentleman allow me
| word? ft 49,
Mr.. HARLAN. Certainly.
Mr. DAVIS. The gentleman certainly mis-
conceives or misrepresents the argument that
made. The position assumed, and which en-.
deavored to sustain by argument was this: that
| if slaves were liberated in States where they
| exist in great numbers, without colonization, it
| would give rise to war of races that would lead
| to the results which the gentleman is now dep
| recating; and maintain that that is true po-
sition.
Mr.. HARLAN. I think that that might pos
sibly be brought about through the teachings of
such gentlemen as those who now represent these
States on this floor. They declare on the floor
| of the American Senate in the face of Chris.
| tian nation, In the face of two hundred millions
| of Christians now living on the earth, that if
! men are to be liberated from slavery that is
more CALLING and degrading than any that has
ever existed on the face of the earth from the
commencement Of time down to this moment,
| their people will rise and murder the poor freed
men. They say so without expressing SO much
as regret. They declare it as q prophecy
They thus inculcate its rightfulness They thus
teach their people, that in their opinion this
wholesale murder would be right, or at least, the
| result of q weakness to be tolerated. They thus
approve and justify this savage feeling-if it ex-
lists; but, sir, it does not exist I viii! defend
the people of Kentucky, of Maryland, of Della.
ware, and Of this District, from any such SLAM
derous aspersion. They entertain no such pur-
pose on their part as the indiscrimina;e murder
of the colored population, il they should become
free. doubt not but that the public sentiment
that now exists, induced by the shareholders them
selves, in the States to which have referred, is
bitterly opposed to the liberation of the slaves;
but if these slaves should be set free, it will be
effected by their own Legislatures; and if thus
set free, no such savage war would arise. Nor
is it probable that their liberation by the exer-
else OF arbitrary power of which there is not the
slightest apprehension on the part of these Sen.
ators themselves, could such an historical anon.
ally be produced.
The Senator from Massachusetts, very aptly
inquired of Senators who have rung the changes
on this supposed calamity, to inform the Senate
when such wholesale murder ever commenced
between members of the same community On ac-
count of race? Can any Senator put his hand
on the page Of history that records it? None
have, and none can. You say that if two races
are thrown together as freemen, they will neces.
sarily engender war OF determination. Such
war never did commence between two races of
free people; and until the laws of the human
mind and the human heart change, never will.
You cannot point to any great people that has
ever existed that has not been composed to .
greater or less extent of, 80 called, different ra-
ces You may refer to any of the great empires
of antiquity-the Chaldean, the Persian, the
Assyrian, the Grecian, and the Roman empires,
and you will find that they each embraced peo-
pie Of every kindred, tougne, and race, ard from
every cline. 1t has been so of every highly en-
lightened and prosperous people since cviliza-
ton dawned. 1t is so now of the most polished
and powerful nations of Europe and Asia. In
proof, need but cite the British and French
empires. Tosay that men of different, so called,
races are natural enemies to each other, and will
commence and wage q war of determination
when brought into contact, is q libel on human
ity. 1t is a libel on the Author of the human
race. The Almighty never implanted such feel
ings in the human heart. They never have been
cultivated by an enlightened people. Wars of
extermination exist only among savages; and
with them only between belligerent tribes.
But was drawn away from the argument Of
the Senator from Delaware, that if the fifteen
hundred slaves who are now the chsmbermaids,
and the bootblacks, and the BARRIERS, and the
hostlers, and the wood choppers and wood saw
md md ~, ov~J
carriage drivers and laborers on the gardens and
grounds that surround this magnificent palace
shall be liberated, somebody will commence a
wholesale murder.
Mr. SALISBURY. said no such thing. If
the gentleman is alluding to me, / did not say
word abou. it.
Mr.. HARLAN. am most happy to hear
the Senator recant the doctrine have attribu-
ted to him.
Mr.. SALISBURY. l do not recant any
thing. / said nothing of the kind.
Mr.. HARLAN. The negroes then will be
saved. There is no danger of this wholesale
murder.
Mr.. SALISBURY. will reply to the gen.
tleman when he is through.
Mr. HARLAN. There is no danger of this
war of determination, at least in the streets of
this capital; and the fifteen hundred slaves
now laboring quietly under the control of their
masters will probably not be murdered by their
former owners if they should be liberated /
would almost guaranty that the liberated slaves
will not murder their masters if their masters
will not murder them. The mere fact Of their
liberation could hardly incite them to such
diabolical course of conduct. Why should it
If they prefer to live under the shelter that
their masters have provided for them, and to
labor day by day without wages for the gratu-
| ity they may receive from the hand of their
former owner their legal freedom win not COM
| pei a severance. I will not vote for law to
compel them to leave. The Senator desires us
to do so he proposes an amendment to this
bill that win compel these poor men to leave
their kind masters, to 90 homeless and penni
less and friendless into land of strangers.
voted against. his proposition. l am disposed
to leave them where they now are, and let them
work on for their masters; if their masters
choose to pay them for their labor, all well;
and if they decide to work on without pay,
be it SO. fperceive no motive that can arise
| nuf or xbo ra,noyol ~ tho larol ohon loo fhot