The daily Green Mountain freeman. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1861-1865, 1862-05-03
The Need that Treason should be Punished.


1t is unquestorably safer in the rebel States
to be traitor than loyal man, and there is
no doubt, since the war commenced, the course
pursued by the North in their treatment of trait
ors has been such as to lead even loyal inclined
Southerners to side with their own Government,
tor the time being, for safety at home, knowing,
as they very we'll knew, that when the rebellion
was suppressed there would be no punishment
in store for them from the United States au-
lhorities. Defences of all kinds have been inter.
posed, on all Sides in favor Of the rebels, as soon
as the policy Of rigor has been pressed in the
treatment of traitors. We have been told that
armed rebellion must be put down, of course,
by force, and by methods sharp enough to ac-
complish that result, and that few of the lead
ers of she rebellion must be punished, but that
beyond this, the Government must not 90. In
sanity, delusion, ignorance, have been pleaded
by those who chose to stand for the time. as
the next friends - of the rebels, as a bar to
visiting all rebels with the terrors Of the law,
and the flaming sword Of IA justly incensed au-
rhority. Has this been is it still true policy
We think We may safely say that in order to
prevent treason IN this Government, or any
Government, it ought to be made both unproiu
abb, and dangerous. Treason, as matter Of pol
icy to save property, is still treason, just as it
would be murder to kill man for the same rea.
son. We know, as we ordinarily estimate mo-
tives, that the man who has become traitor be-
cause his State has rebelled and his property
would be otherwise confscated, has something
to plead in mitigation inasmuch as he may say
that he served the Government that protected
him and his property and the Federal Govern
ment could hardly answer completely such a
plea. Yet that is, for the moment, the case in
all instructions and rebellons that make any
head against the established authority. and if it
Is to be regarded as sufficient answer to the
charge of crime would entirely change the char
ac,er of the laws against treason. 1t rests, in
fact, upon the faliacious ground that allegiance
is due to the de tacto and not to the de jure gov
eminent. and that it is no offence for tho citizen
to transfer his fealty just as he finds may best
secure for the hour his personal safety and the
security of his property. This is an unsafe and
dangerous Interpretation OF the duties of citl-
zenship.
We can understand that the duties of the cti-
zen and the government are reciprocal, and that,
when the government fails to protect the citi-
zen to the utmost of its ability, the citizen may
have some excuse for transferring himself to
some government that will protect him. But
he has no excuse for this course unit he has
resisted to the utmost of his individual power.
and until the government has had time and op
portunty to restore its authority And at best
it's but the plea Of cowardice or selfshness. 1t
was long ago said, and it has been the patriots
motto from that time forward, that " it is sweet
and beautiful to die for ones country" The
man who prizes bis property or his life before
the stability and permanency of his government,
especially in government of the people, has no
high claims to loyalty.
Our fathers who established this Republic
risked everything to make for themselvesa coun.
try, and their descendants who have consented
in order to save the peggarly jewels of trade
that another flag should wave over one. third of
the Republic, have proved degenerate and selfish
and have bartcred their birthrgbt for peace and
pottage. Such men are entitled to less rcspcc,
than those who have rsked both life and prop.