New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1862-09-24

tegr1l part OF tDe AntiICdH phi""' A'"'' -
we look at tho matter, and institute some
what closer comparison, we find that the con-
nccton of ireland with the English throne,
originating in one of those /" conquests when
Lord Brougham so much dcprecates, and since
sustained by crueltes which no honest writer
can extcnuate, does afford ground Tor re-
belion; while the "Confederate States III
their present revolt are without the shado"
of an excuse. 1t is not enough to say
that iealousies existed. 1t is not enough
to say that fierce discussions bad arisen
between the North snd the South. There can
be no apology for this Instruction, except III
actual unnis;akable, and tangible wrongs en-
dured: and even these would be Insufficient
morally and politically, unless it could also be
shown that the sufferers had exhausted all
possible means of redress, either by legislative
or judicial processes. We wish that English
men when they undertake to critlclse American
affairs, would, if only now and then, abandon
their safe aud convenient congratulations, and
dwell little upon the facts. We have re-
pcatedly called attention to the pregnant CIR
cumstance that the Rebels have to this hour
never presented to the world the smallest man
ifest OF their injuries. In the chancery Of
civilized nations, they have never filed the most
meoecr bill of particulars. There has been
good cause for this; the world would have
listened but codly to the record of splenetlc
dissatisfaction, OF eccentric prejudices, and OF
selfish discontent-of ambition unqualified, OF
hatred baked by tue majesty of the law,
and of an unreasoning violence which
cha fed ut the smallest restraint. IL Is
because the Rebel States Lave really
aud morally no cause to sustain and no IN
jurics TO redress that they have been so retl-
cent of rational speech, and so youble in the
utterance of old catchwords, moldy slogans,
ard stale commonplace. 1t is odd that man
of Lord Brougham's reputation should be de-
ccived by th,m. II is strange that he, who Is
considered to be- quite universal scholar,
should know a bit of law, little chemistry a
morsel of philosophy, something Of poliica
economy. more or less of metaphysics, ana
should know absolutely nothing Of the Amer.
can Constituton-so little, indeed, as to be-
unaware of the fact that it is the fundamental
law OF the land, aud that in DO possible sense
can war in its defense be called war OF
- conquest" Iipstayes who catch rogues are
not couquerors." The constable who carries
pickpockct to Bridewell is not "cou-
0ueror." The thief who breaks jail certainly
asserts bis independence and Is in pursuit
of his elderly" But we do not believe that
his aspirations would appear Ia be remarkably
sublime, even 10 Lsrd Broughams catholic
mind, If tie thief had been in custody for
pickitg bis Lordshps pocket, or stealing his
Lordship's plate.
There seems 10 be notion prevalent IN En-
cli.h society, that the American Union was
originally a limited copartnerslnp from which
any member has n right for any whimsical
reason 10 withdraw, upon its own mere motion,
and without the slightest regard for the wishes
or interests of its associates. But the least
reference to the history Of the formation of
the Union will utterly explode this feeble
hypothesis. The question was argued aud it |
was settled before the present Southern bel
lgercnt eXpounders were begoticn. The men
who established the Union may be- reasonably |
supposed TO have understood what they were
about--to have known what they desired 10
effect, aud to have been capable Of eilecting IT,
The identical question OF the right OF state
to withdraw from the compact, was debated
and decided at the very time when the
compact was adopted. We quote only Alex
l.. / fl...N
very meaning of the term, includes supremacy
Ii is rule which those to Nhom IT is pre-
scrlbed are bound TO preserve. This results
from every political association. If individuals
enter INTO state Of society, the laws Of that
,ociety must be the supreme regulator of their
conduct. If a number Of political societies
enter into a larger political society, the laws
which the latter may enact, pursuant to the
powers intrusted to ii by the constitution, must
necessarily be- supreme over those societies, and
the individuals of whom they are composed.
IT WOULD OTHERWISE BE MERE TREATY,
DEPENDENT ON THE GOOD FAITH or TIE
PARTIES, AND NOT A GOVERNMENT; WHICH
Is ONLY ANOTHER WORD FOR POLITICAL
POWER AND SUPREMACY"
We have nothing Of our own TO add TO this
lucid exposition OF thc nature of the Union
from the pen of one of the most celebrated OF
its founders. II is not a copartncrsbip. Ii
does not exist by virtue of a Treaty, but by
virtue Of A LAW. BY what authority, then,
does Lord Brougham, or any other Lord,
pretend that the United States are wagug
war Tor conquest To assert this, is to
be guilty OF a gross pcryersion of the record
and of lanCuapr The SUPREMACY of fine Gem