The Memphis union appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1862-1862, 1862-07-25
LITTER FROM Mr.. CONWAY.
YELLOW spRINas, O.. Julr n.


the moment when the waves seem parting for
its path TO freedom, ard none but Pharoah
could pursue-you might shrink from the
cruel sneers and filings contained in your lead
ing editorials of yesterday. If what you say
were the truth, it wers hard, bitter truth, and
considering the millions of human beings whose
hopes are extinguished BY it, would seem to
call for sorrow rsther than sarcasm in its ex-
preston,
But beg t. eriticise some of its statements.
La objecting to Mr. Grimes bill calling for an
employment of nilitis without reference to
color, YOU intimate;
|. That its chief concern Is To lug in The
| negro. 1.-THE suppression of The rebellion is
the tail end of the kite" 1t would but be do
ing justice to the common sense Of your read
ers TO acknowledge that il might well be re-
garded ss a strong military measure If we
| could take several millions now working with
and for the rebellion, and obtain their labor
with and for its suppression.
?. You intimate that proclamation calling
out the black militia could not reach the
blacks of the Confederate States. But those
who have not been so Indifferent to the condi-
ton of the slaves ia times past know we'll that
there are lines of Natures telegraph running
throughout the South, and as soon as they are
given the authority they will see that the
blacks hear 1t. At any rate your decision
makes it safe to try it on. [ am st loss to
know why conservatives Should bs so violent
in denouncing the proclamation which the
radicals crave, il, as they say, it would have no
access to the negroes and no effect
8 You say it would destroy all our unity in
the border States. 1t would be an admirable
detective of every treacherous heart in those
States; for no true patriot would prefer the
handful of slaves owned by loyal shareholders
"a few thousand at the highest estimate-to
the security and triumph OF the nation. And
even setting the matter at an extreme if FIVE
hundred thousand whites in the border States
change sides after such a measure it would
pay US for their loss in bringing TO our side
three or four times their number in the blacks,
whose freedom would from that moment be
identified with the victories of cur dag
f. You then make your most extended ar
gument based upon the sntipathy to the negro
IN the free States. But to the exten. Of your
argument facts do not bear you out In Gen
Hunters Department sill the free States are
represented, and indeed his regiments ara
somewhat more from the Northern aristoeracy
than others. Yet he has employed blacks 10
every capacity along with his soldiers, and his
negro regiment is IN full blast. By his letter
to Congress, and By the letters from his De-
psrtmsnt in the New York press, we ascertain
that there is an entire and even enthusiastic
support Of his policy in his ranks--not one
officer or soldier Directing. There are two or
three other points where the same results have
attended the enlistment of blacks. sse-4sv
The point you add TO have white regiments
and black regiments separately would not suit
Mr.. Grimes, since that would be NTH reference
to color, is a Misrepresentation of his plan,
which is TO caH out the militia mot to arrange
theml without reference to color.
5. You sneer at The idea of negroes being
good soldiers In this you set aside the YER
dict, derived from experience, of Napier, j ack-
son, and even Washington, who all found that
they were particularly good soldiers, and have
left their testimony to the same effect 1t is
universally admitted that the blacks under
! Toussaint were never surpassed in fighting abil-
| tiles, and that to this day the negro troops of
| Hayti are equal to the best French and Spanish.
| s. As for your concluding paragraph, con-
corning the treatment which the negroes used
by the United States should receive, would
| fain hope that it was written with your devil
| at your elbow calling for "copy,n and that
| you finished up the article hastily. Else one
might have to conclude that another kind OF
devil logged your elbow as you wrote. Is il
| sufficient to satisfy an honorable man that for
their labors it is enough to give them their
yictuals and clothes? If that would not be
just to you or me, by what principle should
we call it justice to them? aTheir condition
| would be no worse off than with their mas
ters." Certainly not, nor would it be if we
| sold them on the block to raise money for the
war You would have them Impressed and
| without wages Then if they earned more
we should compensate them by "giVing them
their freedom at the close of the war; Until
then we hold them as the nations slaves; We
take their work by force without wages, and
pay some of them with their liberty. The po
siton assumes that their liberty is ours, as if il
were so much money. Will you please chow
US the title of the United States to the bodies
and souls Of these negroes7 On this principle
rob6er might take from man all hi
money, and then asettle" the claim at tn,
end of the struggle by giving him his life.
do not feel much interest in these bills 70
confscating the negroes, or srming them
They will not put down this rebellion; no
will anything but fair and square law which
will make to every slave in the South tn
ground he stands on, Canada. The slave
would not, by an edict of freedom, be prac
ticallv freed much, if any sooner, than by tn
present course Of things; but in case ever,
one had the right to seek and maintain hi
freedom, to strike down all opposition to il
and be sustained by the law in it, SLAYER,
could only be held in the South from that in
slant by force of arms, and there are no
enough arms in the South to hold on to fou
millions Of slaves, and resist the America
aims at one and the same time. As fes tn
objection that the slaves would not hear sue
q proclamation, / would respectfully sugges
that the abolitionists would attend to that par
of the business. There is q certain old mar
} whose soul is marching on, who will bear th
| tidiDgs of liberty to every cabin and plants
. ton of the South; for he lives in the hear
of thousands, who may not have his nerv,
/ but ache to do what he did, could they do
lawfully. Until then, this nation is like
swimmer in his agony, who refuses the han
I stretched out to him because it is black; an
, the silence Of all the civilized world, whie
i would be otherwise speaking out in our b
; half, may be interpreted as saying, Let hi
drot'n. u. D. CONWAY.