Democrat and sentinel. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1853-1866, 1862-12-10

and not with the enemies of the Union.
These articles are intended TO embOdy
plan of such mutual concessions. II the
plan shall be adopted, it is assumed that
emancipation will follow, at least, II seYeral
of the States.
AS to the first article, the main points
are e: first, the emancipation, secondly, the
length of time for consummatIn8 thirty
seven years and thirdly, the compensation.
The emancipation will be unsatisfactory
to the advocates Of perpetual slavery; but
the length of time should greatly mitigate
their dissatisfaction. The time spares both
races from the evils of sudden arrangement
in fact, from the necessity Of any derauSe-
nent-w6ile most of thUse whose habitual
course of thought will be disturbed by the
measure, will have passed array before its
consummation. They will never see it.
Another class will hail the prospect of
emancipation, but viii deprecate the length
Of time. They will feel that it gives too
little to the now living slaves. But it real
ly gives them much. 1t saves them from
the yagrant destitutiOn which must largely
attend immediate emancipation in localities
where their numbers are very great; and
it gives the assurance that their p1ster!ty
shall be free forever.
Inc pitu lttN - ~ Gdtl hNttLt, ti'.iH.tl-
to act under it, to abolish slavery now, CT
at the end of the century, or ar any inter
mediate time, or by degrees. extending over
the whole or any part of the period and It
obliges no two States to proceed alike. Ii
also provides for compensation. AMI gencr-
ally, the mode OF making it. This. ii would
seem, must further mitigate the dissati-lac-
ton of those who favor perpetual slavery,
ana especially Of those who are to receive
the compensation. Doubtless some Of those
who are TO pay, and not to receive, will OBJ
iect. Yet the measure Is both Just and eco
RomiCal- In certain sense, the liberation
of slaves is the destruction of property
property acquired by descent, or by pug
chase, the same as any other property.
1t is no less true for having been often
said. that :he people of the south are not
more responsible for the original iutrOduc-
ton of this property, than are the people of
the North and when it is remembered how
unheSitatingly we all use cotton and sugar.
and share the profits of dealing in them. it
may not be safe TO say that the south has
been more responsible than the north, for
its continuance. If, then, for 4 common
object, this property is to be sacrificed, is
il not just that it be done at q common
charge2
And if, with less money, or money more
easily paid, we can preserve the benefits Cf
the Union by this means, than we can by
the war alone is it not also economical to
do it Let us consider it then. Let US
ascertain the sum we have expended in the
war since compensated emancipation was
proposed last March, and consider whether,
if that measure had been promptly accept
ed, by even some Of the Slave States. the
same sum would not have done more to
close the war than mas been otherwise done.
If so, the measure would save money, and,
in that view, would be a prudent and eco
nomical measure. Certainly it is not 50
easy to pay something as it Is to pay MOTH
ing but it is easier to pay a large sum than
it is to pay larger one. And it is easier to
pay any sum 1cheR we are able than 1t Is to
pay it before We are able The war requires
large sums, and requires them at once.
The aggregate sum necessary for compen
sated emancipation, of course. would be
large, But it would require 10 ready cash ::
nor the bonds even, any faster than the
emancipation progresses. This might not,
aud probably would not, close before the
end of the thirty~seven yeaIs. At that time
we shall probably have a hundred millions
of people to Share the burden, instead of
thirty-one millions, as now. And not only
so, but the increase Of our population may
be expected to continue for a long time
after that period, as rapidly as before be-
cause our territory will not have become
full. do not state this inconsiderately
At the same ratio of increase which we have
maintained, on an average, from our first
national censure, in 1890, until that of
1860. we should, in 1900, have a popula-
ton of 103 ,2O6, ,4l5.
And why may we not continue that ratio
beyond that period? Our abundant room
our broad national homestead Is our ans
pie resource. Were our Territory as Limits
ed as are the British Isles, very certainly
our population could not expand as stated.
Instead Of receiving the foreign born, as
now, we should be compelled to send part
of the native born away. But such is not
our condition. We have two millions nine
hundred and sixty three thousand square
miles. Europe has three millions and eight
hundred Thousand, with a population aver
aging seventy-three and one-third persons
to the square mile. Why may not our
country, at some time, average as many
Is it less fertile Has it more waste sur
face. bv mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts.
or other causes? Is it inferior TO Europe
in any natural advantage? If, then, We
are, at some time, to be as populous as Eu
rope, how soon?
As to when this may be, we can Judge
by the past and the present, as to when it
will be. if ever, depends much on whether
we maintain the Union. Several of our
States are already above the average Of Eu-
rope-sev=nty-th and a thiId to the
square mile. Massachusetts, has I57
Rhode Island, 1873; Connecticut, 90; New
York and New jersey, each, So Also, two
other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio.
are not far below-thc former having GG
and the latter 50. The States already
above the European average, except New
York. have increased in as rapid a ratio.
since passing that poiut; as ever before