Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-04-16

they were all subject 20 the same King and all
acknowledged the ultimate authority of the con-
stitutonai laws Of the empire
When the Independence Of these colonies was
established. this link. which bound each of them
70 the mother country and thus indirectly TO each
other, was severed. They became independent
States, having. each for itself power 20 make
peace OF war, or TO form alliances. offensive or
defensive, with what foreign States soeyer they
severalIy chose While IN this condition, IL -
manifest that no State had any power whatever
over any other States. Any one might have es-'
tablished slavery or abolished, and no other one
would have imagined that. in doing. II was
under any control from any other. or from all the
rest. any more than from Austria, Russia, or the
Sandwich Islands
Under these circumstances they chose, of their
own sovereign will. TO form Confederate Gov
eminent. In the formation Of this government,
each State or the people Of each State, mutually
agreed 10 commit certain powers TO the whole
and to submit the ultimate decision Of certain
questions to the majority Of the whole people
represented by their Senators and Representatives
in Congress. What they have thus submitted to
the decision ofthe majority. and nothing else can
be decided by the majority What has not been
submitted remains precisely as il was before, in
the power of the citizens of the several States;
and the citizens Of the United States have no
more to do with it, than they have with the az
fairs of Iceland.
The principle in this case, Is the same as that
which governs partnership. If twenty men put
into common stock, each a thousand dollars, on
condition that the whole, for certain purposes,
shall be controlled by majority of the proprie-
tors, OF OF such persons as they may appoint then
majority has conceded right 70 control that
property for those purposes But that is all their
power They have no control over another dol.
lar of the property of any proprietor, nor have
they right 10 control il for any other purposes
than those for which il contributed. Still
less have they right TO control the political
opinions Of proprietor, or direct in what manner
he shall educate bis children govern his famil y.
The principle in both cases is the same. and is a
very obvious one. Ii is simply this No man is
bound by any compact, any further than lie has
bound himself. In forming any society, there
are. of necessity, certain individual rights, which
man submits to the decision of the majority
But the surrender of these involves the surrender
of no other, and, in everything else he is as per
fecty independent of the power of the majority
as he Was before.
As we have. therefore. citizens, no power
over this subject, we have citizens, no respon-
sibiliiy. The guilt, il guilt exist. will not rest
upon Us as citizens of the United States. Who
ever supposes himself guilty because Congress
did not pass law abolishing slavery in the Uni
ted Statesl But this is the only manner in which
as citizens of the United States, we have any
power to act in this, or in any other case. If
then, We are not responsible, we have, citizens
no obligations TO discharge in the premises
II Whether slavery be bad good, wash ouI
Il hands OF it, nasmuch "a IL Is a matter which the
/ providence of God has not placed within our ia
Il risdicton.
n But this is not quite all. AS citizens of the
United States, We have solemnly promised TO LEI
il alone Wehave declared that we leave to the
States respectively and to the people of the States
= whatever they have not conceded TO us. This is
by universal consent, acknowledged to be one oil
the powers thus left. We have, therefore prom
ised citizens of the United States To let this
alone. The concession has been made by both
parties. and we hold the other party to it
Should the majority in Congress undertake to es
tablish slavery in one of the free States, VT
should plead this very article as a bar to theil
usurpation. But, the slavehodng States have
precisely the same right to plead it against US
should we attempt any legislation in the case
Both parties have pledged themselves to abstain
and neither interfere in the matter without
the violation of solemn compact In this re
spect, therefore, the Providence of God, and Oul
own solemn obligations to each other, precludet
any action whatever
II But 90 still further. hold that compact
\ is binding, in its spirit as well as in its letter
\ The spirit of the compact, | suppose, imposes
\ upon Inc the obligation not to do anything for the
purpose of changing the relation OF master and
slave, except with the consent OF the master
have right to declare the abolition of slavery
in another State; / have conceded that this is t.
be left to the free choice OF the citizens of that
State. | have no right To do anything to inter
fere with that free choice have, therefore, no
right TO excite such a state of feeling among the
slaves that the master shall.be obliged from phys
zeal necessity, to liberate his slaves, whether he
believes il TO be right and WISE or whether he be-
lieves the contrary This is as much a violation
of the spirit of the compact, as arbitrary act OF
legislation. The compact comedies that it is to
be left to the free will of the States, and oblige
them To act in accordance with my will, and not
in accordance with their own. This is a violation
of clear and solemn obligation. | have no con
troll over the manner in which my neghbOr shall
educate his children; and To interfere by ply sica
force, IN order TO obliCe him to educate his chill
dren As please, would be infamous. But if
stir up such a feeling in his family. that he Is OBJ
liged TO follow my suggestions in order to save
himself from being poisoned. | am equally infa-
The violation OF right is great in the
one case as i'm the other Ii a question has been
left to my decision. | claim the privilege of de
Gliding il for myself. and thank no one for de-
Gliding it for me; much less do | thank him foI
taking the decision out of my hands. and settling
il by physical force. And il matters nothing IL
me- whether lhS physical iOiCt DC eAcftel DN INV
neghbOr himself, whether he stir up another
man TO exert il. In both cases, it is a palpablC
and insolent violation of right.
But it may be said, granting all this. yet Con
greSS has right 70 abolish slavery IN the District
OF Columbia. Here are. therefore, resPOn-
stale, and OF course, under obligation. Let u.
proceed and calmly examine this question.
n | grant that the unrestrctve legislative con
troll over the District OF Columbia has been coded
70 the United States. | grant that Congress IN,
the same power over the District as the Leeisla
ture OF the several States have their own
States respectively. They have, therefore, the
power TO abolish slavery within that District.
Nay, am willing to 90 farther. | am willing
/ 10 allow that Congress has right To abolish
slavery in the District. BY right, mean that
they have the power, and that no legal obStacl,
exists to tie exercise of that power. There j,
nothing in the Constitution to forbid it. Their,
is nothing in the of ceSSon To forbid il. Ther,
is nothing in the Constitution and laws of ia,
States which does or which can forbid it. Tn,
cesSion to Congress was absolute and unre,trict
Ell. On these points | am disposed TO raise ne
question whatever
But il i always to be remembered. that it Is on,
thing 10 say that man has right to DO a partic
ular act. aud very different thing TO say that i
i right and just for him do that particular act
The right 70 10 the act NAV be absolute, but tn,
fines, and proprety and justice oiexercising thai