Wood County reporter. [volume] (Grand Rapids [i.e. Wisconsin Rapids], Wis.) 1857-1923, 1862-12-06


century past is ignorant that the result
has been an increase-embittered year by
| year in ever accelerated ratio-of Gissen-
sions, of sectional iealousies, of national
heart burDiDgs. Wheo, eighteen months
since, these eliminated in war, it was but
| the issue which our abesG statesmen.
looking sorrowfully into the future, had
long since foretod. But if, while yet at
peace and with all the influence of revo-
lutionary "reminiscences pleading the cause
of Unicn, this diversity of labor systems,
producing variance Of character and alien
alton of feeling, proved stronger to divide
than all past memories and present inter-
ests to unite, what chance is there that its
baneful power for evil should cease, now,
when to thoughts of fancied injuries in
other years are added the recollections of
the terrible realities enacted on hundred
bloody battle fields, from which the smoke
has scarcely passed away?
None-the remotest!
A suspension of hostllities we can pur-
chase; a few years respite, probably, in
which to return to our money getting, be
fore the storm bursts forth anew with
gathered force; but if we look beyond
selfshness and the present; if our children
are in our thoughts; if we are suffering
and expendlng now, that they, in a land of
prosperity. may live and die in peace, then
must we act so that the result shall endure.
We must not be content to put off the
evil day. The root of The evil-the preg-
nsnt cause of the war-that must be
eTadicated.
Report has it that western politician
recently proposed. as the best solution of
our difficulties, the recognition of slavery
in ali the states. Such an idea has basis
of truth namely, that state of war is,
among Us, the necessary results of con-
hlcting labor systems. Such an idea
might even be carried out and lead to
peace but for that progressive spirit OF
Christian civilization which we dare not
openly outrage, how imperfectly soever
We obey its humane behests.
There are a thousand reasons-geo-
graphical, commercial, political, interna
tional-why we should not consent to a
separation into two cOnfederaces it is q
contingency not to be thought of or enter.
tanned; but If aoe look merely to the condi.
tons Of lasting peace, the chance of main
tanning it would be far better if the indie
pendence OF the South We're to be recog
nized with her negroes emancipated, than
II she were to return to her allegiance, re-
tanning her slave system.
For in The former case, the cause of dis
senslon being uprooted, the tendency
would be to re-unito and q few wears
might see Us again single nation, while,
in the latter, constantly active source OF
Irritation still existing, three Years OF
brt athing time would not elapse without
bringing endless qQarrels and second re-
belion.
Conceive reunion with slavery still in
existence, imagine southern sympatbizers
In power among Us Offering compromises
Suppose the South, exhausted with mill
tarv reverses and desiring few years.
armistice, to recruit, decides to accept it
under the guise of peace and reconstruct
ton What next? Thousands of slaves,
their excited hopes of emancipation
crushed, fleeing across the border. A En-
gitive Slave law revived by peace, de-
handing their rendition. Popular opinion
in the North opposed to the law, and re-
fusing the demand. Renewed war the
certain consequence.
Or take, even, the alternative of recog-
nition-recognition of an independent con-
federacy, still slave holding. Are we,
then-becoming the sole exception among
the nations of the earlh--to make our
selves aiders and abettors of the slave
system OF foreign nation, by agreeing to
return to her negro refugees seeking liber-
ty and an asylum among US? National
selfrespect impertively forbids this
Public sentiment would compel the rejec-
ton, as base humiliation. of any pro-
! D0SaG treatU Stimulation f,r
rendition Of runaway slaves. Yet the
South would regard such rejection in no
other light than a standing menace-a
threat to deprive her of what she regards
as her most valuable property. Cotermi-
of miles would be, must not the South,
in common prudence, maintain all along
that endless border-line an armed slave
police Are we to consent to this s.? And
if We do, shall we escape border raids after
fleeing tugitives? No sane man will ex-
pect it. Are we to suffer these2 We are
dsgraced. Are we to resent them? 1t is
q renewal OF hostiiities.
State elections may go as they will
Their results can never change the fact
that any party obtaining the control of
the government and adopting the policy
that the settlement OF the emancipation
question Is to be postponed till the war
shall be closed, will never, while it pur-
sues that policy, see this war permanent.
~ closed-not even by accepting shame
tai disruption of our country.
But If emancipation is to avail Us as
peace measure, We must adopt it boldly,
resolutely, etfectually. 1t must be gen.
eral, not partial extending not to the
slaves OF rebels only, but to every slave
ticable, which it is not, with slavery nom
existent in the northern states and abol-
ished in these which persist in rebellion,
to maintain it in the narrow border strip,
it is precisely there, where negro tugitives
can the most readily escape, that its main
tenance would the most certainly lead TO
| war.
Can this great peace measure be consti-
tutionally enacted
A proclamation or (the more appro.
pirate torm) an act of General Emancipa-
ton, should, in its preamble, set forth, in
substance, that the claims to service or la
Dor of which it deprives certain persons
having been proved, by recent events, to
be of character endangering the su-
premacy of the law, jeopardizing the in
| tegrlty of the Union, ard incompatible
with the permanent peace of the country,
are taken by the government, with Just
compensation made. Under circumstances
far less urgent than these, the law or Gus
tom of civilized nations, based on consid-
erations of public utility, authorizes such
| taking OF private DrODerty for DDhlic uSp