Litchfield enquirer., 1862-05-15
WHOLE NO. 1sao.

s'f'fal WHOLE NO. 198O.sois A refusal to yield to such imperious demapds
 IS the ground upon which the rebels justify fhsis allegiance to Federal authority. fu,4sls' sdT -1 The people, acting as Q court of appeals, have , passed sentence of condemnation upon every 4 rebel. A determination +o execute the judg. ment leads the convict to cry out against coef. II cion, while dsloyal citizens stimulate his powers of resistance. and prolong his struggle by ten 4 dering him their sympathiss and dilatin9 upon 4 the horrors of civil war. .e.ss Who shall be sustained, the criminal or the I court? Which shall be successful, the rebsllion or the government? -.
 These questions are no longer open ts the or dinary modes of adjustment, for reason has eivsa place to passion, the forms of law to anarchy. and both the rebel and the loyalst, appealing q high Heaven, leave the questions at issue to the II arbitrament of the sword. fshsi19F ts1sesS While the sword may not determine the eesp stitutionality or morality of questions at issue, n
 may establish the conditions upon which the principles upon which it shall be administered. The war may determine whether the Qovsrn-
 ment, which shall continue in being after this revolution, shall recognize Slavery as divine institution, nourish and foster the system, d though it were sacred, and give it's supporters increased and undue influence and power os whether it shall continue to rest upon the prin. ciples of liberty as embodied in .he Declaration of Independence. and protect the rights of the citizen by the enforcement of constitutional law.
 The sword, may determine whether this Na- tional Union. which Washington declared was of immence value to our collective and individu- al happiness, and which he urged us to think and speak of as the palladium of our political . fv chall ho ryoA in ta integrity, or whether it shall be dismembered by rebellion
 Physical power may not be able to force Toy. atty into hearts of insurgents, nor inspire them
 with love for the Union but it can restrain out.
 bursts of violence which endanger and destroy the liberties of people, and command respect even from rebels, for government which exer- cises it's power to maintain it's own supremacy.
 For these reasons we should, to the force of these right arms. add that moral power which is drawn from the deep conviction that our cause rests upon the same pillars of justice and equity which uphold the government of Jehovah. | The decision will not be one of blind chance, but will be directed by God to accomplish His purposes, which, we trust will be the advance ment and more perfect development of such principles Of government as are essential to the well being of our race
 If 1t is true that empires lie between battle lost and battle won, it is equally true that there is great distance between anarchy on the one hand and Constitutional Government on the other; aad the interests of civil liberty human ity and christianity lie between.
 | Whether these interests, so vital to our race, shall be secured and the blessings which they bring shall increase year by year, as they have thus far, under the conservative influences of our Government, until the whole world shall feel their elevating. life giving power tor whether treason shall roll the cause of civil liberty back to the barbarism, despotlsm and infdelity of past ages,-depends under God, in great measure, upon the vigor with which We fight this battle | for freedom.
 The rebellion derives significance from it's de. velopment at this period of our history, Ifin the Spring-time of our national existence, the seeds of popular liberty had not germnatsd, or, if the tender blade had early withered and died, another form of government might have been substituted and neither we, nor the world, had known the loss.
 But we have nourished aud cherished the Fed. eral Union, for nearly century, and held up our prosperity power. and free institutions, as the genuine fruits of popular government, uutil the oppressed, under every form of tyranny, have looked with hope towards this nation. and have cherished great an3icipations of rich harvest of liberth, frow our labors, and our example. The magnitude of interests involved, and the period in our history in which they are submit ted to the dread arbitrament of war, are consid- erations which press the issue upon the mmsdi- ate attention of the American people, with an importance, ~which duty to God and to man re- quires us to meet, whatever the cost, whatever the hazard.
 In the execution of the high responsibilities, committed to our charge. we need not be care. full to take counsel of our enemies, or be guided by their opinions.
 If plighted faith restrains us from interfering with Slavery, we are under no obligations to strengthen and uphold that institution.
 Slavery has forced us into . civil war; baN insists that we have no right to uss the wafp pow- CT against her interests.
 Slavery has repudated her obligations to the Constitution and yet claims protection by vir. tue of it's provisions.
 Let us not be deceived by such iallacy. The Constitution was adopted for the mutual interest of the citizen, on tue one part, and the public on the other. He who refuses to obey it's require ments, must not expect it's benefits. Slavery, by denying her obligations to the Constitution. has opened the door for the operation of princi. pies of righteousness and justice which dictate that instrument, aud if in pressing those princi- pies to their legitimate results, Slavery shall be undermined and perish, let us rejoice that the life of the suicide is of no importance, to en.
 
 The voice of Connecticut may well be uttered at such crisis as this. Think not that it is feeble tits strength depends upon the senti- ments spoken. Resolutions for the purpose of laying down party platforms, or affecting party interests may be of no practical advantage to tho public, but resolutions which embody sound principles of liberty may like all truth, be often reiterated with benefit. .r-
 The Government rests upon the popular will, and timely and truthful manifestations of that wil upon questions of notional policy and duty. may cheer the Administration. uphold the arm of the President and his constitutional advisers. give direction to congressional legislation, send thrill of joy through the hearts of our patriotic volunteers, and materially aid in re establishing the peace and liberties of the people.
 To press this contest to a final settlements, more prolonged and vigorous efforts may be re- quired, and more costly sacrifices demanded.
 Other years of anxiety, and labor and pecuni' ary embarrassment may intervene. The burdens of taxation may be still heavier. The battles ot Roanoke Island, Donelson and Pittsburg Land. ing. may be again fought on the mountains ot Virginia and in the valleys of the Mississippi. Blood. which has ever been the price of liberty: may vet flow more copously, on new nelds of ! strife ard carnage ,,. ,.,
 The lives of other sons, even the life of Benja- min. may be required on the altar of our com
 These penalties so severe, these sacrifices 90 heart rending ;--the results of this unholy rebel 1 lion against constitutional liberty ;-are monu, ments established by the providence of God, as