Rutland weekly herald. [volume] (Rutland, Vt.) 1859-1877, 1862-05-29

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the interests Of slavery.
But our correspondent seems to think that
all those who do not approve, or see the wis
dom, of the theory of immediate and unlver-
sal emancipation, as an eilectual means Of
crushing the rebellion, are properly to be de-
nominated "the lovers of slavery at the
North" As we'll might he judge of the sim
cerity and purity Of a mans christian faith by
the violence Of the means he would adopt to
compel others to embrace it. We need not
say that We loathe the system of slavery, and
yearn for the day when it shall no longer
pollute the land. The man does not live who
regards the system with greater adherence
than we do, But we desire to so have it dis.
appear from the land, that our Constitution
shall be preserved from wreck. In other
words, we are willing to attack it, to discour-
age it, to legislate against it, in every possible
way that shall not involve violation of the
Constitution, to which we owe allegiance, and
which is the only palladium of our liberties.
We know the extremists, of whom our cor
respondent is mild represent alton, are apt
to fly into passion when anything is said
about the Constitution standing in the way OF
immediate emancipation. "The rebels" say
they, g are seeking to destroy the Constitu-
ton; why then, extend to them any of its
rights and privileges Have they not for
ieited them all The rebel States having
seeded, why, we are asked, should they be
allowed the protection of the Constitution in
their domestic institutions, or property gen.
orally" The answer to such questions is
simple and plain. All acts of secession are
void The rebel States are still in the Union,
and under the Constitution. The rebels
themselves owe it allegiance as much as ever
they did. They cannot absolve themselves
from that allegiance. They are endeavoring
it is true to des troy the Constitution; on the
the other hand it is the missl on of the LOYAL
people opreserve it. The rebels have for
feited their lives, and their property is subject
to confiscation, but they must be tried under
the Constitution and laws, and it is their
right to have such trial Their property, in
GLIDING slaves, may be confsc ated, but this,
as a general proposition, must be done by
the courts, under the forms of law and in
pursuance of the provisions of the Constitu-
ton. The Constitution, in short, is our chart
and our guide. The moment we throw that
over board, the moment we depart from its
provisions and trample it under foot in our
mad h"-t. 20 st at slavery, we enter upon
boundless sea of anarchy, and wild confusion,
and bloodshed; and passion and revenge
will be the only law, until all the horrors of
the French revolution will be experienced in
our land. We claim to be fighting for law
and order and State government against vio-
lent revolutionists, but what is our claw"
and what the guarantee of "order," but the
Constitution of our fathers, in all its parts
and provisions
However much We may deplore the fact, it
is nevertheless true that slavery existed in
most of the States at the time of the adoption
of the Constitution. 1t was social system.
recognized by the courts, and protected by
local laws of police character, and in fran
ing the Federal Constitution the exclusive
right to manage and control this local institu-
ton was reserved to the States, the General
Government assuming no control over it, and
so not making itself directly responsible for
its existence. The General Government was
granted the power, it is true, to abolish the
slave trade, and to exclude slavery from the
Territories and it was made its duty to
restore fugitives from labor held to service
under The la,os Of the States, But 1t had no
grant of power to touch slavery within the
States. Wherever slavery has been abol-
ished it has been done by the States Thus
the States of New York, Pennsylvania, New
Jersey and ether States abolished slavery
within their respective limits, as it was their
exclusive right to do.
The Republican party is pledged to this
doctrine. 1t has solemnly proclaime in its
platforms, through its representatives in Con-
gress, and through its presses, time and again,
to the people of the South, that as party it
disclaims any right under the Constitution to
abolish slavery in the States. 1t has told
them, that under our complex system of gov
eminent slavery is local institution, to be
managed exclusively by the people of the
States as local domestic institution. Shall
we turn our backs on our pledges? Shall
we break our plighted faith with the nation so
soon as we come into power? Even Senator
Sumner no longer ago than February, 1861,
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