Delaware gazette. [volume] (Delaware, Ohio) 1855-1886, 1862-12-05

ed for.
Congress may appropriate money,
and otherwise=provide, for colonizing free
colored persons, with their own consent;
at any place or places without the United
States
beg indulgence to discuss these proposed
articles al sun,e length. Without slavery the
rebellion could never have existed; without
slavery it could not coriiuue
Among the friends of the Union there is
great diversity Of sentiment, and OF policy, in
regard to slavery, and the African race amongst
US. Some world perpetuale slavery; some
would abolish it suddenly. and without COM
penzation; some would abolish it gradually,
aud with compcnsutitn; some would remove
the freed people from US, aud some would re-
tain tlem with u; and there are yet other mi
nor diversitirs. Because Of tue diversities, we
waste much strength in struggles among our
selves. BY mutnal concession we should har-
moniz'. and act together. This would be COM
promise; bnt it would be compromise among
the friends, and not with the enemies of the
Union. These articles are intended to embody
a plan of such mutual concessions. II the plan
shall be adopted, it is assumed that emancipa-
tion will follow at least in several OF the States.
As to the first article, the main points are
first, the emancipation; secondly, The length Of
tine for consummating it-thirty ty-seyen years;
al 4 thirdly, the compensation.
The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to
the advocates Of perpetual slavery; but the
lenth OF time should greatly mitigate their dis
satisfaction. The time spares both races from
The evils Of sudden deraDgement-in fact, from
the necessity OF any derangement-whi!em most
OF thcse whose lsabiiual course of thought will
be disturbed by the measure will have passed
away before iis consummation. They will
never see H. Auolher class will hail tAa pros
pect Of emancipation, but will deprecate The
length of time. They will feel that it gives too
little to The row living slaves. But it really
gives them much. 1t saves them from the va
grant destituiion hich must largely attend
immediate emancipation in localities where
their numbers are very great and it gives the
inspiring assurance that their posterify shall
be Tree forever. The plan leaves to each State,
choosing TO act under il, 10 abolish slavery
now, or at the. eEd of the century, or at auy
intermediate time or iy degrees, extending
over the Whole or TO any part of the period !;
and it obliges no two States TO proceed alik q.
Haso provides for compensation, AID general
ly, the mode Of making it. This. it would
seem, must further mitigate The dissatisfaction
Of these who favor perpetual slavery aud es-
pecialy OF these who are 10 receive the com
pensation Doubtless some of those who are
to pay and rot to rceive will object. Yet
the measure is both just AID economical. 10
a certain sense, the liberation Of slaves is the
destruction cf property property acquired by
descent, or by urciasc, the same as any her
properly II is TO less true for having been
often said that The people OF The south are not
more respol she for the original introduction
Of this property, Han are the people Of the
north and when it IS remembered how nnhes-
itating!y we all use COTTON and sugar and
Stare the profits of GeI ing in them, II may
not be quite safe to say, that the soulh has
been more responsible than the north, for its
continuance. IT. rhcn. fer common Object,
this p: operly is to be sacrificed, is it not just
that il he Goue at comIn,n charge?
And it, with less money. or money more cas-
lily paid. we can preserve the benefits Of the
Union by this means, than we can by the war
onne, j. it not also economical to du it? Let
us consider il then. Let us ascertain the sum
we lave expended in tie war since compcnsa-
ted emancipation was proposed last March,
and consider whether. if that measure had been
promptly accepted, by even some OF the slave
states, tie same sum would not have done more
TO close the war, than has been otherwise done
If so, the measure would save neney and in
that view, would be Il prudent and economical
measure. Certainly il is not so easy TO pay
something as i is 10 Iay uo'hing; bat it is ca
sier 10 pay a large sum, than it is 10 pay
larger one And il is easier 20 pay any sum
WHEN we are aUc. than it is to pay ii before
we are ahlc. The war requires large sums.
and requires them at once. The aggregate
sum necessary for compensated emancipation,
Of course would be large. But it would re-
qu;re no ready cash nor The bonds even, fast
cr than tue emancipation progresses. This
might not, and probably would not, close be.
fore tie end of The thirty seven years. At that
time we shall probably have IL hundred mill
ions Of people toashare the burden, ms cad Of
thirty-oue millions as now. And not only so,
but the increase of our population may bc ex-
pccied to continue for long time after that
period, as rapidly as before because our Ter
r.t,rJ viii not have become full. | do not
state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio
of increase which we have maintained on an
average, from our first national census, in -
90, until that of 1860 we should. in 900. have
population of lO3,2O8, 4l5 Aud why may
We not continue that ratio far beyond that pc
riod? Our abundant room, our broJd nation
al homestead is our ample resource. Were our
territory as limited as are the British Isles
very certainly our population could hot expand
as stated. Instead Of receiving the foreign
born, as now, we should be compelled to send
part Of the native born away. Bat such is not
our condition. We have two millions nine
hundred ard sixty three thousand square miles.
Europe has three millions and eight hundred
thousand with population averaging seventy
three and one-third persons to The square mile
Why may not our country, at some time, ave
rage as many? Is it less fertile? las it more
waste surface, by mountains, rivers, lakes. des-
erIs or other cause? Is it inferior TO Europe
IT, any natural advantage? If, then, we are,
al some time, TO be as pepulous as Europe.
how soon? As to when this may be, we can
judge by the past and the present as to when
it rriI be, if ever, depends much on whether
We maintain the Union. Several OF our States
are already above the average of Europe
seventy three and third to the square mile
Massachusetts, has l57 Rhode Island. I63 {;
Connecticut, 90 New York and New Jersey,
each. so /; also TWO other great States, Penn
sylvania ard Ohio, are not far below, the for
mer having 62 and the latter So The States
already above the European average. except
New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio,
since passing that point, as ever before while
no one Of them is equal TO some other parts of
Que country, in natural capacity for sustain