Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1862-10-30

Ol tne save question ny u SeI-RONeTnlnR poo
pie for more than thirty years. and eighteen
months after the slave power has broken out in
a long remediatcd rebellion against popular
government, why docs our president decide to
give that power three months morep Why
does he hesitate to accept of the freel, volun-
teered services of the Black mp Why in
the nations extremity does he repe the sincere,
honest offerings of friendshipP Why, indeed,
unless in his succession to a slave-government
he has become as timid as the slave himselfp
Does he fear the word "ra1ic'l," when it is evil
Diet that radical measures are the only ones that
are suited to the crisis? Does he fear that
word which may do to frighten chldren--or at
least minds as weak as abolition,
when it is evident that the abolition Of Amer-
can slavery is only small part Of the great
question of human rights now at issuep Has
the head of a great and free people become a
trembling slave that he does not dare TO strike
when humanity demands the blowp Why does
he hesitate-why has he hesitated so long to
make soldiers of black -menp II the slave state
should gain their independence, should we then
be permitted to make soldiers of the black
men who might be on our side of the line, and
to garrison our frontier posts with themP
To give the slave-power gratis unasked for,
three months longer for deliberation, is TO ad
NIT that the slave states may return to their
former status as component parts of a free gov
eminent, which is utterly impossible; for it
was that anomalous condition which caused the
wal. The slave states appealed to the God of
Battles on the question of slavery or liberty,
and there should be no revocation of the APP
peal the decision should be either for or
against. If the blow of emancipation had been
delt Immediately and at once, the question
would have no longer been whether or not we
might save dying monster, but it would he
what shall we do with the dead monsters car
casa question in which the better class of
our southern brethren even might lend their
assistance.
But as it is, in this omislice Of three months
duration with slavery every human interest and
right is held in suspense at a critical moment
which might well decide the fate of nations
1t is an amistce granted at the price of blood
and treasure at home; at the price of suffering
and delayed hope amorg the laboring classes,
abroad Of the price of tantazing agony TO our
well wishers in the South, who "would rather
have us win than him whom they follow" and at
the price OF renewed hopes and strength to aris-
tocrats every where, who, failing to establish
slavery, would force us to change our govern
ment as an unsuccessful experiment After an
appeal made to the God of Battles in favor of
keeping four millions of human beings in bond
age, to admit on the part of free government
that these human beings may be returned to
bondage, is an act unworthy of the soemnty of
the appeal, and beneath the dignity of gen.
erous people.
Let us look for one moment at the spectacle
which our condition presents. One year ago
our government was evidently conniving at
manufactured foreign interference as means
Of diverting the revolutionary influences which
were at work within u.s. Then, in the presi-
dents message it declared that it could not have
the heart TO regard the revolution as a revolu-
tion-could not look the fact in the face and
now it endeavors 10 put off three months lon
ger great question of human right which it
still hopes TO manage by the tricks Of human
policy. 1t still holds out the idea that moral
principle can be put and carried, for or against,
by vote of the people By such course of
action as this, why, we would ask, may not an
officer turn over dozen regiments or so to the
enemy, and expect TO be rewarded for such
cunning by the glorious title of a compromiser
ard the reward of the presidency?
Hesitation on the part of our rulers must
necessarily lead the people to believe that there
is something in slavery that demands their re-
spect but when we fairly examine into the
cause of their hesitation We shall find it 10 be
merely that scrvility of temper which political
education derived from slave power, has i'm
parted to us as people. We have been taught
to believe that abolition is bad word, and
when the slave. holder throws il in our face we
vince like whpt slave There is nothing ter
rible in the name of abolitionist any more than
there is in the idea Of a ghost which frightens
only the guilty and he who shrinks from it is
but pilabe slave.
This seryile spirit which covers when the
slave-power but bends its brow upon it, is that
spirit which is so tender of the constitution.
lest amidst the clash of arms invoked hy the
slave-power that instrument may be broken BY
u.s. 1t is that spirit which has been taught to
believe that the constitution is but a niche
designed to hold slavery. Let us examine one
single clause of this constitution. 1t says that
Congress shall have the power to regulate com =
merce, between the States and the Indian tribes,
and of course has right to suppress the dis
graceful slaye-trade between these states. But
when military expedition is sent to the rear
and left of the enemys strategitc line,-to
Louisiana, and ought to have broken up the
slave. market of the border states there, Gom
which they derive personal wealth and power,
and disloyally, and thus reduce them to terms
when by making soldiers of black men the
expedition to Louisiana could easily have bro
ken up the slave market for the border states.
which Congress by the constitution has power
to do, what was the head of our government
doingP Why, he was down on his knees be-
fore the border states, bending the sovereignty
of free people to the throne of the slave