Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1862-02-06
IT, Couv,,,,,u-wnen WILL 1t Aejourn,

ieged its exercise to relax he grasp b. witch they hold
it-the emptiness oil professions when contracted
with actual ard present facts these things that ali
experience has proved and from their consideration all
sane persons ought to he able draw the lesson that
eternal vigilance is the price Of liberty and that all
men deserving to etuy liberty ought to cheeruly pay
this price Permit us to say that Think now is q
time when this vigilance is peculiarly demanded OF the
people of North Carolina it is time wien they should
watch closely and ecrutinize well the OF their ser
wants when they should enquire whether, in the case
of their delegates in Convention, power is not indeed
stealing from the many the few "hethesthere is not
mani sted tenacious adherence to power which ndI-
Gates dsp som not only 10 proong its duration, but
to extend its limits indefinitely whether there is not
much profession WITH we will not say little performance,
but with too much performance that will lot be found
to accord with such profession. When this enquiry Is
fairly made We feel assured that the conclusion OF the
people will be that the Convention hss already proong
ed its existence and extended its powers too iar, and
that to satisfy the reasonable demand, and a'Iay me
weEgrounded apprehensions OF the public 1t ought at
oace to address fs such and only such business as
comes necessarily before finnish it up promptly and
adjourn this day wefk al funhest
Do we not every recent act OF this body evil
dencc of the tendency OF power to steal from the many
to the few? Do We not know that while the Decara-
ton of Rights 10 its 4 h section lays down the axiom
dear to every lover OF Tree constitutional government
tha the tgislaiUe ereeu,ue and supreme iudiclop 10
ers of government, ought TO be fo separate and dis
tinct from each Othe the Convention, in practice, as
sumes and acts upon the assumption, to which one OF
its leading Numbers has given expression, namty, tat
the people have clothed the Convention with supreme
legislative executive and judc al power and it by no
means breaks the force of this assumption to add, as
does ae Standard, (which power must be exercised for
the people and SUI j4ct to their WILL" since, the Con-
v9nton claims absorb and em5ody all the powers f
the State there is ~ m de of calling account
Tribunal to whcl appeal Besides such assertion
means nothing than mere profession without any
guarantee or safeguard should it not be made good -
As for professions We t!iuk Mr.. Lincoln proessed to
suspend the hnaeos CO.. pS men, women and
Children make war; and in TACT exercise supreme iegls-
ativ exc cutive and judicial power for the people and
subject TO their will
Will anybody seriously assert that the people, IN call
ing together this Convention, 10 voting for It's mem
ber Intended to cothe it with powers subversive OF obe
of the most vital principles of the Declaration of
Rights? One of the most vital principles Of all free
governments DID the people intend that the Conven.
ton should exercise or assert such powers mat
| ter under what excuse?
We are not in favour of Lastly action. We trust no
body s but is it not evident that large Influence in
the Convention is in iaVor OF turning that body into
permanent institution aud not temporary incident OF
the change in national relations incident which
the necessity of the called into existence aud which
ought to have ceased with that necessity? Now mas
much as Convention called fer the purpose, brought
the State into the old Union, it deemed that such
body only could properly bring her out and having
done so, connect her with the Confederate States sud
make such changes in the organic law this change in
the external relations of the State might absolutely
quie to give force and effect to such external charge
There was no reasonable plea of ssy for any pro-
opgd session of the Convention, nor Tor extended ex
ercise of power beyond the limits above indicated
There was no necessity for the Convention remaining
reassemblipg for the purpose of ordinary legislation, Tor
the legislative authority of the State area vested
by the Constitution iii g two distinct branches and
to this fact of there being two branches ali have
reason again to refer. There already executive
no necessity for executive session. There a.
ready judiciary. Surely the prolonged hCd the ten
acCu8 grasp OF power hy the Convention is not wholly
without significance, mbined with the extended aDC
practically unlimited sweep which it asserts and not
unfrequently exercises.
We said we would have reason again to refer to The
fact of the constitution having vested the Legislative
authority in two distinct branches, both dependent
the people, to wit: senate and house Of commons =
Let add that these branches not only distinct bu
they ar different. The one represents taxation-tL'
other federal numbers (perhaps it would be more cor
rect to say Confederate numbers I'm the Senate tx
East has slight prependerance, in the House OF Com
mons the West has. Thus they form mutual cheeks
and balances. Thus neither cypress the other.
Now what is the state If things in the Convention
Why in that body there is such check but one ba
sis is repre- sened there-thc numerical basis of tn
House of Commons he taxation basis of the Senat
is without place The balance between the East an(
West the result OF solemn compro nise is deliberate,
ignored, and money is appropriated for railroad an
! other purposes, and revenue bills changed by bed
representing but half the legislative basis of the State
and ignoring the constitutional protection extended b.
; such basis to the people of one whole section.
We not charge upon the members OF the Conven
ton, individually, this that thing. We take it tina
they good tLer fellow-ctzens generally an
We don't suppose they much better; and it will
useless for anybody to claim for them any peculiar il
. talbility any supelluman virtue. People thin
they ought to have adjourned long ago. They the
the Convention is not above yielding to the temptation
- of power and the dreams of ambition This much hs
already been shown. If the same tendency of thing
continues much longer the judgement of the people wi
be more distinctly pronounced They will demand tia
y the legislative, executive and supreme judicial power
of government be- they ought to be- forever eparat
and distnct They will demand that the compromises