Clearfield Republican. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, 1862-02-19

Of individuals, and could be used as jus,
tltication Of "HG temporary ueiiiRg Of tie Stat,
uGS VI Liberty" The dictator who, i'm the
hour of the nations peril, came fourth
from the Roman Senate with a, solute
powers over the life, liberty and property
at the Roman citizen, was only the crep ,
ton of this dangerous idea. And during
the reign Of Elizabeth there was a notion
that kind of paramount sovereignty ex-
isted, which was denominated her abso,
lutte power, incident, as il was pretended,
to the abstract nature of sovereignty, and
arising out otits primary office of presery-
ing the State from destruction. But even
then in that tyranical reign, It found men
bold enough to dare the terrors of the roy-
al frOwn, and to declare "that this iusidi-
Gus plea of necessity means too often the
, security OF the sovereign rather than that
of the people" The opposition to this
peruicious doctrine went on gathering
strength until, in the reign of the First
Charles, it eliminated in the far-!amed
Declaration of Rights, that is the beacon
/ light, casing its blaze afar, to warn tyran,
nical governments against the invasion Of
/ the liberties of the people
| And yet, we are asked to believe the
monstrous doctrine in this high noon Of
| the nineteenth century, in government
! like ours, made by the halers Of kingly
prerogatiye, with n written Constitution
defining and limiting the powers of every
= department, there really, in time of war,
/ turks in the Executive this dangerous ele-
ment Of power; and against which there
/ had been continued and successful strug-
4 H,,l, rf -, IL, Al.
eloquent language of Mr.. Pendleton, OF
Ohio, words that have the true ring of the
metal Of the olden time, "Can il be beiev-
ed that our fathers, protesting against
/ kingly prerogative, reyolutionists because
OF outrages on personal rights Ly their
sovereign, would clothe the executive of
their new government with a power over
the citizen which their former master had
never dared to pretend that he possessed? &?
Can it be beley yedthat they, proud OF their
/ English lineage, proud of their English
/ liberty aye, proud of their loyalty to the
/ English Constitution, would sacrifice that
| right, which their English ancestors ac.
counted their chiefest glory. Those an
cestors had battled for cen :uries, bravey
for poprlar rights. They had placed the
crown upon the brow OF the peOple-they
had declled it with many jewel, it was
radiant with the glories of popular liberty,
and can it be believed that our fathers
would tear away this priceless gem, that
sparkled in the very forefront oc that COR
net, and with it adorn the spectre Of exec
utive power. In no other point did they
limit the rights of the people as admitted
at that day; can it be believed that they
would in this one vital point alone restrict
the bounds Of liberty, and enlarge those
of powerl"
What course you, the Representatives
OF the State of New Jersey, may deem it
proper to take IN reference to this wanton
outrage upon the Constituionally guaran-
teed rights of one of your citizens, must
be left to your own judgments. ! is for
you to say whether it shall be passed over
without remonstrance. If 10y your 81
lenCe now you constitute this precedent,
it may be for you TO declare Of what value
hereafter those high.soUndng clauses in
the bill of rights in our Constitution will
be to any OF the citizens of the State of
New Jersey? That bill of rights was in-
tended as the enunciation of certain gen.
eral principles of free governn ent-to
/
| Did your present Senator in Congress, Mr..
Ten Eycll, when he introduced it into our
! Constitutional Convention, and his fellow
members when they voted upon it, con-
slider its clauses as only a "mass of glitter-
/ ing generalities ?" And yet, what else do
they become, If any Cabinet Officer may,
under the authority of one of these generS
al warrants, invade your State with an
armed force, kidnap any of your citizens
and immure them beyond the limits of
the State at his sovereign will and pleas
ure, in any one of the fortresses of the
Government. Surely if such outrages are
to be passed over in silence, and with imS
punity, then | do not hesitate to declare
that your State government is a farce, and
the clauses in your bill of rights the most
contemplate and wicked sh ms.
speak earnestly because tee! so.
have been made to feel the insolence of
arbitrary power. The most degraded Grim
iual in any of your prisons codld not have
been treated as ! have been, without an
outcry Of Indignation from every honest
citizen in the State. have been arrested
without the form of legal warrant-con
demned without the shadow of trial, and
punished by a degraded imprisonment of
weeks, without at this hour even knowing
the nature ard cause Of the accusation
against me. | know and appreciate my
rights as n citizen of the United States,
and of the State of New Jersey; ard no
man shall invade or trample upon those
rights with impunity. | envy not the
heart, for it is corrupt, nor the brain, for
it is diseased, that can attemptto approve,
or by reasoning, justify, such an atrocious
act Of tyranny as this If such an act can
be done in republic without redress,
and with the approval Of its citizens, then
know no difference between it and the
yilesI despotism upon earth, save only,
that the latter is the most honest govern
ment Of the two.
All of which is sespectfully submitted.
JAMES W. WALL.
TRENTON, Jan. II, 1862.
sA-A CYNICAL friend Of ours yes terday
remarked that it seemed TO he apoor time
to set the blacks free, in hopes that they
4 ! r. 1 .lo.