Charles City Republican intelligencer. [volume] (Charles City, Iowa) 1861-1864, 1862-12-11

4
one time within such State, and inter-
est shall begin to run upon any such
bond only from the proper time OF its
delivery as aforesaid. Any State hav.
ing received bonds as aforesaid, and
afterwards re-introducing or tolerating
slavery therein, shall refund to the
United States the bonds so received,
or the value thereof, and all interest
paid thereon.
ARTICLE -. All slaves who shall
have enjoyed actual freedom by the
chances of war at any time before the
rebellion, shall be forerer free but all
owners of such who shall not have
been disloyal, shall be compensated
for them at the same rates as is provi-
ded for States adopting adjustment
of slavery, but in such way that no
slave shall be twice accounted for.
ARTICLE -. Congress may appro-
pirate money and otherwise provide
for colonizing free colored persons
with their own consent at any place
or places without the United Statsc.
/ beg Indulgence to discuss these pro-
posed articles at some length. With
out slavery the rebellion could never
have existed without slavery it could
not continue. Among the friends OF
the Union there is great diversity of
sentiment and Of policy in regard TO
slavery and the African race amongst
us. Some would perpctuate slave.
ry some would abolish it suddenly,
and without compensation. and some
would abolish it gradually and with
compensation. Some would remove
the free colored people from us, and
some would retain them with us, and
there are yet other minor diversities.
Because of these diversities we waste
much strength in struggles among
ourselves. BY mutual concession we
should harmonic and act together.
This would be compromise but il
would be compromise among the
friends and not with the enemies of
the Union. These articles are intend
ed to embody plan of such mutual
concessions. IL the plan shall be
adopted, it is assumed that cmancipa-
ton will follow at least in several Of
the States.
As to the first article, the main
points are: first, the emancipation
second, the length of time for con-
summating it thirty-seven years !;
and, third, the compensation.
The emancipation will be unsatis.
factory to the advocates eff perpetual
slavery but the length of time should
greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction.
The time spares both races from the
evils of sudden dcrangement--in fact
from the necessity of any derange.
ment--while most Of those whose ha-
bitual course of thought will be dis.
turbed by the measure will have pass
ed away before its contamination.
They will never see it. Another class
will hail the prospect of emancipation
but will deprecatc the length Of time.
They will feel that it gives too little
to the now living slaves. But it real.
ly gives them much. 1t saves them
from the vagrant restitution which
must largely attend immediate cman-
cipation in localities where their num-
bers arc very great I; and il gives the
inspiring assurance that their posteri.
ty shall be free forever. The plan
leaves to each State choosing to act
under it to abolish slavery now or at
the end of the century, or at any in
termediate time, or Ivy degrees, ex-
tending over the whole or any part of
the period (; and it obliges no two
States to proceed alike. 1t also pro.
vides for compensation, and generally
the mode of making it. This, it would
seem, must further mitigate the dissat-
isfaction of those who favor perpetual
slavery, and especially Of those who
are to receive the compensation.
Doubtless some Of those who are TO
pay and not to receive will object to
it. That the measure is both Just and
economical is certain. The liberation
Of the slaves is the destruction of prop
erty acquired by descent or by pur-
chase, the same as any other proper
ty. 1t is DO less true for having been
often said, that the people of the South
are no more responsible for the intro.
duction of this property than the peo-
pie of the North, and when it is re.
membered how unhesitatingly we all
use cotton and sugar. and share the
profits Of dealing in them, it may not
be quite safe 10 say that the South
has been more reprehensible for its
continuance. than the North. Ii, then,
for common object this property is
to be sacrificed, is it not just that it
be done at a common charge? And if
with less money, or money more east
ly paid. we can preserve the benefits
of the Union by this means, than we
can by the war alone, is it not eco.
nomical to do it?
Let us consider it then lei us ascer-
tain the sum we have expended in
the war since compensated emancipa-
ton was proposed last March, and
consider whether, If that measure had
been promptly accepted by even some
OF the slave States, the same sum
would not have done more to close the
war than has been otherwise done.
If so, the measure would save money,
and in that view would be prudent
and economical measure. Certainly
" Is not 50 easy to pay something
as it il to pay nothing, but it is east
err to pay large sum than larger
one.
The aggregate sum necessary for
compensated emancipation of course
would be large, but it would require
no ready cash nor bonds any faster
than emancipation progresses.
This might not and probably would
not close before the end of the thirty
seven years. At that time we shall
probably have 100, 900. 900 people to
share the burden instead of 81 600, 900
AS now, and not only so, but the in
crease Of our population may be ex-
pected to continue for a long time af-
ter that period as rapidly as before,
because our territory will not have
become full. do not state this in
considerably. At the same ratio of
increase which we have maintained