Holmes County farmer. [volume] (Millersburg, Ohio) 1857-1926, 1862-05-08

tnat you nave not the power; Dut would
not that power be, at such time as this,
most unwsely and indiscreetly exercised.
That is the point. OF all the times
when an attempt was ever made to carry
this measure, is this no the most inaus.
picious? Is it not time when the
measure is most likely to produce danger
and mischief to the country at large? So
it seems to me.
Mr. Chairman, when Congress re-
ceived the ccssion Of this territory, it
was for the purpose of making it the seat
of the national Government. Not hing
else was contemplated. | ask every just
and candid gentleman to say to himself
whether, either in the minds of the grant
ors or the grantee-of the States OF
Maryland and Virginia, or of the United
States.-there existed any idea, at the
time this territory was ceded, that Con
gress might exercise the power of alb
olitionizing it. No such thought was in
the mind of either party. The grant
was for the seat of Government. 1t was
given for that. You have enjoyed it for
that. That was the faith in which the
parties acted; and it would be a violation
of that faith to turn it to another pur-
pose, and particularly to a purpose sup
posed to be hostile to the interests Of the
ccding States. By abolshing slavery
here, and by raising up a system adverse
to it, you form, out of these ten miles
square, sort Of city of refuge-a city
where the fugitive slave is to come and
find protection; where, if he does not find
protection, he is at least tempted with
the indulgence of his appetites. lie will
fly to the city Of Washington, and in
the houses Of the multitude of his own
color and class here, he will find refuge,
and live by idlencss and crime.
Mr.. llIcKMAN. Is the gentleman from
Kentucky willing that should ask him
Il question?
Mr.. CrrrTENDEN. Yes, sir.
Mr.. HICKMAN. | wish to understand
whether it is the opinion of the gentle
man from Kentucky that, because Mary
land and Virginia cedcd the District oI
Columbia to Congress, there was, under
the provision of the Constitution which
gave to Congress exclusive legislation
over the District, an implied understand
ing that throughout all time the then OK.
isting institutions of Maryland and Nir.
! ginia should be continued in force, an(
that Congress would have no right, o
were morally bound not to exercise tha
power guaranteed in the Constitution?
Mr.. CRITTENDEN. Mr.. Chairman, my
opinion on shat question is simply this
that Maryland and Virginin made tn,
ccssion withought the slightest though
or apprehension that slavery would eve
10 ahnitishnd in the District of Colum
bia, in the midst, as L may say, of botl
States while they retained slavery. Thai
is my opinion. And is it not NJ oSt nat
ural that this should have been the con
sideration given by the parties to the
subject? Abolition then scarcely existed
in idea among the people of the Unitef
States. twas not apprchended. There
was probably no thought of it on eithe
side. The ideas that governed all tn,
the parties were of different character
Now, the question is whether, tn,
grantee accepted this territory as dona
tion for an avowcd purpose, the Govern
mcnt can afterwards, without Il breach o.
| faith. use j. for another purpose, disa-
greeable and obnoxious to the grantor?
1t seems to me that there would be some
breach of faith in doing so. This is,
however, an argument and statement
that is familiar to you all, and | vii not
press it.
You may produce much mischief by
this measure. What is the good ? Sla,
very has been, under one influence or an.
other, disappearing from this District fol
years. 1t has been decaying and going
out. Your bill would not, probably,
have thousand slaves to act upon
What, then, is tho deep anxiety to pass
this measure? Why should Congress, al
time like this, devote its attention with
SO much earncstncss and apparently with
so much purpose, to this measure? Let
slavery alone. 1t will go out like can.
die. No disturbance will follow it. No
violation of public feeling will ensuc.-
No apprehension will result from it.
This measure will create discomfort a
mong the people elsewhere, and will lead
them to consider it but as an augury Of
what is to come afterwards. The good
you can do by it is little, is minute, in
comparison to the great question involved
But arc the views of gentlemen limi
ted merely to giving to the slaves of this
District the benefit of the law Thost
who urge it will have moro candor than
to say so. They do not limit thci
views merely to the loyalty Of this Dis
trict. No, sir, it is the commencement
ola great system it is the beginning
not the end. You try your power here
You execute it here. This thing done
it opens the prospect of further action
and of further disturbance of the commu
nifty. Having done it here, where it in
wolves, perhaps in the judgement of men
nothing but a mere question OF good faith
tho measure can be affected elsewhere
whore it will involve question scarcel.
less vital-a question of constitutions
power. You are trying your strengtI
now. You are practicing for the grea
combat. From this ground, occupied a
a sort of camp for the purpose, it is sus
pected you intend make war on the sam
institution in the States.
1t seems to me, MIR. Chairman, tha
that apprehension will be increased b
another thing, by another consideration
This measure might be of itself of but lii
tie significance, if it could be "the be-a
and the end alp of it, it might not be