The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1862-01-03
os,ciai Correspondence on tho ma
son and slideii Amir.
NV York, 2Sth.

.r, Mason and Slidell, isreceiyed. Inc nrs'
4 letter from Secretary Seward 70 Minister
Adams. dated Nov. 30th, in which he CON-
r,l;ments the latter for 20 wisely speaking ana
ac,;ng AT the Lord Lyons dinner; and also
s,at,s that he told Lord Palmerston the sim.
ME fact when informing HIM that the lille OF
the instruction Is sustained by the hopes OF
recognition Of the southern coniederaey, by
England and France, and If those hopes ceas-
ed the instruction would perish in 20 days.
lie refers in the same note 10 the TACT OF the
arrest of Mason and Slidell by Capt. Wilkes
as n new and unforeseen circumstance, which
is 10 DO met by the two governments IT pos.
sible, in kindly spirit. Lord Lyons had
said nothing on the subject, and no explana-
tons were furnished Minister Adams, it be-
ing deemed prudent that the ground taken
by the British government should DO INST
made known here, and discussion to DO had
here, but Mr.. Seward deemed II proper to
state that Capt. Wilkes acted without In
structions, and the subject therefore is tree
from the endorsements that might have en-
sued IL the act had been specially directed
He trusts that the British government will
consider the subject In n friendly temper, and
"a NAV expect the best disposition on our
The next letter is from Earl Russell to Lord
LYONS. dated Nov. 30th, which details the
Trent affair. He says, il thus appears that
certain individuals have been forcibly taken
from a British vessel, the ships OF neutral
mower. on lawful and innocent voyage, an
act of violence which was an atiront to the
British fac. and n violation Of national law.
Her Maiesty's government are willing to be-
lieye the act was without authority, ana res
ulted from misunderstanding as the govern
ment of the United States must DO iuily
aware that the British government wiii not
allow such an aiIront to its national hon.
or 20 pass without due reparation, and the
British government are unwilling to believe
that the United Stctes deliberately intended
unnecessarily to force discussion OF so grave
a question between the two governments.
Her Naiesty's government trusts that the
government OF the United States, will, OF Its
own accord, ofler such redress as alone can
satisfy them-namely, the liberation oil the
four persons and their delivery to Lord Ly-
ons that they may again DO placed under
British protection, and suitable apology Tor
tho aggression committed. Should these
terms not be offered by Mr.. Seward, you will
propose them to him.
Mr.. Seward replies to Lord Lyons,by whom
he was furnished copy OF Earl Russell lct-
ter, stating that the dispatch has been SUD-
mitted to the President. Mr.. Seward states
that the British government rightly conlec'
tured what il is now my duty to state; that
Cant. Wilkes acted upon his own sugges-
tions of duty, without any direction or in
structions. or even foreknowledge OF it on
the part of this government. No directions
had been given him, or any other naval Oh
ficer. 10 arrest the four persons, or any OF
them. ON the Trent, or any other British YES
sel. there or elsewhere. After discussing the
whole question ut great length. IN all It's
bearings, Mr.. Seward says, l trust l have
shown 10 the satisfaction Of the Baitish gov
ern,nent by a very simple and natural state
ment of facts and analysis Of law applicable
to them. that this government had neither
medtated nor practiced or approved any de-
liberate wrong in tho transaction 70 Whleh
they have called its attention and on the
contrary. that what has happened has teen
simply an inadyertency, consisting in de-
parturo by the naval officer. free from any
wrongful motive. from u rule uncertainty r.
tablis6ed, and probably, by the several par.
ties concerned, either impcriectly understood
ar entirely unknown for this error the Brit
ish government has right to expect the same
reparation that we rs an independent State
sbould expect from Great Britain, or from
any friendly nation in n similar case.
have not been unaware that in e1amin-
inc this question have fallen into an argu-
ment for what seems TO DO the British side
of IL, against my own country; but am re-
loved from all embarrassment on that SUB
icct. had hardly fallen into that line OF
argument when discovered that was real
ly defending and maints ling not an exclu,
siyely British interest, but an old honored
and cherished American cause, not upon
British authorities, but upon principles that
constitute a large portion oftho distinctive
policy by which the U. s. have developed the
resources of q continent, aud thus becoming
n considerable maratime power, have won
the respect and confidence OF many nations.
These principles were laid down for us by
james Madison in 1904, when Secretary OF
State under JeHerson.in instructions to james
Monroe, our then Minister to England.
Mr.. Seward says after quoting these in
structions. "lf decide this case in favor OF
my own Government, must disallow Its
most cherished principles, and reverse and
forever abandon its essential policy. The
country cannot afford the sacrifice. III 1
maintain those principles, and adhere to that
nolicy. must surrender the case itself. IL
will be seen therefore that this Government
could not deny the justice Of the claim pre-
sented. We are asked to do to the British
nation lust what we have always insisted all
nations ought to do to Us. In coming to my
conclusion, have not forgotten that IL the
snfety Of this Union required the detention
of the captured prisoners, il would DO the
,;yht and duty OF this Government to detain
chem. But tho eaectual check and waning
nroportions OF the existing Instruction, as
well a. the comparative unimportance OF the
captured persons themselves, when dispas'
sionase,y Weighed, happily forbid me from
resortins to that defense, nor am l unaware
tbat American citizens are not in any case u
10 unnecessarily surrendered for any purpose
into the keeping Of a foreign State; only the
capturcd persons however, or Others, who ART
interested In them, could justly raise ques-
ton on that ground. Ii would tell little tor
our own claims 10 the character Of AUST and
magnanimous people, II We should 50 far con-
sent to be guided by the law OF retaliation
as TO lin up buried injuries against national
consistency and national consequence. Put
behind me all suggestions Of this kind. lpre-
fer TO express my satisfaction that by the ad-
justment Of tho present case upon principles
confessed BY America, and yet, as trust ,mu-
sat tafaaff.n 40 lu.kA