The weekly Ottumwa courier. [volume] (Ottumwa, Iowa) 1857-1872, 1862-12-06

n we had allowed oar old national debt &c
run at per cent. per annum, simple interest
from the end of our revolutionary struggle til
to day, without paying anything, either princi
pal or interest. each man of US would owe lesi
upon that debt now than each man owed upon
it then, and thus because our increase of mer
through the whole period has been greater thar
six per cent. and has run faster than the inter
est upon the debt
Thus time alone relieves debtor nation sc
long as its population increases faster than un
paid interest accumulates on its dsbt. This
fact would be no excuse for delaying the pay
ment of what is justly due, but it shows the
great importance oftme in this connection, ant
the great advantage of q policy by which We
shall not have to pay until we number 100, 900,
600. what by different policy we would have
to now when the number is 1000, 900. In
word, it shows that dollar will be much harder
to paw for the war, than dollar for emancipa
| ton on the proposed plan, and then the latter
will cost no blood, no precious life. 1t will bt
saying ofboth-
As to the second article. think it would be
impracticable o return to bondage the classs OF
persons therein contemplated. Some of them
doubtless in the property sense belong to loya
\ owners and hence pro vision is m ade in this ar
ticle for compensate on.
The third article relates to the future of the
freed people. 1t does not oblige but merely au
thori yes Congress to aid in colonizing such as
may consent. This ought not to be regarded q.
Objectionable. on the enc hand or on the other
inasmuch as it comes to nought unless by mutua
consent Of the people to be dcported and tn,
American vo' ers through their .Raprepresen Ia
tves in Congress gr tf. iUg s,ass.
cannot maize 1t better known thaait already
is that strongly favor colonization, and yet
. vii tn an hare ia nm col
cred persons remaining in the country, which i.
largely imaginary, If not sometimes Malicious, -
" is insisted that their presence would iDjur,
and displace white labor and white laborers-
there ever could be proper time for mere argu
ments that time surely is not now. In ii me.
like tn . present, men should utter nothing Col
which they would net willingly be responsible
thr, ugh time and eternity. " "H't Z" l'
IL IL true Men,that the colored people can dis
place any. more @hite labor by being free than D,
remain ing staces If they stay in their own
places, they joste no VIII tie laborers. II they
leave their old places, they leave them open to
white laborers. Logically, there is neitA more
or less of ID -a a~.s' e7y ~.
Emancipation, even without deportation, would
probably enhance the wages of white labor, and
very surely, would still have to be perf1rmed.--
The freed people would, suerly not do more thar
their old proport ion Of itand very probably for
time. would do less leaving an increased par
to the white Labor srs--bringing their labor intt
greater demand, and conseque ntly enhancing
the valne oft With deportation, even to
limited extent, enhancing wages to white labor
I ers is mathematically certain. Labor is like any
other commodity in the market. Increase the
demand for it and you increase he price of it.
Reduce the supply of black labor by colonizine
4 the black laborer out Of the country and by pre-.
cisely 50 much you will increase the demand fol
wages for white labor, ~
But 1t Is dreaded that the freed people will
swarm forth and cover the whole land. Will lib
Grafton make them any more numerous EQUAL,
distributed among the whites of the whole coun,
, toy aAd therv would be but one colored to sever
whites. Could the one in any way greatly dis
turb the seven There are many oommun itiei
now having more than one free colored ersoni
:, to seven whites, and this without any ap paren
consciousness of evil from it, The District Of
Conm bia, and tho States of Maryland and Della
ware all In this condition. The District hal
more than one free colored to six whites, and ye
in its frequent petitions to Congress, bel ieve i
has never presented the presence Of free eoloret
persons one of its grievances.
But why should emancipation in the South
send the freed people North, People of any col
or seldom run unless there is some shng to rur
from. Heretofore colored people have fed nortt
, to some extent, from bondage, aud now perh APT
. from both bondage and restitution but if grad
, nal emancipation and deportation be adopted
they will neither have to flee from. Their owl
,
Ia borers can be procured, and the eseed men viii
in turn gladly give thir labor for wages, till new
homes can be found for them in congsnial chimes
and with people If their own blood and rae o.
This proposition can be trusted on the mutual in
} terests involved, and In any event, cannot. tn,
|, North decide foritself whether to receive the 10,
Again as practice proves more than theory il
any case, has there boon any irruption northward
because of the adjustment of slavery ia tn,
district Of Co lumbis last spring. What HAY,
said Of the proportion of free colored persons t
the whites in the District of Columbia is from
he census of 1860. having no reference to. per
sons called. contrabauds, to thos,
made free by the act of Congress abolishing slav
cry here s 1f#
The plan consisting of these article il rec
commended, not but that a restoration OF the ma
! tional authority would be accepted without it,
adoption, nor will the war or proceedings under
! the proclamation of Sept. 3d. 1882 be STAYED be
cause Of the recommendation of this plan.
This Recommendation that Congress provide.
by law for compromising any State which may
adopt the the emancipation act before this plan
shall have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly
renewed Such would only be advance par
. of the plan and rhe same arguments apply L
both. This plan is recommended as a mean
not in conclusion OF, but additional to al
othars, for preserving and restoring nathan M
the ma tonal authority throughout the Union.--
The plan is proposed as permanent constitutions
law. Ii cOnnOf become sucn without the concur
renee first Of two thirds of Congress, and after
ward three fourths OF the States. The reacisit,
three quarters Of the States will necessarily in
olude seven Of the slave States. If obtained, i
will give assurances of their severaly ad ping
emancipation at no distant day, on the new con
sf tdtional terms. This assurance would end th,
, struggle now, and save the Union forever.
, / do not forget the gravity of paper addressed
, to the Congress of the nation by the Chief Magis
trate of the nation, nor do forget that some few
are my seigniors or that many of you have NOR,
experience than in the conduct Of the publ,
affairs.
Yet trust that in view of the great response
billity resting uponme, you will perceive ms wan
of respect to yourself, in any undue earnestncs
may seem to display. - If3t
1t is doubtless then that the plan prosposed
if adopted, will shorten the war, and thus lesso,
it's expenditure of money and blood7 ls it doub
ed that it would restore the national prospsrit,
, and perpetuate both indefitely. =
1t is doubted that if we here, Congress an,
Executive can secure its adoption the good peopl
, will respond to united and earnest appeal from
, form?
Can we, can they by any other mean, so Ger
tainly or so speedily assure these vital object?-
We can succeed only by concert
1t is not, can any of us imagine better? bu
still the question recurs, can we do better?
The dogmas of the quiet past ar, Inadequate I,
the stormy present. The occasion is. piled higl
with difficulties and must rise with the. occa
sion. As orr case is now, so we must think an,
. act anew we must disenthral o, rs,lyes. ant
then shall save our country.
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