Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1862-09-30

From the Richmond Examiner, Sept. 2Ol
There are two essential requisites to
peace; first, that we shall have an army in
the enemy's territory strong enough to
conquer it; second, that we shall have an
army of reserve in the field at home large
enough to repel any possible invasion.
When we shall convince the enemy that
we are able to carry destruction into their
own confines, and at the same time, are
ready at home to repel any counter inva-
sion they may attempt to set on foot; then,
and not until then, peace will become pos
sible.
As yet we are very far from having pro-
vided these armies. The army we have
sent forward into the enemy's territory
has not yet penetrated into the heart Of
his country, nor stricken the blows that
shall bring him to his knees.
Up to the present time we have been
fighting on the defensive. We are still in
a large portion of our invaded country
virtually holding that attitude. 1t IS only
single theater Of the war that we have
succeeded in placing the enemy on the de-
fensive on his own soil, or rather disputed
territory. AS yet, no Confederate soldier
has put his foot as an invader, on North
ern soil. And yet there are many people
weak enough to believe that peace is near
at hand.
The extent Of this belief is such as really
to threaten the South with serious danger.
We are repenting this year the folly of a
year ago. We then went to sleep in the
delusion that Europe would interfere to
put an end TO the war; we are now going
= IsnF hot tho KnnEnng are
whipped, tired Of the war, and will fight
no more. There could not be more fatal
mistake than this of supposing peace to
be near at hand. Peace is not thing
that can be dreamed into existence. 1t is
not delightful accident that can happen
at an unexpected moment without a dis
cernible cause. It is not a windfaH that
NAV drop into the lap like capital prize
from a lottery.
If we consider the political condition Of
| the North, we shall see that peace, except
as measure of necessity compelled by
force is a moral impossibility. The wal
/ is of Lincolns making He and his party
are responsible for its success. The Re
publicans are in large majority in the
North-possibly in majority in every
State. The temper of the majority has
been exhibited in a thousand forms in the
proceedings of the Northern Congress-
Not single act or vote or sentiment has
escaped that body communicating th'
slightest thought of peace, or tolerating O.
the idea. As yet the word peace is only
another name for treason. Any respon
sible propOser of peace would be arrested
and imprisoned.
The dominant party at the North thinl
of peace only as they think Of PolItlca
| disgrace and ruin. Peace would be Il
that party death and annihilation. Lin
coin himself has announced that his reslg
nation would precede any measure of pa
cifcation. The power behind the throne
greater than the throne itself hi
| Secretary of State, has proclaimed
the same determination to fight 1t ou
until subjugation is completed, or to reslg1
at any serious suggestion Of peace. Ih'
only officers in the Government having
power to conclude peace would as soon g
| TO the gallows at once as consent to thu
measure. Peace can only be concluded
with Federal usurpatiOn or with tn
State governments. The Lincoln Govern
ment could not be driven or frightened int
peace, and we cannot treat with tn
States until Lincoln and Seward are de
throned, captured or hanged.
Why, then, should any man Of ordinar.,
intelligence think or talk of peace? 1t
impossible, except as a matter coerced b,
the sword. It is to be accomplished b,
means of great armies and vigorous cam
paigns. We must cOnqHerit before we cal
secure it; and we cannot conquer 1t with
out more numerous armies and continue
victories, and successful invasion.