Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-03-10


navy. merit our warmest gratitude and thanks for
the noble devotion they have display ed in the sup
port OF the Constitution and the laws; and that
this Convention deeply sympathizes with those
who mourn the loss of friends who have fallen in
battle in the cause of the Union, and memory Of
the Union, and the memory of the dead shall last
in hearts monuments of their patriotism.
A Republican Senator on the Confis-
cation bill.
Senator Cowan, Rep, of Pennsylvania, on Tues
day made an able speech against the confscaton
recently introduced. OF course the Tribune
class of journals are severe upon him. We quote
portion of his remarks:
The Confscat;on Bill proposes to 90 forward
ana strip the whole population of the South of
their property, and reduce them to poverty-and
while only 100000 of them have arms in their
hands. If there is anything calculated to make
that entire people our enemy always, it will be
the promul CATION of such an act this.
No such sweeping measure as this has ever
been enacted. Even in the DAYS of William the
ConJueror, the proud Norman and his barons
we're content with the hels and castles OF the Sax
on leaders. They did not dare to strip the peo-
fple of their property, nor even much increase
their burdens.
attainder against the Irish, never attempted to
touch the possessions of the common people, but
only tie property of the mobiles.
CoNFIscATIoN OF SLAVES AND FORCED EMIGRATION
OF THEM.
This bill goes further, and attempts to confs
cate another species of property, which cannot be
put into the Golfer of the conqueror. | mean the
property in slaves. don't intend to stop to dis
cuss the question of property of this kind. 1t is
enough for me to say that all the people of the
South seem to agree as to this kind of property
with wonderful unanmty, and to resent any in
reference with it. This bill proposes to liberate
| 5000, 900 slaves-truly the most stupendous
stroke for universal emancipation ever attempted
in the world Indeed | think it virtually liber-
ates the whole 1000 0DO. What is to be the ef-
feet of this upon the wal? Shall we be stronger,
or shall we find that we have have only doubled
the number of those in arms against US? They
have now no cause for rebellion. Will not this
bill furnish them one! Lettie loyal men of that
section, who know them, answer the question.
| will abide their answer. / submit again that no
deIiberative assembly in the world ever before
sat in judgment ON stupendous an issue. Yes,
as If to blind still more, this bill has propo-
sition of still greater magnitude, and, If possible,
of still greater difficulty; that is, to take these
millions and transfer hem some tropical cline,
and to protect them there with the rights and
guarantees of freemen And this is all provided
for in single section and in single sentence of
nine lines.
Truly we must have recently transported our
selves from the practical domain of facts, and set
down in the romantic regions of Eastern fiction.
Do the advocates of this measure propose to con-
fer upon the President the gold making touch of
Midasf Nothing short of the ring and lamp of
Aladdin, with their attendant geni would insure
the success of such scheme, unless il is believed
hat
er. And even under that supposition, think
the owners of those Southern climes. and the
/ Transportation Companies, ought to be consulted
in regard to the legal tender clause. / presume
it is not supposed that this modern exodus will
be supported on the way by quails and mama;
and yet am free to say that it will require some
such miraculous interpostion as that which IA
vored the Israeites in their journey out of Egypt.
NOT WAR CONQUEST.
We have here in Congress made solemn de-
claration that it is not a of subjugation, but
for the preservation of the Constitution and the
Union, and am for standing by that declaration.
We have been told and believe that many of
these men now serving in the rebel army are
there by force. Are they to be hung on the
same scaffold as the willing traitorl This bill
makes no difference. The victim of force in the
beginning would end by being the victim of
wrong and injustice. Again. thousands OF these
people have been duped into rebellion by being
told that we were all AbolitioniSts. Shall there
be no provision for these men who have thus be-
leved this because it asserted by Southern
demagogues. This bill distinguishes not the
house of the planter from the negro hovel of the
slave and makes no difference between the broad
acres of the one and the little garden of the
other
.s TITLES TO coNFIscATED ESTATES
But even if your bill is carried into operation,
who will buy your confscated estatesY What
kind of neighborhood will exist between the
former owners and your purchasersS The tradi-
ton of wrong will sit at the hearthstone of that
family for ages, like hideous specter, ever ex-
citing to revenge and rebellion. You might as
well try to attract purchasers by promising them
a good title TO an Irish feud, or COrsican ven
detta Such titles have never been good. You
might as well expect capital to seek the margin
of volcano, where the lava had not ceased to
flow. That which Is taken by war must be held
by
PROMISE NOT TO NEEDLE WITH SLAVERY IN THE
STATES.
We have said we had no right, and claimed
none, TO NEEDLE with slavery in the slave States.
protest against the second section OF this bill,
as being total and entire departure from the
principles OF the Constitution, and most mis-
chieyous at this time, because it uselessly dis
tracts the people of this country. 1t would make
US do what would gratiiy our enemies everywhere,
and be worth more than 100000 votes to the
traitors Of the North TO aid them in getting pos
session of the Government.
THE LAWS OF WAR.
/ know 1t is claimed that we are now engaged
in war, by virtue of which can pass any law
to suppress the rebellion. and under which we can
pass such law as this i think this will be found
to be delusion and snare Our power to day
is no greater than it was at the commencement
of the Constitution, and any law which would be
unconstitutional then would be unconstitutional
now. No one pretends, for instance, that JEFF.
Davis had been traitor last year and escaped
the jurisdiction of the courts, we could have at
tainted him as a traitor and have freed his slaves.
Nor can the case be altered il one thousand per-
sons were traitors with him. Mr.. Cowan then
contended that conhscation of private property
was against the law of nations. and quoted from
Wheaton, vol VII page AS He said that me-
groes could not be employed in the army under
the laws of nations. Ii they were educated so as
to be controlled by the laws of war. then they
might be admitted If, on the other hand, they
are savage and ignorant, they ought not TO be EN-
pioyed in our ranks. and it would bring down on
| us the odium Of Christendom and the condemna-
'tio.. of all good men.
But the question is FOR the President and his
military advisers, and am willing 10 confde IL
to them But il is said that, under the Constitu.
ton. Congress has the right to make laws con-.
corning captures on land and water. But this
bill does not apply to the right of capture at all.
This bill provides forfeiture of property of rebels
without any capture at all. 1t is attempted TO
put the pro,aiety of this bill upon the case of