Democrat and sentinel. [volume] (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1853-1866, 1862-07-30

ted that these States could not be expected
to move in so great matter as that brought
to their notice In the foregoing address,
while as yet, the Congress had taken no step
beyond the passage Of 4 resolution, express
sive rather of sentiment than presenting
substantial and reliable basis of action.
The President Acknowledged the force of
this view. and admitted that the Border
States were entitled to expect substantial
pledge Of pecUuary all as the condition cf
taking into consideration 4 proposition so
important IN its relations 10 their social
system.
l. was further represented, in The confer
ence. that the people Of the Border States
were interested in knowing the great i'm
portance which the President attached to
the policy in question. while it was equally
due to the country. to The President, and to
themselves, that the Representatives of the
Border SlavehOlJiug States should publicly
announce the motives under which they
were called to act. and the considerations Of
public policy urged upon them and their
constituents by the President
With a view to such a statement of their
position, the members thus addressed met in
council to Deliberate ou the reply they should
make to the President, and, Is the result Of
a comparison Of opinions among themselves,
they determined upon the adoption Of 4 ma
iority and a minority auswCr--AdtIOaaL In
teUigeHcer.
REPLY or THE MAJORITY.
The following paper was yesterday sent
TO the President, signed By the majority Of
;he Representatives from the Border Slave
holding States:
WAsHrSGroE, July II, 1862.
To tie President:
The undersigned. Representatives Of Ken
, the two House of Congress, have listened to
your address with the profound sensibility
naturally inspired by the high source from
which it emanateS. the CarucstncSs which
marked its delivery. and the overwhelming
| importance of the subject Of which it treats
| We have given it a most respectful ccnsid-
| Grafton. and now lay before You our response
| We regret that want of time has not per>
! mittei us to make it more perfect.
| We have not been wanting, Mr.. PreSi
| dent. in respect t. you. and III devotion to
| the Con titUtinn and the Union. We have
| not been indifferent to the great difficulties
surrounding you. compared with which all
| former national troubles have heen but as
| the summer cloud; and we have freely given
! YOU our sympathy and support EepuGia~
| ting the dangerous hcrCSIeS of the ScceSsiou~
| lists, we believed. with you. that the war on
their part is aggressive and wicked, and the
object for which it was t. be prosecuted on
| ours, defined bv Your message at the opening
| of the present Congress. to be such as all
good men should approve. we have not hes
itated TO vote al supplies necessary to carry
| It on vigorously. We have voted all the
men and money You have asked for. and
even more; We have imposed unor1us taxes
on our people. and they are paying them
with chccrfuluc~' and alacrity; we have en-
couraged culistmcuts, and sent t. the field
many of our lest mon; and some of our
| number have offered their persons to the
enemy as pledges of thci- sincerity and de
voti0n to country. We have done al this
urdcr the most discouragiug circumstances
in the face of measures most dstastctUl TO
uS and injurious to the interests we repre-
sent. and in the hearing of doctrines ayowcd
by those who claim - be your friends most
abhOrrcnt 10 us and our constituents. But,
for q il this, We have never laltgTcd. nor shall
we as long as we have a Constitution to lie
icnd and Government which protects us
| And we are ready for renewed efforts. aud
even greater sacrifices, yea. any sacrifice,
when we are satisfied it is required to pre-
serve our admirable form Of government and
the priceless blessings Of constitutional lib
erty.
4 few of our number votcI for the reso>
lution recommended by your message of the
| 9th of March last. the greater polt tiou of us
did not, and we viii briefly state the prom
inent reasons which influenced our action.
In the first place, it proposed radical
change of our social system. and was hur~
; rieG through both Houses with undue haste.
without reasonable time for consideration
and debate. and with no time st all for con-
sultation with our constituents. whose inter
: ,sts it deeply involved. 1t seemed like an
| interference by this q ,vcrn-ncnt with a
question which peculiarly and exclusively
belonged to our respective States, on which
thew had not sought advice or solicited aid
4 Many Of us doubted the constitutional pow
I cr of this Government to make appropria
g., tons of money for the object designated
/. and all Of us thought our finances were in
D no condition to bear the immense OUTLAY
J, which its adoption and faithful execution
Q would impose upon the National Treasury
i If we pause but a moment to think of the
t debt its acceptance would have entailed we
u are appalled, by its magnitude. The propO
n sition was addressed to all the States anC
L / embraced the whole number of slaves. Ac
y corcling 20 the census of 1860 there wcrt
: then very nearly four million Of slaves il
; the country; from natural increase they ex
|. ceed that number now. At even the low
= average of three hundred dollars. the pric
e fixed by the emancipation act for the slave
o of this District, and greatly below their rca
l. worth. their value runs up to the enormou
b sum of twelve hundred millions Of dollars
and if TO that we add the cost of deportation
,e and colonization, at one hundred dollar
# each. which IS but fraction more than
% actually paid by the Maryland CulJniz4iio
L: Society. We have four LGndIei million