Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1862-10-10
THE NEW YORK WORLD ON LINCOLN's
PROCLAMATION

The New York World has long article on Lin
coins emancipation proclamation. Itsays that ne
has Swung loose from the constitutional moorlngs
of his inaugural address and his messages at the
opening of the two successive sessions OF Congress
under his administration, and is fully adrift on the
current of radical fanaticism" From the article we
extract the following:
He has been coerced by the insanity of the radi-
.oIs bu the PRONUNCIATION of their presses, by the
threats of their Governors and Senators that he
| should resign into a proclamation winch on us
face violates the Constitution, is contrary TO the
oeneral current of civilization in the conduct OF
war as it has run since the Crusades, Is IN oPpo-
;tion IN the solemn declarations made by our Gov
eminent that this was not to be a war of subjuga-
tion and in manifest obstruction of the union of
| those States for which the nation has fought
and is ready to lavish its blood and treasure.
| We demand to be informed whence the President
derives his power to issue any such proclamation
as he has now published? Not from the Constltu-
ton surely for it is in plain violation of some of its
| leading provisions Not from the laws of war, for
| the laws of war tolerate no such proceeding Not
even from the so-called confscation act which the
President was at one time on the point OF Vetolng,
for the proclamation does not conform to It's pro-
visions. This proclamation is made in some pur-
suance of that higher aw-that is to say, that open
! defiance of aw-Whch has distinguished the tribe
of pestient abolition agtators from the beginning.
! Their moral notions are so sublimated and transcen.
dental that they do not recognize the obligation OF
! q compact or the binding force OF an oath, or the
| authority of a constitutional law duly enacted. -
| They acknowledge no law but their own unreguaT
ted impulses Sectional hate, party spirit political
passions inlamed to diabolcal fury-these' are the
| higher law" of these wretched zealots, in COM
| harrison with which the sacred obligations of the
fundamental law of the land and the public Jaw oil
nations are as light, in their estimation, as the
| feathers of a gosSamer's wing. In ooedlence 10
this higher law OF unreasoning passion they under
| took MANY wears ago to annu one diStastefu but
minor provision of the Constitution; now they give
loose reins to their fanatcsm and drive with coach
and six through the very body of the instrument
| The Constitution confers on the Federal Govern
ment no power to change the domestic institutions
| of the States. This policy makes changes Of the
most violent and sweeping character, changes which
even the Republican party, in its National Conven.
tions, discalmed any intention Of making and ad-
| mtted to be unconstitutional The Constitution
protects the property of all citizens from forfeiture
by civil penalty without trial and conviction; this
policy inf heavy penalties without even the pre-
tence of trial-infcts them on all the citizens OF
whole States without even the pretence OF any dis
| elimination between the innocent and the guilty,
| blending them all into one indiStinguiShable mass,
without any regard to whether they had borne arms
against the Government or were non-combatants, or
whether they had gone into the rebellion Voiuntarl-
! w. or had been coerced into it by the terrorism
! which has prevailed at the South The COnstitu-
ton describes the crime of leVying war against the
| United States as treason and makes certain broad
regulations respecting its punishment; but the poll
| CIV in question assumes to punish levying war in
different way from what the Constitution allows 1t
| to be punished, by Furnishing it under some other
name A man cannot be constitutonaly punished
| as traitor till he has been first tried but this
policy attempts to cIrcumvent the Constitution by
| inflicting the punishment under some other form
| than a penalty of treason. universal confiScaton
of the private property of non-combatants through
out whole States without trial. without any attempt
to distinguish between innocent and guilty, or be
tween the property of full grown male citizens and
| that of minors and orphans held by guardians or
trustees, is alike contrary to the Constitution and
to the laws Of civilized war; which respect the pri-
| vate property Of non-combatants.
If we descend from the Constitution to the con-
| fscaton act we shall find this extraordinary pro-
camaton indefenSibe on the principles of that
| act That law does not act on the gross population
of of country, but on individual persons. The
forfeitureS it denounces confined to persons in
4 rebellion against the Government What can be
more prepOSterOus or a more mOnStrols perverSlon
of Justice than to make the guilt or innocence of an
| individual depend on whether the State in which he
happened to be born shall have representatives in
Congress on the first day of January? 1t would be
! sufficiently monStrouS to make mans right to his
property depend his own exercise of the elective
| franchise. Never was there so degrading a satire
on republican institutions the compulsory voting
required by President Lincoln. But when a mans
property is made to depend not whether he
| chooses to vote himself but, on whether his fellow
citizens choose to vote, and whether the number
ting under this executive cOmpulsOn happens to 0e
a majority, are lost in astonishment that a chief
magistrate of free country should undertake to
make citizens perform what ought to be their reest
act under coercion, and 10 convert the ballot box
| into criminal tribunal. What has the number of
votes cast in particular election to do with the
question whether particular citizen is guilty of
treason? Why should women, minors, and orphans,
be deprived of their property in consequence of the
neglect of citizens to vote?
This extraordinary proclamation will bring no
advantages to the negro race at all prOpOrtOnate to
the distractions it throws in the way of reunion
1t is certain that the Union will be restored
till this ill-advised action of the Government is re-
versed 1t converts every inhabitant of the South
into zealot, whose all is embarked in the success
of the rebellion The idea that they will succumb
to threats, that they will vote on compusion that
they will feel terror or misgvings, anything but
increased indignation, at such proclamation shows
small knowledge either of human nature or of the
Southern mind. Such proclamation cannot pos
sibly be enforced and its only effect will be to
strengthen the determination of the rebels to fight
to the very last They are shut up in lane which
has no turning. When the military power of the
rebels is broken we have laid before ourselves still
harder task to perform. At the very crisis of the
contest of arms the President has reinforced them
as effectually if he had doubled their squadrons
in the field We may learn from enemies. They
will rejoice. Their leaders will make of this pro-
camaton their chiefest moral weapon. 1t is pow
erless in our hands for good-in theirs, it will be
potent for evil Our only salvation now is in the
balot-box. To that it yet remains possible for the
people to resort. There the battle lost to-day may
be won to-morrow-there alone the insulted maes-
ty of the Constitution may be indicated by the
people against its faithless custodans
CONFEDERATE CoURTs.-We copy the following
for the information of all interested in the Confed-
crate Courts.