Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1862-12-02

the enemies of the Union. These articles
are intended to embOdy plan of such mutual
concessions. If the plan shall be adopted, it
is assumed that emancipation will follow in
several of the states.
AS to the first article, the main points are,
first, the emancipation; secondly, the length
o! time for concentrating it-37 years; and
thirdly, the compensation. The emancipation
will be unsatisfactory to the advocates Of per-
petual slavery; but the length of time should
greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The
time spares both races from the evils of sud
den disarrangement; in fact, from the neces-
slty OF any arrangement; while most of those
whose habitual course of thought will be dis
turbed by the measure, will have passed away
before its contamination. They will never
see It, Another class will hail the prospect
of emancipation but depreciate the length of
time, They will feel that it gives too little to
the now living slaves. But it really gives
them much. 1t saves them from the vagraut
destitution which must largely attend imme-
diate emancipation in localities where their
numbers are very great; it gives the inspiring
assurance that their posterity shall be free
forever.
The plan leaves each state choosing to
act under it, free to abolish slavery now, or at
the end of the century, or at any intermediate
time, or by degrees extending over the whole
or any part of the period, and obliges no two
states to proceed alike. 1t also provides for
compensation, and generally the mode of
making it. This it would seem must mitigate
to the dissatisfaction of those who favor per-
petual slavery, and especially of those who
are to receive compensation. Doubtless some
OF those who are to pay and not to receive,
will object; and yet that the measure is both
IllSfn nd - H.,
of the slaves is the destruction of property
acquired by descent or by purchase, the same
as any other property.
1t is no less true for having been often said
that the people of the south are no more re-
sponsible for the original introduction of this
property than are the people of the north; and
when it is remembered how unhesitatingly
we all of us use cotton and sugar, and
share the profits of dealing in them,
it may not be quite safe to say that
the south has more responsibility than the
north for its continuance. If, therefore,
for common object this property is to be
sacrificed, is it not Just that it be done at
common charge? and, if with less mon
ey, or more money early paid, we can
better preserve the benefits to the union
by this means than we can by the
war alone, is it not also economical
to do it? Let us consider it then. Let us
ascertain the sum we have expended in the
war since compensated emancipation was pro-
posed last March, and consider whether, if
that measure had been promptly accepted by
even some of the slave states, the same sum
would not have done more to close the war
than has been otherwise done. If so, the
country would save money, and that view
would be a prudent and economical one.
Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as
it is to pay nothing but it is easier to pay
large sum than it is to pay larger one; and
1t Is easier to pay any sum when we are able
than it is to pay it before we are able.
The war requires at once the aggregate sum
necessary. For compensated emancipation,
of course, it would be large; but it would re-
quire no ready cash nor bondSmen any faster
than the emancipation progresses. This might
not, and probably would not, close before the
end of the thrty-seyen years. At that time
we shall probably have one hundred mil
lions of people to share the burden, in
stead of thirty-one millions, as now. And not
only so; but the increase of our population
may be expected to continue for long time
after the period as rapidly as before, because
our territory will not have become full. |
do not state this inconsiderately. AT the
same ratio of increase which we have main
crisis in 1890 until that OF 1860, we should
in 1900 have a population Of l03, POS, 4l5;
and why may we not continue that ratio far
beyond that period? Our abundance of room,
our broad national homestead is our ample
resource.
Were our territory as limited as are the
British isles, very certainly our population
could not expand as stated. Instead of re-
ceiving the foreign born as now, we would be
compelled to send part of the native born
away. But such is not our condition. We
have two million nine hundred and sixty
three thousand square miles. Europe has
three million and eight hundred thousand,
with population averaging seventy three and
one-third persons to each square mile. Why
may not our country at some time average as
many? Is it less fertile? Has it more waste
surface by mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts,
or other natural causes? Is it inferior to
Europe in any natural advantage? If then,
we are at some time to be as populous as Eu-
rope, how soon? As to when this may be-
we can judge by the past and the present
As to when it will, if ever, depends much on
whether we maintain the union.
Several of our states are above the average
European population of 70 l-3 to the square
miles; Massachusetts has l75 Rhode Island,
1888; New York and New Jersey, each so;
also, two other great states-Pennsylvania
and OhiO-are not far below, the former hav-
ing 63 and the latter 50. The states already
above the European average, except New
York, have increased in as rapid ratio since
passing that point, as ever before; while no
one of them is equal to some other parts of
our country in national capacity for sustain
ing dense population.
Taking the nation in the aggregate, we find
its population and ratio of increase for the
several decennial periods to be as follows -
In 1870 the population was 1899, 1927; in
1900 it was 1858, 1873, the ratio of increase be-
ing seventy per cent? in 1910 it was 7,239,-
Sl4, ratio of increase 35.45 per cent; in 1920,
1858, l3l, ratio of increase 33. 10 per cent; in
1880, l2,S66,020, increase 33.49 per cent; in
1910, l7,069, 453, ratio of increase 32.67 per
cent; in 1850, %, 19l $40, ratio of increase
35.07 per cent; in 1860, 81, 443, 100, ratio of
increase 1888 per cent.
This shows an average decennial increase
OF 34.6O per cent. in population through the
seventy years from our first to our last census
taken
1t is seen that the ratio of increase at no
one OF those seven periods is either two per
cent. below or two per cent. above the average,
thus showing how inheXible, and consequent
ly how reliable, is the law of increase in our
case. Assuming that it will continue, it gives
the following results In 1870 the population
will be 1929, BAL; in 1880, $685. PIG; in
1890, 76,677,S72; in 1900 1O3, POS, 415; in
1910, l3S,9l8,526; in 1920, 1S6, 1874 ,335 in
1880, 25l, 6S0,9l4.
These figures show that our country may
be as populous as Europe at some point be-