Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1862-02-27

IHo lt1tuty anu tlo iAukubkt VI JUG OOn@
Ititution showed that general aversion 70
he slave trade existed at The time Of framing
hat instrument, and that Georgia and South
Carolina demanded prOtectieE against any
prohibition Of q for twenty yearl, on account
Of The deteSlation IN which L Was held BY ell /
Christian nations.
As 70 the justice Of the claim, II was re.
piled that In the recsnt war, sons, brothers,
husbands and fathers residing In the free
States bad contributed their money, their
time, their lives, In defending the Govern
ment In which the people Of sll the States
were interested. They had died. But what
father, or brother, or wife, or orphan had ever
demanded cOmpensation2 Yet Southern
statesmen would now tax those bereaved
fathers, brothers, widows and orphans to pay
this master for the loss Of his slave. This
Vould not bs Just.
Itwas insisted that General jackson did
right In impfessinR the slaves OF New Or
leans. That Mr.. Madison, the father Of the
Constitution, was then President, and had
approved General Jackson's action.
Ons-third Of the population of the slave
States are in bondage, and it were unjust tnat
freemen should 60 South, meet the invaders
and die upon the battlefield in order that the
planters may keep their slaves at work upon
their plantations. Those lab0rers we're "per-
sons" oppressed, degraded, outraged and
wronged; yet they were ''persons," possess
ing hopes Of heaven and fears Of hell, were
capable Of committing crime, and were pun
ished in all the States. To wantonly slay
slave was murder, to enslave an African
on his own soil was piracy under our national
laws.
That the treaty of Client had stipulated
that the British army should not carry away
negroes, or other property Of the inhabitants,
but that was only the senss of the treaty
making power, and not Of the government,
yet had It stipulated that they should not
carry away any ''white men," 1t would have
had the same effect to transform them into
property as it had to change negroes into
chattels.
The debate had become earnest. The
ablest men of the nation engaged in it
The most breathless attention was bestowed
on every speaker. A profouad interest and
even deep solemnity rested on every coun-
tenance, when suddenly John Randolph Of
Virginia, sprang TO the floor. His ef6emi-
nate voice now raised to its utmost volume,
rang shrilly through the hall, and pointing
his long finger towards the speaker, he ex.
claimed, 4" Lez ita seTiptG est" the point is
settled and you may cant to the end Of the
chapter. We do not depend upon your
views of humanity or religion: and when
you deny that slaves are our property, we
shall not be found in this hall, we shall be
| found at home With arms in our hands" he
proceeded to lecture Southern members for
consenting to argue the question; and de-
clared it to be their true policy to hold no
controversy on the subject. He next pro-
ceeded 10 an elaborate examination of the
whole subject.
This policy was supported by other men,
bers who proclaimed the solemn determine
ton of the entire South not to permit this
question to be discussed. Perhaps no incl
dent better illustrates ''the madness Of the
hour" than the solemn assurance BY Mr..
Drayton of South Carolina that when this
question should be agitated, the slave States
would ''consider the palus Of the Union" Yet
every member who preceded him in debate,
whether from the North or from the South,
had discussed It, and none more elaborate
than himself.
The discussion continued two weeks and
was maintained with great ability on both
sides. At length the question was taken on
the amendment granting compensation for
the loss Of the slaves service, etc., and it
was carried by majority Of three Eotes.-
Messrs. Ripley and Wright of Maine Bark
er and Healy of New Hampshire, Everett,
GOrhan, Hodges and Varnum OF Massachu-
setts, Cambrelling, Johnson, Verplank and
1 II
ler, Stephens, ssSoutherland and Vanhorn Of
Pennsylvania, Blake and Irving Of Indiana,
voting with the Shareholders, while several
members from the Free States did not vote.
Rhode Island, Connecticut Vermont New
Jersey, Ohio and Illinois, were dishonored
by no voice in favor of Transforming immor-
tai beings into property.
Nor did the engrossment of the bill with
the Objectionable amendment, discourage
NoEthsrR msRSsE m6 nv ThsE BsEE B5sgGy9s5S 5sG9ff Arm ,
ness under the most discouraging eircum-
stances, and they determined to oppose to
the last proposition intended to transform
our free Government into a slave sustaining
oligarchy.
The bill came up the next day for its final
passage, when the speaker, with great SOL
emnity, propounded the parliamentary ques-
tion, 'ShdB this biU pas p To this interro-
CATION the sblest voices of the free States
responded in the negative, by the most for
chile arguments. The debate was resumed
with greater eaEnestness than had been pre-.
viously manifested. Young members from
the free States, who hsd not previously ap-
peared in debate, now spoke with consum.
mate ability. Southern members appesr to
have been astonished at their heroic firm
ness and evidently qRsiled before it. North.
ern members then moved to recommit the
bill to the Committee on Claims, in order TO
strike our the amendment which gave pay
for the service of the slave The motion .Oas
carried, the loss of D. Antrives slave was no
more heard in Congress Another and a
more important precedent was established in |
favor OF the primal doctrine that all men
possess equal rights to life and liberty. The
lovers Of freedom bresthed more freely
Those members who had put forth their Mt
most efforts against the abhorred doctrine.
that men crested in the image of God, with
immortal hopes, can be changed by human
enactment in properly, felt more seifresuect
and the people Of the free States entertained
more confidence in the stability of free insti.
5utiOns. el--ts. zl'-II7