Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1862-09-26


tive, like the Pope's bull against the comet
Would my tcOrd free the slaves when can moi
even enforce the Constitution In the rebe
Staseef Is there single court, or magistrate
or individual that would be influenced by Il
there2 And what reason is there to think 4
. would have any creator effect upon the slaves
, than the late law of Congress, which approved
and which offers protection and freedom to tht
slaves OF rebel masters who come within oul
linesi Yet ! can not learn that the law hai
caused a single slave to come over to US. [Tht
President could not have meant to deny th.
well known fact thGt the slaves have come tC
us in vast numbers whenever the way wai
open; but only that he could not trace the In
huence Of tina. law. And suppose they could
De induced by proclamation of freedom from
me to throw themselves upon US, ,ohat should OK
do toih hem2 How could We feed and care for
such multitude2 General Butler wrote me, a
few days since, that he was issuing more ratione
70 the slaves who have rushed TO him, than TO
all the white troops under bis command. They
eat, and that 10 all; though il is true, General
Butler Is feeding the whites also, by the thou
sand; Tor It nearly amounts to q famine there.
II, now, the pressure of the war should call of
our forces from New Orleans, to defend some
other point, what 10 to prevent the masters from
reducing tho blacks to slavery again; for l am
told that whenever the rebels take any black
prisoners, free or slave, they Immediately auc-
tion them of! They did so with those they
took from boat that was aground on the Ten
neasee river, few dsys ago And then an
ueTy ungeReTousiy attacked for IL! For instance,
when, after the late battles at and near Bull
Kun, an expedition went out from Washington
under flag Of truce, to bury the dead and
bring in the wounded, and The rebels seized the
blacke who went along to help, and sent them
into slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper,
that the Government would probably do moth
ing about it. What could do2 (Here your
delegation suggested, that this was gross
outrage on flag of truce, which covers and pro-
tects all over which 1t waves, and that what.
ever he could do if uhite men had been eimilar-
ly detained, be could do in this case.)
"Now, then, tell me, if you please, what
possible result OF good would follow the issu-
ing OF such a proclamation as you desire Un-
derstand, Iraise no objections against it, on legal
or constitutional grounds; for as commander
in-chief OF the army and navy, In time Of war,
l suppose have right to take any measure
which may best subdue the enemy. Nor do
urge objections Of q moral nature, In view oi
possible consequences Of insurreetion and mas.
sacre at the South. l view the matter as @
practical war measure, to be decided upon &C
cording to the advantages or disadvantages II
may offer to the suppression of the rebellion
Thus invited, your delegation very willingly
made reply, to the following effect; It being un-
derstood that portion of the remarks were in.
termingled by way of conversation with those
of the President Just given.
We observed (taking up the Presidents ideas
In order) that good men indeed differed In their
opinions on this subject; nevertheless The truth
tcda sot1spheTe, and it was q matter OF solemn
moment for him to ascertain it; that we had mol
been so wanting in respect alike to ourselves
and to him as to come q thousand miles tC
bring merely our opinion to be set over against
the opinion of other parties; that the memorial
contained facts, principles and arguments
which appealed TO the intelligence Of the Pres
ident and to his faith in Divine Providence;
that he could not deny that the Bible denounc.
| ed oppression as one Of the highest Of crimes,
and threatened Divine judgments against ma
tions that practice it; that our country had
been exceedingly guilty in this respect, both al
the North aud South; that our just punishment
has come by O Shareholders rebellion; that the
virus of secession 10 found wherever the virus
of slavery extends and no farther; so thai
there is the amplest reason for expecting "a
avert Divine Judgments by putting away the
sin and for hoping to remedy the national trou
bles by striking at the cause.
/ We observed further, and we freely admitted
the probability, and even tho certainty, that
God would reveal tho path of duty to the Pres
ident as we'll as to others, provided he sought
to learn it In the appointed way; but as accord
. ing to his own remark, Providence wrought by
means and not miraculously, it might be, God
would use the suggestions end arguments oi
other minds to secure that result. We felt The
deepest, personal interest in the matter as Of
NAT IA
thoughts of our Presiden, by communicating
the convictions Of the Christian community
from which we came, with the ground upol
which they were based.
|, That ii was true, that he could not nov On
! force the Constitution at the South; bat WI
) could SEQ in that fact no reason whatever fol
) not proclaiming emancipation, but rather th,
contrary. The two appealed to different classes
} the latter would aid, and in truth was necessRr
to re reestablish the former; the two could b
( msde operative together, as fast ss our armie
] fought their way southwark; while We had ye
to hear shat he proposed to abandon the Consti
tuition because OF the present difficulty of en-
= foraingit.
As to tho inability of Congress to sgree o.
this policy at the late session, 1t was quite pos
q sible, in view Of subsequent events, ther
r might be more unanimity at another meeting
r The members have met their constituents an
learned OF marvellous conversions to the VII
+ dom of emancipation, especially since late Z,
G verses have awakened thought as to the extrem
f peril of the nation, and made bad men as we
: as good men realize that we have to deal wit
v God in this matter. Men Of the most opposiI
j. previous views, were now uniting in calling ft
/. this measure.
h That to proclaim emancipation would secul
}, the sympathy of Europe and the whole civilzt
Ia world, which now saw no other reason for d
Is strife than national pride and ambition, an Vi
}, willingness to abridge our domain and powe
l. No other step would be 30 potent to prevel
a foreign intervention. IA. ..,.....
Furthermore, II would send thrill throug
J. the entire North, firing every patriotic hear
giving the people glorious principle for whiS
"a TO suffer and to fight, and assuring them tht
q the work was to be 80 thoroughly done, as
!. leave our country free forever from danger on
d disgrace in this quarter. ". .-.........
70 We added, that when the proclamation shou
70 become widely known Gas the law of Congre
,r has not been) il would Withdraw the slaves fro
N tho rebels, leaving them without laborers, al
p giving us both lGbOTers and soldiers. That 81
II difficulty experienced by General Butler al
II other Generals, arose from the fact that hal
ID way measurss could neveT apa,l. It 10 the j
,s herent vice of hallway measures, that tn,
0, create as many difficulties as they remove.
v is folly merely to receive and feed the slave
al They should be welcomed and fed, and then a
10 cording to Paul's doctrine, that they who Q
+. must work, be made to labor and TO fight, f
n. their liberty and ours With such polio
10 the blacks would be no incumbrance, and the
at rations no waste. In this respect We shou