The Hillsdale standard. [volume] (Hillsdale, Mich.) 1851-1909, 1862-12-09
.NO..s4gs.


great diversity OF sentiment and policy in
regard 10 slavery and the African race
amoug us. Some would abolish 1t suddenly
and without compensation, and some would
abolish it gradually and with compensa-
tion. Some would remove the free people
from us, and some would retain them with
US, md there are yet other minor DIVERSE
ties. Because Of these diversities we waste
much strength in struggles amongst our
selves. By mutual concession we should
harmonize and act together. This would
be compromise among the friends and not
with enemies with the Union These arti-
cles are intended to embody plan of such
mutual concession. II the plan shall be
adopted, il is assumed the emancipation will.
follow. at lea't in several Of the States.
HARMoNIzING DrYyEREXcEs.
ln the first article the main points are:--
First, The emancipation. Second, The
length OF time for consumating, in years;
and Third, The compensation. i
The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to
the advocates Of perpetual slavery, but the
leng'h Of time should greatly mitigate their
dissatisfaction. The time saves both races
from the evils Of sudden arrangement. while
most Of those whose habitusl course of.
thought will be disturbed by the measure.
will We passed away before its consuma-
tion. They will never see it. Another
class will hail The prospect Of emancipation
but will deprecate the length Of time. They
will feel that il goes for little TO the now liv-
ing slaves. but il really gives them MUCH
1t saves them from the vagrant destitulions
which must largely attend immediate eman-
cipaton in localities where the circumstan-
ces are very great, and it gives the inspire
ing assurance that their posterity shall be
free forever.
The plan leaves to each State choosing to
act under it TO abolish slavery now or at the
end Of the cen ury, or at any intermediate
time, or by degrees, extending over the
whole r any part of that period; and it OBJ
liges no two States. TO proceed alike. II al
so provides for compensation, and general
y the mode of IN aking il. This, it would,
seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfac.
ton of those who favor perpetual slavery, es-
pecially those who are 10 receive compensa-
! ton.
| WHY COMPENSATE. riset
| Doubtless some of those who are to pay
and rot to receive will object 10 it. That
the measure is both just and economical is
certain. The libei alton of the slaves is the
destruction of property acquired by descent
or by purchase. the same as ary other prop
ery. 1t is no less true for having been often
said, that the people of the South are no
more responsible for the introduction of this
property than are the people Of the, North;
and when it is remembered how unhesitat.
ingly we ell use cotton and sugar, and share
the profits of dealing in them. it may not
be quite safe to say that the South has been
more responsible than the North for its con-
tinuance. II, then. for a common object.
this property is TO be sacrificed, is it not
Just that it be done ct a common charger
Aud il with less money, or money more
easily paid, we can preserve the benefits Of
the Union by this means. than We can do
By he war alone, is it not economical to- do
AN CoEoMIcAL VIEW.
Le: US consider it then; let us ascertain
the sum we have expended in the war
since compensated emancipation was pro-
posed last March, and consider whether, if
iha. measure las been promptly accepted
by even some Of the slave States, the same
sum wou'd not have done more to close the
war than has been otherwise done. llso.
the measure would save money; and IN that
view, would be as prudent and economical
measure, certainly.
1t is not so easy to pay something as it is
to pay nothing. but it is easier to pay IA
largt sum than larger one.
The aggregate sum necessary FOR COM
pensated emancipation Of course would be
large. but it would require no ready cash
nor bonds any faster than the emancipation
progresses. &
SHARING THE BURDEN WITH PosrERIrY.
This might no, and probably would not
close before the end Of the thirty-seven
years. AT that time We shall probably have
t0O,0oOO 900 people to share the burden,in-
stead OF 81 900. 900 as now, and rot only
so, but the increase OF our population may
be expected 10 continue for long time
after the period as rapidly as before, be-
cause cur territories will not have become
full. | do not state this inconsideratcly.-
AT the same ratio OF increase which we have
maintained on fn average from our first
national census in 1890 until 1860. we
should in 1900 have a population of lQ3.
2o8.4i5, and why may we not continue
that ratio far beyond that period. - g''
OUR TERRITORY. ,f
Our abundant room, our broad naliopaF
homestead, is an ample resource. Were
cur territory as limited as are the British
i.lss, certainly our population could not ex-
pand as stated. Instead Of receiving The
foreign born as now. we should be COMPEL.
ed TO send part of the native born away,
but such is not our condition. We have
e.963,00O Of square miles. Europe has
5000, eco square miles, with population
averaging 738 perscns'to the square mile.
Why may not our country at somo time
average as many? l, i, less fertile? Has
it more waste surface by mountains. rivers,
lakes, deserts and other causes! Is il in :
ferior TO Europe in any natural advantage?
PRcspEcTIvE GROWTH OF rcPULArIoS.
If then we arc at some time 10 be as pop
ulous as Europe, how soon? AS to when
this may be. VIC may judge Of the past and
present rs 10 when, ii will ever depend,