The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1862-12-03
WEDNESDAY MORNING, DEC, 3, 1862.
THE COST OF PEACE.
Letter from Robert Dale Owen to
Secretary Chase,
The Conditions of Lasting Peace

10 The Hon. Salmon p. Chase, Secretary of
the Treasury:
SIR: In briefest terms I state the propo-
sitions which, as the subject of our re-
cent conversation, Ipromised to reduce to
writing.
What are the reasonable hopes of peace?
Not that, within the next fifty days,
the South, availing herself of the terms
of grace offered in the Presidents pro-
clamation, may, to save her favorite in
stitution, return TO her allegiance. Let
us not deceive ourselves. There are no
conditions, no guaranteeing, not if we
protfer her blank sheet on which to set
them down, with unrestricted pen, in her
own hand-under which she will consent
to runion, except in one contingency
conquest, more or less complete, by force
of arms.
Are we likely to obtain peace by con-
quest?
In search of an answer, let us look
closely at few statistical facts.
BY the census of 1860 the number of
white males betweea the ages of 18 and
45 is, in the loyal States, about four mil
lions and in the disloyal States, about
one million three hundred thousand; a
little upward of three to one. The dis
proportion seems overwhelmingly great.
But this calculation, as a basis of mill
tary strength, is wholly fallacious, for it
includes persons of one color only.
Out of the above four millions the
North has to provide soldiers and with
inconsiderable exceptions, not usually
extending to field-labor) laborers also.
But of the three millions and half Of
slaves owned in the rebel States, about
two millions may be estimated as labor
ers. Allow three hundred thousand of
these as employed in domestic services
and other occupations followed by women
among us, and we have seventeen hun
dred thousand plantation hands, male
and female, each one of which counts
against a Northern laborer on farm or in
work shop.
Then of that portion of population
whence soldiers and outdoor laborers
and mechanics must chiefly be taken, the
Northern States have four millions aud
the Southern States three millions.
Surprising the negroes all loyal to their
masters, it follows that the true proper
tons of strength available in this war
that is, of all soldiers to fight and labor
ers to support the nation while fighting
may fairly enough be taken at three in
the South to four in the North.
Under the supposition of a South
united, without regard to color, in an eff
fort for recognition, shall we obtain
peace by subduing her? If history teach
truth, we shall not Never, since the
world began, did nine millions of PEG.
pie band together, resolutely inspired by
the one idea of achieving their independ-
ence, yet fail to obtain it, 1t is not g
century since one-third of the number
successfully defied Great Britain.
But let us suppose the negroes Of the
South loyal to the Union instead of t
their masters, how stands the matter
then
In that case it is not to a united PEG.
pie, but to Confederacy divided against
itself, that we are opposed; the masters
on one side; the laborers, exceeding
them in number, on the other
Suppose the services of these laboreri
transferred 10 us, what will then be tn,
proportion, on either side of forces avail.
able, directly and indirectly, for military
purposes?
AS about five and three fourths TO ont
and third: in othor words, nearly a.
nine TO two.
Such a wholesale transfer is, of course
impossible in practice. But in so far as
the transfer is possible, and shall occur
we approach the above results.
How much wisdom, under these cir
cumstances, is there in the advice that
we should put down the rebellion first
and settle the negro question afterwards
What shall we say of their craftsmanship
who, in war like this, would leave out
of view the practical effects of emanci-
patton
On the other hand, however ii is TO be
admitted that African loyalty in this
war will little avail us, if we have not
good sense and good feeling enough pro-
perly TO govern Their negroes who may
enter our lines.
To render their aid available, in the
first place we must treat them humanely;
a duty we have yet to learn; and se-
condly, both for their sakes and for our