Juliet signal. [volume] (Juliet [i.e. Joliet], Ill.) 1844-1???, 1862-12-09

one of its grievances. But why should
emancipation South send the freed people
North. People of any color seldom run
unless there is something to run from
Heretofore colorad people have fed North
to some extent from bondage, and now
perhaps from bondage and restitution
but, if gradual emancipation and deporta-
ton be adopted. they will have neither to
nee from. Their own masters will give
them wages, st least until new laborers
can be procured, and the freed men in
time will gladly give their labor for wages
till new homes can be found for them in
congeuial chimes and with people of their
own: blood and race. This proposition can
be trusted on the mutual interests involv-
ed I; and, in any event cannot the North
decide for itself whether to receive them
Agsin. as practice proves more than
theory in any case. has there been any
Eruption northward because of the ab .lish-
ment of slavery in the District of Column
bia asst spring. What have said of the
proportion of free CO ored per ons to the
whites in the District of Columbia is from
the census of 1860, having no reference 10
persons called contrabands. nor to those
made free by the AGA Of Congress abolish
ing slavery here.
The plan consisting of these articles is
recommended. not but that the restoration
of the national authority would be accepted
without its adoption nor will the war, or
proceedings under the proclamation of
Sept. 22j. 1862, be stayed because of the
recommendation of this plan. Its timely
adoption, doubt not, would bring restora-
ton, and thereby stay BOTH And no;-
withstanding this plan, the recon- menda-
ton that Congress provide BY law for COM
penssting any State which may adopt the
emancipation, before this plan shall have
been acted upon, is hereby earnestly re-
newed. Such would only be an advance
part of the plan, and tho same arguments
apply to both. This plan is recommended
a means, not in conclusion of. but addi-
tional to, all others for restoring and pre-
serving the national authority throughout
the Union. The SUBJECT is presented ex-
clusively in it's economical aspect. Tho
plan would | sm confident, secure peace
more speedily than can be done by force
alone, while il would lose less, considering
the amounts and manner of payment and
the amouats would be easier paid than will
be the sddit; onal coat Of the var, if We rely
solely upon force. If it most likely that i:
weuld cost no blsod at oil. The plan
proposed is permanent constitutional law
1t cannot become such without the concur
renee. hrst. of two-thirds of Congress. and,
afterwards, three-four:hs of the States
The requisite three-quarters of the States
will necessarily include seven of the
Southern States. If obtained, it will give
assurances of their severally adopting
emancipation at no distant day, on the
Il
would end the struggle now, and save
the Union forever
do not forget the gravity of paper /
dressed to the Congress of the nation by
the Chief Magistrate of the nation, nor do
forget that some few are my senior. or
that many Of you have more experience
than IN the conduct of public affairs; yet
l trust that, in view of the great response
biliiy resting upon me. you will perceive
no want OF respect to yourselves in any
undue esrnestness | may seem to display.
Is 1t dou btsd, then, that the plan propose.
II adopted, will shorten the war, and thus
lessen its expenditure of money and bIopdi
Is 1t doubted that it would restore the na-
tioual prosperity, and perpetuate it indie
6nitely. Is it doubted that we here, Con
gress and Executive, can secure its a1op-
ton! VIII not the good people respond to
united and earnest appeal from usi Can
we-can they-by another means, SO GER.
tainly or so speedily assure these vital OBJ
Jects? We can succeed only by concer.
whatsoever lis possible, still the question
Ii Is not, Can any of US imgine better
bus Can any. of US do better? Object
recLrs, Can We do better? The dogmas of
the quiet past inadequate to the stormy
present. The occasion is piled high with
dlhcuity, and We must rise with the occa-
sion. As our case is new, so We must think
| and act anew. We must diseuthrall our
selves. and then we shall save our country.
Fellow citizens, we cannot escape his
tory. We of this congress will be remem-
oered in spite of ourselves. No personal
significance or insignifcauce can spare
one or another of US. The fiery trial thro'
which we pass will light US down in honor
or dishonor to the latest generation. We
say that we are for the Union. The world
VIII not forget that while we say this, we
know how to save the Union The world
knows we do know how to save it. We
even we-hold the power and bear the
responsibility. IL giving freedom to the
slave we insure freedom to the free.-hun-
orable alike in what we give and what we
preserve. We shall noblv save or meanly
lose the best hope of the earth. Other
means NAV succeed. This could not fail
The way is plain, peaceful, generous, Just,
"a way which, if followed, the world will
applaud, and God must forever bless.
(Signed) ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Washington, Dec. 1862