The national Republican., 1862-11-05
rh, .kevieyyv va. G,.dstone.

The London Reuie,o does not consider Mr..
Gladstonc's positions worthy Of On elaborate
argument" but drives him into o corner by
asking few pointed questions. Repeating
Mr.. Gladstone's position, viz: That in the es.
tablishment Of the independence OF the South
lies the best hope for the extinction Of slave.
ry," 1t applies 10 it what II calls "a short but
decisive lest thus !: "Do the Southern states
men who are fighting for secession believe that
independence will achieve the extinction of
slavery? Does Jefferson Davis or Mr.. Glad.
stone know best what is intended to be, and
what is likely 10 be, the result Of Southern
success? II the Union afforded, as Mr.. Glad
stone thinks, the best security for slave prop
erty, why are the slave proprietors 80 deter
mined to get id of the Union? Ifsecession is
to bring about emancipation, why are the slave
owners secessonists ?" The Reuie,o rather un-
kindly adds "In his next after dinner Grafton,
we hope Mr.. Gladstone will attempt an answer
to these inquiries"
Even Mr.. Gladstone himself seems 10 have
become little alarmed at the positive and
partial language ne used ut Newcastle, and in
a subsequent speech at another town he modi-
fed it to some extent, and gave us II gentle
pat Oh the bacb.' He said:
"There is no doubt, am afraid, II we watch
what has taken place in this country and Eu-
rope-there is no doubt, US far as experience
throws light on the subject--and, indeed, on
the grounds OF reasoning and Anticipation
there is no doubt that what has taken place in
America has operated as n serious blow, and q
serious and grave disadvantage in Europe to
tbe SrnsI,as, :r ry,,n"!nles wont say merely
even OF those constitutional principles in firm.
ly embracing which oil parties in this country
are happily agreed"
There seems something very "muddled" in
this paragraph; perhaps the reporter was to
blame-perhaps 1t was another " after dinner
oration. Mr.. Gladstone proceeded, rather more
distinctly, as follows:
81 do not think it possible to watch the
course and current OF opinion, and the tone Of
public declaration as TO the action of our in.
sttutions, without seeing that u very untavor.
alb Q intuence--an influence untavorable to
freedom-has been strengthened by the un-
happy experience OF what We may call Ame-
rican democracy. earnestly trust that Eng
lishmen will be upon their guard against that
reaction. (Hear, hear.) If it be true that the
institutions of America have not produced, in
this tims of most deadly trial, all the fruits OF
an ideal existence, yet, let us rccollect that at
any rate. for two or three generations OF men,
that Constitution to which the immortal Wash.
ington gave his sanction, and which was de-
vised by able statesmen-and other statesmen
have rarely taken part In public alfairs-that
Constitution has served, at all events, to keep
watch and ward over the advancing fortunes
Of nations, and under Its influence has grown
from infancy, not to manhcpd only, but to a
manhood of gigantic dimensions and in sym.
pathy with our brethren across the waters, II
that deadly strain has come which must rend
at last into two portions that great community,
1t has arrived not altogether in consequence
Of the action OF principles purely political, but
the root OF the difficulty Is laid In social dis.
cordance, and what may be called incompati-
bility Of social temper In a broad difference OF
institutions and, to speak plainly, in the ex.
istence Of that saddest social calamity of slave.
ry, which was legacy from England to Ame-
rica.s (Aplause.)
II Mr.. Gladstone had made this speech, and
not the former one, he would not have lost, as
he has now done, the respect OF his "brethren
across the waters" and, think, the confidence
Of his own people.