Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1862-01-28

lnis. we repeat, is the doctrine of the partv
noW IN possession Of the Government. II. how.
ever' tne measure In question should become a
.aW, ana the law should be enforced according
70 tnis doctrine, tho law would virtually abollO6
slavery In the South. 'N' :"
me point requires no eluoidation. II NAV be
saiu me law would not be enforced according
Lo w Ioe.rine 30 plainly unconstitutional But
1aI, nom 10 we Know that3 The present law Is en-
.orcso according to this doctrine. What rea.
eoa ha,e We 70 believe that new law would
~. oeI we know OF none; though we know
many 70 tne contrary The least that can
be said on the subject Is that Il WouId Give riss
70 legal controversy under Republican auspI-
ces involving the fates:of Southern slayerv. II
would in special and gratuitous manner mt
tne institution Of slave property at the mercy
OF the anti.slavery power. And this is the
point We make. The effect of this feature of
sne measure on the rebellion, whatever 1t might
Do nnaiiy on the institution of slavery, would
prove the same In kind If not 10 degree az an
euiet OF express emancipation; for the rebels,
ioio"ing the sjovernment In this respect. un.
derstaDd conhscation 10 signify neither more
nor less than emancipation Tue feature would
therefore stimulate the insurgent masses TO a
new desperation, only to open tue way for the
happening OF . contingency that would desolate
tue South and consummate the destruction Of
tne Government. We should be making the
rebellion more difficult to suppress for the sake
oi making its suppression possibly If not prob.
ably fruitlees.
On these grounds we object to the measure
under notice and to all other measures of whole.
sale coDhscation. Such measures are adapted
70 defeat Instead of promoting the object of the
war tney are condemned by the usages of mod |
han T. ii.
wnicn grew up to its present dimensions chiefly |
through the inability or unfaithfulness of the |
constituted authorities of the nation, especially
unjust and pitiless; and, finally, they throw
open the door for the abolition Of slavery under |
the color of law. All these weighty objections |
lie fairly against this class of measures. We
nope sincerely that no measure OF this class
Will meet with favor amongst the conservative
men IN Congress. We believe that on deliber-
alton none will. Our own conviction is opposed to
any new conhscatlon law whatever; but il q new
law must be passed, justice and policy alikL de-
mand that it shall be prospective and condition
al, in place Of retrospective and absolute, and
that the confscation Of slaves be 90 defined as
to exclude the alleged effect of emancipation. |
The sweeping confiscstion of the property of |
rebels, whether they return to their allegiance |
or not, sacrifices wantonly one of the most po-
tent agencies of the Government in bringing the
rebels back. 1t gives the rebels no chance It'll
shuts them up between resistance and destruo-
ton. Ii drives them further away from their
allegiance in lieu of inviting them to return
II Is stupid as we'll as cruel. A well-guarded |
con6acation law, however, taking effect a suta-
bic time after the rebellion shall be put down, |
and the authority of the Government re assert |
ed, and depending, not on the departure of the |
citizen from his allegiance, but on his refusal |
to return thereto, might exert very wholesome
influence. Still We question If the time has
yet come when such a law can be either drawn
with the highest fitness or enacted with the best
effect. Our decided conviction is that for the
present, at least, we have legislation enough on
the subject. We think that Congress for the
time may with great propriety resign the war
10 the army. And we trust 1t will.