Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1862-10-15
VOLUME XIII, NO. 237.
The New York worId on EfneoIn's Proc-
Fasnrf5am

The New York WorId on LincOIu's Pre-,
iamatiOn.
The New York Bonid has long ariicls 0
3 LincOln's emancipation proclamation. I. say
that be has s'sF7ung loose from the consultations
mOOrings Of his inaugural address, and kis me.
ssges at the opening Of the two successive Sc,
J sious of Congress under his administration, an
is fully adEift on the carrent Of radical fanai
ieism." FFom the article ne extract the follow
ing
He has been eoereed BY the insanity Of tb
radicals, by the denunciasi0n of their presses
by the threats Of their governors and Senator
that ne should resign, into proclamation which
on lts face, viostes the Constitution, is contrary
90 70 the general current Of civilization N The
conduct OF war as il has run since the Crusades
Is IN opposition to the solemn declarations made
/ by our government that this was not 70 be .
war OF subJugation, and in manifest obstruction
OF the Reunion Of those States Tor which the
hatlon hSs fought, and is ready 20 lavish its
blood and treasure.
1 We demand to be informed whence the Presi-
/ dent derives his power to issue any such Droela-
/ nation rs be he's now pablishedl Not from the
Constitution surely, for it is in plain violsfion Of
some OF lts leading provisions. Not fr1m the
suc6 pfoeg Sr loI .as avs OF war tolerate no
eonfsession act, which the PresidSnE 9ss' az isa5
time on the point Of vet0ing, for the prOciama-
I ton does not conform to It's provisions This
/ proclamation is made in pursuance OF that high
eT law-that is TO say, that open defiance of law
which has distinguished the tri6s of pe5tiIsnt
abolition sgi ators from the beginning Their
moral notions are so sUbhmatsd and trsnscen-
dental that they do not recognise the obligation
OF compact, or the binding force Of an oath,
or the authority Of a constitutional law daily
enacted. They acknowledge 10 law but tseir
own unTegGlsted impulses. Sectional hate
party spirit, political passions iDdsmsd TO dis
ooleal tuTy-thtse are the "HigheT-isw' 0i these
wretcned z5alots, IN comparison with which the
sacred obligations Of the fundamental law Of the
land and the public law Of nations are as light
IN their estimation, as the feathers of a g1ssa-
meI's wing. In obedience to this Iigher law OF
unreasoni6g passion, they undertook, many years
ago, TO aunul one distastsfUl but minor pr0vis-
ion OF the Constitution; now they give loose
reins to their fsnaticism, ana drive with q coach
and SIX tbrou gh the very body Of the instru-
ment
The Constitution confeTs On the Federal gov
ernment no power 70 change the domestic ia
situtions OF the States This policy makes
changes of the most violent sHf sTeeptug char
acter, changes which even the Republican party,
IN its national conventions, disc. aimed any ii5-
tention Of making, and admitted to be uHcOn
sutuuonal. The Constitution protects the prop
eriy Of ali citizens from forfeiture by civil pen
ally without trisl and conviction this pclicy
lnf1lcts heavy pesAltiss witkeus even the pre-
tence Of = tTiAl-inficEs them on ell tRe citizens
Of whole States, without even ths preteuee Of
any discrimination between the innocent aud
the guilty, blending them ali iuso ons indistis-
guishAble mass, without any regard 10 whether
anti fsT
were non-combstsnts, or whether they had gone
into the rebellion voluntarily, or had been Co
creed into It by the terrorism which Ess pre-
vailed at the South. The Constitution describes
the crime Of ie7ying war against the United
States as treason, and makes certain broad reg
ulstiOns respecting It's punishment but the pol
icy in question Assumes to punish levying WsT
in q different way from what the Constitution
allows TO be punished, by furnishing it under
some other name. A man cannot be consEiu-
tionally punished as a traitor TIL ne has been
hrst tired; but this policy sttemps TO circum-
vent the Constitution by iDricsiDE the punish
ment under some other form than ss penalty
Of treason. A universal couhsCatiOn of the pri-
vate property Of nOn-cOmbstauts, throughout
the whole States, without trial, without any at
tempt TO distinguish between innocent and
guilty, or between the property Of fun grown
male citizens and that Of minors and orphans
to the Constitution and to the laws Of civilized
war, which respect the property ef noa-cOm-
batants
If We descend from the Constitution to the
confscatOn act, We shall find this extraordinary
proclamation iDdefenisble even on the principles
Of that act That law does not act on the gross
population Of areas of country, but on indi-
Vidual persons. The tOzeituTes it deuOunces are
confined to persons IN rebellion against the gov
ernment What can be more prepOstaTOus, or s
more monstrous psrvsTsion Of justice, than TO
make the guil5 OF innocence of an individual
depend on whether the State in which be hsp
pened to be born shall have representatives Iu
Congress on the first day Of January II
would be sufficiently m)nstrous to make Iasn's
right to his property depend on his own eXeT-
else Of the elective franchise. Never was there
so great q satire On republican institutions as
the compulsory voting required by President
Lincoln. But when mans property Is made
to depend not on whether he chooses to vste
himself, bui On whether his fslls8-citizeHs
choose TO vote, and whether the number voting
under this executive compulsion happens to be
a maj j1rity, We are lost in astonishmsRt that a
chiet magistrate Of q free country sheuld under
take 10 make citizens perform what ought to be
their freest act, under coercion, and TO convert
the ballot box into a criminal tribunal What
has the number Of votes cast ia q particular
election 10 DO with the question whether a par
ticUler citizen is guilty Of treason Why
should women, minors, and orphans be deprived
Of their property in consequence Of the neglect
Of citizens 10 vote
This extraordinary proclamation Will bring no
advantages to the negro race at all proPortonate
to the Instructions it throws in the wGy Of re-
union It is certain that the Union viii never
be restored till this III advised action Of the gov.
eminent is reversed. Ii converts every inhabi-
tsut OF the South into zealot, whose all Il em-
bsrked in the success Of the rebellion. The idss
that they will sUccumb to threats, that they viii
vote on compulsiOn, that they viii feel terror or
misgivings, or anything bat increased indigns-
ton, at such a proclamation, shows small knOwl- /
edge either of human nature or of the temper Of
the Southern mind Such PToclzraatIou can
not possibly DO enforced, aud It's only effect viii
be 10 strengthen the discrimination If the rebels
to fight TO the very last They are shut up ia .
lane which has no turning. When the military
power Of the rebels is broken We have laid before
ourselves a still harder task to perform. At the
very crisis Of the contest Of arms tho President
has reinforced them as effsc.usily IS if he had
doubled their sqUadrons in the field. We may
learn from our enemies. They will rejoice.
Their leaders will mske Of this proclamation
their chiefess moral weapon. 1t is pOwerless in
oGr hands for gOod-in theirs, it will be potent
for evil. Our only salvation now IS IN ths osl-
lot-bcz To that it yet remains possible for the
people to resort There the bsttls lost to-day
may be won to-mOTTow-thers alone the insulted
ms iesty of the Constitution may be vindlested
by the people against its fsithless eustOdlsns.
The Army aud she EorOClanaafiSs'
The Washington correspondents OF the New
York Express says:
The proclamation seems to excite but very I