Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1862-03-26
THE RAFTsMAN's JOURNAL,
HON. MONTY BLAIR ON EMANCIPATION.

HON. MONTY BLAIR ON EMANCIPATION.
The following is the letter of Montgomery
Blair, on Emancipation, to the Committee of
Invitation of the late meeting at the Cooper
Institute, New York
WAsHINGToN, y. c., March 9, 1862.
Gentlemen: have the honor to acknowl-
edge your favor of yesterday, inviting me to
attend a meeting of the citizens of New York
at the Cooper Institute, on the 9th instant
and requesting my views on the subject of the
call. / shall not be able to attend>the meeting
nor have the leisure to write out my views
upon the subject with the care demanded by
the nature of it, but will offer some thoughts
for your consideration.
do not concur in the proposition, that GER
tain States have been 'srecently overturned
and wholly subverted as members of the Fed
eral Union, upon which the call is based
This is, in substance, what the Confederates
! themselves claim, and the fact that secession
is maintained, by the authors of this call, for
a different purpose, does not make it more
constitutional, or prevent them from being
tual aiders and abettors Of the Confederates
No one who knows my political career will
suspect my condemnation of this doctrine is
influenced by any indispesition to put an end
to slavery. l have left no opportunity unim-
proved TO strike at IT. and have never been re-
strained from doing so by personal considera-
tions. But have never believed that the abo-
llllOH Ol slavery OF any OtHtr great reform.
could or ought to be effected. except by lawful
and constitutional modes. The people have
never sanctioned, and never will sanction any
other, and the friends of the cause Will espe-
cially avoid all questionable grounds, when,
as in the present instance, nothing else can
long postpone their success.
There are two interests in slavery the po-
litical and property interest, held by distinct
classes. The rebellion originated with the po-
lttical class. The property class, which gen
orally belonged to the Wing organization,
had lost no property in the region where The
rebellion broke out, and were prosperous. 1t
was the Democratic organization, which did
not represent the shareholders as class,
which hatched the rebellion. Their defeat in
the late political struggle, and in the present
rebellion, extinguishes at once and forever,
the political interest of slavery.
The election of Mr.. Lincoln pnt an end to
the hopes OF Davis, Wise. et id omne genus for
the z esidency IF the Union, and hence the
rebe lion. 1t extinguished slavery as a power
To control the Federal Government. and it was
the capacity to subserve this purpose alone,
which had given it vitality for morally and
economically it is ndefensble. With the ex-
tinction of its political power, there is no mo-
tive to induce any politician TO uphold it.
No man ever defended such an institution.
except for pay, and nothing short Of the pow
er of the Government could provide sufficient
Is
vice and, therefore, Mr.. Tombs said with per-
feet truth, that the institution could only be
maintained, in the Union, by the possession OF
the Government. That has been wrcsted from
Il, and the pay now is on the side Of justice
! aud truth. Can any man, who respects popu-
lar intelligence, think ii necessary, with such
advantages on the side OF justice and truth, to
violate the great Charter of our Liberties to
insure their triumph Such an act, in my
judgment, so far from advancing the cause,
in whose name il is performed, would surely
be disastrous, and result in bringing our OPP
| ponents into power in the name OF the Consti-
| tuition.
1t is not merely question of constitutional
| law, or slavery, with which we have TO deal,
| In 'securfpg permanent peace" The problem
| before us is, the practical one Of dealing with
| the relations of masses of two different races
! in the same community. The calamities now
upon us have been brought about, as ! have
already said not by the grievances OF the class
| claiming property in slaves, but by the jeal-
| ousy of caste, awakened by the Sccessonists
in the non. shareholders
In considering tho means OF securing the
peace of the country hereafter, 1t is, there FORE
this jealousy Of race which is chiefly TO be con.
siderod. Emancipation alone would not re-
move 1t. IL was by proclaimiDg to the labor
ing whites, who I'LL the armies Of rebellion,
that the election of Mr.. Lincoln involved O.
mancipatiOn, equality OF the negroes with
them, aud consequently amalgamation, that
their Jealousy was stimulated 10 the fighting
point. Nor is this 10 aousy the fruit of mere
ignorance and bad passion, as some suppose
or confined to the white people of the South.
On Che contrary, il belongs to all races, and,
like all popular instincts proceeds from the
highest wisdom 1t is, in fact, the instinct of
self-preseryation which rcyolts at hybridism.
Nor dGs this instinct initiate against the
natural law, that all men are created equal, IL
| n bpt lax nf N at nh IL nh
ed. We have but to restore the subject race
to the same, or to region similar TO that from
which it was brought by violence, to make il
operative and such a separation of races was
the condition which the immortal author of
the Declaration himself declared TO be indis.
pensabe, to give it practical effect. A theor-
ist, not living in any community where divers
races brought in contact in masses may
stihe the voice of nature in his own bosom,
and, form a determination to live up to mis-.
taken view of the doctrine, go so far as to ex-
tend social intercourse TO individuals, of the
subject race; but few, even of such persons
would pursue their theories as far as amalga-
nation and other legitimate consequences of
their logic. Indeed, for the most part, such
persons in our country, like the leading spirits
in Exeter Hall, are so far removed by their
circumstances from any practical equality
with working people of any race, that they
have little sympathy for them and nothing to
apprehend for themselves from the theory of
equality. Not so with the white workingman
In community where there are many negroes
In such circumstances, the distinction of caste
is the only protection of the race from hybrid
ism and consequent determination.
That this jealousy OF cause is the instinct
of the highest wisdom, and is fraught with tno
greatest good, is abundantly attested by its
effects on oar own race in which it is stronger
than in any other. We conquer and hold our