The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1862-01-04
RELEASE OF Na~Ov AND Sal.
DELL

~
DELL.
I WAsHrSGroS. Dee. 2S.-Messrs. Mason
! aud Siideii have been given up TO England.
The official correspondence between our
Governmant and Grea, Britain relative 10
the seizure of the traitors Mason and Slidell
is received.
4 The first is letter from Secretary Sew.
ard tn Minister Adams, dated NV. SO. 10
which he compliments the la er FIR wisely
speaking and acting at the Lord MayofA
dinner. and also states thai he told LnG1
, Palmerston simply the fact when ,nformipR
1 him the life of the insurrection was sustain
ed by the hopes of its recognition b. Ea8-
land and France, and If those hopes ceased.
the insurrection would perish in ninety
days.
| He repeats in the same note tAe feet Of
the arrest of SlideI and Mason bs Captsin
Wilkes as new and untor~eeen circum-
stance. which is to be met 81 - tuo Gov
ernments. if possible. in = tiedN epirit.
| Lord Lyons had said noeRinx On the sub
iect. and no explsuationA uess furnished TO
MinisieS Adams, It being deemed prudent
that the ground taken BY the British Gov
ernment should 6rss be made known here,
and discussion be bad here; but Secretary
Seward deemed il proper to state that Capt.
Wilkes acted without instruc'ions. and the
subject, therefore. IL nee from the embarrass-
ments which might have ensued if the act
had been specially directed.
He ,tusss the British Government will
consider the subject in y friendly temper.
and il may expect the best disposition on
our part. A.
The next letter is from Earl Russell to
Lord Lyons. ds ed November SO, which
details the Trent affair.
+ He sNys it thus appears that certain sin-
dividuals have been torcibly taken from .
British vessel the ship of neutral power.
on lawful and innocent voyage; an act of
violence which WAS an afff ont 10 the British
flag. and violation of International law
Her msjesly's Government are willing
to believe the act was without authority,
and resulted from a misunderstanding as
the Government of The United States must
be fully aware the British Gnvernm mt
would not allow such an atfront to the Ma
tional honor to pass wi hou, tull reparation:
and the British government is unwilling to
believe that the United States deliberately
intended unnecessarily TO f,rce discussinn
OF SO grave qaestion between the two Gov
ernMents.
Her Majesty's Government trusts that.
the Government Of the Unite.i States wsllqfr
its Own accord offer such redress - 4isde
cod satisfy them. viz: The Ibersside ~
tbe1onr persons, and their -deliscax y;
Lyons. that thev may again be \:
British authority. and sseinb s. - l
for she a4gressip3 couss IA
these ter,ps mot be oilersd ~ Mr. Seward.
you will propose Them to him.
Mr.. Seward replies 10 Lor Lyons. by
whom he was furnished with copy Of
u lat L ~ l.
had been submiit.d d 10 the President. Mr.
Seward saws: "The b rtist G ,vernment has
rightly conjectursd what is now my duty to
state. that Captain Wilkes acted upon his
own suggestions of duty. wi,ho 1t any direc-
ton or instruction. or even foreknowledge
of it on the part Of this Governmen ~
No directions had been given him any
other naval officer to arrest the tour per-
sons. or any of them, n the Trent OF any
other British vessel, or any men raj vessels.
there or elsewhere. Alter discussing the
whole subject at grea, length in all its bear.
ings, M. S-wald says:
| trust | have shown to the satisfaction
of the British Government by a very simple
and natural staIemen, OF facts and analysis
of law applicable TO them, that this Govern
Inent have neither mediated. practiced. nor
approved any deliberate wroIg in the trans
actions to which they have called its atten
ton; aud on the contrary. that what has
happened has been simply an inadvertency,
in departure by the naval off
Ger, free from any wrongful motive. from
rule uncertainty established. and probably
by The several parties concerned either i'm
perfectly understood or entirely unknown.
For this error the British Government has a
right to expect the same reparation that we,
as an independent State. should expect from
Great Britain, or ON any other friendly
nation in a similar case
l have not been unaware that in examin-
ing tits question [ have fallen into an argu-
ment, Tor what seems to be a B iti-h side OF
ii, against nv own country; bal L an re-
leved from all em bar rassment on that sub
ject. had hardly fallen into that line OF
argument when | discovered that | was
really defending and maintaining not exclu
sively British interests. bat an old. honored
AMI cherished American cause-not upon
British authoTi les. bu, upon principles that
a la ge portion of the dis inciva
policy BY which the United States have de
veloped the resources OF a continent, aud
thus become q considerable maritime power
and W the respect and confidence IF many
naiions. These principles were laid down
tor us by James Madison in 1904 when
Secretary of State under Jefferson. in his
nstructious 10 James Monroe. our then
Minister to England
Mr. Seward says. (after quoting these
instruciions:)
If | decide this case in favor of my own
Government, | must disavow its most cher
ished principles, and release. and reverse,
and forever abandon its essential policy
The country csnnot aft rd the sacri6 ce. II
i 81 fpio cd
that pol cy. l mus, surrender the case ITSELF
Il viii be seen, therefore. that this Govern
ment could not deny thu justice of ,he claim
presented. We arr asked TO do TO the Brit
ish nation just what We always insisted all
nations ought TO dc to US In coming TO my
conclusion. have not forgotten tha, il the
saiety OF this Union required The detention
of the prisoners. it would be done
1t would be the right and duty Of this