Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1862-04-02
TH1nTT. SEVEN m oNGREss.
First sessio on:

to collect evidence In regard TO the barbaror
treatm ent by the rebels at Manassas Of the o
fcers and soldiers Of the United States kille
In battle there. He eaid we have been disgul
ted and shocked by the reported treatment Z
the remain8oi soldiers by the rebels. The sku
OF brave Massachusetts officer has been mad
into drinking cup for Georgia rebel. II
evident that VIC are In conflict with peOpl
lower in the scale Of civilization than ourselves
and he wanted record made for history.
Mr.. Howard moved to enlarge the resolution
80 as to include an inquiry whether the rebel
enlisted Indians who committed unheard OF at
rocities, and how this savage warfare was con
ducted. II he was commanding General b.
would mako no prisoners OF men who were
serving side By side with Indians.
The resolution thus amended was adopted.
Mr.. Hale offered resolution that the SecFe
tary of War be instructed to transmit TO tht
Senate the correspondence Of Gen. Wool will
the War Department, relative to the move
ments, or part thereof, since he has been In com
mand of Fortress Monroe.
The Senate then took up the bill for the abo
litlon OF slavery In the District of Columbia.
Mr.. Wright Of Indiana spoke against the bill
and Mr.. Fessenden in favor Of IL.
Mr.. Wright said he had hoped, when he came
here, he might have given his attention to put
ting down the rebellion, and that these embar.
RAISING questions would be avoided. He wat
not going to look Into the past to see why GER
tain things were done. There was evil enough
In every section Of the country to excite horror
but he thought II was the duty Of the politician
and statesman to look at the bright side. But
Instead Of avoiding these questions, they met
him on every side, and there were many meas
ures more important, especially the confscatoI
bill, which he regarded as the muet important
measure before the Senate, and calculated to
pat down tho rebellion.
He was opposed to the bill; he preferred and
had offered bill which was copy Of that OF.
fered by President Lincoln when member OF
the House. He preferred Ii for two thDgs:--
Gradual emancipation and submitting it to the
people of the District. He referred to tho bill
Of Benjamin franklin for tho emancipation of
slavery 10 Pennsy ylvania, which was gradual,
and TO John @ Adams, who was not In favor OF
emancipation In the District of Columbia, He
quoted from his speeches In 1887 and '39, and
said that the facts show that the free blacks
Increase faster than the slaves In the country,
and contended that there were influences at
work which would accomplish the desired oh.
ject better than hasty measures. He was fur
ther opposed to the bill because II rejected col
onization, ..- Ill. s. .....4 -.
The people Of Indiana settled this question,
and they determined this black population should
not mingle with them. He wanted bis children
to grow. up among their equals. He referred TO
the message Of the President as the first time
tho Executive ever attempted, In any way, to
Interfere in the States. He was an advocate OF
old fashioned States rights, not the modern
doctrine, but the old doctrine that domestic in
stitutionB and regulations strictly belong to the
States. When the Governments assumes pow.
ers Infringing on State rights, II inaugurates
corruption and pundering, and be thought the
origin OF the rebellion was In the system Of of.
foe hunting and corruption, He thought the
Border States ought TO be consulted ns to the
expedlenoy of this measure. ,,..,..
D He would use all measures to put down the
rebellion, and let time, the great arblter deter
mine the proper remedy for these and other
questions. He referred to Gen. Sherman's
proclamation and Mr.. UndeEwood's letter, in
regard to the bill, as ring Of the true metal.
he was opposed TO the army returning fugldves
and in favor Of the tax and confscation bills,
and all other measures to put down rebellion.
The people OF bis State were eminently loyal,
and they desired the rebellion put down. aud to
have no impediment put In the way by side is
sues. He believed there was no difficulty in
living In peace and union with slavery, If each
State would only attend to It's own concerns,
and not interfere with its sister States.
The question being on an amendment, offer.
ed by Mr.. Pomeroy, that equitable settlement
be made with slave and master,
Mr. Pomeroy epoke 10 favor of the amend.
ment, as matter of Justice. He said he came
here last April, and nearly all the loyal men he
found living In the District were slaves. He
did not believe any slaves were held here by
any right or any law, and we have no right to
pay masters for slaves to whom they have no
legal right.
Mr.. Fessenden said he had presented the res-
oludoDs Of his State In favor OF this measure,
and pledging the State for Ter share of the
payment, in case the resolution was adopted
A constitutional question had been raised in OBJ
jection to that measure, but the resolution sim
ply says that the United States ought to afford
aid, eto. In regard TO the abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia, nobody can claim
that Congress has not the constitutional power
to legisate for the District of Columbia In any
way that may seem best. There never was a
time when he would not vote to abolish slavery
in the District Of Columbia.
he bad said repeatedly that the object Of the
war was to restore the Constitution, and not to
interfere with slavery In the States, and be
meant TO keep that pledge; but he did not say,
that they would do nothing which would indi.
rectly affect slavery. The object of the Repub.
lican party was to free the Government from
connection with slavery. II did not follow that
the Republican party intended to do anything
unconstitutional, because they do what 10 prop.
erly constitutional; and that the Senator from
Virginia (Willey) had no right to cay that all
measures brough: in are series Of one Plan
He thought slavery an evil, and whenever no
could weaken and ipjure slavery under the Con.
stltution, he had the right, and 1t was his duty,
to do 1t. He should be false to every instinct
Of his nature, If no lost any opportunity TO dis.
sever the Government from slavery.
He believed the time had como for the abb
clifton of slavery In the District. He hoped
it would be an example to his friend from Vir.
glnia (Mr. Carliele), and lead him into the
ranks to inabgurate o movement to bring his
own State into the position she might have.
Virginia has nearly as much territory as all
New England, and has unparalleled resources,
but look at the difference! He never could un,
derstand why distinguished Senators exhaust
themselves In singing hosannahs to slavery,
which bolittled them and kept them far below
the position they were capable OF assuming.
Mr.. P0meroy's amendment was rejected
Mr. Clarke called up bis substitute for the
bill.
Mr.. Davis offered an amendment to the ori-
ginal bill, that persons are permitted to retain
possession Of their slaves till the money sppro-
prlsted be paid them, Rejected.
Mr.. Davis offered another amendment, to
strike out the limit Of three hundred dollars as
the average amount to be paid for each slave
Rejected-ll to 80.
Mr.. Browning said he found no difficulty as
to the oonstitutionality Of this measure. He
had an amendp.nt, suggested by citizen Of
the District, who was himself STAKEHOLDER,
He moved to amend Mr. Clsrke's substitute, by
making the average value of slavea Ave hmm.