, 1862-04-17

recdom in the other. We have tried the eX-
er1ment for the best part Of q century, and it
Us failed, utterly failed. Freedom has made
Il conceivable sacrifices to slavery. Com
,romise after compromise has been consented
0, We have suppressed the rtterance Of our
,ob1est convictions, done all We could to !
tife the irrepressible instincts Of humanity,
est By some word or deed We might endanger |
,een contempt Oh the part Of the South for
he Union-saying North and the present re-
oellion. 4 new trial of the experiment can
succeed no better, for the people Of the loyal
States, il they would regain the slightest ap-
proach to self:respect, cannot possibly make
have already done to render practicable and
that Union. The experiment has
failed, IS fail it always viii and always must I
It is not constitutional government, it is not
repubG GcaDism, as some OF our European |
friends pretend, that has failed; but the at
essentially hostile and mutually fepeilant sJs- |
tens in the same State. |
The claims Of slavery on the Union, DR., |
BzoWngon maintains. are nu1ifed by the act |
Of secession.
We have no patience with those politicians,
restore the old Union Of Slavery and Free |
dom, who believe, Or profess to believe, in the
possibility Of its restoration, and try to per-
suade Us that on that union depend the future
greatness aud glory Of the Republic. The
slave interest had always the right to secede
we recognize the alleged right Of secession;
for the United States never made slaveholding
obligatory On any particular State, OF on any
Of their citizens. The slave interest had al
wayB the right, if it chose, to go ont Of the
Union, to cease to be an interest il or of the
destruction But having gone out Of
the Union, and ceased to be an interest
in the Union, We deny the obligation
Of the United States to force it back, or
even to permit its voluntary return. Il has
gone out, and we say, let it stay out. But the
tile right Of the slaveholding States themselves
to secede. Slavery might secede, but it could
not carry with it any portion of the national
territory, the national property, OF the nation-
al population, and as the slave has no rights
and no property Of bis own, It could carry no
therefore, 1eayes TO the United States all
the territory previously occupied BY it,
and the p1enary right of sovereignty over
that territory and the population Occupying
it. The secession could only dissolve the
union between Slavery and Freedom, it could
seeding, necessarily left to Freedom the
whole national territory, none Of which could
ever rightly again become slave terri
tory. Rightly and legally considered, the
question Of Slavery in the seeding States is
not, whether it shall OF shall not be abolished,
but whether it shall or shall not b e Eeestab
lshed. By the act Of secession Slavery has
no longer legal status In what was the terri
tory Of the seeding States, and the popula-
tion held to service are free, because there IS
now in that territory no law by which they
can be so held. What we demand Is, not an
act Of the Government abolshing Slavery, but
refusal on the part Of the United States to
! allow the success OF their arms over the rebels
to be used to re,estaoh6R It, or remand 20
sa.e anstara nv Hera ne ;s = 4be s4e nosit;on
of fhe SLAVE onesfion to-day-a Dosition far in
| advance Of its posision yesterday.
| The defunct States, in the opinion Of DR..
Bro1nson, should be revived, or more strictly
speakiug. new States be formed with old
names and boundaries, when the rebels have
Internationally laid down their arms; But
therf ia mn constitutions, right to restore
r,~- n,....... 1,..-,,,a, t,o.-, e.oo5 ~,
| oiaserS' 'ne nesioeo n"'1o5 o9eA - n-.e -
the rebellion Of the States whose LAWS authof-
| lied them to be held as slaves, arc hencefoEth
froa rnen and the Federal Government mus.
- AA' snN W. - rea
protect ana govern toem as 1ree HELL
Undoubtedly there is something severe in
treating the rebellion Of State as State sui
eide; but We have yet to learn that the W3J
Of rebellion ought to be graded, macAdamlzed
or made easy: We see no wisdom or humanity
in leaving q State free to rebel, conyulse the
nation, create fearful civil war, will
all its sacrifices of men and money, ane
be free to resume its former stdtn
the moment it ceases fighting, because
fighting ceases to be Of any avail. No Gov
eminent that has any se1f-1cspect, any con
seriousness Of its rights and duties, ang regard
for Justice or the public veal, can ever allow
rebellion such impunitY. It will make as i
| nupht to make, the way Of the political trau5
eressor hard. We must not forget that tht
States forming the Southern Confederacy hav.
no legal existence, aud no legal authority II
make war or ueace Every soldier in the ua
tIonaI arua7 Killed in battle by their soldiers il
murdered. lust as much murdered as shoult
be. were robber to break into nv house, ant
xiii me while dtfendiur the inyiolabiIitg Of m,
dwelling and nv nronertv. We aay not tha
eyery secessIou soldier Who kills . natioua
| soliier in battle is murderer. il. foro consc;
tntio' Int We do saw the killine OF such a sol
der Il nurifer. An Of our Brave soldiers-
officers Or nriyates-Tho have fallen in thi
civil war have been murdered. bar
harons1v +rearherously murdered. an,
' N1,-sN1- -.
every man VINO Foluntat4y ana ~. Ano"lns n as
ne If anout, nAs enttfeu ulto LUZ I.neltou m
oIlg mated 1osterea, OF III any way aaaea 1 an
apettea II, Is ans~elapIe3 eAaes y patuc.pE y
accessory, 1of tneT muIueF, ana 1or M muIqeIlnl
them while IN the discnafge ot tnelr nlg4es
aud most solemn duties TO theIf count1F 4n1