Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1862-11-03
John x. Porter's Thorough Summing


We have nowhere seen in so compact a form
and iu such logical and pointed presenta-
ton, statement of the philosophy of the
contest between us and the rebels, as is
contained in these concluding passages of
John K. Porter's great speech at Little
Falls, N. Y.
Under the Constitution, We recognized
ard faithfully maintained the dominion OF
the master over the slayei but when the
South abjured the protection, of The Eeder-
al compact by reasonable and public war,
il committed all its rights to the domain of
the taO of Ipdr.
Under that Law they have used for the
subversion OF the Constitution. all the
agencies of destruction they could COM
mand. Their most powerful anxiety has
been the institution of slavery which gave
them the absolute control of four millions
of human beings, who were bound, with
out pay, to obey every command of the
traitors with whom we are at war. Slavery
rears their mhankments-digsth their trench
es-feeds aud clothes their armies-sup.
ports the families, and supplies the wants
of the homicides who are thrusting their
weapons at the throat of the Republic.
The wheels of our government are OBJ
structed. We find that It is Slavery that
clogs the wheels. Shall the clog be re-
moved +? President Lincoln and the Cabt-
net say, Yes, Gun. Mcclellan and the army
say Yes. The people of the Free States
say, Yes. Horatio Seymour and Fernando
Wood say, No.
Slavery is the key that turns the lock.
The war is waged by our enemies. We
fight to defend the Union, and We
mean to defend it to the end, though
it costs those enemies their property and
lives. If Slavery stands between us and
victory, Slavery must 20 to the wall.
The sympathisers with the South hold
the claims OF 800, 900 Shareholders 10 prop
erty in human blood and bones, more holy
than tile claims of 90, 600, 600 Of freemen TO
their heritage in the American Union. We
bold, on the contrary, that rather than sac
riice the interests of ourselves and our
posterity in this blood bought RepnbIic,
it would be better that slaves and slave
holders should sink together into one COM
mon grave. Weyalne the rights aad lives
of the free aud loyal millions of the North,
at higher rate than those OF every Rebel
and slave on the continent.
| No such fearful alternative is presented.
The preteuse of slave insurrecti6n is alb.
surd. The South is armed. The unarmed
negro never rises against armed men.
There has been no Instruction of slaves
since this war began. The tmptation TO
| instruction is gone. Their masters trea-
son has wrought out for them "a pToelama-
ton of liberty, by a power by which mas
ter and slave alike must yield. The negro
race never fight for themselves, when there
are others to fight in their behalf If the
Rebels really fear slave insUrrectton, let
them cease their work of butcherY, and
/ in thar ourn Thaty
may, indeed, be embarrassed by being
compelled to choose between the insurreo-
ton they are prosecuting, aud that which
Gov. Seymour fears they have occasion to
suppress Our care is to preserve loyal
lives. Let it be theirs to keep their labor
ers in chains.
We have been true TO the compact. They
have been false. They coniscated Northern
debts, and the slaves of Southern Union
lists, held by the same constitutional ten
ure. The loyal Shareholders in Rebel
States will have no cause of complaining
against us. They and we alike are sub.
ject 10 the perils, the burdens ana the law
of var. While that law takes from them
their slaves, when public necessity de-
inauds, it forces us to the field, aud COM
pels us to lay down our lives. But we pro-
vide for them-what we did not when we
emancipated our own slaves-full compen-
sation TO every loyal stakeholder.
The rebels were our brothers by COM
pact, and not by blood; aud when they
severe the compact and scout the relation,
neither they, nor others ia their behalf can
assert their former rights under COnsIitu-
ton which on oath and 10 arms they alb.
jure. That Constitution will stand frm-
1t will protect the rights and property of
every loyal citizen, North and South, after
as before the war; but what these things
shall be will depend on what rights and
property nay meantime have been forfeit
ed by treason, or swept away by the law of
war. Treason has a quality of corrosion
which eats even into the manacles of the
slave, and the South must not complain, II
its own rebellion against liberty should
add four millions 10 the number of tie
free.
| What of the future2 ope thing we
know, whatever else may rest in doubt
Whether tue temple reared by our fore
fathers shall remain in its strong aud beau
tiful proportions, or whether at the close
of this war New York shall stand a solita
~ and broken column, those who in this
hour palter with the public enemy will
sink TO grave from which there is no res.
direction.
We know, too, thatif this Government
falls, it falls forever. Let no man delude
himself with the dream of two rival Com
federates- The States, if not united, will
be disbanded. Between the hammer and
the anvil the diamond may be crushed it
cannot be halved; it will resist the bluw.
or IT will be shattered to fragments.
We know that consent to the subversion
of the Goverdment is national suicide; aud
this consent can never be obtained from
twenty millions of freemen.
We know their numbers and ours, their
strength aud ours, their resources and
ours, md we know that we can never be
conquered.
We know the fixed resolve of the Ameri-
can people is, that there shall be no peace
which divides the Republic. Treason
must DO driven back,twoundeCi and baifIed.