The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1862-08-08


sense Of honor and delicate taste may Or,
fer; and. though the political power of sls
very is forever broken, the tenure of pro,
erty 10 slaves may continue; but if they pr
tract the struggle until the endurance an
resources of the nation are expended,
predict that, without any congressional G
executive interference, and as the inevi,s
BILE result of invasion and the conflict {
arms, the longlivety of slavery will be co
incident with the duration of the war. "
will prosecute the war to re-es,ablish tn
supremacy of the Federal Constitution. un
der Mr.. Crittenden's resolution at the extr
session Of Congress, and if slavery mus
perish in the conflict. ls, it perish.
/ ''We can all agree in vigorous prosecu
ton Of the war TO crush treason and saw,
the Government, and if, in so doing, SLAYER,
dies, let 1t go. We have not stock in it,
We did not put it in pe,il by war. Wha
interest or responsibility have we in sla
very? Why is slavery any more sacred ii
the hands of rebels than any other specie,
of property? Why will political fossil,
persist in linking the fortunes of the Demo
cratic party with the fortunes of slavery?-
Rebels have thrown off their obligations to
/ the Constitution, under which alone it has
causslcss and unproyoked war; they have
staked it on the result of military conflict.
| Snail it not abide the fortunes Of revolu
tion?"-[Mr. Rays speech at the Union
Convention.
Mr. Wright remarked that l believed
those were the sentiments of the people of
my State. l shall detain the Senate but a
moment longer. l know they are anxious
to come to vote. If have exhibited any
warmth in the remarks that have made.
hope 1t will be attributed to my natural
character of being impassioned In the
conclusion of my remarks beg the Senate
again to consider this question: when we
have decided this matter. why should the
subject be introduced here every day and
IN every bill? | favored the con6scation
bill that finally passed, with great regret,
because 1t had not that one feature in it; but
voted for it simply because l believed the
President had that power without the bill.
l desire to see everything on Gods earth
taken by our Geucras that will assist in the
prosecution of this war; but, Senators, it
vii! never be done until you have a policy
defined by your Executive. l talk TO you
as a plain man. 1t will never be done until
you have policy defined by tie President.
every negro that comes within his lines to
work, TO labor. should be turned out instant
ly. As that army moves along. every bit
of property belonging to the rebels must be
taken. If your President does his duty,
before ten days. in my Judgment there can
be 30.O0o.ooo of property belonging to
the rebels taken possession of In the North.
Gentlemen have no idea of the amount of
property held in the Northwest by rebels,
from John Sidell down. Sir, you have
got more rebels than you think you have in
this country. and it is the duty OF our Gov
ernment to show frmness and nerve and
energy in furnishing them. 1t is our vacil I
latlng policy that has now caused Kentucky I
and other States to be invaded, because we
have no. sustained our loyal men, and we
have not shown to the people of this coun.
try that We arc determined to carry on this |
war a war. We shall never have peace /
antil we have a uniform and permanent sys-
'em, and that system must come from the I
Executive; and if it is necessary, he ought t
10 be told by you and me: issue procla |
nation, not only one day, but every hour;
his is no time to hesitate; put it in the hands
If every officer throughout the North, and
throughout the length and breadth
If this land that man who is not for this
Union must forfeit all he has. This Gov
'rnment must be preserved. A rebel to
his great Government has no claims to its
and the man who can rebel
gainst it ought to forfeit every thing, and to
lie.
Mr.. Saulsbury-I should like to ask my
riend question.
Mr.. Wright-Certainly.
Mr.. Saulsbury-I will ask him whether
e would make every military officer the
dge of the loyalty or di-loyalty of the
itizen!
Mr.. Wright-Iu answer that. would {
ot make a military officer tie judge OF
hans conscience. but we can always tell l
hen by their acts. We have a great many
zen furnishing aid and comfortto the South. {
We have men all over the North tho cannot
ee anything right in this war. would
rake every military commander my officer; 4,
would lay down my rule; and l would |
Ike the property under this confscaiion I
i'll, and then l would let the court deter 6
line the question. Sir. in this hour of deep
aIamity il is no time to be critical in the
Sc of the means we shall employ. /
Mr.. President. it was my fortune about S
sn months since to come into that beauii-
u bay, the bay OF Naples. No man can
eseribe it. There. for the FIRST time in
,any months, saw the American flag, aud !
bout twenty Of our boys rowing to shore. 6
I'd met gentleman, that | was pleased I
, see here The other day. on board the c
.ichmond. who is loyal man. just as We
ad received the news of the attack on
ort Sumter. A man must see all this; to
now what it is in foreign land to see the
AZ of his country aud meet one Of his fell .
Nv citizens; to know what it is to Be an b
Iserican citizen. We have . great deal P
.ore at stake than fear we sometimes think. a
Te talk about our Government, and speak 5
( i, as our all We each know that; but q
e do not realise what it means to be an 0
.mericau citizen. Mr.. President, 60 abroad; c
o to the couch Of the dying mother, when
foreign land, separated from her child, c
sr husband, and evesJ thing ths. is dear to
er; see sha. dying mother ask for the flag n
this country TO Be -wrspTed around her Il