The Weekly Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, O. [Ohio]) 1861-1???, 1862-05-01
. INlTIATE EMANCIPATION. ).
SPEECH OF HoS. ]. NJ. AsHLEy. OF ONO. l,
THE llorsE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
ArRIL l1TH, 1862,


ArRiL llTH, 1862,
On the bill fer the release Of certain persons hold
to service OF labor in the District Of Columbia
Nh. ASHLEY said
Mr.. CHAIRMAN; [ intend to vote for
this bill as q national duty, and not as the
Representative OF locality. | shall vote
for it without apology, and without dis
claimer. have no excuse to offer here or
elsewhere for doing All act which even
handed justice demands. From the first
have been earnest and persistent in press
ing this question of emancipation II be
came my pleasing duty, in obedience to the
request of the District Committee, to meet
and confer with the Senator who had charge
of this subject in the other branch of the
National Legislature, and may say, trust,
without impropriety, that the Senate could
not well have conhded it to trucr and
more earnest friend of the measure.
After several meetings and consultations
with members of both Houses, and citizens
OF the District, We agreed upon bill,
which was approved by each committee,
and ordered to be reported in both Houses.
This was the bill | reported to the House
on the 10Th day of March last. | deem il
due to myself, in this connection, to say
that the bill then reported by me was not
in all respects what could desire, and
need hardly add that the Senate amend
ments are ofa character to make it still
more Objectionable. But | am q practical
man, and shall support this bill as the best
we can get at this time. Ihave been shown
u number of amendments which some of
my friends on this side of the House desire
to offor, and which would prefer To the
provisions proposed to be amended, hut if
offered | shall vote against them, as their
adoption would greatly delay, if not endau-
ger the passage of the bill at this session.
because their adoption would necessarily
return the bill to the Senate for their con-
currcnce, | trust, therefore, that all the
friends of emancipation will decide to ac-
cept the Senate bill as tis, and vote against
all amendments, so that the practical end
aimed at by the earnest men OF this House,
- the immediate liberation of all slaves in
this District, - shalt at once be accom-
plshed. The object to be attained, and not
lis particular mode Of attainment, is what
we ought all To have mast Al heart,
If must tax the loyal people of the ma
ton 81 100000 before the slaves at the Ma
tonal Capital can be ransomed, will do it.
would make bridge of gold, over which
they might pass to freedom, on the annivcr-
sary Of the fall of Sumter, if it could not
be more lnsty accomplished, Yhe people
of the United States must DO relieved from
all responsibility for the existence or longer
! continuance Of slavery at the Capital oil the
Republic. The only question which / con
ceive am called upon as u Representative
to decide is, has Congress- the power and is
it our duty TO pass such bill as the one
/ before US?
! Part OF the sixteenth clause of the eighth
section of the FIRST article OF the Cunstitn-
ton reads thus:
Congress shall have power to exercise cxclus-
i've legislation in all eases whntsoever over such
district mot exceeding ten sqdare miles) MS may
by cession OF particular States aud the accepa ace
of Congress, BECOME the seat OF the Government OF
| the United States
need not go into labored argument to
show that Congress has power to Danish
slavery from this District. 1t is not neCcs-
! sarv to be a constitutional lawyer to com
preheud tho extent 20 tho power here
granted. The meaning is plain enough
This clause confers upon Congress all the
legislative authority that can be exercised
by both National and State Governments
| combined, if Congress can nat abolish
slavery in the District, no power on earth
can.
A few years ago one of freedoms distin
guished orators startled the country by de
! claring 80 that Congress had no more power
| to make slave than to make king Ii
then, there is, as | claim TO Constitutions
power in Congress to reduce any man ol
race TO slavery. it certainly will not bC
claimed that Congress has the power to lie
galize such regulations as exist to-day
| touching persona held az slaycs in this Dis
trict, by re-enacting the slave laws OF Ma
ryland, and thus doing by indirection wha
no sane man claims to do directly. | know
it is claimed by some that if Congress hai
the power to abolish, it must necessarily
have power to establish slavery. will no
insi,lt tie intelligence qf the House by dis
cussing such a pr6positioh, III Congress
could not constitutionaly re:enaot tho siav,
laws of Maryland for this District, thel
slavery could not exist even for II singl
hour after the cession of the territory he
came complete but whether slavery con
stitutianal!y eYists IN this District or not
that it does exist ia fact, and because
exists and has existed by the suiferance an,
sanction of the National Government, TO
which the entire people of the Unitet
States are Justly responsible, it is NOR
than ever the imperative duty of this Cor
gress to abolish at once and forever so un
NAVAL and uhjhstlIiaple wrong And
sir, if it be necessary to employ gold to q
it, let gold be employed. Cold, which la
corrupted statesmen, perverted justice, an
ensaved men, can never be mare rigAieunt
" used than when it contributes TO rc-e'
tablish Justice and ransom slaves.
1t is claimed by the opponents to emauc
patton that the proper and natural cond
ton of all colored races is that of SLAYER
to the white race that the people of colo
not only in this District bnt throughout. th
country, are unfit for freedom; that the
can not take care of themselves, and mut
of necessity, if liberated, become publ
charge. We are asked with apparent ho
ror, and an air of sincerity, If we lnten
letting this slave population loose anon
the whites2 }" and we are told If we d
that it will prove destructive alike OF IL
interests of both races that the prejudice
against persons of color are 80 implacab
they can NOT live in peace, and o var g
: races will be the inevitable result OF freeil
them among the whites - evils far more
be dreaded than any which can ensue irol
\ their continued enslavement ! have I
such apprehensions. Experience teache
me that all such fears are groundles
While | deny that the normal condition
any race is that Of slavery, or that the
can be rightfully such q thing as proper
in man, under any Government or Constit
ton, will not and can not believe that Il
restoration of any race TO freedom W
produce antagonisms that shall culmnate
a war between those whose Relationship