The Jeffersonian Democrat. [volume] (Chardon, Ohio) 1854-1865, 1862-06-06

the family who had otllOeTaleiy SET uIe
the family mansion, overturned the family
altar, aud aimed their daegers at the
bosom OF the mother who bore them
The punishment must be coudign, the
atonement ample, and the future secure.
And yet something is due 10 the memory
Of the past. and more TO the hope and
needs Of the future. Nor can nations now
disregard the opinions and sense OF other
nations by whom they are surrounded.
But it is the weakness Of towards, or
sympathy Tor murderous traitors, that
now, while they confront as at all points
with arms 10 their hands, and shoot down
our fathers, sons, husbands. brothers. |
lovers and friends-that now lifts up weak
hands 10 helpless horrer. and raises quer-
uious voices in feeble walls and cries for
mercv 10 the rebels. Mercy now is trea-
son, rape, arson--an infraetion Of The
whole decalogue and l suspect the brain
or heart OF him who now speaks Of for.
bearanee towardstthem. But the legisla-
ton which we are now to enact is to be
enforced when the rebel is disarmed, and
lies bound and helpless in our prison. 10
receive 10 unquestionipg silence the blow
we now lift over him. Do not talk to me
Of the danger of stimulating his hatred. or
of aggravating his hostility by threatened
severity /; he has been at his murders for
twe!vemonth. Do not talk to me Of
making him desperate; but we may with
profit contemplate his changed fortunes
aud temper, when subdued and abiect he
awaits 10 chains our utterance Of his doom.
We can deal with the rebels in only two
ways: collectively in States, ,and seyeraily
as individuals.
This leads me to consider the grave
proposition Of treating the rebel States as
at an end as States-the territory vacant
so far as rightful government is concerned;
and hence Congress is remitted 20 its pro.
prietary duty Of caring for the public
property. The only power which Con-
gress can exercise in such case is that oil
, the sovereign paramount, having the EN-
ineut domain in the Territory after all
, other righifui authority has ceased on t.
That Congress can come between State
and its subjects, and so oust the State o
, its jurisdiction, will not be claimed. Sec
,ion three Of tine fourth article OF the
Constitution, has reference only to Ter
{ ritory belonging to the United States out
' side the limits ofany State. 1t never con
5 lemplated the vacation Of State, and tht
q abandonment by it Of its territory, anC
r made no provision for such contingency
= 1t matters little whether that clause ap
r plies or not, for. in any event, il such al
d exigency should arise, we can, and thu
if government Of such territory must be pro
l. vided Tor by Congress. Has such a con
:, tingency arisen? The original State
e are older than the Consiitution-existe
!; outside and independent Of it, and cou
e again and SO could any of the rest,
e they could once get out, or be put outsid
of it, The Constitution, though an ageu
N 10 the creation of the new. States as W
d use that term, is in no wise necessary t
l. the possibility Of their continued existence
1t The citizens Of the States are all citizen
re Of tho United States. Their domesti
ii functions they perform, every one Of then
c. through their State machinery for n
III one do they depend upon the GovernmeT
IL Of the United States. Their nation
d. functions they perform wholly through nj
lie tional instrumentali,ies. 1t is true the
r. use their State machinery TO elect man
to national officers, and 10 that extent Il
10, nation is dependent on States and ,shou
IL the States perish. the national COVER
n ment mnst cease, for there is no mode
II supplying Senate otherwise, nor Of ca
r. rying Son The Government without Il
'e' Senate which is pretty conclusive ih
ot the Constitution cannot contemplate u
lat cessation OF a single Stale even. But, q
ly though the State machinery is empioy'
Is, to designate part of the United Stat
SIS. officers, their agency is in no way used
ut the working of the governmental pr
al, cesses.
'as Does tho national Government posse
or power to compel the citizens of State
Of discharge their duties or franchises in :
tly election of United States officers Or c
mr. IL oblige the citizens of State to hold a
-, do the duties OF a national officer Car
g ob,ige the voters of q congressional district
~ elect Representatives State Legislst'
'ie' 10 elect Senator Not Mt all. Can
force q citizen to take and discharge
The office Of judge, or sit as juror
cy, Can it in any way coerce State or any
ing its citizens to take any activo part In
in administration of the national Governmer
.jv. Not at all. Suppose. by common conse
~ all the citizens ofa State should decline
uss take any further part in the national G
no ernment, and withdraw, and should
ION further aid in carrying IL on, in any wa!
be- what then Would that vacate tho st
EIDE government Might not the State, al
acts State, remain as intact aud entire as o.
in and DO in the full and healthy discharge
= 30 all its State functions Ifnot, why 8
's' pose the citizens OF State should not o
'oh' refuse to aid in carrying on the uatiO
ess' Government, but should actively resist
ess, exercise of its lawful power in their territ
Ter aud against their ctizens--what thu
rful Add would it make any difference whet
the this resistance was through their States
he chinery or by other means Would 8
,oso conduct abate and vacate their State G
ernment : If so, how or why Most ele'
=, it would not, so long as the State, as q 81
oeis still continued to exercise such State fl
nan tions as il might under any oircumstaI
alb lawfully exercise.
'er know that the national Constitution
we quires that most of the high State ofiic
are shall take an oath to support 1t. SupI
,oro they all refuse. Could that refusal RI
"0'0 halox iha mara gupfaca of official funeti