New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1862-09-24
designs Of his government. Tit be true that Victor

designs of his government. If be true that Victor
En- manuel ha, in this way committed himself 20 an
nr,li,d sanction of the Garihadian enterprise, an
exposure of tie fact may cost him his crown. but
Mr. Lincoln is in bondage neither to conrt etiquette
nor constitutional usage. His TrerOgaives as PieSl
dent have been enlarged by the terrible emergency
with which be has TO contend. lie has authority to
40 whatever lie may think right and necessary. lie
may call whom he will to hi. councils-he may put
whom he vii in command OF bis armies.
If, instead 81 answering Mr.. Greeley's letter, he
bad SUSPENDED THE TRIBUNE Ind imprsoned the
editor there could have been no appeal from that
practical illustration OF his nrgumenlative power
Bat bis autccracy is only representative. IL Is the
des otism of one au in the name and for the inter
est If twenv millions. Not only VIII there come n
term TO HE official existence, and Mr.. Lincoln sub
eide into the insigi ihcauCe OF private itIzn, but
he nav he impenchod at the re-assen,blipg of Con-
gress for an abuee of his authority. IL Is more likely
however that he will be impeachod for its neglect
The peope arc crying ont above all things for n
strong Government They have created n dictator,
and they complain that lie is not CictatOfia
Mr.. Greeey's appeal is IN itself an Indictment.
The President knows that the editor represents a
very large constituency, and foresees that what IA IN
August printed IN HE TRIBUNE may IN December
be formally proposed 10 Congress. Tie White House
il dIgniied if not a majestic, abode. Even dough
Rebel cannon may be heard from It's windows, its
master is still tie m or Of mighty people. But he
has q constant, IA wholesome sense 81 responsibility
to that utoIle. As neither be nor his Ministers can
take paIt in a Congressional debate, ne must keep
5 lenCe or write to the newspapers. He La done
the latter-aud we only wish that he had written a
more satisfactory reply 10 Mr.. Horace Gieeiey b
trenchant APPEAL
/ /; has often been remaried that good lawyers are
bad legislators II IL equally true that honest poll
ticians are very incompetent statesmen. Mr.. Lin
coin has the fatal defect Of sOundncss without
breadth. He il very well as far ~ be goes, but
Il =. l.f fft He, l. 81 IN n
tellilcn and mp. ight-Iot q great legal iunlnary.
snrersedlug rules and rtcedeuis by list prIcif les.
lie !. honestly anxious 20 keep liz ostnio obide by
tie CONSTITUTION and 60 traI snit 20 li~ successor,
rtaceful autl oriiy an unhfOken Union. lie at
lie .sme time perctives both the illusllce and the
nisc Of Slavery. llis sincere personal tesre IL,
II that al men, everywhere, should lie free lie Is
more than willing % aholish Slavery wholly or IN
pant if ne can 90 il without prolonsiug tie Wax aud
destroying the Union.
/ Bui lie is also willing 10 let Slavery alone II by
that means tie Union can be re established. In
other wO d. he makes the maintenance Of partic-
niar pOlltiCal Organization paramount 10 the iron o.
ton OF that great object Tor which alone such organ
iZatiOn should cXistI amciy, the feeduH aud " ell
f.re of mankind lie admits that negroes have the
same natural rights a. white men. lie would be
llad 10 obtain the legal recogui Of those rig T..
But he has zen made President solely that lie may
uphold the Union, aud therefore lie can give 10 thc
rights Of negroes only secondary or personal con.
sheraton. HE mind is not broad enough 10 eiter-
tam tie two ideas al and upon an equality.
His intellectual grasp fil- 10 comprehend the double
0uty oil prero rviug the Union aud dpalirg the
slave. He waits for time % reveal 10 hin the
adaptaiion5f the latter a. means 10 the former
4 ulan OF lotier mental stature would perceive at
orce that, he two things bong rgit, the one could
not need 20 be put in allowance 10 The other II he
had even NJ much Of practical sagacry a. shoud 90
10 the conduct Of war, he would rec tha' lie need
not fear 10 offend men who have 10 poUers Tie
attachment Of the Border States 10 Their slave
Yroperty II the reason of lis h,sitaiiOn t. put IN
force the liberation lave lately passed. But what
could lie Border States do if those laws reilly
enforced II tlev rcbelled, their slaves would
become legally free, and would sasy abscond into
actua. freedom. ii they remained loyal, tLeY voqld
ob AIN compensation for every negro cmancil atcd.
While the threat OF unconditional ems, cipaton was
/ held out the Border States might naturally wayer
in their allegiance. Convert tie contingency into
iact-procliim the liberation Of every slave IN M
iufurgent distrct;ind every shvrowner N slght OF
"A Union camp viii hasten to dsclirc bis loyalty TO
the Uaion; while every district thus recovered pre-
fares 20 avail ifself OF the terms offered iOr cla
ting emancipation.
If Mr. Lincoln can only be brought 10 this conclu-
zion y the - Of every bafis Of operations taken
Oh, bv bis eueI1ics-lf hr. GTceleys Arguments re-
qnire 20 be reenior,ed by defeats upon The RapTa-
hancock az hurnihBtng ~ those sustained teiore
Richmond hs be,, friends should pray that the Con.
iederairs may soon be IN Washington. Bat u may
be hJIed that the required change 81 pOhcy may De
effected without ~ heavy ii blow. series o.
Union victories may conduoe 20 the result ~ surely,
though not 70 quickly, Ia rome overwhelming dis
Aster.
IT, with the returning waters Of the Mi'si.ippi
and its tributaries the Northern forces should be
borne on hoOd.ide Of into the very heart
OF the Confederate territory, lhey will find tie same
enemy ~ IN Nifginia-iuspired 10y even greater
fercene-s ob-linacy. II j. the slave power with
which they are at war. No other power could have
dared to make the oss Of an Gle ion the occasion
for "A rebellion. No other power would have At
tempted % sinrve the world into compliance with
us Chains. No other power II al once 80 arrogant,
70 cruel and 80 vulnerable. I's strength Is in iit
weakness. Strike it boldly, and it dies.