Rutland weekly herald. [volume] (Rutland, Vt.) 1859-1877, 1862-12-04

N'.,;on of il; and probably Tor ume 20 loss,
@s, mart for white labor, brinlhg their
M.sInto demand, and consequently enhancing
q, ,yaccs of il. With deportation oven TO a
s"tod eytent enhancing :. ses 10 white labor
.malhematically certain
,bnr is ike any other commodity m the
l asot Increase the 1amand for il, and YOU
~S, the price of it, Reduce the supply
%srhl,eL labor by ooonizing the black laborer
W or the country and by precisely so much,
u1 , ,roroase the demand for and wages of
Ut labor; but it is declared that the free
a,,Is will swarm lorih and cover the whole
PA Ale they not already in the land
Mal liberation make them any more numer-
W., Equally distributed among the
whites of the whole country, aud there would
IVA but one colored TO seven white. Could The
ana in any way greatly disturb the seven p
There are many communities nowh wing more
bap Que free colorsi TO seven whites, and this
without any apparent consciousness of evil
from il. The District of Columbia, aud the
States of Maryland and Delaware are all in
tbis condition. The District has more than
one FREQ colored to six whites, and yet in its
feouent petitions to Congress believe it never
presented the presence Of free colored persons
as one Of its grievances; but why should eman-
cpation South send the freed people North p
people Of any color seldom run unless
there is something TO run from. Heretofore
oolored people have fed North TO some extent
from bondage, and now perhaps from both
bondage and restitution; but now, if emanc-
patton be adopted they will have neither to
Zee from. Their old masters will give them
~ Lao = NJ lnl
ed, and the freed men viii! gladly give their
labor for wages until new homes can be found
for them 10 genial climss, with people of their
own blood and race
lhls proposition can DO trusted in the mu-
tusl interests involved, and IN any event can
not the North decide for itself whether to re-
eeive them again as practice proves more than
theory in any case. Has there been any erup-
ton of colored people northward because of the
adjustment of slayeryn the District last spring
What have said Of the proportion of free col
cred persons to the whites in the District of
Columbia, is from the census of 1860, having
no reference TO those persons called contra
bands, nor to those made free 10y the act of
Congress abolishing slavery there.
The plan consisting of these articles Is rec
commended, not but that restoration OF the
national authority would be accepted without
its adoption nor will the war or proceedings III. -
der the proclamation Of September 22d, jSn62
be staid because of this recommendation, of this
plan. Its timely adoption, 1.oubt not,
would bring restoration, and thereby stav
both. And, notwithstanding this plan, the
recommendation that Congress proyidas nv law
for compe sating any State which NAV adopt
emancipation before tbs plan shall have been
acted upon, IS hereby earnestly renew cd Such
would or be an q vance part of the plan and
INC Ss.me arguments apply to both. This plan
is recommended as a means, not in exclusion
Of, but additional To all others, for restoring
and preserving the national authority through
out the Union. The subject is presented ex-
olusively in its economical aspect. The plan
would | am confident, secure peace more
speedily than can be done by force alone, while
!, ,,end cost less, considering the amounts and
manner of payment and tunes OF payments, ana
the amounts would oe easer nSiA snan Woaia DC
the additional cost of the war if we rc c'V soely
upon force. 1t is very likely 1t would cost We
blood at ALL
The plan is proposed as permanent constltu-
tonal law cannot become such without
the concurrence OF, first, two thirds Of Con-
gress, and afterwards three-fourths Of the
States. The requisite three-fourths of the
States will necessarily include seven of the
slave States Their concurrence, if obtained,
will give assurance Of their severally adopting
emancipation at no distant day upon the new
constitutional terms. This assurance would
end the struggle now, and save the Union for
ever.
do not forget the gravity which should
characterize paper addressed to the Congress
of the nation, by the Chief Magistrate of the
nation nor do forget that some of you are my
seniors, or that many of you have had more
experience than | in the conduct of public
affairs. Yet trust, in vsw of the great re-
sponslbilty resting upon me, you will perceive
no want of respect to yourselves in any undue
oarnestness may seem to display Is II
doubted then that the plan | propose. If adopt
ed, would shorten the war, and thus lessen the
expenditure of money and blood ? lsit doubt
cd that it would restore the national authority
and na ional prosperity, and perpetuate both
indefinitely? Is it doubted that we here, Con
gress and Executive, can secure its adoption, vii
not the good people respond to united and ear
nest appeal from us ? Can we, can they by any
other means so certainly or 50 speedily assure
these vital objects? We can succeed only by
concert 1t is not can any of us imagine let
ter, but can We all do better? Object what
ever is possible, still the question recurs, cal
we do better? The dogmas of the quiet pas
are inadequate to the stormy present.
The occasion is piled high with difficulty
and we must rise with the occasion. As on
case is new, so we must think anew, aud &C
anew. We must disenthra ourselves, an
then we shall save our country.
Fellow-cltlzens, we cannot escape history
we of this Congress will be remembered, il
spite of ourselves. No personal sgnifcanc
or lnsignihcance can spare one or another c
US. The fiery trial through which we pass vii
light US down in honor or dishonor, to tn
latest generation. We say that we are 70
the Union. The world will not forget that Will
We say this we do know how to save tn
Union. The world knows we do know no,
10 save it. We here hold the power and bea
h.s...