The southern aegis, and Harford County intelligencer. (Bel Air, Md.) 1862-1864, 1862-05-10

MES was established, link which bound
each of them to the mother country, and
thus indirectly to each other, was severed.
They became independent States,
having, each one for itself, power to make
peace or war, or to form alliances, offensive
and defensive, with what foreign States So
ever they severally chose. While in this
condition, it is manifest that no State had
any power, whatever, over any other
State. Any one might have established
slavery, or have abolished it, and no other
one would have imagined that in SO doing,
it was liable to any control from any other,
or from all the rest any more than from
Austria, Russia, or the Sandwich Islands.
Under these circumstances, they chose,
of their own sovereign will, to form Con-
fsderate government. In the formation of
this government, each State, and the peo-
pie of each State, mutually agreed to COM
NIT certain powers to the whole, and sub
NIT the legitimate decision of certain ques-
lions to the majority of the whole people
represented by their Senators aud Repre-
sentatives in Congress-. What they have
thus submitted to the decision of the ma
jority, and nothing else, can be decided
by the majority. What has not been SUBJ
mitted, remains precisely as it was before,
in the power of the citizens of the several
States; and the citizens of the United
States have no more to do with it, than
they have with the affairs of Iceland.
The principle, in this case, is the same
as that which governs partnerships. If
twenty men put into common stock, each
thousand dollars, on condition that the
whole, for certain purposes, shall be con-
trolled by majority Of the proprietors, OR
of such persons as they may appoint, then
the majority has conceded right to con-
troll that property for those purposes. But
that is all their power. They have no
control over another dollar of the proper
ty of any proprietor, nor have they right
to control it for any other purposes than
those for which it was contributed. Still
less have they a right to control the polit-
ical opinions Of proprietor, or direct in
what manner he shall educate his child
rem or govern his family. The principle
in both cases is the same, and it is very
obvious one. 1t is simply this. No man
is bound by any compact, any further than
he has bound himself. In forming any
society, there are, of necessity, certain in
dividual rights, which man submits to
the decision of the majority. But the
surrender of these involves the surrender
of no other, and, in everything else, he is
as perfectly Independent of the power of
the majority as he was before.
AS we have, therefore, as citizens, no
power over this subject, we have, as citi-
zens, no responsibility. The guilt, if
guilt exist, will not rest upon us as citizens
Of the United States. Who ever supposes
himself guilty, because Congress did not
pass law abolishing slavery in the Uni
ted States ? But this is the only manner
in which, as citizens Of the United States,
We have any power to act in this, or in
any other case.
If, then, we are not responsible, we
have, as citizens, no obligation to discharge
in the premises. Whether slavery be
bad or good, we wash our hands Of it, in
asmuch as it is matter which the provi-
dence Of God has never placed within our
Jurisdiction.
But this is not quite all. As citizens
Of the United States, we have solemnly
promised to let it alone. We have de-
clared that we leave to the States respect
lively, and to the people Of the States,
whatever powers they have not conceded
to us. This is by universal consent ac-
knowledged to be one of the powers thus
left. We have, therefore, promised as
citizens of the United States, to let THIS
alone, The concession has been made BY
both parties, and we hold the other party
to it., Should the majority in Congress
undertake to establish slavery ii one Of
the free States, we should plead this very
article as a bar to their usurpation. But
the slaveholding States have precisely the
same right to plead it against us, should
we attempt any Legislation in the case.--
Both parties have pledged themselves te
abstain, and neither can interfere in the
matter, without the violation of solemn
compact. In this respect, therefore, tho
Providence Of God, and our own solemn
Obligations to each other, have precluded
any action whatever.
But / 20 still further. I hold that !
compact IS binding, in its rpirit as we'll Al
in It's letter The spirit Of the compact,
suppose, imposes upon ne the obiisstios
not 70 do anything for the purpose q