Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1862-12-05

or at the cnd Of the century or At any interuio-
date time, ~ W degrees extending over the
whole or any taft Of that period, aud Il obligcs
no two states 10 proceed alike. Il also provides
forcompeneatlon aDd eencrally the mode Of ma
king IL This, II would seem, must further nit |
igatc ne dissatisfaclion Of those who favor per-
petual slavery, cspecially those who are TO rc-
cciyc compensation Doubtless some Of those
who are TO pay and Vol TO receive will object
Yet that The meashfe is,both just aud cconomi-
cal is certain. The liberation Of the slaves is
the destruction OF property acquired by descent
and by purchase, the same a. Rny either proper
~. 1tfs no leae true for hav wing been nften said
that the people OF the Sonth are no more respon-
sble for the introduction Of this property than
are the people Of the North and when il is re-
membered how unhesitatingly we all use cot
ton and sugar, and share the profits Of dealing
in them, II may not be quite safe 10 say that the
South has been more responsible than the North
for iiscontinuapce. II then. for common OBJ
iect this properly Is 10 be sacrificed, IL It not
lust that IL be done at a common chargel And
II with less money, or money more easily paid,
we can preserve the benefits Of the Upion Ny
this means than We can by the war alore, is ii
not economical TO do it2 Let us ascertain the
sum we have expended in the war, since com
pensated emancipation was proposed last March,
and consider whether II That measure had been
promptly accepted by even some Of the slavo
states, tho same sum would not have done more
to close the war than has been otherwise done.
II 40, the measure would save money, and in
that view would be prudent and economical
measure certainly. II is not SO easy to pay
something as il is to pay nothing, but it is cas-
Ter to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger
one, and it is easier 10 pay any sum when we
are able, than il is to pay Il before we are able
nj. a.. a..
sum necessary for compensated emancipation Of
course would be large, but it would require no
ready cash nor bonds, any faster than the enan-
cipation progresses. This might not, and pro-
badly would not close before the end Of the 81
years. At that time we shall probably have
l00,000000 people to share the burden instead
Of 81 ,000000 as now; aud not only 40, but the
increase Of our population may be expected to
continue for long time after the period as ra-
pidly as before, because our territories viii not
have become fun.
POPULATION.
do not state this inconsderately. AT the
same ratio of increase which we have maintain
ed ON an average from our first national census
in 1890 until that Of 1860 we should, In 1900,
have population Of 1903 206, AIS, and why may
we not continue that ratio far beyond that peri
cd? Our abundant room, our broad national
homestead is an ample resource. We're our ter
ly our population could not expand as stated. ln-
stead of receiving the foreign born as now, we
should be compelled TO send part of the native
born away; but such is not our condition. We
have 2963000 square miles. Europe has 3600, :
coo, with population averaging 7S l-3 persons
TO the square mile
Why may not our country, at sometime, av-
erage as manY2 Is it less fertile? Has it more
waste surface by mountains, rivers, lakes des-
erts and other causes7 Is it inferior to Europe
in any natural advantage2 II, then, we are at
sometime to be as populous as Europe, how
soonI As to when this may be, we may judge
from the past and the present As to whether
it will ever be, depends much on whether we
rnnintain the Union. Several of our States are
above the average of European population OF
| 10 1-3 to the square mile. Massachusetts, has
l59; Rhode Islannd 1873; New York and New
Jersey each 80; also two other great States
| Pennsyivana and Ohio-are not far below, the
former having 63 and the latter SO. The States
already above the European average, except New
York, have increased in as rapid ratio since
passing that point as ever before while no one
of them s equal to some other parts of our coun-
| try in natural capacity for sustaining a dense
Taking the nation in the aggregate, we find
its population and ratio of increase for the sever
al decimal periods to be as follows: 1890, 3,929-
1877; 1900, 5,30593 Ratio of increase, 35 62-
100 per cent. 1910, 7,239,s14 Ratio sc 45-l00
1890, 9,6s913l. Ratio 80 1900. 1880, TO-
$4,000. Ratio SO 49-l00. 1910, 170S9 453.-
Ratio 80 67-l00. 1850, 23,l93S76. Ratio q
s7-I00. 1860, 81 ,433,700. Ratio IS 58s100.- :
This shows an average decimal increase Of 81 60
100 per cent. in population through the seventy
years from our first to our last census taken.-
1t is seen that the ratio Of increase at no one o
these, seven periods is is either two per cent
below or two per cent. above the average; thus
a.. l.
reliable the law Of increase in our case is.--
!, Assuming that it will continue it gives the fol
lowing results: 1870, 1898 372; 1880, $685.
| ZIG; 1890 1861, ,S72; l900,l03 2O8.Al5; 1910
l399I9, ,526; 1920, 1856 9643 1876; 1890, 25I $50 9I4
These figures show that our country may be
as populous as Europe, at some point betweeI
| 1920 and l930-say about 1925, our territory
at 73 3 to the square mile, being Of the capac
| ity to contain 2I7,lS6,000; and we viii reacl
this, too five do not ourselves relinquish tn,
chances by the folly and evils of disunion, o.
| by long, exhausting war, springing from the on
| ly great element of diseofd among us. Will,
| it cannot be forseen exactly how much one huge
example of secession, breeding lesser ones indef
initely, would retard the population, civilization
and property, one can doubt that the exten
Of would be very great and injurious.
! The proposed emancipation would shorter
this war; perpetuate peace; insure this increase
in population, and proportionably the increas,
| in the wealth Of the country. With this we
should pay all that emancipation would cost
without our other debts, easier than we should
| pay our other debts without it, five had allow,
ed our own national debt to run at per cent
per annum, simple interest from the end of oul
Revolutionary struggle till to-day without pay.
ing anything on either princpalOr interest, eacl
man of us would owe less on that debt now thar
each man owed upon it then, and this because
our increase of men through the whole pcrioC
has been greater than six per cent and has rur
faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus
| time alone relieves debtor nation, so long as
its population increases faster than unpaid in.
terest accumulates on its debt. This fact would
be no excuse for delaying the payment of what
is justly due; but it shows the great importance
Of time IN this connection, the great advantage oi
apOhcy by which We shall not have to pay until
until we number l0000O,000 what by differ.
ent policy we would have to pay now, when
the number is 81 ,0OO,000 In a word, il shows
that dollar will be much harder 20 pay for the
war, than dollar for emancipation on the pro-
posed plan; and then the latter will cost nc
blood-no precious life. 1t will be a saving oI
| both.
| As to the second article, think il would be
impracticable to return to bondage the class Of
persons therein contemplated. Some Of them
doubtless, IN the property sense, belong to loyal
owners, and hence provision is made in this ar
ticle for compensating such.
The third article relates to the future Of the
freed people. II does not oblige, but merely au-
thorizes Congress to aid in colonizing such as
may consent. This ought not to be regarded as
questionable on the one hand or on the other,
inasmuch as it comes to nOueht unless by mu-
tual consent Of the people 10 be deported and the