Cleveland morning leader. [volume] (Cleveland [Ohio]) 1854-1865, 1862-03-12
RR1rAHNIAls PoLIFRNEss.

II is not customary in ordinary life for
9 person to send polite messenger With q
polite message to some friend, or neighbor,
or acquaintance, and at the same time to
send some man Of portehtous strength,
handling Q gigantic club, making every
kihd Of ferOeious gestlealation, and, at the
same time, to profess that this is done in
the most friendly and courteous manner
Now, that;seems to me precisely what was
done by her Msjesty's government in this
particular case; and am anxious for q
moment to explain to the House how,
think, this million has been worse than
thrown sWsy, and that, besides being
thrown away, it leaves behind it conse-
quences Of much more evil and of much
harm than the loss Of the million ITSELF
DUPLTCTTY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT.
Nov, the House will recolleet that at
the very time, think on Friday OF Satur-
day, when the Cabinet we're said to be
meeting for the purpose Of discussing the
despatch to be sent by the Saturdays boat
from Liverpool to America, there appeared
In the newspapers that are especially the
organs Of the government, language Of the
most viEulent and offensive character; and
instaptsneously, probably on the very day
when the despatch Was written, steps were
taken with regard to both the army and
navy which were exactly suoh as would
have been taken il the despatch itself had
been, not q courteous demand for 8 Just
object, but rather declaration of war.
Nov, the effect Of this in this country
was very obvious. 1t created almost 8
universal impression that there was some-
thing that the government knew that the
country did not know; and although no
body thonght-nobOdy but government
could imagine-thst q cause Of war could
arise out Of that question, that the govern
ment either knew war was all but ineyita-
bic, or that they intended war, If war
could BY any possibility be made out Of it.
Now, suppose, if | am to take the answer
which would be made to my statement
from the statements made at the time,
shall hnd 1t based upon two theories, which
undertake TO say are about as false and
about as ignorant as we're ever offered in
justification Of any public proceeding.
1t was saidby esFsain organs which sf-
feet to represent the goTernment-some-
times the government slaves, apparently,
and sometimes Its masters-it was said
that the government st Washington, or Mr..
Seward particularly, was anxious to get
into war, or difficulty, with this country,
with the view Of enabling him, with some
thing like credit, to get out Of difficulty in
the South; in fact, under cover of q war
with England, peace upon, l presume,
terms Of sep ration Of the Union, was 10
be made with the South. This was one Of
their theories. Nothing in the world was
ever offered to rational men more absurd
and more impossible. Mr.. Seward can't
make war; the President can't make Wary
Mr.. Seward and the President together
cant laake war j-and we may be perfectly
certain that II did not rest IN the brain Of
any one man, however eminent, or how
ever ingenious 10 consent 70 the dismem-
berment Of the United States under cover
Of 8 war with u.s.. Is TF[