Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1862-12-02

1t shows the great importance of time in tbis
connection. This great advantage of a motley
by which we shall not have to paw until We
number a hundred millions, what by a differ
ent policy we would have to pay now. whom
the number is but thirty-o millions. shows
that a dollar will be much harder to nav for
the war than will be dollar for emancipation
on the proposed plan and then the battle will
cost no blood, no precious life. 1t will be
saving of both.
As to the second article, | think it would
be impracticable to return to bondage the
class of persons therein contemplated. Some
of them, doubtless, in the proper sense belong
to loyal owners, and hence provision is made
in this article for compromising such.
The third article relates to the future of the
freed people. 1t does not oblige but merely
authorizes congress to aid in coloniZing such
as may consent. This ought not to be re-
garded as Objectionable on the one hand or on
the other, SO much is allowed come to
nothing unless by mutual consent of the peo-
pie to be departed and the white voters through
their representatives in congress. | cannot
make it better known that | strongly favor
colonization; and yet | wish to say, there is
an objection urged against the colored people
remaining In the country which is largely i'm
aglnary If not sometimes malicious. 1t is in
sisted that their presence would injure and
dlSplace white labor and white laborers. If
there ever could be a proper time for such
arguments that time certainly is not now In
times like the present, men should utter moth
ing for which they would not willingly be re-
sponSible through time and eternity
Is it true then that colored people can dis
place any more white labor by being free than
remaining slaves! If they stay in their old
places they jostle no white laborers; if they
leave their old places they leave them open to
white laborers. Logically there is neither
more nor less of it. Emancipation,
even without deportation, would probably
enhance the wages of white labor, and
very surely would not reduce them. Thus
the customary amount Of labor would still
have to be performed. The freed people
would surely not do more than their old pro-
portion Of it, and very probably for time
would do less, leaving an increased part to
white laborers, bringing their labor into great
er demand, consequently enhancing the wages
OF 1t. With deportation even to limited ex-
tent, the enhancing of wages to white labor is
automatically certain. Labor is like any
other commodity in the market. Increase
the demand for it, and you increase the price
OF 1t; reduce the supply Of black labor. by
colonizng the black labor out of the country,
and by precisely so much you enhance the
demand for white labor.
But it is said that the freed black people
will swarm forth and cover the whole land.
Are they not already in the land? Will lib
Grafton make them more numerous? If
they were equally distributed among
the whites OF the whole country, there
would be but one colored to seven
white Could the one in any way great
ly disturb the seven? There are many
communities now having more than one col
ored person to seven whites, and this without
any consciousness of evil from them The
District OF Columbia and the states of Mary.
land and Delaware are all in this condition
The District has more than one free colored
to six whites, and yet in its frequent petitions
to congress, 1t has never presented the pre-
Sence of free cOlored persons as one of its
grievances.
But why should emancipation south send
the freed people north? People of any color
seldom run unless there be something to run
from. Heretofore, colored people TO some
extent have fled north from bondage, and
now perhaps from both bondage and destitu-
ton; but if gradual emancipation and deport-
alton be adopted, they will not have to flee
from their old masters, who will give them
wages at least until new labor can be found:
and the freed in turn will gladly give their
labor tor the wages till new homes can be
found for them in congenial climates, and
with people Of their own blood and race.
This proposition can be trusted to the mu-
mutual interests involved; and in any event
cannot the north decide for itself where to re-
celve them again, as practice proves more
than theory in any case. Has there been
any icruption OF colored people northward be-
cause of the adjustment of slavery in this
district last spring? What have said of the
proportion of free cOlored persons to the
whites in the District of Columbia, is from the
census of 1860, having no reference to per-
sons called contrabands, nor to those made
free by the act of congress aboIishing slavery
here.
The plan consisting Of these articles is re-
commended, not but that a restoration of the
national authority would be accepted without
their adoption. Nor will the war, nor pro-
ceedings under the proclamation of Septem-
Der 22d, 1862, be stayed because OF the re-
commentator of this plan. Its timely adSp-
ton l doubt not would bring restora-
ton and thereby stay both; and not
wlthstandlng this plan, the recommendation
that congress provides by law for compensat
ing any state which may adopt emancipation
before the plan shall have been acted upon,
is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would
only be an advance part OF the plan; and the
same arguments apply to both. This plan is
recommended as means, not in exclusion of
but additional to all others, for restoring and
preserving the national authority throughout
the Union.
The subject is presented exclusively in its
economical aspect. The plan would, am
confident, secure peace more speedily than
can be done by force alone. While it would
cost less, considering the amounts, and man
ner and times of payment, and the amounts
would be easier paid than will be the addition
al cost of the war, if we rely solely upon
force. 1t is most likely, very likely,
that it would cost no blood at ALL The
plan is proposed as a permanent consti-
tutional law. 1t cannot become so with
out the concurrence OF at first two thirds of
congress, and afterwards three -fourths of the
states. The requisite three fourths Of the
states will necessarily include some of the
slave states. Their concurrence, if obtained,
will give assurance of their severally adopting
emancipation at no distant day upon the new
constitutional basis. This assurance would
end the struggle now, and save the Union for
ever.
l do not forget the gravity which should
characterize u paper addressed to the congress
of the nation by the chief magistrate of the
nation, nor do | forget that some of you are
my seniors, nor that many Of you have more
experience than | in tine conduct of public af-
fairs; yet, L trust, in view of the great re-
sponsblity resting upon me, you will per-
ceive no want Of respect to yourselves
in any undue earnestness | may seem to dis