New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1862-11-03

fundamental law Of the country, going with it's nag
wherever that goes-an nalienabe right OF every
white man. above the control OF State legislation
and State Consitutions-nay, above the control OF
Congress, absolute aud perpetual SO much at least
we must concede in order TO obtain their high con-
sent TO live with us as nation again. And when
onr condition il 10 humble, and theirs 20 exalted as
that they can impose these terms, and we can De
made TO submit to them, do you think that they VIII
omit to annex the further condition, mat we make
10 them full and ample indemnity for the war Why
mott We have invaded their territory, they viii
tell u.s. and they have been the vicos as the records
of the battles and the terms of peace VIII show.
Shall they not then have the legal right OF vietors-
immunity Our antagonists have not lold ne whether
they are in favor of restoration OF the Union upon
these terms but they have told they are IN favor OF
a compromise, when they know that no better terms
of compromise could possibly be obtained. Is not
that in effect telling that they are In favor OF
submitting to these terms Added to all this hn
initiation, which we charge them with attempting 10
bring upon the country, we must further charge
them with disingenuously attempting to delude the
people with the cry of peace, peace, when they
know there can be no peace You all remember the
reply made bv the Secession Convention at Rlch-
mond to Mr.. Maxwell Of Baltimore in the very out
set of our difficulties. ~" SAID those ComInis-
sioners "a blink sheet Of paper offered to US,
we would not write out the terms OF union." Thus
much NAV be ssd of one of the two measures which
this SeymourWood faction have given US TO under
stand they are in favor of. Are you prepared to
adopt this measured Is the country prepared for 1t
If co. what Is that slavery when the nation "onu
not deserved What is that slavery which the nation
would not speedily incuri But perhaps their other
lalternative-the only other measure which they
have signied their intention TO carry into effect, IL
successful in this canvassmay DO less dstaseiui 10
the patriotic heart Of the Dation--the alternative
which Mr. Van Buren, seems to be 20 anxious the
Sonih should not adopt until after due reflection,
namely, separation / omit to. criticise Mr.. Van
Bu recognition Of the Union as something that
pas while he speaks Of separation IA thing YET
10 take place. after the "dellberalion' which be IS
40 solioiious sour Southern brethren should here
after bestow 1t is only OF the thousand incon-
Rruiies of those who already far msled, would yet
mislead their followers. Separation Is the only
alternative which this Secession faction among Us
present in case of the failure of the absolutely I'M
possible measure Of compromise. Separation! The
intelligent man does 10, live who does not know that
that ia equally impossible. What will you separate
The range Of the Aeganes--the flow OF the Missls'
sippi-the continent which God has joined together,
and against tie separation OF which lie has set lie
everlasting oanons. Bould together by ten thou
sand ties Of race Of language, # association from
infancy-eyery principle with which we are conyor-
SAINT, every analogy ia history and in nature with
their ten tlousaud yocesDids this nation to lie one;
and if SEYMOUR and Wood contemplate separation,
Davis and BeaaregaTd have never contemplated a
separation, except that separation which, by come
treaeherous truce, shall lrecede the more elecual
.ubiupation Of tie North. Mr.. Lincoln, ia bis
speecb before the Convention that nominated hin
20 the office Of Senator for the State Of Illinois, ut
tered these words: Tho country must either be oil
slave or all Free" Never was sIOken proi0under,
vet n more obvious truth. The South have always
40 understood IT, and 20 their intelligent Statesmen
understand il to-day. They have not tut this forth
as part Of their programme. Policy forbade TIA,
they should do 70. Yet how plain II lie from the
whole history If the rebellion and from the history
of the last twenty-five years, that they have
kept this great principle steadily in view
Until the invention of thol otonlin, the question Of
Slavery was q matter OF 40 moment. Alter that
Invention cotton became King" aud low deep
the meaning cOuched ia that ippaut phrase Cotton
could not Do king uoless Slavery should he In the
ascendant; and the Union must he MI slave or oil
Free Tie Missouri compromise, forblddiug by an
Act Of Congress the existence Of Slavery North Of
"A prescribed line; this at, while u stood upon the
statute books was IecOs milton II tie doctrine that
Slavery was sectional and Liberty universal; isst
slavery existed only in States IN virtue Of Statr
laws and not throughout the Union in virtue " the
Constitution. The Virginia atslTacticuifis bad al
ready read the Constitution not only Recognizing
bat establishing Slavery wherever tie swAy thoull
be acknowledge, and as, any Act Of Congress 10
the contrary thereof Notwithstanding, CIniernrg the
inalienAbe night upon ANY ci izeu Of a Slave State
10 carry his slaves into whatever Territory, not Vet
erected into n STATE, wherein the Institution " az
TIE fundamental law. The Miss0uri CON lTomi.e, il
was plain was in the teeth Of hisdOc rnc 10 sc' ril
of that two measures were devised Fret To reueal
the Missouri compiomi-e. Second 10 obtain "A
decision Of the Supreme Court Of the nation 20 the
effect that that net was unconstitutional, by which
decisiOn the doctrine oonepdcd for should 10 cstab.
lished. Both measures were undertaken, aud both
were carried TO successful termination. The Mis-
souri, compromise vas reIeaed 10 effect IN tie Ne
lraska bill, and Ia the bred Scott case that act was
in effect declared Unconstitutional. Blt one thing
remained 10 DO done, and Slavery would become tie
fundamental law Of tie land ~ yiItuc Ol the Con-
siitutiOn itself raised above all State legislation
above al interference tie part Of STATE Cons'tu.
tiOnal Conventions above any enactment Of Con-
gress or Execu i've Interference; for aud ever
TIE fundamental law VI the land, the cornerstone oi
tie keYubhc. One more decision, lpi lying the
doctrine to States which had ben applied IN he
D!ed Scott case 20 the TerntOref and Tie work ,yas
accomplished. Why should not such decision be
made Why should not lie doctrine apply 10 the
States well as 10 tho IerritOres living man
answer. Tie fnrne argument by which IN the bred
Scott tue doctrine was established that Congress
had no power 10 prohibit Slavery IN the Territories
would apply with equal force 20 the doctrine that
neither COngresH, State Constitutions, nor State
Legislatures, had tie power TO prohibit Slavery in
State. Congress, State Constitutional Conventions
and State Legislatures IRE alike under the control OF
the Constitution. IL either act N contraventiOh Of
ts principles tuch act IL abso utely void. II Slavery
exists in Territory in virtue OF the IOnsti nop il
inevitably follows that IL exists in State ~ virtue
Of tho same Conslutioni and If 1t exists In d State
in virtue Of the Constitution, it would be idle 70 say
that State Legislature could abolish it. All acts
Of State Legislatures hitherto passed, hav-
ing for their object the abolition OF
Slavery within .hose States respectively, would be
void as against the Constitution, and Slavery would
exist to-day IN New.lork as absolutely a. 4 exists
or ever existed, In South Carolina IL would eeem
from this that we had before tho breaking out OF tho
war, become the dupes Of the South, ana had well
nigh become their prey. II was only the conviction
that the North would no, submit to this peaceably
that led TO the resort TO arms. We are now in arus
but tie purposes Of the South have not changed-the
purposes Of their sympathizers at the North have
not changed. They remain now united, as they
were united before They ara Al III oua IA, ,,u,,..