The Council Bluffs nonpareil. [volume] (Council Bluffs [Iowa]) 1857-1867, 1862-11-29
fnR PROCLAMATION.


; The whole force u the opposition seems
TO bsdlesssed assiAs. ne Presidents Pros.
lsnesioD, aenasinS The rebels With amsnci..
patton of their slaves unless they rsturn to.
their Allegiance. With the n. Y, Times.
" declare is utterly impossible for us to.
asco6nt, on any jast principles, for such
hostility, The Proclsmation 10 purely ..
military measure, aiming u the overthrow
OF tho rebellion and the restoration Of the
Union. II il object were the abolition Of
slavery, il wsuld havs decrsed that abe-
litioD, as il might have done under the law
OF Congfess, 4 onoe, and - : penalty for
past offences. Bot it does nothing Of the
sort. Il merely gives the rebels notice that
il they persist 10 rebellion beyo q certain
time, their slaves shall be set free. II is
precisely such notice 90 i sent TO q be-
sieged tovn-that onisss they surrender BY
aifxed data their town will be bombarded.,
t9iNss single slavs has yet been set free
By this PsociamatioD. The rebels have it
in their power to prevent the kberatioa Of
. single slave under ito provisions --apd
that, too, without doing anything but what
it is their duty to do under any circumstan-
ses. They claim-or their northern SYM
pathisers claim for them-ths guarantees Of
the Consultation. Let them return to its
shelter, ard they will have the full benefit
Of them. They have repudiated its obIiga.
tions- why should they be entitled to its
protestioui The moment they acknowledge
lie authority they will receive all the pro-
protection which that authority carries with
il. The fate Of slavery 10 thus exclusively
IN their own hands. II they seek, its abo-
,li,ion, they can secure il. II they desire
its preservation they can secure that.
There is not the shadow Of . reason why
slavery should claim exemption from the
rigors and exposures which war brings upon
all other forms Of property and Of labor
There, is nothing in the Constitution which
,guarantses to il such exemption. Trse,
that instrument provides that no man shall
be "ieprived Of life, liberty, Q: property,
bat by due procsss Of law" bat this does
not secure the slaveholding rebel in the
possession OF is slave, any more than OF
his cattle, his musket or his life. II the
latter may be taken in war, 80 may the for
mer. And il the Government can make
war Al all for the preservation OF it's integ-
rity, it must hold the life, liberty and prop
erty Of its enemies subject to the chances
and necessities Of war. And it has pre-
cisely the same right to con6scats and libe-
ratsthe slaves of rebels, rs q means OF
prosecuting the war and making it effective,
which it has to seize their property or i'm
prison their persons. ,aa
But it is urged that this measure tends
to incite insurrection among the slaves, and
thus to involve the innocent 10 destruction.
Whose duty is it to protest them against
such calamities? Whose duty is it to keep
the slaves in subjecslon, and to guard the
women and children of tho slave planta.
tious against their violence? Clearly that
Of tho slave owners themselves. Ii they
are unable to do this, and call on the gene
raj Government, through their State au.
thoritics, to aid them in it, it is the duty Of
that Government to give them that aid
but only when they acknowledge its author
ity, and on the basis Of that acknowledge
nent claim its protection. But there il no
presence here that they are unabis to pre-
vent OF suppress insurrections. They have
their whole population under arms. They
can turn the whole power of their armies
against the slaves at an hours notice, and
thus render revolt impossible. Why do
they not do this7 Because they want to
employ their troops against Us. And they
expect us to keep or leave their slaves in
subsection, so that they may be free to do
80. We must not toach their slaves, lest
we should thus put them under the neces-
sity Of using their troops elsewhere Than
against us. That seems to Us an absolutely
conclusive argument on the other side.
With the exception of very few Abo-
lisiorists, nobody at the N orth vas ever in
favor Of -wagipg war upon the South for
the purpose of freeing its Slaves. The
great body Of the Republicans, as of every
other party ct the North, would TO- day op-
pose war vsgsd for such purpose.
President Lincoln would be the last man
living to commence such war, Or give il
bisrsuppsrt. The war is wsged now, a. it
has been from the beginning, to crush, the
rebellion and restore the Union and the 81.
supremacy Of the Constitution. This is its
sole and exclusive object. But against the
attainment Of that object, slavery proves TO
be . formidable and, apparently, q fatal
obstacle. II 10 fslt and seen to be the main
strength Of the rebellion. 1t 10 the basis
on which 1t rests. Instead Of being, - We
had supposed it would be, an element Of
wsakness to the South in war, il supplies
them With food, with labsr, with
oil the homo comforts they require, aad
thus sends to the Geld the whole lighting
population Of the Southern States. There
is 40 law Of Nations, Of the Constitutions,
or OF common sense, which requires or
permits VI to leave 20 powerful weapon