Cincinnati daily press. [volume] (Cincinnati [Ohio]) 1860-1862, 1862-01-10
VOLUME VI
THE DAILY PRESS.
PUBLIsHED DAILY, EXCEPT SUNDAYS, BY
THE CINCINNATI PRESS COMPANY.
FRIDAYn""""."...".-.... ...,"....J 10
From the New York Post.l

have been taken to inquire who is responsi- |
BILE for the disaster at Balls Bluff, where 30 |
many of our brave soldiers were slaughtered. |
The resolution was addressed to the Secre- |
tary Of War; the Secretary handed it to the |
Adjutant General; the Adiutant General |
passed it over to the Commander in-Chief, |
and the Commander-in Chief, instead of re.
turning direct reply, put off the War De-
pa1tment and Congress with the observation |
that, in his opinion, IAN inquiry into the
matter would not in the future be compat.
ble with the public interest"
We do not wonder at the warmth of Mr..
Conkling's denunciation of this offer to trife
with the House; we do not wonder at the
excitement which it occasioned among the
members; but we do wonder that any mem
Der of the House of Representatives should
be found who could say, as Mr.. Richardson,
of Illinois, and Mr.. Crittenden, of Kentucky,
did, that Congress has nothing to do with
military matters. If Congress has nothing
to do with military matters, why were its
members called together in a special session
last summer? If Congress has nothing to do
with military matters, why is that body
called upon to order the lsvy of vast armies,
authorize enormous loans and Law heavy
taxes for their subsistence, and arm the Ex-
ecutive with the requisite powers for WELD
ing this mighty forceP The armies which
are raised by the authority of Congress it
should keep its eye upon; it should see that
they are wisely employed and for proper
purposes. The immense resources it gathers
into the treasury for time of war, it should
see are frugally and rightfully expended.
The powers it bestows upon the President it
should see are welded for their Just aud le.
gitmate ends
The House Of Representatives is the great
accuser of men high in Office; the Senate is
the great tribunal before which thew 6re
bnH sc
and liberties of those who elected them. Con.
gress no power to inquire into matters
purely military Then its members might
| as we'll go home, and Mr.. Orittenden among
them, who utters this absurdity from his
place in the House. On the contrary, Con.
gress has no right to withdraw its attention
| for a moment, while it is in session, from
the conduct of that mighty warfare for which
it has SO literally supplied the means. We
shall next be told that Congress has no power
to inquire into matters purely financial; that
| it has no power to inquire into matters
purely naval; that it has no power TO inquire
into matters simply relating to the admins
tration of the postoffice, and so on, through
the whole circle of public interests, with
drawing them, one after another, from its
inspection and authority.
We are not unaware of the objection that
| Congress may possibly be led to intermeddle
too much with the details of the war, and
embsrrass the Executive by hindering its
activity and counteracting its plans This
is not fault which can be laid to the charge
of the present Congress. 1t puts no obsta-
cles in the way of the energetic prosecution
of the war; it bestows largely upon the Ex-
ecutive men, money and military power.
Some of its members are impatient of the
tardy progress of our arms, but they are
scarcely so much 80 as their constituents.
They desire to know to what cause are owing
one or two of the frightful mistakes which
have been made in the conduct of the war
hitherto, and this desire will to many appear
laudable one, inasmuch as it may lead to
measures by which such disasters may be
avoided in future. General Mcclellan does
not think so the difference of opinion may
be a matter of regret, but he has no right to
dispute the authority of Congress. The
moment he does so he takes the first step
toward rebellion.
We have an army of nearly 100000 men
on foot-an army like those by which the
despots of the old world hold their subjects
in fear and obedience. 1t behooves us to keen
this army in the strictest and most unques.
tioning subordinatiOn to the civil power
Our country is in such condition that in.
stead Of forbearing to inquire into matters
purely military, as Mr.. Crittenden desires, il
is the duty of Congress to exercise over them
the sharpest and most wakeful supervision
We can not safely allow, on the part of the
commander of our army, the slightest symp
tom of disposition to brave the civil gov
} ernment. One step of that nature will
naturally lead to another; one assumption o
independence on the part of the military
! and little we may slide into military des
potism.
We are brought to this conclusion, then
that General Mcclellan has been guilty of
proceeding which can not be overlooked
) Charity would make us hope it was taker
without full consideration of its nature anC
; consequences. 1t must be atoned for in SOM
: way or other-the civil government must b.
! satisfied of his absolute subordination, o.
we do not see how he can be allowed to hol(
; his place at the head of the army. The great
: man whom we delight to call the Father o
his Country always gave an example of i'm
plicit obedience to the orders of the Cont
|, mental Congress, and never dreamed o
treating its instructions otherwise than will
! respect. The ilustrous commander who's
place General Mcclellan now fills knew tn
> duty of soldier, and distinguished himsel
= as much by his prompt obedience to the au
thority Of the Federal Government as b.
the skill with which he planned the move
: ments of the armies he led.
We fear that what arc called, in the Ian
= Ruage of the day, political aspirations,
interfere too much with the devotion of som
= of our military commanders TO their prope
duties. 1t is one inconvenient consequenc
of our admirable institutions that the mo
}, ment man attains a certain degree of favo
r with the public he begins to think of bein
= elected President. Among this class in th
: army the idea prevails that the wisest wa
" of conducting the war is to weary out th
South with delays; to keep the two armiC
looking at each other from month to montl
., without coming to any decisive action, ant
above all, to forbear sending our great arm
on a march of conquest through the Soutl
ern States, in the hope that two or thrt
years hence, if not earlier, after sufficient
long experience of the Inconvenience of
separate government, the people of the r
VOlted States will be glad TO make tern
with us, and form part Of the Federal UniC
on the same conditions as before the rebellio
BY this fOrbearance these military politicia
expect to acquire the favor of the Sout
"A while they hope not to lose that OF the Mort
- This is said to be the policy which is veil
under q much-praised "reticence."
=. = But 70 this policy the country will n
long submit. II would protract the WI
now frightfully expensive, through peri
4 OF many years, and perhaps never bring ii
> a conclusion. 1t is policy directly at va
ance with what is demanded by our equiv
. cal and dangerous relations with forei
= powers, Nothing can insure us the respI
y Of the great powers of Europe, nothing C
,,S secure us from their interference in Q
quarrel, nothing can prevent them frC
- a..vnna4ina, a aunariaritV OVef ua which