The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1862-07-06


aud elude the crime Of a groundless rev
olution, the cnnspirators maintained Ia
thb Gulf States, and now and then in
the Border States, that il was not ueces-
sary for causes or grievances 70 exist in
order 10 justify or excuse the overthrow
Of the Oonslitution--ihat the Union was
formed by the consent of the States in
their independent and sovereign capaci-
tics, and could be dissolved whenever
any State Thought proper TO Withdraw or
annul The bond flat formed the connec-
ton An ordinance Of secession was the
approved instrument 20 sever the bond;
il was recognized in the Constitution as
a part Of the reserved sovereignty Of
every State; that as il was a consiiiu-
lional right, Its exercise could be,hojust
canse Of war, and the ACKNOWLEDGMENT of
the Union must and would be peaoesble;
but, il war came in consequence Of il, as
the. allegiance Of The citizen tolthe State
government was superior 20 bis allcgi-
ance to the Federal, all citizens Of seoe-
ded States might engage in .he war with
out committing treason. Each clause Of
this complex heFesy contains a political
fallacy, and the sum Of the whole form
an absurd though dangerous theory.
There can be no conflict between the al
! legiance Of the citizen "a the State and
General Government, 30 long as they re-
volve in their proper spheres; there can
be no such thing, under the Federal
| Constitution, as absolute State SOW
ereignty, as the General Govern
ment is made. by that instrument
supreme In the range and compass Of its
| powers; and this supremacy is M where
more distinctly declared aud recognized
! than in The Constitution Of all the States;
and there could not have been aud never
| was any such thing as the State sover-
eighties uniting and forming the National
Union, under the provisions Of the Fed
eraI Constitution This heresy was in
tended and we'll calculated 20, and no
! doubt did, deceive many lukewarm Uni d.
/ onists even the Border States. Charity
| would lead us 20 conclude that il mislcd
the larger body of the minister's OF The
various churches, for it cannot otherwise
/ be clearly seen how christian men could
conspire e. breaku up a good Government,
and bring on those in arms and their aid
ers and abettors the crime of high treas
on. Bat We have travelled too far to-
wards the close Of the conflict to stop
and discuss the absurd and dangerous
hetesy. The first shot at Fort Sumpter
i dashed in pieces the decisive and unsub-
stantial bubble, which had glittered in
the hazy light of a false logic on the
stream of revolution, and deluded thous-
apds Of conscientious men, and It will
| J.o,,,,oov ~, AZ sr,aIva Of tho o;,;t ma o.
as did the less absurd doctrine of the Di-
vine Right Of Kings in the war of the
/ Revelation, never to glitter nor delude
again. Secession is defiant antago-
nsm to the Consultation it is revolu.
ton : it IS civil war Argument having
failed to convince its leaders aud dupes
the Federal Government intends TO give
the hprrid monster quietus in the roar
and rattle Of loyal cannon and small
arms, aud it will be centuries to come
before Another Cataline will have the
reckless hardihood 60 attempt 10 bring
up its mapgled body from its grave Of
| blood $3.50. H., 30 sau 1885,
Here the inquiry arises, what griev-
GUS wrongs what onerous burthens, what
injuries or outrages had the General
Government inflicted on the States OF
the people of the South Had Congress,
enacted any unjust or iniurious laws in
reference tOahem or their peculiar inter.
ests? Had the Judicial Department
failed in any instance to hold the scales
Of justice with firm and equal balance,
| Had any Chief Magistrate refused OF
failed TO execute the laws intended fol
the special protection of Southern insti.
tutions It. had been the peculiar
boast Of Southern statesmen and pDliti.
| clans that they had controlled the leg
islative and Executive Departments Of
/ the Government for more than quarter
Of century; aud il is well known thai
they bad the power ia both Houses oI
| Congress- 20 control President Lihcnr
for the first two years of his admins.
tratioR, and subsequent events show
very clearly that this power would have
continued to the end of his term. Why
after the Withdrawal Of Southern mem.
bers had given the majority in boil
Houses 90 the Republican party, Con.
gress. placed slavery, the only peculiar
Institution Of the South, on iirmcr anC
more permanent footing than II had DC,
cupied at any previous period since Tn,
origin Of the Government. Strict non
Intervention was incorporated in th,
bills, organizing territorial government,
for the remainder Of the public lands
with a prohibition against injurious Of
discriminating legislation by the terri
torial legislatures an amendment TO III,
Constitution was passed by the requi,
site maioritics in the two Houses, ant
submitted TO the State Legislatures fol
adoption, making slavery perpetual il
! the States where it existed, and plhcinl
il beyond tho power Of Congress and thu
people of-the Northern States; the obi
GUS and tteasonabie Liberty Bills il
some few of the free States, wore con
demned in strong terms, aud were il
process Of being repealed; and solemn
pledges were given for the faithful exc
cution Of tlle Fugitive Slave Law by tn
incoming administration, which Presi
dent Lincoln has redeemed with reason
able promptitude and yigor in the vcrl
blaze of civil war. So powerfully die
these facts operate at home and il
The courts Of Europe on the eiIor
being made 70 introduce the slh
very question into tie Rebellion
that the rebel commissioners, Nancy. RIOS
aud Mann, were constrained TO admit, il
the most solemn manner, that the ConsG
tuition Laws aud Lincoln Administrator
were all pro-slayery, and that tho wa
was in no sense prosecuted foe its aboli
ton, Ii was not the past of slavery o
it, future that brOughton the war or tina
now continues il, bat wicked, mad, am
biton and humbled pride, struggling {
gain higher eminenoe, power and posi-
ton ltmay be that the Institution O