Orleans independent standard. [volume] (Irasburgh, Vt.) 1856-1871, 1862-11-07
Mr.. Gladstone on America.

the Newcastle speech OF Mr. Gladstone,
the English chancellor of the exchequer,
bears the appearance OF careful elabora
ton, as if the speaker had not only taken
pains to express himself fully, but had
thrown out feeler of public opinion for
the guidance Of the British cabinet
The Importance, therefore, which will be
attached TO Mr.. Gladstone's remarks on
both SIDES Of the water leads us to copy
The follUwng verbatim report Of them:
-, for one, said the right honorable
gentleman, exercising my own poor fac
uties as best could, have never felt
that England had any reason connected
with her own civil interests for desiring
the disruption of the American Union.
| can understand those who say it is for
the general interest of nations that no
! State should swell to the dimensions Of a
continent. | can understand those who
say-and | confess it to be my own opin-
ion-that it is greatly for the interest of
/ The negro race that they should have TO
/ do with their own masters alone, and not
AS has hitherto been the case-wju.
their own masters, backed by the whole
power Of the Federal Government Of
the United States. (Cheer..) Because,
pray observe, that that has been the state
Of things that has subSisted heretofore,
and to which, some, think mistakenly,
IN the Interest Of the negro, have thought
it desirable to return.
The laws by which the slaves lase
been governed have been laws made not
by the hands ofthe Federal governments
but by toe owners Of those slaves but
the enforcement OF the laws made by the
owners Of the slaves has not rested in
the hands Of the owners OF the slaves
alone. They have had right-a con-
stitutional right by the constitution Of
the United States-to be supported
against iheir own saves in the execution
OF the laws that the SHAREHOLDERS have
made by the whole power OF the
1 American Union. can, therefore, very
u4n understand tho argument Of tLase
who think that it is particularly 10 BE-
desired in the interest of the negro race,
that the American Union should be re-
constituted. But | must confess, for
reasons that need not now explain, that
| do not think that England la, had any
interest in the disruption Of a, union
my own private opinion is that it was
rather the interest of England that the
Union should continue. | know it is an
opinion not generally shared; bu; at any
rate, gentlemen, whatever view we may
take Of that, think we all feel that the
course which her Majrsty'o ministers
have eudeavored to pursue-namely, |
that OF maintaining strict neutrality un-
der all circumstances that have hereto
fore pasSed-ha5 been = sht course
and has been the expression Of the gen
eral sense Of the community. (Cheers) f.
There is, and there can be no doubt, that
where two parties are in great eXaspera
ton, 1t IS not at all unlikely that he who .
observes strict neutrality will offend
both; because, in point OF fact, the state .
Of mind in which his conduct Is likely to
be Judged Of for the moment by eiler .
d'Spu'ant Is not state OF mind IN winch
it is fair that we should expect from them
perfectly impartial conclusions.
But what we may naturally expect is
this, tia, an lOntst course of neutrality .
viii be recognzed-that course, l mean,
which we have pursued to this day-will |
be recognized after this unhappy strug.
Gle has passed away, and when the cir
cumstances shall be calmly viewed But
must confess, it appears to me- that if
either party have right to find fault
with Us. it is the Confederate rather than
the Federal party. The course We have
!