Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1862-03-30
1Soiishl,ons . .Isysfy IN 'hs Dl''

ADvAAshMoms ~-s-scr.
The bin for the abolition Of slavery In the
District Of Columbia Is still pending IN tue
Senate. What may be the fate OF the bill ID
thet body ws Of course do not with certainty
lbow hut Nc are not without strong hope that
the measure will be defeated. II Il should not
be-, We have no doubt that the President Will
Laying aside the Asgrant and aAgltious ireK-
pediency OF tho measure, which alone 70 OF
should be more than enough to insure the rres-
identa veto. the bill conflicts 10 ct least TWO
important particulars with Mr.. Lincoln'a well.
known views on the subject. In his celebrated
speech at Freeport in 1858, Mr.. Lincoln, re.
ferring to a series OF interrogatories proposed
TO him by Mr.. Douglas, said:
"The fourth one is In regard to the abolition
of elayery In the District Of Columbia. In e.
lation to that, have my mind very distinctly
made up. should be exceedingly glad to see
slavery abolished in the District Of Columbia
believe that Congress possesses the constitu.
tional power to abolish 1t. Yet as q amember oil
Congress, should not, with my present We've,
be in favor OF endeauoTing To abolish slavery IN
the District Of Columbia, unless IL would DO
upon these conditions: Fysf, that the abolition
should be gradual. Stcoad, that u should DO
on the vote Of the majority OF quaiihed voters
in the District; and, third, that compensation
should be made to unwilling owners"
The bill now before the Senate violates at
least two of these three conditions. II propo-
ses immediate instead of gradual abolition ;
and il proposes such abolition without refer
ence to the will Of the people of the District
We take il for granted that the bill complies
with the last mentioned condition. IL however
certainly violates the other two. And this Gig
nal departure from Mr.. Lncoln's own view of
Justice and sound policy in the case, without
respect TO the existing state OF the nation, war
rants the opinion that be will veto the measure
ifit should ever come TO him. Considered with
respect to the existieg state of the nation, IL
puts the matter quite beyond the reach Of doubt
IL in 1858, when the nation was tranquil and
seemed moving into tranquil future, Mr., Lin
coin deemed It improper TO abolish slavery in
the District Of Columbia Immediately and with
out references to the will of the people Of the
District, how deeply improper must he deem
such a measure now, when the nation is con-
vulsed to its lowest depths by strife which
the adoption OF the measure would aefse, as
certain as the sun chimes, to exasperate and pro-
long. The question 10 too plain for dispute.
Ii Congress should pass the bill, which We can
not believe, the President will veto 1t; and there
the matter will end giH
Bu, why should the measure be pressed in
Congress7 Why should It not be stopped at
once? How can an intelligent patriot excuse
hmaelf Tor countenancing it2 Granting every
thing that is claimed for the Intrinsic character
OF the measure, which we in reality Uy no
means grant, il should never have been intro
duced into Congress, and ought to be promptly
abandoned. The great work the nation now
has in hand ls the suppression OF tne rebellion
and the re establishment OF the national author
ity. The success OF this work depends on the
unity and zeal of the loyal portion of the nation
and or the want OF unity and zeal in the dieloy-
al portion OF the nation. Whatever serves to
impair theee qualities in the former or to sup
ply them in the latter aids the rebellion. The.
bill in question would serve 10 do both; 1t would
tend to divide and dampen the North and to
make the South more united and Jealous. 1t
would cut into our cause with double edge
II would put new weapon into the hands Of
the rebel leaders. It would put new life into
the rebellion. No man with spark OF sanity
and q spark OF intelligence can doubt this
Why, then, we repeat, should the measure be
preesed2 Why should it be tolerated. How
can an honest patriot countenanee III We own
we cannot see how. Is the abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia matter of such
vital moment to the national honor that it can
not be even adjourned but must be accomplished
on the instant, though at the unavoidable cUst
of augmenting the hazards of the national ex.
istence7 This is what the advocates of the
measure virtually assume, yet they themselves
must acknowledge that nothing could be more
terribly absurd. The truth is, the measure will
not bear an instant's calm examination. What.
ever it NAV be In itself, its evil tendency s
glAring and uneradicable. 1t is clearly in effect
a bill to give aid and comfort to the enemy
Only political infstuation or fat treason can
perseyere In the support Of the measure. We
believe there are traitors as well as fanatics in
Congress-; and we make no doubt that all of
both will be found voting for this bill. But we
feel cheering assurance that all Of both will
fall short of majority. If not, it will remain
for the President to give quietus to the meas
uFe, which in such an event, he will infsllibly
do. But we think the measure will receive its
luetus in Congress. We earnestly trust so-
Louisville Journal