The daily Evansville journal. (Evansville, Ind.) 1862-1863, 1862-12-05

and there are yet other minor diversities.
Because of these diversities we waste
much strength in struggles among our
selves; by mutual concession, we should
harmonize and act together. This would
be compromise among the friends and
not with the enemies of the Union. These
articles are intended toembody plan of
such mutual concessions. 1.-THE plan be
adopted, it is assumed that emancipation
will follow, at least in several of the
States As to the first article, the main
points are:
l. The emancipation
2. The length of time for consumma-
ting (thirty-seTen years.; and
). The compensation.
The emancipation will be unsatisfac-
tory to the advocates of perpetual slave
ry, but the lenghth of time should greatly
mitigate their dissatisfaction. The time
spares both races from the evils of sud
den arrangement; in fact, from the
necessity of any arrangement, while
most of those whose habitual course of
thought viii be disturbed by the measure
will have passed away before its consum-
nation. They viii never see it. An
other class will hail the prospect of
emancipation, but viii depreca the
length of time They will feel that it
| gives too little to the now living slaves.
But it really gives them much Il saves
them from the vagrant restitution which
must largely attend immediate emanci-
patton in localities where their numbers
are very great, and il gives the inspirit-
ing assurance that their posterity
shall be free forever. The plan leaves
to each State choosing to act under it
to abolish slavery now or at the end of
the century, or at any immediate time,
or by degrees, extending over the whole
or any part of the period, and it obliges
no two States to proceed alike 1t also
provides for compensation, and gener-
ally the mode of making it This, it
would seem, must further mitigate the
dissatisfaction of those who favor per-
petual slavery, and especially of those
who are to receive compensation. Doubt
less, some of those who are to pay and
not to receive, will object; yet that the
measure is both just and economical is
certain.
The liberation of the slaves is the de-
struetion of property; property acquired
by descent or purchase, the same as any
other property.
1t is no less true for having been often
said that the people of the South are no
more responsible for the original intro
duction of this property than are the peo-
pie of the North and when it is remem-
| bered how unhesitatingly we use-all of
us use-cotton and sugar, and share the
profits of dealing in them, it may not be
quite safe to say that the South has been
more responsible than the North for its
continuance II, then, for a common
object, this property is to be sacrificed, is
it not Just that it be done at common
charge? And if with less money, or
money more easily paid, we can preserve
the benefits of the Union by this means
than we can by the war alone, is it not
| also economical to do it? Let us con-
slider it then Let us ascertain the sum
we have expended in the war since COM
pensated emancipation was proposed last
March, and consider whether, if that
measure had been promptly accepted by
even some of the slave States, the same
sum would not have done more to close
the war than has been otherwise done.
If so, the measure would save money,
and, in that view, would be n prudent
and economical measure Certainly, it
is not so easy to pay something as it is
to pay nothing. But it is easier to
pay large sum than it is to pay
larger one, and it is easier to pay any
sum, when we are able than it is
TO pay it before we are able. The
war requires them at once. The aggre-
gate sum necessary for compensated
e. I
but it would require no ready cash, nor
bonds even, any faster than the emanci-
patton progresses This might net, and
probably would not, close before .be end
of the thirty-seven years At that time
we shall probably have l000OOOO of
people to share the burden, in stead of
100000, as now; and not only so, but
the increase of our popUistlon may be
expected to continue for a long time
after the period as rapidly as before, be-
cause our territory wilInot have become
full | do not state tbs inconsiderately.
At the same ratio OF increase which we
have maintained, On an average, from
our first National Census in 1890, until
that of 1860 we should, in 1900, have a
population of 1913, POS, AS, and why may r
we not continue that ratio far beyond that
period. Our abundant room, our broad
national homestead, is our ample re-
source We're our territory as limited
as the British Isles, very certainly our
population could not expand as stated.
Instead of receiving the foreign-born,
as now, we should be compelled 10
send part of the native-born away;
bat such is not our condition
We have 29S3,000 square miles. :
Europe has 100000, with a population
averaging seveng-three and one-third
persons to square mile. Why may not
our country at some time average as
many2 Is it less fertile2 Has it more
waste surface by mountains, rivers,
lakes, deserts or other causes2 Is it in
ferior to Europe in any natural advan-
tage? II, then, we are at some time to
be as populous as Europe, how soon?
As to when this may be, we can judge by
the past and the present As to when it
! will, if ever, depends much on whether
we maintain the Union. Several of our
States are above the average European
population of 70! to the square mile.
Massachusetts has l57, Rhode Island
1873. New York and New Jersey each 80;
IL. 1~raof Cta4ar DaupevI,-oria