Burlington free press. [volume] (Burlington, Vt.) 1827-1865, 1862-09-12
TIE PRESIDENTS POLICY.

The letter of the President 70 Mr.. Gs.e.y
bears further consideration lt is perfect
| ly distinct statement Of his position lie
says that he is the Chief Magistrate Of yhs
Union that be is sworn to maintain lt
and that be means 10 maintain II at any
price But what exact price must be paid
he says that be must determine he will
take every step, including emanc patton,
Just as fast a. 1t shall seem 20 him necsssd-
". But he implies that be shall not con-
slider emancipation a measure necessary 20
suppress the rebellion merely because It is a
good measure in itself. or because he would
gladly see all men free. The object Of the
war is the preservation Of the Government.
Emancipation can only be an episoie-it can
not 0e the purpose Of the war.
Viii any sensible man quarrel with this
. position VIII any sensible man say that,
under all the circumstances Of the country,
10 would have been wise OF hUmane for the
President t. have proclaimed emancipation
on the day after the fall of Sumter Or,
again, will any sensible man say that if the
Government cannot be saved without enan-
cipstion It must be destroyed
The critical point Is 20 determine rAsH
the decree Of emancipation Is a necessary
measure 1t Is clear that it cannot be truly
effective until It is supported by public opin
ion. Ii is equally clear that the mere de-
carat.on would not create that opinion.
The Golden Hour, OF which M Conway
50 earnestly and impetuously writes, If not
the hour in which war gives the President
command of all military measures, but that
in which the love Of the Union and the Gov
eminent Is stronger IN the heart OF the IA
ton than PARTY spirit, or the antipathies Of
race. or the prejudicss Of Ignorance or pas
SION. For 1t is precisely upon these that
the result OF the act depends. Therefore the
time must be determined by u sagaci0us ap-
prehensI0n Of the national feeling.
1t does not follow that the people would
respond 10 . great act Of emancipation be-
cause they ought to respond. No man who
has carefully and sensitgvely studied the pub
lie mind during the war, but must be sue
nothing required more delicate management
than the very question which the war Itself
seemed TO settle beyond dispute. Nor would
any honest man consciously wish that any
great measure should be premature II
indeed be declare that no measure like this
can be premature. he is honest, but he is
not reasonable.
Knowing perfectly well, then, that the
President faithfully follows what he consii-
ers to be the national wish m the prosecu-
ton Of tins war-knOwing equally well that
he Is humane and honorable man, and that
we are to be saved only through him, not
over hin. what is our duty
Clearly, II Is to create that public opinion.
1t is to show that, as the war spran- IRON
sllvery, 50 peace is impossible while slavery
lasts 10 show that slavery Is to-day the
strength OF the conspiracy, and that % make
war upon the rebellion, and leave that IN
touched, i. TO fight with blank cartridges
and with the sword saeathed
But how, you ask-how if that perception
c mes too laIe? Why, i. it comes too lat
We are lost But it will not De the fault o
the President. 1t viii be TIE fatal cJnse-
Quence OF the long dominance Of slavery,
which will have confused the national com
mon sense as well as have corrupted the pub
lie COINCIDENCE.
How" the President might ass in turn
-"how If | declare emancipation before the
nation believes 1t 10 be necessary? VIII It,
Of course. approve? II it should, all is well.
Ii 1t should not. should | have secured free
dom for the slaves If ! had lost the support
If the nlii1n
- But the eople tooua support you, Sir. "
Yes" he seems TO answer, ''you think
so sincerely. When think 20, and invite
you to persuade me, will say the word