Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-11-13


This is not Government of men. II is
Government of laws. And the laws are re-
quired by the PEOPLE to be in conformity with
their will, declared by the Constitution. Our
LOYALTY is due to that will. Our obedience Is
due 10 those laws; and he who would induce
submission to other laws, springing from
sources OF power not originating IN the peo-
pie, but in casual events, and in the mere
will of the occupants OF places OF power, does
not exhort us 10 LOYALTY but TO descrtion of
our trust.
That they whose principles lac questions
have the conduct of public affairs; that the
times are most critical: that public unanimity
Is highly necessary; while these facts afford
sufficient reasons to restrain all opposition
upon any personal or party grounds, they can
afford no good reason-hardly a plausibl
apology-for failure TO oppose usurpaiion of
power, which, if acquiesced in and established,
must be fatal to fee Government.
The war in which we are engaged Is just
and necessary war. 1t must be prosecuted
with the whole force of this Government till
the military power of the South is broken,
and they submit themselves TO their duty to
obey, and our right TO have obeyed, the Con-
stitulion OF the United States, as "the SUI
sense of right can we subdue them by arms
TO obey the Constitution as the supreme law
OF their part OF the land If we have ceased
TO obey it, or failed to preserve it, as the su-
preme law of our part of the land p?
am member of no political party. Du-
ties, inconsistent. in my opinion, with the
preservation OF any attachments to political
party, caused me to withdraw from all such
never been resumed. have no occasion TO
listen 10 the celebrations, now so frequent, to
divcst myself OF party ties, and disregard
party objects, and act for my county.
have nothing but my country for which to act,
in any public affair; and solely because l have
that yet remaining, and know not but 1t may
be possible, Il ON my studies and reflections,
to say something to my countrymen which
may aid them 10 form right conclusions in
these dark and dangerous times, now, re-
luctantly, address them.
do nos propose TO discuss the question
whether the first OF these procamations OF
the President. if deGnilively adopted, can
have any practical effect on the unhappy race
OF persons to whom it refers: nor what It's
practical consequences would be, upon them
and upon the white population OF the United
States, If it should take effect: nor through
what scenes o. bloodsLed. and worse than
bloodshed, it may be, we should advance to
those final coalitions; nor even the lawiulness,
in any Christian or civilized sense, OF the use
OF such means to attain any end
Ii the entire social condition of nine mil
lions of people has, in the providence Of God,
been allowed to depend upon the executive
decree of one man it will be the stu
fact vh ott ttn
has exhibited. But, for myself, do not yet
perceive that this vast responsibility is placed
upon the President of the United States |
do not yet see that it depends upon his exec
utiye decree, whether servlle war shall be
invoked to help twenty millions OF the white
race to aJserG the rightiul authority OF the
Constitution and laws OF their country over
those who refuse to obey them. BW 1 do see
that MiS proclamation asserts Me porer of tie
Erecutice TO make such decree.
| do not vet perceive how ii is that my
neighbols and myself, residing remote from
armies and their operations, and where all the
laws OF the land may be enforced BY consti-
stitutional means, should be subjected to the
possibility OF military arrest and imprisonment
and trial before military commission, and
punishment at Its discretion for offences un-
a
into a fact at the mere viii OF the President
or OF some subordinate officer, clothed by hin
with this power. But / do perceire that thu,
erscufire p0scer as asserted.
| an quite aware, that in times of great
public danger, unexpected perils, which the
legislative power have failed 10 provide
against, may imperatively demand instant and
vigorous executive action, passing beyond the
81 bf Ia. md thaf vhan
tive has assumed the high responsibility o.
such necessary exercise OF mere power, he
may justly look fof indemnity to that depart
ment of the Government which alone has the
rightful authority TO grant tan indemnit,
which should be always sought and accorded
upon the cleGrest admission Of tegai ,crong
finding lis excuse in the exceptional cas-,
which made that wrong absolutely necessar,
for the public safety.
But find no resemblance between sucl
exceptional cases and the substance OF these
proclamations and these orders. They do mo-
relate TO exceptional cases-they establish
system. They do not relate 10 some instant
emergency-,hey cover an indefinite future
They do not seek for excuscs-lhey assert
powers and rights. They are general rule:
OF action, applicable 10 the entire country
country, and to the social condition OF thei
people; and they are TO be applied whenever
and wherever and TO whom,oever the Presi
dent, or any subordinate officer whom he ma,
employ. may choose to apply them.
Certainly these things are worthy of tn,
most deliberate and searching examination.
Let US, then, analyze these proclamation
and orders OF the President: let us compre
hend the nature and extent Of the power,
they assume. Above ALL let us examine tha
portentous cloud of the military power OF th,
President, which is Supposed to have over
come Us and the civil liberties of the country
pursuant to the will of the people, oriainct
in the Constitution because ice are IA 4 state o.
,cdr.
And first, let US understand the nature anG
operation of the proclamation of emancipa
ton, "a it is termed; then let US see the char
acter and scope OF the other proclamation
aud the orders OF the Secretary OF War, de
signed to give it practical effect, and having
done so, let Us examine the asserted source O
these powers.
The proclamation of emancipation, if taker
TO mean what in terms 1t asserts. is an execu
tive decree, that on the first .lay of Januar,
next, all persons held as slaves, within sucl
States or part of States as shall then be des
ignated shall cease TO be lawfully held to ser
L - II