The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1862-12-05
GEMERAl INTEzaIGENGE.

articles at some length. Without slavery the
rebellion could never have existed, without
slayery II could not continue. Among the
friends of the Union there Is great diversity OF
sentiment and OF policy In regard to Slavery
and the African race among US. Some would
abolish Il suddenly and without compensation,
come would abolish Il gradually and with CON-
pensation, some would remove the freed peo-
pie from us and some would retain them
with US, and there are yet other minor diversi-
ties. Because of these diyersities We waste
much strength In struggles among ourselves
BY mutual concessions we should harmonic
and act together. This would be q compromise
among the friends and not with the enemies o
the Union.
The articles are intended to embody plan 81
such mutual concessions II the plan shall Dc
adopted II Is assumed that emancipation will
follow, ut least in several of the States.
As to the first article the main points are: :.
First, the emancipation; second, the length
OF time consumma,ed, (thirty-s seven years) and
thirdly. the compensation.
The emancipation will be unsatisfactory TO
the advocates Of perpetual slavery, but the
length Of time should greatly mitigate their
dissatisfaction The time spares both races
from the evils Of sudden arrangements. IN fact
from the necessity Of any arrangement, while
most Of those whose habitual course Of thought
will be disturbed by the measure, will have
passed away before its consummation. They
will never see il. Another class will hail the
prospect Of emancipation but will deprecate
the length Of time. They will feel that Il gives
too little to the now living slaves; but II really
gives them much. II saves them from the va
grant dsstituiion. which must largely attend
immediate emancipation In localities where their
numbers are very great, and II gives the inspir-
itipv ssu RI nco that their nDsterity shnll he
free forever.
The plan leaves To each State choosing to act
under II 10 abolish slavery now, or nc the end OF
the century, or at any intermediate time, or by
degrees extending over the whole or any part
OF the period. and IL obliges no two States to
proceed alike II also provides for compensa-
ton and generally the mode Of making IT
This, II would seem, must further mitigate the
dissatisfaction OF those who favor perpetual
slavery, and especially Of those who are to re-
ceiye compensation. Doubtless some OF those
who are to pay and not to receive will object;
yet, that the measure Is both just and eco.
nomical Is certain.
The liberation Of the slaves Is the destruction
of property-property acquired by descent or
by purchase, the same rs any other property.
II is no less true for having been often said that
the people of the South are no more response
BILE for the original introduction Of this proper
~ than are the people of the North. and when
II Is remembered how unhesitatingly We all of
us use cotton and share the profits Of dealing In
them, 1t may not be quite safe to say that the
South has been more responsible than the North
for its continuance
II, then, for common object this property
Is TO be sacrificed, Is II not just that II be done
at q common charge and IL with less money,
or money more easily paid, we can preserve
AL, ,oGt . tha lint ht, han
We can by the war alone, Is II not also economi-
cal to do III
Let US consider Il, then; let us ascertain the
sum we have expended In the war ever since
compensated emancipation was proposed last
March, and consider whether, IL that measure
had been promptly accepted by even some OF
the slave States, the same sum would not have
done more ~ close the war than has been other
wise done. II 80, the measure would save
money, and In that view would be prudent
and economical measure; certainly IL Is not 50
easy to pay something rs II Is t0 pay nothing.
But IL is easier to pay q large SUN than II Is to
pay . larger one, and II is easier to pay any
sum when we are able than II is to pay It before
VIC are able. The war requires them ut once
The aggregate necessary for compensated eman-
cipstiOn of course would he larger. but IL
would require really no cash nor bondsmen any
faster than emancipation progresses. This
might not and probably would not close before
the end of the thirty seven years. Atthat time
we shall probably have one hundred millions OF
people to share the burden, instead OF thirty
one million as now; and not only so, but the
increase Of our population may be expected to
continue for long time after that period, as
rapidly as before, because our territory will
not have become full. do not state this incon-
siderately. At the same ratio OF increase which
we have maintained on an average from our
first national census, In 1900, until that Of 1860,
we should In 1900 have population OF TO-, 20s,
AIS, and why may we not continue that ratio
tar beyond their period. Our abundant room,
our broad national homestead Is our ample re-
source. Were our territories rs limited rs are
the British Isles, very certainly our population
could not expand as stated. Instead or receive
ing the foreign born rs now. we should be
compelled to send part Of the native born away, .
but such Is not our condition.
Wehave2 2, 953, 900 So miles. Europe has $780,
900, with population averaging 73i persons
to the square mile Why may not our country
at some time average as many! Is II less fer
tile! Has II more waste surface by mountains,
rivers. lakes, deserts, or other causes! lsit in-
ferior TO Europe In any natural advantage! II,
then. we are at some time to be as populous as
Europe, how soon! As TO when this may be,
we can Judge by the past and the present; as
to when It will be. II ever. depends much on
whether we maintain the Union.
Several Of our States are above the average
European population OF seyenty.three and a
third TO the square mile. Massachusetts, has
1877, Rhode Island 1873. New York and New Jer
sey each 50; also. two other great States
Pennsylvania and 0hio-are not far below. the
former having 90 and the latter SO. The States
already above the European average, except
New York, have increased In rs rapid ratio
since passing that point as ever before, while no
one of them Is equal To some other points OF
our country in national capacity for sustaining
dense population.
Taking the nation In the aggregate. and we
find its population and ratio OF increase for the
several decennial periods to be rs follows: 100,
3 ,92O.s27; 1900, 5.3O5, 937-3.5502 per cent.
ratio of increase; 1910, 7,23J,sli-3.645 per
cent. ratio Of increase; 1870, 9,63S, l3i-3.3i3
per cent. ratio OF increase; 1880, ~ 500. 020-
3.349 per cent ratio Of increase; 1870, Il, 060,-
4S3 -3.267 per cent. ratio OF increase; 1850,
q, l9l ,S76-3.5s7 per cent. ratio of increase;
1860, 81 ,443, 790-3.a5S per cent ratio Of in.
crease. This shows AZ average decennial in
crease Of 3.460 per cent. In population through
the seventy years from our trst 10 our last GEN.
sus taken. II is seen that the ratio OF increase
at no one OF these seven periods Is either two
per cent. below or two per cent. above the av-
erage, thus owing how inaexible. and conse-
quently how reliable the law OF increase In our
case IL. Assuming that IL will continue Il gives
the following results: 1870, ~. 1913 ,34l; 1850,
So .967, 2l6 1900, 70 677 sT2; 1900, 1903 20s, Ass
1910, i3S, 9ls, $40; 1920, 1856 ,6s4 1886; 1890,
25i esq., ll. These figures show that our
country may be rs populous rs Europe now Is
at some point between 1870 and t930-say
about l925-our territory. ut 73i persons to the
square mile, being Of the capacity to contain
2i7'ls6. 900. and we will reach this, too, II we
do not ourselves relinquish the chances by the
folly and evils Of disunion, or by long and ex-
wars springing from the only great
emenf of discnrd amnnp IL Xhiln Ia can.