Delaware State journal and statesman., 1862-05-27

Father OF his Country Que whom. il you at-
tempt TO ostraciso from the leadership of your
party, TO follow after men Of more crraho genius
or less purity Of purpose, it will be only because
like the tickle aud foolish and wicked Athenians,
you shall have become tired of hoRring him call
ed " The just" So think, at least, and such
believe. sir. will be the verdict of the people
OF this country From such leader and such
IL statesman we have received, in special mes
sage sent us in March last, series of PROPOSE
tions, which the majority side of this Chamber,
without believe, single exception, and quite
number from the slave States, .have recognized
and endorsed as wise and patriotic. They are
these:
l. That Congress has no constitutional power
to interfere with slavery in the States.
4 That to each State belongs the sole and ex-
elusive jurisdiction over the institution of slavery
within its limits.
3. That it is the duty.of the GeneralIGovern-
ment to extend pecuniary aid for the purposes
of compensation to the owners of slaves, and
colonization whenever any State shall choose to
adopt system Of gradual emancipation.
These are not extreme measures; they are
sound, conservative. aud progressive, without
/ being aggressive ih their tendency or character;
and believe that whatever party shall adopt
them as the guides of their action, will grow ia
the popular affection and in power.
i And now, sir, let us examine and see how for
tue Nill DelOfe us Is IN ltb PROVISIONS
with the principles embodied in the message Of
the President which has challenged the respect
and appreciation of the people all over the
country.
Sir. this bill is either honest or fraudulent in
its provisions. If honestly meant, l contend that
there is not single clause in il of the least
practical utility. 1t provides:
{" That slavery and involuntary seryitude in
all cases whatsoever, other than in the punish
1 frfp fha oil hos ham,
ua,y convicted, shall hencefnrth cease and be
prohibited forever in all the following places,
namely First. In all the Territories of the
United States now existing, or hereafter to be
formed or acquired in any way. Second. In all
places purchased to be purchased by the
United states, with the consent Of the Legisa-
lures of the several States, for the erection of
forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, and other
needful buildings, in which the United States has
or shall have exclusive legislative jurisdiction.
Third. In all vessels on the high sens, beyond
the territory and jurisdiction OF each of the seve
raj States from which or to which the said ves-
sells may be going. Fourth. In all places what
soever whero the national Government has ex-
elusive jurisdiction.
"SEc .. And be ii further enacted, That any
person now held or attempted to be held here
after as a slave in any of the places above named
is hereby declared to be free, and the right to
freedom hereby declared may be asserted IN any
of the courts Of the United States or of the seve-
raj States, in behalf of the party, or his or her
posterity, after any lapse of time"
/. There can be no object gained, no adyRn-
tage whatever derived to freedom by tho pro-
visions prohibiting slavery in the Territories -
There are no slaves, or if any but very few in
deed, scarcely amounting TO a score in number,
contained within the limits of any or all the
Territories, and | believe il to be true, and
doubtless every member of this House believes
it to be true, as was declare by Mr.. Seward, in
his letter written to Mr.. Dayton in April of last
year, that d" moral and physical causes have de-
termlned intlexhly the character of each one of
the Territories over which the dispute" respect
ing slavery therein ''has aresn, and both parties
after the election harmoniously agreed on all the
Federal laws required for their organization
The Territories will remain in oil respects the
same, whether the revolution shall succeed or
fail" Now, il this be true, what is there to be
gained by enacting prohibition Of slavery in
: the Territories? There cannot possibly be any
Why, then, should we enact that prohibition
The status Of each Territory is already fixed and
inAexibly determined. Why should we reopen
any of the wounds in our body polite for no
other purpose than to create anew the cankering,
fostering sore now healed forever, il we only do
our duty and let it alone?
But, sir, there is none Of our territory in
} which the status of its people is not fixed and
utttlnlutu Dy pOhlllNt puuClntul. NEW MEXICO
, was the only Territory to which the prohibition
OF slavery did not attach, and the status of that
} Territory was fixed in favor Of freedom by the
bill which passed this House on Thursday last,
which, in its third section, provides:
"That there shall he neither slavery nor in.
voluntary seryitude in the said Territory other
wise than in the punishment of crimes whereof
the parties shall have been duly convicted; and
all acts and parts of acts, either of Congress or
Of the Territory Of New Nerico, estaJlshiHg, regu.
. iatiag, in dny sOdy recognizing The relation q
master and sldee in said Territory, are hereby re-
psaied."
: =. What good is to be effected by the clause
respecting forts, arsenals, magazines, dock-yards
and other needful buildings? How many slaves
4 would be liberated by it? Would there be one
: hundred? Would there be one | think nc
8 sane man can believe there would be one slave
the less in the country by the enactment of this
t provision if the bill be honestly intended. And
il any should be freed by either of these pro
e visions, whore is your principle of compensation
q which we have acknowledged TO be just and rgh
n by the adoption of the Presidents resolution anC
j. by the passage of the District bill !? If you have
o done right in compensating the loyal owners
l. slaves freed in this District, you certainly mus
It do wrong in Withholding that compensation fron
6 loyal owners of slaves Qf any, to be freed By
# this act. Besides, sir, If you enact such pro
r vision, may you not thereby irritate some Of th
States 80 as to prevent the passage Of act of ces
n sion of territory for forts, dock yards, arsenal
= and light houses, when the same may hereAtte
II become absolutely necessary to the interest AM
10 welfare Of the country?
10 3. In oil vessels on the high sens beyond tn
= territory aud jurisdiction Of each of the State
Q from which or to which the said vessela may b
Ir going. As to this provision, | have only to sa
IN that, if intended to prevent the transportation
slaves by sea from one State to another, you vii
Al only by this enactment be legslating in favor
I'd overland travel and against the maritime routes
s. so that no good purpose can possibly be accom-
D. plished by it in behalf Of liberty.
OF But, Mr.. Speaker, let me ask the import {
ut those words "heregtter TO be formed or acquire
8. IN am acdy," occurring in the second clause
IN the bill? We have heard something about th
na obliteraon of State lines in respect to the
TO ing States, and remanding them to territori
I'D condition May not this bill be the precursor
nd an ,ther embodying this idea of obliteraton
to II so, more il meant than at first blush appeal
OF upon the face of the bill now under consideration
u Let me inquire again whether it is altOgeh
us cear that il this bill shall become the law of Il
i'll land it will not establish in every fort and doe
IL vard. and magazine, and arsenal, and lght-hou
oh and their appurtenances in the slave States,
8! citv of refuge wheretO the slave may fly, al
he layipr hold upon the horns Of the altar, decla
in himself free by the operation Of this bill
r such escapes be made where is the power of
SUI master, loyal though he be, to reclaim his fui
's, tive?
im Once more, sir. There are acts of Cessi
to made by some of the States to the Genera! G
Of yernment containing provisions to this effect
S. "Propided dli0ays, That no regulations mat
lie or to be made, by Congress, shall tend to emi
,or %, cipAte slaves"