The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1862-12-05

blood. no precious life. It viii Be saving Of
both.
Asto the second article, think Il would be
impracticable to return to bondage the class OF
persons therein contemplated. Some OF them
doubtless, In the property sense, belong to 10y
article for compromising such.
TIE FUTURE or THE rxAScIPArEp SLAVE.
The third article relates to the future Of these
freed people. II does not oblige but merely
authorizes Congress to mid In eoloniiing such
as may consent. This ought not to be regard
ed rs Objectionable on the one hard or on the
other, insomuch rs 10 comes 10 nothing unless
by mutual consent Of the people TO be deported
aud the American voters through their Repre-
sentativcs In Congress. cannot make II bet
4, ter known than II already Is, that strongly
favor colonization, and yet wish to say there
Is an objection urged against the colored per-
cons remaining in the country which Is largely
imaginary, u not sometimes malicious; II Is In
sisted that their presence would injure AMI dis
place white labor and white laborers. Ifthere
ever could be proper time for mere argu-
ment. that time surely Is not now. In times
like the present, men should utter nothing for
which they would not willingly be responsible
through time and eternity. Is II true, then,
labor by being free than remaining slaves III
they stay In their old places they jostle no white
laborers. Ifthey leave their old places they
leave them open TO white laborers. Logically,
there Is neither pore nor less Of u. Emanci-
patton. even without deportation, would prob
ably enhance the wages Of white labor, and
very surely would not reduce them. Thus the
customary amount Of labor would still have to
be performed. The freed people would surely
not do more than their old proportion Oft,
and very probably for q time would do less,
leaving an increased part to white lahorers,
bringing their labor into greater demand, and,
consequently, enhancing the wages OIL With
deportation even to limited extent enhancing
wages To white labor Is mathematically GER
tain. Labor Is like any other commodity In
the market. Increase the demand for II and
you increase the price for IL. Reduce the sup
ply Of black labor by colonir!ng the black la
borer out Of the country, and by precisely 50
much YOU increase the demand for the wages
of white labor. But il Is decided that the tree
people will swarm forth and cover the whole
land. Are they not already In the land viii
liberation make them more numerous -Equal-
~ distributed among the whites OF the whole
country and there would be but one colored TO
seven whites Could the one In any way great
~ disturb the seyenl There are many commu-
mites now having more than one free colOred
person to seven whites, and this without any
| apparent consciousness OF evil from u. The
District of Columbia and the States Of Mary
land and Delaware are all In this condition.
The District has more than one free coored to
six whites, and yet in its frequent petitions TO
Congress believe II has never presented the
presence Of free colorej persons as one OF its
grievances; but why should emancipation South
send the freed people Northl People OF any
color seldom run unless there be something to
run from. Heretofore. colored people to
some extent have fed North from bondage, aud
now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitu-
ton, but II gradual emancipation and deporta-
ton be adopted they will have neither 10 hee
from. Their old masters will give them wages,
ut least until new laborers can be procured and
the freed men In time will gladly give their Ia
Dor for the wages till new homes can be found
for them in congenial climes and with people Of
their own blood and race.
This proposition can be trusted on the mate
rial interest involved, and In any event cannot
the North decide for itself whether to receive
them againl As practice proves more than
theory, in any case has there been any irrup-
ton OF colored people northward because ofthe
adjustment Of slavery In this District last
spring! What have said Of the proportion or
free cOlored persons TO the whites In the Dis
trict is from the census OF 1860, having no REL
erence TO persons called contrabands, nor to
those male free by the act Of Congress abolish
ing slavery here. The plan consisting ofihese
articles is recommended. not but that restc-
ration OF the national athority would he accept
ell without It's adoption, nor will the war nor
proceedings under the proclamation OF Septem-
Der ~, 1862, be stayed because Of the recom-
incubation Of this plan. Its timely adoption
doubt not would bring restoration. and there
by stay both. And, Notwithstanding this plan,
the Recommendation that Congress provide by
law for compensating any State which may
adopt emancipation before this plan shall have
been acted upon, is hereby earnestly renewed.
Such would only be an advance part OF the
plan, and the same arguments apply TO BOTH
This plan l. recommended rs means not In ex-
clusion OF, but additional to. oil others for re-
storing and preserving the National authority
throughout the Union. The subject Is presen-
ted exclusively In Its economical aspect The
plan would, lam confident, secure peace more
speedily than can be done by force alone, while
il would cost less, considering the amounts and
manner Of payment, and times oil payment, and
the amounts would be easier paid than will be
the additional cost OF the war we rely solely
upon force. II Is most likely, very likely, that
II would cost no blood at all.
The plan Is proposed rs permanent Consti-
tutonal law. II cannot become such without
the concurrence OF, hrst, two.,hrds ~ Con-
gress, and afterwards three fourths the States.
The requisite three. fourths Of the States will
necessarily include seven Of the slave States
Their concurrence, IL obtained, will give assu-
rance Of their severally adopting emancipation
at no distant day upon the new Constitutional
terms. This assurance would end the struggle
now, and save the Union forever. do not for
get the gravity which should characterize q pa
per addressed TO the Congress OF the nation by
the Chief Magistrate Of the nation; nor do I
forget that some Of you are my seniors, nor
that many OF you have more experience than
in the conduct Of public affairs; yet ! trust
that In view OF the great responsibility resting
upon me you will perceive no want Ut respect
to yourselves In any undue earnestness may
seem to display. Is II doubted then that the
plan I propose IL adopted would shorten the
war, and thus lessen the expenditures Of money
and OF bloodl Il II doubted that u would re-
store the national authority and national pros
perity, and perpetuate both indefinitely ist
doubted that we here, Congress and Executive.
can secure It's adoptionl VIII not the coed
people respond to a united and earnest appeal
from us! Can we, can they by any other
means 80 certainly or So speedily assure these
vital objects! We can succeed only by con-
cert. II Is not, can any OF us imagine better,
but can we all do better whatsoever Is possiblef
The dogmas OF the quiet past are inadequate to
the stormy present. The occasion spilled high
with difficulty. and we must rise with the occa-
sion. As our case Is new, 10 We must thlnk
anew and act anew. We must disenihrall our
selves, and then we shall save our country.
Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history
We of this Congress will be remembered In spite
Of ourselves. No personal significance or in
sipni6cance can spare one or another OF US
The fery trial through which we pass will light
Us down In honor or dishonor TO the latest gen.
Grafton. We say that We are for the Union.
The world will not forget that while We say
The world knows how 10 save Il. We, even NO
-. LoId an. nover and hear the resnon sibili