Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-05-12
Srlettt0 9fllstrlIanp.
CONFISCiTION AND EMANCIPATION
An Exposition By Republican Senator Of the
Dangers Of Radical Measures-Speech Of Hon.
Jacob COilaHler, Of Vermont, in the IT, S. SEN
ate, April "a, 1862.
REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT on TRIAL.

Mr. President, our nation is in a stage and
condition of its national existence where
dOubtedly it attracts more than il did before
the notice Of the nations of the world not mere
ly in relation to the skill which is shown in our
new projec.iles improved ordnance invul-
nerable ships, OF even in our battles, but the at
tenhOn Of she world is attracted to what is to be
the result on this great occasion of this national
experiment of ours. They say, "Your expert
ment of republican form of government sue
ceeds well enough in time of peace, when there
is no occasion to try it. when there is nothing to
test it, but they have looked forward to some
time which might bring periods of trial and con-
vulsiOn; aud the question before the world is, is
our system competent to that occasiOnl does il
possess strength and elements of power sufficient
to meet the shock of such contingency If it
will not do that, they say it is not what we have
claimed it to be before the world-the great and
successful experiment in popular government.
"NOw," say the world, I'VE shall see whether
you can succeed with what appears to US a feebly
formed Government in period of trial. That
we may be snabled to sustain the integrity of the
natiOn-I mean its entirety. not its sense of JUS
tice-by the physical force of the nation is but
one step in it. Th4t is not the point. The great
question before the world to be now settled by US
is, can we sustain the integrity of our Govern
ment AMI perpetuete our institutions, and do il
according the limitations and provisions of the
Constitution That is what is to show that our
Constitution is competent to the trial, and moth
ing short of that. If, when this occasion arises,
we are compelled to resort to means which, in
effect, are the means used by stronger Govern
ments, our experiment is a failure. If we are
constrained to call up, invoke, and put in exercise
in any one department of the GOvernment-it is
immaterial in what department of the Govern
ment-niore of power, more of force, than the
Constitution provides. or than is limited by that
COnstitution-the moment we do that, or con-
strained from our supposed necessities to do it,,
we acknowledge before the world that our insti-
tutions insufficiently founded, and that we
are alter all compelled, in the period of trial, to
resort to the force which, they say, is necessary
TO the existence of a nation, and our experiment
is a failure We should, therefore, particularly
in PERIOD ike this, carefully study and sacredIy
regard all the limitations and provisions of the
Constitution. IL is vain and idle in US to war
against part Of our people because they have
made war upon this Government, If we at the
same time have to sap the foundations of the
Government by stabbing through the vitals of
the Constitution.
STATE GOVERNMENTS MUST BIZ RESPECTED.
Mr. President, it is quite obvious that State
legislation, local legislation and government, is as
essential feature of this Government as the
General Government. The system cannot exist
any more without the one than the other. 1t is
failure utterly unless both exist. Then, in re-
storing Government, it implies that we must re-
store The State Governments, put them again
into operation, fail in our system altogether.
In relatiOn this last branch OF duty, can con-
ceive that there may be legislation even at this
period which may possibly tend, if well admin
istered in some measure 70 secure that great end.
But the first thing to De observed is, that, how
ever legislation may take place, nothing can be
practically done on that point until the nsurrec-
ton armed insurrectOn is put down, sup
pressed, tor then alone is it that your law can
really operate. The plans which different gen
tlemesi have presented all look to hat. None of
them IN any Of their essential and leading pur-
poses can be carried into effect in any way until
we possess the country. They not means to
that end-the end of suppressing the armed re-
belli0a; they are only to take effect after the
armei rebellion Is suppressed, for that must be
done in order 10 put such Law into operation;
and the question is, can we legislate now wisely
discreetly sdvisedly. IN such manner that our law
NAV lie pus IN operation that time with success.
10 the end which | have statedz / confess foI
myself have some msgivings about that.
, We HAVE NOT FULFILLED OCR CONSTITUTIONAL
OBJ LEGATIONS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE REBEL
sTATEs.
Tie duties Of protection by the Government
aud allegiance and loyalty by the people are re
ciprocal terms and duties. Neither of them car
be e.saeted by the other unless that part due b]
itself i performed THIS Is as true now as it wal
wheig it was said aud elaborated by Judge Par
sons Now, sir, the men who have ridden Owe
the Ieople in the Southern States have establish
ed GOvernments de fdci0; they are operative or
that people, however much they may have origina
ted in nsurpat0n. How are we 10 look at such
peoTleT What is our dutv TO them as nation
Whn is their duty 70 Us as citizensT IL tb'
duty OF the Government Of the United States
under the Constitution, to suppress insurection
That IS our duty, clearly expressed in the Consti
tuti)n, TO put down insurrection everywhere il
the United States An insurrection Is essential,
injurious to that section in which il arises, ant
the duty 70 have il suppressed is most owing :,
those that are most injured by il. Mr. President
have We put down that insurection9 Have W,
relieved that people from the incubus which i
uptn them2 Have we dispersed the insurgent
who ride rough-shod over them? We have no
doile IT, You may say, "Our duty Of protection