The New York herald., 1862-01-26

We shall, perhaps, be able to reopen the ports
of the South to all the world on or before the
1st of May.
The Legislature and the Lobby.
We gave, a few days ago, most delectable
exposition of the management Of the Albany
lobby, contained in the report made by the Dis
trict Attorney Of the county of Albany of the
evidence taken before the Grand Jury of that
county against Frederick s. Littlejohn, upon an
indictment "involving charges Of corruption in
and around the Legislature, and the expenditure
Of money to influence legislation" For two
days the members of the Legislature, under the
lead of their honorable Speaker, have been en-
deavoring to whitewash the lobby and clear it
of the filth thrown upon it by this straightfor-
ward report
The facts were clearly in evidence before the
Grand Jury that Mr. Frederick S. Littlejohn, a
brother of the ex-Speaker, was employed by
committees of the Chamber of Commerce and
trustees of the Dutch church to "effect the pas
sage Of a bill preventing the removal of the
New York Post Office" from its present loca-
ton. Let the motive of the Chamber of Com
merce be what it may it is sufficiently clear that
the church trustees were pecuniarily interested
in this bill, for the reason that the present site
of the Post Office is the church edifce of which
they have charge. With the appointment of
lobby agent Mr.. Littlejohn received the sum of
ten or fifteen thousand dollars "to influence
legislation" This money he handed over to
Mr. VIM. Baldwin, of Oswego, who deposited it
in the New York State Bank, subject to his own
or Littlejohn's checks. The sinews of the
lobby war were thus secured, and by the
double agency Of Littlejohn and Baldwin de-
lection was made doubtful; for it could not be
proven that Baldwin had anything to do with
the bill; he "kept NO memorandum" and "gave
no evidences Of his dealings with Littlejohn,
and yet it was his checks with which Littlejohn
paid his lobby employees. This nice little ar
rangement being made, the lobby business was
commenced in earnest.
It il clearly in evidence also that Mr. c. D.
Easton, Sergeantat-Arms of the Assembly, re-
ceived check for $25 upon Mr.. Baldwin
He "does not know what the check was
for" but Mr.. Sweetland gave it to him, and
"said Mr.. Littlejohn had sent it." Mr.. Silas H.
Sweetland, of Troy, testiies that he FUSED his
influence to Q certain extent to effect the
passage of the New York Post Office bill;" that
he received forty-five dollars for ten days
work, from, he believes, Mr. F. S. Littlejohn,"
and that, as part of his ''work," he "conversed
with" several Senators "about the Post Office
bill" Mr. L. B. Sessions, q brother of Sena-
tor, deposed that he was Clerk of the Senate;
was interested in the Post Office bill, and re-
ceived money on it, passage" which money he
"drew on check given him by F. S. Little
john" Mr.. Sessions received $5,000," which
he "took as matter of course, 4" but did not pay
any money to members, though he "mght have
paid something to outsiders, but does not recol-
lect" Mr.. George w. Bull swears that he was
was to receive compensation" for "letting the
Post Office bill alone" in his correspondence;
that he "found in his hat a check for $3.50"
after he had "let the bill alone" and he "be
lieves that Mr.. F. S. Littlejohn put the check
in his hat" Mr.. G. S. Underwood,
Journal Clerk of the House, gave evil
dence that he received SITS from Mr..
Littlejohn-$2O for printing, and the rest, he
believed, was present for getting the bill up
to the Senate and the Governor promptly;"
and Mr.. Underwood further significantly ex-
plains that "some bills were read, during the
last session, out of their order, without the
knowledge Of the House." Finally Mr.. Abra-
ham Van Vechten testifes that, as attorney and
counsellor, he was employed by Mr.. F. S.
Littlejohn on the New York Post Office bill,
and charged $3.50 for his services" but that he
"never in his life paid any money, directly or
indirectly, to any member Of the Legislature to
influence legislation"
Now, if these facts, sworn to before the Grand
Jury, prove anything at all, they trace the mo-
neys expended to Influence legislation back
to Mr.. Littlejohn, and through him directly to
the Chamber of Commerce and the trustees of
the Dutch church; and they show how this mo-
ney was used to employ men to converse
with members to "let the bill alone" and for
other purposes Involving corruption in and
around the Legislature" Each of the witnesses,
even to Mr.. Littlejohn himself had the privi-
lege Of telling his own story, Of putting his
case in the best possible light, and then of
swearing to the facts What, then, does the
Legislature do with this evidence during
two days debates? Why, whitewashing has
never been 80 generally practised before
since paint was invented. Mr.. Pierce moved
q resolution to refer the matter to the
Committee on Elections and Privileges, "to
give such parties as feel themselves ag-
grieved in the matter further hearing" That
is to say, all the persons implicated may tell
their stories before the committee, and have the
tales published, and then the matter will be
squelched. whitewashl Mr.. Alvord makes
speech, declaring that he never received any
money from Littlejohn for lobby services; but
at the close of the session "Mr. Littlejohn said
/ had been useful to him during the
session in variety of ways, and begged