The Ottawa free trader. [volume] (Ottawa, Ill.) 1843-1916, 1862-06-28
I, the Pre.ldent an Abolitionlst :

party is divided into two wings-republi
cans proper and abolitionists; or, as he
will probably call them-conservatives
and radicals. The former, we are told,
urge action against slavery only within the
limits of the constitution, while the latter
would crush the institution" anyhow,
regardless of constitutional impediments.
In reference to the policy of the present
war, particularly, he will tell you, the
lines between the two wings is distinctly
drawn. While republicanism would fight
only for the restoration of the Old Union
the abolitionists would throw the old
Union and constitution overheard, crush
out slavery, and on the ruins erect
union of freedom, DC, &c. As the only
treason of which jeff Davis 4 Co. are
guilty has been an attempt to overthrow
the Old Union and Constitution, the abo
lition scheme of the object of the present
war involves exactly the same treason
1t therefore becomes very important
question, to which of these wings does the
President, who has the guidance and di-
rection Of the present war mainly in his
own hands, belong?
| I'VE have received, under the frank Of
| the Hon. OWEN LovEJoY, several copies of
a speech recently delivered by that gen.
tleman at the Cooper Institute, New York.
The only portion Of the speech worthy of
notice is that in which he undertakes to
prove that the President belongs to the
abolition or radical wing of the republican
party; and this is the way he does 1t.
| Referring to the Presidents message re-
commanding aid to emancipation in the
border States, he said,-
1.-The President uses the word abolish
| ment l should have used the word aJoF.
| ton, but ! have consulted Webster, and
lind that adjustment means abolition; so
! that while we differ in the domination,
We do not differ in the determination"
In the first message the President says
he does not desire that this rebellion
| should descend into a remorseless re-
evolutionary struggle, and, TO avoid that,
urges the Border States to emancipa,e
their slaves in the mode indicated as the
only means of avoiding a remorseless
struggle, and tells the Shareholders dis
timely that the means indispensable to the
suppression Of the rebellion must and will
he used
In reference to the message disayowing
the Hunter proclamation, Mr.. Loyejoy
says:
THE President disavows the order of
only competent for him to give such an
order.
the President reserves to himself the
honor of emancipating the slaves APP
plause. | do not blame him. If were
President and Commander-in-C Chief Of the
Army and Navy, l would make proclama.
ton of freedom myself No one should
take from me the glory and fame of such
transaction. ! would have my name
forever associated with the liberation, and
let it float down through the ages thus
associated Applause
Mr.. l.ovcjoy insists that the President
virtually tells the Shareholders tina, he will
emancpate the slaves if they DO not has
ten the work-that when the President
says to the border States You cannot
that they should understand that the tide
OF events are sweeping onward and that it
is better that they should abolish slavery,
but that if they will not do a great work
of benefcence, such as the world has rare.
ly witnessed, it will be his duty, as he has
the power, to do it.
81 Let us then" said Mr.. Lovejoy, give
the President cordial, loyal and sympa-
thizing support, for never has President,
not even Washington, been beset with so
many trials and difficulties as environ
him.
The wonder is not that he should make
mistakes, but that he should make so few.
1 no more doubt his Anti Slavery integrity,
his ultimate A.ti-Slavery action, than
do my own"
If any man understands what the
President really means, one would think
Owen Lovejoy should be the man; and it
must be admitted that he makes out .
startlingly strong case.
Yet if he represents the President cor
rectly, it would be difficult to namo
prominent man in the political history Of
this country who has 50 shamelessly and
grossly belied his record.
We could begin with the first published
speech Of President Lincoln on the slavery
question, dating back to 1913, and follow
ing it up to his Inauguration, give quota
tations from every speech he ever made,
ard show that uniform sentiment runs
through the whole, expressed as follows
in an address at Columbus, O., in Scptem.
Der, 1859:
g have no purpose, directly or indirect
", to interfere with the institution of
slavery in the States where its exists
believe ! have no lawful right 20 do SO,
and have no inclination to do so
But if it is attempted to evade the force
of such protestatlons of Mr. Lincoln by
the common subterfuge that with the re-
bellion new circumstances have arisen
that justify a change of views, then we
say Mr.. Lincoln is by his own voluntary
action estopped from the use of this plea,
as he has, since the commencement of
the war not only in the most solemn man.
ner reiterated these views, but under cir
cumstances that would make tn cir repu-
diation now little short of the blacklist
of crimes.
After the attack on Fort Sumpter, in
April, 1861, Mr.. Lincoln issued procla-
,s1ation calling for volunteers to aid in up
holding the government, and recognizing
,,the unreasonableness of asking men to
place their lives in the hands of the 70.
yerRment, without q distinct declaration
Of the object for which they were thus