The Weekly Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, O. [Ohio]) 1861-1???, 1862-12-10

no proper question:. All are better than
either, and all Of right belong TO that people
aud to their. successors forever. Trpe to
themselves, they will not ask where y line
ot separation shall be, but Will vow, rather
that there shall be no such line Nor are
the marginal regions less interested in
| these communications to nnd through them
to the great outside world. They, too. ard
each OF them, must have access to this
Egypt of the West, without paying toll at
| the crossing of any national boundary. Our
national strife springs not from our perma-
nent part, not from the land we inhabit, not
from our national homestead. There is no
| possible severing OF this, but would multi
| ply, and not mitigate, evils among us. In
all its adaptations and aptitudes, it demands
unlon,and abhors separation. In fact it would
ere long force reunion. however much of
blood ahd treasure the separation might
have cost, Our strife pertains to ourselves.
| to the passing generations of men, and il
can not without convulsion. be hushed
forever with the passing of one generation.
In this view, recommend the adoption
OF the following resolution aud articles
amendatory of the Constitution of the
| United States:
| Reso'red BY the Senate and House of Represent
Huves OF the United States of America in CopgreSl
| assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring
thatthe following Articles bs proposed to the Leg
isatures or Conventions of the several States as
Amendments TO the Constitution Of the United
States, all or any of which Articles when ratified
by three ourhs OF the said Legislatures or Conveu-
tons, to be valid as part or parts of the said Con-
sttutiOn, viz
ARTICLE -. Every State wherein slavery now
exists which shall abolish the same therein at any
time or times before the first day of January in the
year OF our Lord one thousand nine hurdred, shall
receive compensation from the United States, as
follows, to-wit:
The President of the United States shall deliver
to every such State bonds of the United States,
bearing interest at the rate Of - for each slave
shown to have been therein by the Eighth Censns
OF the United States, said bonds to be delivered to
such state by installments, or in one parcel at the
| completion Of the abolishmcnt accordingly as the
same shall have been gradual, at one time within
| such State; and interest shall begin to run upon
any such bond only from the proper time of its de-
livery as aforesaid, and atterward. ANY State,
having received bonds aforesaid and aiterward
introducing or toeratng slavery therein shall re-
fund To the United States the bonds so received or
the value thereof and all interest paid thereon.
| ARTICLE -. All slaves who shall have enjoyed
actual freedom, by the chances of the war, at any
time before the end of the Rebellion shall be forever
free but all owners of each, who shall not have
been disoyal, shall be compensated for them at the
same rates as is provided for States adopting abol
ishment of slavery, but in such way that no slave
shall be twice accounted for.
ARTICLE -. Congress may appropriate money,
and otherwise provide for coonizng free colored
persons, with their own consent, ut any place
places without the United States.
| beg indulgence to discuss these pro-
posed articles at some length.
Without Slavery the rebellion could
never have existed; without Slavery, it
could not continue. Among the friends of
the Union there is great diversity Of sent-
ment and of policy in regard to Slavery and
! African n
abolish it suddenly, and W thout compen-
sation some would abolish it gradually,
and with compensation some would remove
the freed people from us, and some would
retain them with us; and there are yet
other minor diversities. Because of these
diverslties, we waste much strength in
struggles among ourselves by mutual con-
cession, we should harmonize and act to-
gether. This would be a compromise
among the friends and not with the enemies
of the Union. These articles are intended
! to embOdy a plan of such mutual conces-
sions. Ii the plan shall be adopted it is
assumed that emancipation will follow, at
least in several OF the States. AS TO the first
articles, the main points are:
| |, The emancipation.
! .. The length of time for consummating
(thrty-seven years. and, ...
3. The compensation. , ...........-.-....
The Emancipation will be unsatisfactory
to the advocates ofperpetual Slavery but the
length of time should greatly mitigate their
dissatisfaction. The time spares both races
from the evils of sudden derargement, in
fact, from the necessity of any arrangement;
while most of those whose habitual course
of thought will be disturbed by the meas
ure will have passed away before its con-
summation. They will see it, Another
class will hail the prospect OF emancipation
but will deprecate the length of time. They
will feel that it gives too little to the now
| living slaves. But it really gives them much.
| 1t saves them from the vagrant destitution
which must largely attend immediate eman-
cipation in localities where their numbers
are very great, and it gives the inspirting
assurance that their posterity shall be free
| forever. The plan leaves to each State
| choosing to act under it TO abolish Slavery
now or ut the end of the century, or at any
| intermediate time, or by degrees extending
over the whole or any part of the period,
and it ohlges no two States TO proceed alike.
Ii also provides for compensation, and gen.
orally the mode of making it. This it
would seem, must further mitigate the dis
satisfaction of those who favor perpetual
Slavery and especially of those who are TO
receive compensation. Doubtless some OF
| those who are to pay and not to receive,
will object; yet that the measure is both
just and economical is certain. .a..s...-
The liberation of the slaves is the de.
strHction of fproperty; property acquired by
descent or by purchase, the same as any
other property.
| 1t is no less true for having been often
said, that the people Of the South are no
more responsible for the original introduc-
| tion of this property than are the people
of the North aud when it is remembered
how unhesitatingly we use-all of us USE
cotton and sugar, and share the profits of
dealing in them, ii may not be quite safe to
| say that the South has been more RESPONSE
bic than the North for its continuance. Ii,
| then, for common object. this property is
to he sacrificed, is it not just that it be
| done at common charge? And IT, with
! less money, or money more easily paid, we
can preserve the benefits of the Union by
! this means than we can by the war alone,
! il it not also economical TO do itS Let us
| consider il, then. Let us ascertain the sum
we have expended in the war since conf
pensated emancipation was proposed last
March, and consider whether, il that meas
ure had been promptly accepted by even
some of the slave States, the same sum
would not have done more TO close the war
| than has otherwise been done. If so, the
measure would save money, and in that
view would be a prudent and economical
measure. Certainly, il is not SO easy 10 pay
something as il is to pay nothing. But It
is easier 10 pay large sum than II is 10 pay
"A larger one, and il is easier 10 pay any sum,
when we are able, than it is to pay II before
We are able. The war requires them AT