, 1862-12-11
Letter Of Robert Dale Owen.

threatened, and the fate Of nation may hang
upon q single act, we owe frank speech, above
oil other men, to him who Is highestin authority.
shall speak to you as man to man.
Harsh opinions have been formed of you
even honest men doubling the probity Of your
intentions l do not share their doubts. believe
you to be upright, single-hearted in your desire
to rescue the country in the hour Of her utmost
need, without afterthought Of the personal con.
sequences to yourself
IT, amid the multitude Of contending counsel,
you have hesitated and doubted it. when q
great measure suggested ITSELF you have shrunk
from the vast responsibility, afraid to 60 forward
lest you should 60 wrong, what wOnderi How
few, since the foundation Of the world, have
found themselves in o position envirOned with
public pers so numerous, oppressed with respon-
sibilities so high and solemn as yourselil
No man ever escaped from such-so reads the
lesson OF histOry-without bold heart and a
high faith. Wisdom, prudence, forethought,
these are essential But not second 10 these is
that noble courage which adventures the right,
and leaves the consequences TO God.
Men ever follow willingly a daring leader /;
most willingly OF all in great emergencies. Bold
ness and decision command, often even in evil,
the respect and concurrence Of mankind. How
much more in good.
and enhance 1t, which believe to be Of virtue
sufficient to redeem the nation in its darkest
hour; one only; know Of no other to which
we may nationally trust for relief from imPend-
ing dangers without and within.
The dangers which threaten Us are twoiold !:
First, from the Confederate forces, composed Of
men whose earnest convictions and reckless
bravery it is idle to deny. Secondly, from our
selves, compelled to make use Of military power
Of proportions so gigantic that no nation ever
permitted the existence Of such without more or
less risk to the people who employed it. If we
think lightly Of this latter danger, we slight the
teachings Of all past time.
As to the first: Have you not had your mo-
ments Of doubt whether we are to succeed at
all l-whether the Union, onse so glorious, will
ever be reunited I-whether peace, which We
used to enjoy with as little gratitude we do the
sun or the air we breathe, will ever again settle
down over our distracted countryf
II l have doubts Sf al this, 1t is only because
do not know what your action will be. We
have at our disposal the means Of. certain sue
cess but cannot tell whether, while there Is
yet time, you will decide to employ them.
Our enemies, like the Gfecian hero, have one
vulnerable point. You have not touched Il yet
What should have been their element Of weak.
ness has been suffered to remain m element Of
strength.
They have nearly q million Of able:bOdied
mtn o! ct age for war or for labor. Holding
these men 10 bondage and employing them 10
ill the soil, they are enabled to send to the bat
tie field almost their entire white adult pOpula-
ton, vet preserve their cOmmissariat sufficiently
supplied.
Il has always been great wrong that these
men and their families should be held In bondage
We Of the North have hitherto acquiesced in Il,
lest, In the endeavor 10 redress II in violation Of
the Constitution, greater evils might ensue.
But the time has come when Il is constitutional
to redress IT, The rebellion has made Il So
Property in man, always morally unjust, has be-
come nationally dangerous. Property that en-
dangers the safety Of q nation should not be suf
fered TO remain in the hands Of its citizens. A
Chief Magistrate who permits II so to remain
becomes responsible for the consequences. For
he has the right, under the law and the Consti-
tuition, to take private property, with just CON-
pensation offered, for public use, whenever it is
apparent that any public exigency demands such
appropriation.
Forgive what may seem curt speech II say
that, in my Judgment q President with just
sense Of duty has no option in such case.
In the due exercise Of our official power, in
strictest accordance with law and the Constitu-
IOlig yOu CNu ANpllNN NuG SuNAhy VI Nuuk NuACuY
above oil else, has given and still gives him aid
and comfort; you can declare emancipated his
slaves, the suPPliers Of his commissariat. G Ad-
uAlly, you can deprive him Of these and for
every hundred thousand productive lAborers be
loses, you may have hundred thousand soldiers
With their aid you can reach the rest What
then remains for himP He must thin his ranks
to cultivate his plantations. He must labor for
his own food, or must perish for the lack Of it.
The people are forbidden to give aid and com
fort to rebels. What Of Government that has
power to cut of from aid and comfort all the re-
bells Of the South, and fails to exercise it!
We ought to do that which is right, even il
the recompense be distant and uncertain but
we add folly to injustice ir we neglect great
act Of bene6cence that is to be rewarded, even
now, by our own preservation.
Yet again. Can you look forward to the fn
ture Of our country, and imagine any state Of
things In which, with slavery still existing we
should be assured Of permanent peaceP ] can
not We can constitutionally extirpate slavery
at this time. But IL we fail to do this, then, un.
less we intend hereafter to violate the COnstitu-
tion We shall have fugitive slave law in opera
tion whenever the war is over. Shall the North
have sacrificed hundred thousand lives and two
hundred millions treasure to come TO that at
lasti Not even guarantee Of peace purchased
at so enormous cOstl After voluntary exer-
tons on the part Of our people to which the bis
tory Of the world furnishes no parallel, is the
old root Of bitterness still to remain in the ground
to sprout and bear fruit in the future ds it has
borne fruit in the pasti
The questions are addressed 10 you. For upon
you and upon your action more than any other
one thing does the answer depend. You have,
at this time, more power than any other cOnsti
tutiOnal monarch 10 the world. The English
Government always acts according to the policy
approved By the constitutional advisers Of the
Crown. You would violate usage only if you
should act without the advice, or even contrary
% the opinions Of your constitutional advisers.
| do not mean that you could continue 10 do this
with pTOpriety, or even with safety | merely
~ A.. L 80.