Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-03-03
INDIANAPOLIS, IND, MONDAY, MARCH 3, 1862.


stituton and the enforcement of all the laws
The ear of the new recruit drank in its sweet
strains as he left his home to join in "battIe's
magnificently stern array" The poisonous ma
laria of aboltionsm had not then, as now tainted /
every gale which swept from this Capitol. Even
Massachusetts furnished high order of evidence /
to the country that this war was to be conducted /
within the limits of the Constitution, and that the
States of the South were to be protected in the /
enjoyment of their domestic institutions.
On the 9th day OF May from his headquarters |
at Annapolis. in the slave State of Maryland, |
General Benjamin F. Butler spoke as follows, in /
a letter to Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, |
on the subject of his duty in his military capacity
towards the institution of slavery. | commend il /
TO the consideration of the gentleman from Mas |
sachusetts Mr.. Eliot, who Introduced the reso-
lutions now under discussion:
"On the morning following my hnding was informed
that the city of Annapolis and ervrons were IN danger
from nsurrecOn Of the slave population, in defiance
of the laws Of the State. What wslto do. had prom
ised to put down white mob. ami to preserve and en-
force the laws against that Ought TO allow black
auv preference In breach of the nxs? understood that
armed against all infraciions Of the laws whether
by white or black and UPON that landing acted
certainly with prOmptneSs and efficiency
Again, in the same letter. and speaking on the |
same subject, the following sentiments occur:
81 appreciate fully your Exceencys suggestion as to
the inherent weakness the rebels arising from the
prepOnderance of their servle population. The question:
then, is in what shall take advantage of that
weakness! BY allowing and of courSr arming that pop
uaton to rise upon the deienseless and children
of the country, carrying rapine, ami murder-al
the horrors OF San Domingo million times magnited-
among those whom we hope TO Teune WIN Us as Dreh-
ren, many ofwhom already So and all who worth
preserving will be when this horrible mauess shall have
passed away be thraShed Of them, Would your EX
cellency advise the troops under my command make
in person upon the defenseess women and children
of any part Of the Union, accompanied With brutaites
No., rer1,
may do 50 in person. shall 0hers TO do,
VIII ON have restraint exercise control; and
whO when they have tasted blood, may turn the
arms we have put in their hands against ourselves
as part of the expressing white race!
The reading Of history, familiar your EXceency,
will tell you the bitteret Of complaint which
fathers had against Great Britain in ar
luton, the armng by the British Ministry, Of the red
man with the tomahawk and scapingknii~ against the
and tie children Of the colonies that the phrase
may not use all the means which God and nature have
put in power To suhjugate he cOOnies has passed
moa legend Of iay against the leacer OF that Ministry
who used IN Parliament Shall history teach US in vain!
Could justify ourselves TO Oursevesg Although with
arms in hands, amid the savage wldness ofcamp and
Held, we may have bunted many Of the finer moral
sbites in letting loose four millions Of than
ages upon the homes and hearths Of the South, be
justified to the christian community Of Massachusetts,
Would such course be cOnSOnan with the teachings Of
our holy relgon have avery decided opinion upon the
subject and if any DESIRES and know your Excel
ehey does not TINS unhappy contest to be prosecuted IN
that manner, some instrument other than myself must
be found to carry il on"
Thus spoke General Butler, under the eve and
under the sanction of the President of the United
States. on the 9Th day of May, 1861. The Capi
tai was then in danger The cry that went forth
then from here was a burning and constant appeal
for armed men to surround and save the archives
of the nation. The torn flag of Fort Sumter was
held up before the indig ignant gaze of the country
and a patriotic people were called upon to restore
it to It's original luSter and cause to wave once
more over the Government which our fathers or
dained. In the midst of all this came the CRATE
iul assurance which l have Just read, that the
laws of the Southern States were TO be upheld,
and that neither white mobs nor black mObs were
to be allowed to violate them. How stands Mass
achuSetts on that question to-dayY Does she in
dOrse her General OF the 9th of MAY as he was
indOrSed by the President? Will she consent that
her troops shall be used to put down servile insur
rections in the South, and to enforce the laws of
slave States as they find themI Will her Re re
sentatveS on this floor vote money to carry on
this in the manner pledged by General But
Ter on the 9th day of Mayl She silently acqui-
esced in his principles then, and waited for a more
auspicious moment for the promulgation of her
hereSies Boston sat quietly on her hills and sti-
fled her grOans. She consOed herself with a fu
ture hope. and perhaps enjoyed vision of secret
purposes deferred, but at last fulfilled. But sir
the plain masses of the country, who enjoy none
but an outside view of public affairs looked upon
this letter of General Butler, written with the ST
lent appreciation of the President, as another high
promise, not made to be broken, on the subject of
slavery in connection with the war in which we
are unhappily engaged. 1t may be broken
now, it may be treated as idle and unmeaning by
a ajority of this House; but permit me to say,
that when that is done, another and powerful rea
son will be furnished to posterity for regarding
with strong aversion the Abolition party of the
present day.
But to proceed in the examination of the record
Sir, there is one name which will live long, if not
enviaby, in connection with the history of this
war. Many men have been brought before the
public and fame thrust upon them bv the convul-
sive events of the lasttew months; but the names
of none will remain fresh in the minds of the
people longer imagine, than that of the late
Secretary at War. who is now performing
pilgrimage to the cold regions of Russia. The last
days OF his administration of the War Depart
ment were signalized by his earnest efforts to arm
the slave, and to promote the cause of universal
abolitionism But even he. in the early stage of
this great struggle, when he was daily and hourly
appealing to the country for troops left on record
the strong condemnation of the policy which he
afterwards adopted, and which is sought to be
fastened on the country by the action of this
House. Mr. Cameron at that time took the pains
TO tell his patriotic countrymen his views as fol
lows:
''Ths lisa war for the Unon for the preservation of all
constitutional rights of States and the citizens of all the
States of the Union"
Who is here to deny that it is the constitutional
right of the southern man to hold slaves? Here
is the pledge of Mr.. Cameron, then Secretary of
War, that that right should be protected. He
broke it, it is true, as far as it was in his power
to do so; but the people at the time believed him.
and fiocked to the standard of the Union, never
supposing for an instant that they would soon be
called upon to strike down the Constitution and
destroy constitutional rights.
One more witness ! shall call from the Cabinet
of the present Administration The distinguish
ed head Of the Department of State, when the
booming of the rebellious cannon had scarce died
away at Fort SUMTER spoke on this subject to the
nations of Europe and TO the civilized world.
The curtain was withdrawn, and the bloody
drama open to his philosophic mind. He
surveyed it calmly. and then fully and clearly
wrote down the policy, which the Administration
now in power would pursue; and in his official
capacity pledged the unsullied honor and un
furnished faith of the Republic, in the face of
the world, for the truth of what he said Sir, |
challenge the attention of Congress and the
country, now in this mad hour OF desperate
measures, to the principles deliberately laid down
by the great leader of the great party of the
North, when we were not only enlisting our own
people in the awful struggle which is upon us,
but when also seeking favor for our
cause in the favorable public opinion of mankind.
On the 22d day of April. 1861, Mr.. Seward,
writing to Mr.. Dayton, our Minister at the Court
of the Emperor Napoleon, and treating of the
subject of the present rebellion, said:
need not further elaborate the proposition that the
revolution is without cause il has not pretext.
sit is Just clear that il is without an object Moral
and physical have determined nhexiby the char
/ Territories
pute has arsen both parties after the election har
mOnously agreed all the Federal laws required for
their organization. The Territories will remain In all
specs the whether the revolution shall succeed OF
shall fail. The condition Of slavery in the several
States will remain Just the whether IL succeed
fail. There is not pretext for the complaint