Wilmington journal. [volume] (Wilmington, N.C.) 1844-1895, 1862-04-17

WILMINGTON, N. c., SATURDAY, APRIL II, 1867
SOME rejecting persons, predicating their views upon
recent expressons in the French Chambers and obscure
vipps out from official or semiofcia quarters in Eng
land have begun to entertain apprehensions OF Euro
pean intervention against the South and in favour of
the North and had the train of unreeved disasters to
the South and almost unbroken riumphs for the North
continued much longer, it would have been hazardous
to have pronounced these apprehensoDs wholly without
foundation.
We have never been more fully convinced of the un'
practical character Of the French political mind than
when reading some extracts from reported debate IN
the French Legislative assembly, upon the passage OF
an address in response to that Of the Emperor on the
opepinp of the Chambers This address of the Emperor
corresponds in some measure to the Queens speech on
the openng of the British Parliament does the re-
pnsve address of the Chambers correspond to the ad
dress to the throne which it s customary to move in the
British Parliament, and upon which critical divisions
sometimes occur in the House Of Commons, involving
the tenure of power by the existing ministry Vague
Queens speeches generally are the responsive address
frequently affords opportunities Tor attacking the policy
Of the responsible cabinet and is not seldom taken ad
vantage of for that purpose The address to the throne
is moved by some member Of the party in power AID
ofcourse in approval Of the policy pursued or recon-
mended The address may be so materially changed, or
the approval go far withheld to amount virtually 10
vote of want of confidence This did not occur in the
British Parliament, nor it likely to occur openly in
the French Chambers for after all the show legislative
freedom we must take it for granted that Louis Napo-
Icons ministers are responsible to ham and not 70 the
Chambers anG he is responsible 10 the fact which ia EN-
bodied in the army and great of the people and
not to the fiction of constitution from which the
Chambers draw the privilege Of sitting and talking,
rather than the pOWer Of acting and originating. The
French Emperor in bis speech alluded TO the war in this
country nfictng great loss upon European nations,
well upon the parties engaged regretted its contn
uance and hoped that it might be terminated,
avOWing in the meantime the policy OF stIict neutrality
as the proper one, and that which the French govern
ment had pursued and would continue to pursue
The eth paragraph Of the responsive address alluded
to the great evils of the war; deprecated its continuance
expressed the hope Of its speedy termination, and
endorsed the policy of absolute neutrality.
Upon this paragraph lively debate sprung up, which
drew forth perfect food Of fancy philanthropy of the
dornaire school, exhibiting the purely theorec char
acter of French information about this country ard
about matters and things generally An amendment or
rather several amendments were offered adding to the
expression of hope for the speedy termination of the
war, the further expression Of desire that it might end
in the complete triumpho the North, as the party Of
emancipation and all that
The representatives Of the Emperor explained that
foreign nations had nothing to do with the institution
OF slavery which was municipal regulation OF then g.
tiers retaining it, aud that although France did not re-
tain it in her colonies size had 10 right to interfere with
those who did, adding also that the Interpolation of
such wish would be wholly at variance with the en-
dorsement Of the policy Of strict neutrality.
NJ Bault ore Of the minister's stated authoritative
y that the French government was in perfect accord
with that Of Great Britain and that the position OF
Lord John Russell, recognizing the blockade of the
Southern ports, was fully conceded in by the French
government.
The French Emperor is O man of sense and sympa~
thses with none of the Red Republican cant of the ~
ira members Of the Legislative assembly, but neither
does he sympahse with u.s. or if be does he cannot a.
ford to show it in opposition to the deepseated preju-
dices ofthe French people.
England is moved by different motives, and might
take shelter under the idea which the Northern papers
have been boldly proclaiming and which no doubt Sew
ard and his agents have been automatically mpressiDg
upon the governments of the worId-namey That ali
national resistance worthy OF the name had ceased or
been subdued and that without hope of success the
Southern " rebels" were only keeping up an aimless
and po7eress guerrilla struggle which could not affect
the result but destructive Of the commercial pros
perly OF the old continent as well as the new It has
evidently been the aim Of the Lincoln government to
represent the Conederates having sunk so low as to
be no longer entitled to that modified recognition
which has been conceded to them as beigerents which
has not yet been refused or violated save by that semi
savage and whole yrant the Emperor Of Morocco, who
permitted the Lieutenant Of the Sumter and the former
u 5. Consul to be arrested at TaDgier Moorish City
nearly opposite Gibraltar, at the instance of his brother
savage and tyrant Abraham Lincoln.
The Confederate victories have not come a moment
too soon to show that Abrahams minions haYa been
making false representations, or to avert the coLse-
quences OF such representations borne out as they were
by an appearance Of confirmation and finding ready re-
cepton among people well prepared to believe the weak
ness of savehOdng States If true to herself the Con
tederacy has nothing to fear from Europe If not true
she has everything TO apprehend.
The News.