The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1862-08-29
THE POLICY OF EMANCIPATION.
Words Of q True Democrat.

|
Words of q True Democrat.
LETTER FROM ROBERT DALE
OWEN.
To the Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary
of War:
SIR: My political antecedents are known
to you. Always democrat, but never a
pro.slavery democrat; opposed, in principle
and feeling, from my youth up, to human
slavery, but believing until recently that, in
the interests of liberty itself, it was the part
of wisdom in the North to abstain from in.
reference with the danger-fraught domestic
institution of the South, and to trust to time
for its eradication ; opposed, with heredi'
tary aversion, to war, I was willing, before
the sword was drawn, to make any honor
able concessions that might avert its horrors.
But political commissions bring with them
great lessons and new duties. War would
not, under the divine economy, have been
permitted, as in all past ages it has been, il
it had not its mission. But to attain
the good it brings we must recognize its
necessities.
No civil war of proportions so gigantic
as that now raging, ever existed in the world
before. It differs from oil others, both in
tho results sure to ensue from its protrac-
ton beyond brief period, and in the con-
ditions under which, out of evil, it may
eventuate in good. In calculating these,
time is an essential element.
Seven or eight hundred millions are spent.
At the best, as much more is likely to 60.
Two thusand millions or upward is not an
improbable total. That is half the national
debt of England; and the interest on it
probably at double the rate she pays) will
make our annual burden nearly equal to
hers. If the war lasts three years longer,
these figures may be doubled. 1t must not
last three years longer, unless we are will
ling to risk national bankruptcy.
How is it 10 be terminated?
BY concession? That is no loDgerin our
power. We can buy truce, a pause; by
concession to the South; nothing more.
BY force of arms, then ? But if by force,
it must be quickly done. Delay is defeat.
And it must be effectually done. After
one such war the nation may revive, its en-
ergies still elastic; solvent still and respect
ed. A second will ruin it financially, to
say nothing of worse ruin. To save the
country, then. the war must not terminate
without sufficient guaranty against Its re-
sumption.
How can the war be quickly and efectu-
ally terminated? What guaranty is sufi.
Gent, that it will not be resumed ?
Gradually, very gradually, as this con-
test proceeded, have l been approaching the
conviction that there is but one such guar
anty: the emancipation of negro slaves
throughout this continent. Perhaps-but
as to this less certain-that measure is the
only sure means of terminating, quickly and
effectually, this war. The recent reverse
under Gen. Mcclellan, the scattered rebel
fires daily bursting forth in States which
our forces had already Overrun, the fact that
we are fighting against brave men OF our
own race, all increase the probability that
we must deprive the South of legal right
to its four million laborers before we can
succeed against their masters in reasona-'
BILE time and 10 an effectual manner.
am now an advocate of revolutionary
short cuts out of difficulty. am not in
favor of violating the constitution by way
of escaping danger. There might be I'M
mediate advantage, but the precedent is
rep!ete with peril.
Gould slavery have been abolished by
Northern action while peace yet existed
between the North and South, without
violation of the constitution? in other words,
without revolutionary act! Certainly
not. Can slavery be eradicated now, in
war, without such violation? Ii emaDci.
patton be necessary to insure the permanent
peace and safety of our government, and it
we are willing to pay all loyal slave owners
a reasonable price for their slaves, clearly
yes.
For no principle in law is better estab-
lished than this, that when important public
interests demand it, private property may
be taken at fair appraisement for public
use. The opening of street in improving
city, the running of railroad, are held,
in this and other civilized countries, to be
objects of sufficient importance to justify
what the French laws term appropriation
forcee pour cause d'utalite publique."
But OF Importance how utterly trivial is
the opening of street, or of a raj road,
compared to the preservation, in its integri-
ty, of the greatest republic upon earth.
Ought we to declare general emancipa-
ton, coupled with provision for the pay
ment, to all loyal shareholders, of the fairly
appraised value of their slaves? This ques
ton resolves itself into another: Have things
gone so that the Union, in its peaceful in
tegrity, and negro slavery within its borders,
can no longer coexist? That is the great
question of the day. l think it must be
answered, even now, in the affirmative.
Every month that passes is converting hun-
dreds of thousands of moderate and con-
servative and peace loving men to the same
opinion. They despair OF sectional friend
ship or national peace, until the teemng
cause of mortal hatred and civil war is
rooted out forever.
Have we the means of paying loyal slave
owners fair price for their slaves? II we
act now, before protracted contest has
exhausted our resources. yes. II we wait
the termination of three or four years
war, very certainly, no.
lie that price deportation must not be
estimated. The South asserts that negro
l. - L.