Watertown republican. [volume] (Watertown, Wis.) 1860-1906, 1862-05-16

ed and malicious war, the great and all
absorbing question is, "who shall pay the
fiddler" or {. who shall foot the bill -
Congress appears to be pretty well waken-
ed up on the subject. but the members of
that august body appear to be in about as
much of a quandary about what action to
take in the premises as when the matter
first came to be considered by them
They push and pull like yoke of mu-
Iish stays crossing bridge. Notwith-
standing their great difference of opinion,
there is one thing upon which they are uni
ted, and that is that something must be
did, but what that something shall be is
the point that sticks them. This is the
peg the split on. Some say eonfscate the
property of every rebel in arms against
the government, while others say net, and
say it would be unjust, ungenerous. un-
holy, irreligious, inpolitic and uncon stitu-
tional.
The embryo resolutions Of the Critten-
den COMMITTEES are anticipated to be of a
highly conservative nature; something that
will in great degree alleviate the bur
dens of the loyal people of the secession
cenfederacy. While we should dislike to
sec the loyal people of the south suffer un-
justly, we would ten fold more dislike to
see the rights of the loyal north overlook
ed. The expenses of this war have got to
be met, and who are the proper ones to
meet them? Shall the people of the north,
who so nobly volunteered to maintain the
honor and integrity of the Union bear the
heavy burden of taxation rather than the
south, who have brought about this rebel
lion by cherishing the vile cancer of ne
gro slavery in their bosom, shall sacrifice
their property? We say, and speak what
We believe to be the prevailing opinion Of
the honest Masses that the south ought to
bear the entire burden of the war, which
they have wantonly waged against the gov
eminent. Not dollar should be force
from northern people by taxation to replace
tie funds expended in putting down the
rebellion. The property of the belliger-
ents should pay the shot, and should for
that purpose be confsceted to the use Of
the government. If, in the general sweep
Of the law, loyal people are wronged out
OF their property, provision should be
made for the reimbursement thereof; upon
sufficient proof being presented that they
never lent aid to the rebellion or were dis.
loyal to the Union. There is a point Of
very delicate discrimina ton in this matter
but it will not do to be mealy-mouthed in
the premises. The rebels should be han
died without gloves. Where men are found
In arms against the government their prop
erty should pay the wages of men to xii
or subdre them. If the proper ones could
be reached without more expense thar
profit we would favor discriminate eonfsea
ti9n, but as there is no earthly means O.
telling who the proper ones are, we are ii
fat Or Of indtScriminate confscation.
Ut would certainly he hard for people o.
the south who are forced by the military
power of their selfconstituted rulers tC
take up arms against the government to be
obliged to sacrifice their property in thi.
manner, but there seems to be no other
available alternative. 1t would be mas
terry stroke of injustice to the people o.
the north to force upon them a tax of in
Vulnerable millions and Jet the rebels pass
from under the yoke entirely; or at least
with slight burden of taxation, wher
they should foot the entire bill.
The proper plan, in our way of think
ing, would be to give the rebels certain
time, say thirty or sixty days, in which tc
return to their allegiance, and if at the end
of that time they persist in their hostilities
let their property pay the penalty. Strip
them of their property and they will have
no power. The punishment for treason is
deoth, and we believe the instigators of the
rebellion and those who have accepted of.
ice under the pretended confederate GOV
ornment should expiate their high crime on
the gallows; yet this would not argue that
the whole rebel army should be hung
Their property should be sufficient to Sc
cure them amnesty. To execute them in
herd would be despotic; too much Ike
the Robespierre revolution in France.
We are in favor of the confscation o;
all rebels property to the use of the GOV.
eminent. A general confseation law vo' d
secure legions of loyal men at the south
who hold their property as of prior worth
to brief and fruitless existence as s.elo
rious confederaey.' Let us have it. The
day has gone by for this kid-glove manne,
of treating rebellion.