Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-09-29

issued such a proclamation in time of peace?
Congress in February. 1861, declared it had no
constitutional right to legisate upOnOr interfere
with slavery in any of the States of the Union I"
Mr.. LINCOLN reiterated these sentiments in his
inaugural. He said, 81 believe have no lGlrfuI
right to do So" The course of the President,
after declaring but few days ago. that his sole
purpose was to restore the Union as it was, under
the Constitution. must create distrust in the pub
lie mind as to his stability of purpose, and to in
tensify divisions OF sentiment. Mr.. LINCOLN, like
every other citizen is a creature of the Constitu-
ton. He has no more right to disregard it than
the humb,est citizen of the Government At all
times, in war as we'll as in peace, the COnstitu-
ton is the supreme law of the land" He has
no Constitutional power to issue the proclama-
ton. 1t is forbidden in the Constitution, in
spirit, if not in letter, from beginning to end.
He can find no power in that instrument, none
whatever, on which to base his tight to issue a
decree emancipating slaves. He has no power
under military law. Military law does not des-
troy the fundamental civil law. His proclama-
ton, then, is nothing more than an attempt to
override the Constitution, the very crime which is
charged against the rebels. The policy of Mr..
LINCOLN as foreshadowed in his proclamation is
unwise. The domestic and social institutions of
the Southern States are based upon its present
system of industry They can not be DESTROYED
without vast injury to, if not the total destruction
of the material interests of that section of the
country The sudden emancipation of slavery,
if it could be accomplished, as proposed by Mr..
LINCOLN, would be disastrous not only to the
whites, but equally SO to the blacks. The South
ern States, in such an event, instead of being a
source of wealth to the balance of the Union,
would become a burden to the latter, and for
long years to come a sore weight and crushing
tax upon the industry of the North.
Mr.. LINCOLN proposes to compensate the loyal
men of the South for their losses under his eman-
cipation scheme. What right has b, to make
such pledge. or what probability that il will
be respected? Do the people of Indiana feel
inclined to be taxed to pay for the slaves of even
the loyal men of the South? The President 5
colonization scheme is also visionary and imDrac-
ticable. If carried out, it will be another weight
added to the industry of the North Labor is
the source of wealth. But Mr.. LINCOLN proposes
to send out of the country the labor which has
been productive, and which would be in the fu-
ture under the system which has controlled it.
| The negroes can not be colonized, even in part,
only at an immense cost to the public treasury.
Do the people desire to be taxed for such pur-
| pose?
The proclamation of Mr. LINCOLN is a bunder,
/ and so great blunder under the present condi
ton of public affairs is fraught with evil. We
cannot imagine what pressure has driven the
| President into the step lie has taken. We are
charitable enough to believe it was not the i'm
pulses of his own unbiased Judgment. We have
heard it stated, coming from high authority
that in sixty DAYS we should have either an igno-
mnious peace, acknowledging the Southern
| Coniederacy or else dictator What means
the assembling of Governors at Altoona, Pal
Has Mr. LINCOLN anticipated one of the object:
which they had in viewl If the President issued
The proclamation under such a cOnstraint he has
committed a gross error. a refusal to comply
with such demand no matter from what source
it came, would have enshrined him in the heart:
of the people.
But the die is cast. The issue of abolition j:
now fairly made up. The people of Indiana
must decide at the ballot box whether they arr
| for against it.