Charles City Republican intelligencer. [volume] (Charles City, Iowa) 1861-1864, 1862-12-11

laborer.
But it is dreaded that the freed peo-
pie will swarm forth and cover the
whole land Are they not already
in the land? Will liberation make
them any more numerous Equally
distributed among the whites of the
whole country, and there would be
but one colored to seven whites.
Could the one, in any way, greatly
disturb the seven? There are many
communities now having more than
one free colored person to seven
whites and this, without any appar-
ent consciousness of evil from it. The
District of Columbia and the States of
Maryland and Delaware are all in
this condition. The District has more
than one free colored to six whites
and yet. in its frequent petitions to
Congress, believe il has never pre-.
scented the presence of free colored
people as one Of its grievances. But
why should emancipation South send
the freed people North !? People of
any color seldom run unless there be
something to run from. Heretofore
colored people to some extent have
fed North from bondage: and now
perhaps, from both bondage and desti-
tuition. But if gradual emancipation
and deportation be adopted they will
have neither to fec from. Their old |
masters will give them wages at least
until new laborers can be procured,
and the freed men in turn will gladly |
give their labor for the wages till new
homes can be found for them in con-
genial climcs and with people Of their
own blood andracc This proposition
can he trusted on the mutual interests
involved. And in any event, cannot
the North decide for itself whether to
receive them or not
Again, as practice proves more than
theory, in any case, has there been any
Eruption of colored people Nor,hward
because of the adjustment of slavery
in this District last spring a..- /
What have said Of the proportion
of free colored persons to the whites
in the District is from the census of
1860. having no reference to persons
called contrabands, nor to those made
free by recent act of Congress abol-
ishing slavery here.
The plan consisting of these arti-
clcs is recommended, not but that
restoration Of the national authority
would be accepted without its adop-
ion.
Nor will the war; nor proceedings
| pnInr tt,n ,,r.ct Ia ti,n f,f Santn,pl ,nr
%, 1862, be stayed because of the re-
communication Of this plan. Its timely
ddoptiop, doubt not, would bring res
toration, and thereby stay both.
And, Notwithstanding this plan, the
recommendation that Congress provide
by law for compensating any State
which may adopt emancipation, be-
fore this plan shall have been acted
upon. is hereby earnestly renewed.
Such would be only an advance
part Of the plan, and the same argu-
ments apply to both.
This plan is recommended as a
means, not in exclusion Of, but addi-
tional to, all others for restoring and
preserving the national authority
throughout the Union. The subject is
presented exclusively in its economic
al aspect. The plan would, l am con-
tidcnt, secure peace more speedily,
and maintain it more permautly, than
force alone while all it would cost,
considering amounts, and manner of
payment, and times Of payment, would
be easier paid than will be the addi-
tional cost of the war, if We rely sole
ly upon force. 1t is much--vcry much
that it would cost no blood at all.
The plan is proposed as permanent
constitutional law. 1t cannot become
such without the concurrence of, first,
two-thirds of Congress-, and after.
wards three-lourths Of the States.
The requisite threc.fourths of the
States must necessarily include seven
of the slave States. Their concur
renee, il obtained, will give assurance
of their scverally adopting cmancipa-
ton, at no very distant day, upon the
new constitutional terms. This assn
rance would end the struggle now,
and save the Union forever.
do not forget the gravity which
should characterize q paper addressed
to the Congress of the nation by the
Chief Magistrate of the nation. Nor
do forget that some of you are my
seniors nor that many of you have
more experience than in the conduct
of public affairs. Yet l trust that,
in view of the great responsibility
resting upon me, you will perceive no
want of respect to yourselves in any
undue earnes,ncss | may seem to dis
play.
Is it doubted, then, that the plan
propose, if adopted, would shorten the
war, and thus lessen its expenditure
of money and of blood? Is it doubt
ed that il would restore the national
authority and national prosperity, and
perpctuate both indefinitely? Is it
doubted that we hcreSCongress and
Exccutive.-can secure its adoption
Will not the good people respond to
united and earnest appeal from us
Can We. can they, by any other means
SO certainly or SO speedily assure
these vital objects We can succeed
only by concert. Is it not " can any
of us imagiap better 2" but "can We aii |
do bctter?" Object whatsoever is pos
sible, still the question rccurs, "can
we do better?" The dogmas Of the |
qniet past are inadequate to the
stormy present. The occasion is pill
ed high with difficulty, aud we must
rise with the occasion. AS our case
is new, so we must think anew, and
act anew. We must disenthraIl our
selves, and then we shall save our
country.
Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape
history. We Of this Congress and
this Administration will be remember
ed in spite of ourselves. No person.
al significance or insignifcance can
spare one or another of us. The fiery
trial through which we must pass will
light us down in honor or dishonor to
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