The Hancock Jeffersonian. [volume] (Findlay, Ohio) 1857-1870, 1862-09-12
Testimony Of our Fathers.
Having a lively faith that 4

HuNiHB uVeIy Ihltn tnht tne
hope Of our country 10 an enlighten.
cd public sentiment on the subject
of slsvery--the means by which re
bellion hopes TO win-we shall add
to the testimony given last week
that of some meu.bers Of the first
Congress.
When the tariff bill was reported
Parker OF Virginia, moved to inser,
n clause imposings duty of ten dol
'ars on every slave imported. lie
was sorry the Constitution prevented
Consrces from prohibiting the i'm
portation altogether. It was c1n
trary to revolution principles and
cusht not 10 be p rmitt.d."
Smith, Of South Oar. lima, init
mated clearly that such duty would
endapger the Union.
Jackson, Of g org's, hoped the
su' ject mi@ht he dropped tor IL.
tine, and il ev,r Intro need again
:hat the dnty might be impoaed on
"the wbi'e slave as well de the
black, imported rom all the i,ils %.
EUROPE; wreiches convicted OF tn.
mtst n grant crimes, who were
brought in aud 81 Ia without any du
ty whatever. They ought t, bet,x.
ed equally with the A ricana, and b
had no doubt OF the equal proprir,,
and constitntionality OF such
course" The same gentleman nj
terwurds said: "Will Virginia free
her slaves? When the pracnce
comes to be tried there, the sound ol
liberty will lose those charms which
lnake it grateful to the ravished ear
Such was the method OF advo
eating slavery in 1889. A constant
resort to falsehooj, to scurrility and
to threats hss characterized pro
slavery men from that day to this.
In the same Congress A,nes, OF
Massachusetts,, said Tho hated slave.
ry from his sonl, hu. doubted the pro.
priety OF imposing duty on slaves.
Madison said: by expressing a
national disspprobstion OF that trade
(slave trade) it is to be hoped We
may destroy it, and SO save ovrsolyes
fIom reproaches, and our posterity
from the imbecili,y ever attendant
on n country filled with 81 lAes.-I
This was as much the interest o.
South Carolina ard G orgia as OF
any oth,r States. Every addition
they received to their numbers o.
slaves, tel ded 8, weaken and render
them less capable of selt-defense. -
10 case Of hos,ilities with foreign
nn'ioI 8, their Save popnlat on would
be mea' not Of ofrepelI,ng ,nvssiun,
but of inviting attack. l; WAS the
duty U the general GoV.rnm ut to
Protect every part .t the Union
against danger, as we'll intern ! a.
external Everything, therefore.
which tended to increase this d niger,
though it ,Isy bs lcrsl "f'ir, yet
II it involved nstion.i expense or
safety, b, Came OF coucern to every
psrt Of the U"iou, and proper cub
'ct for The constellation oi those
charged with the genera, Admins
tIsuon q. I'll, Gov,rnn,. nt."
Madis, n did hot know that tht
/ r. judice in favor Of slavery would
U.cvne 30 strong in tho Nnrtn, thA,
in case Of rebellion, slavery wouiii
be ihe great safeguard Of The South,
as il is ut this day.
Burke said that ifslaves were not
mentio nei in he list Of articles tx
ed NJ 8 per cent, they would still be
taxed at that rate under the clause
'axing ut that rate all unenumerated
articles" To this Madison replied
that mo Collector ol Customs would
presume to apply the terms goods,
wares and merchsndize to persons;"
10 this be was supported by Sher.
man, who said that "p, rsops were
nowhere recognized 10 property in
the Constitution. lie thought that
the clause In the Constitution On
which the present motion was found.
ed applied - much to other persons
ss to slaves, and that there wsre
other persons to whom II ought to
DO applied, as conviols, for instance,
but tho whole subject ought to be
taken up by ITSELF"
Ia 1900. tho Pennsylvania Aboli
ton Society sent in petition signed
Dy Frauklin as its President, aud
pobably written by him, which con
famed tha following exprsssion.