Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1862-05-28

communities, and no law of Congress was ever
| more faithfully executed in either section of
| the Union.
From 1850 to the assembling of Congress in
the winter of 1858, the N orth was profoundly
silent on this and all other subjects calculated
| TO irri.ate our neighbors in the slaveholdiDg
States and SO earnestly was the compromise
! OF 1880 sustained, that the radical anti slavery
! element was held in check by the overpower
ing influence of the ''finality'' sentiment.
! am proud to say that the pledge made by the
Whig party to discountenance all agitation of
| the slavery question kept in good faith.
/ We are all familiar with the manner in which.
| in lo53-54, the question was reopened by a
portion OF the Democratic party, and the whole
country kIndled to blaze of excitement.
The exciting scenes through which we have
| passed since the repeal of the Missouri CON-
promise need not be recited. The southern
mind was poisoned against the people of the
North, through misrepresentation of their
purposes and desires while the Whig party
OF the South was crushed out, and the slave
| holding States were left exclusively in the
control of Davis, Toombs, and Floyd, their
confederates and co-conspirators.
/ have thus, Mr.. Speaker, alluded briefly to
events with which we are all familiar because
apprehend that the subject to which they
relate will have most important influence on
! the fate OF this measure of conHscation in this
House. For, while do not doubt that many
members Will oppose il conscientiousy, as
fully believe that most OF the opposition 1t W Ill
meet will have its source in considerations
connected more or less intimately with the in
| sttuton of slavery. In the brief survey
which have taken OF the past relations of the
free Stateslto the institution of slavery, it has
! been my purpose to call to the recollection of
members from the border States the fact that
| all political action of the North has been uni
formly friendly to the South-for of the opin-
| ions and acts of an inconsiderabe minority,
who never were able to affect legislation seri-
ously, we are not bound to take acconnt-and
considerate of her every right +; and l firmly
believe it would have continued so long as
the South should have seen fit to avail herself
of the protection Of the Constitution. There
fore il is that hold slavery has no right TO
claim from loyal Representatives on the floor
of this House any degree of immunity from
the retributon it has so rashly invoked upon
itself by its crimes against the Constitution.
rejoice that there are men here from the
border slave States whom treason could neith-
or seduce nor intimdate from their allegi-
ance. honor them for their fidelity, and
appeal to their candor and patriotism for that
measure of cooperation with US of the free
States which shall be needfn for the salvation
and restoration of the Republic. From the
bare fact of their presence in this Hall we have
a right to expect it. And what should hinder
the men OF the border States from joining
ever questions may grow out of the necrssi-
ties and exigencies involved in the suppress
sion of this most unholy rebellion2 Have
| we not shown disposition to respect your
every rightl What compromise was ever
broken by the people of the North OF what
violation of the Constitution 10 you accuse us?
Even during the last year, while slavery has
stood confessed the one cause of seemingly
impending national ruin, through all the dark
hours in which existence itself hung trembling
in the balance, and while the border States
| were more thar doubtful in their loyalty, the
people of the North stood unwayering to their
constitutional gations-oblgation tramp
led under foot with every circumstance of in
suit and contumely by those claiming their
shelter and protection.
In this House and by the executive head of
the nation the same jealous regard for consi-
tutional obligations has been preserved re-
gard not merely for obligations due to those
who continued unquestionably loyal, but to
those who wavered between loyalty and re-
| bellion, and even to those who have gone over
| to rebellion and desperately striving to de-
| stroy the Constitution. While do not hesi-
| tate to say that believe this tenderness has
| been carried further than the supreme law of
national as of individual life, self-preservation,
warranted, am proud TO recognize that in
| grain loyalty to the constitutional forms which
could have been developed only under free
constitutional Government and which is It.
self the highest vindicstion of such form of
government.
But, sir, we have gone further In our respect
to the obligations We owe to you as loyal, con-
stituent parts Of our common country. The
| loyal men of the free States suffering loss
es of life and of property compared with
which yours are triHing. For our communities
are compact, with infinite interests and indus
! tries. All those vital relations and complex
interests which have formed and become ce-
mented during half century of peace are
rudelv torn asunder by this war. The loss Of
| life is manly ours; the burden of taxation
must be borne mainly by large producing
and large consuming, compact, industrial pop
ulation of the free States. If it become ne
cessary in the prosecution OF this war for the
preservation of the Union to adopt measures
which should involve the ruin or the injury OF
the institution of slavery in the rebellious
States we might we'll say to you of the border
States, that, if loss be entailed on you by such
measures, it is no more than has befallen our
own communities. By the strict letter of the
compact, the man whose interests are in slaves
can with no more propriety claim compensa-
tion for injury to those interests which grow
out of a common struggle for self preservation
than he whose interests may be in merchandise
or machinery, aud may be affected in an equal
lv injurious way.
But this House, on the recommendation OF
the Executive, with singular unanimity, vol
unfairly, and in advance, has rendered to
| loval citizens who are interested in the insti-
tuition Of slavery full compensation for all in
jury to either public or private relations which
may ensue from its downfall. We have not
done this arbitrarily; we have not proposed
to msdde with your internal affairs; but, ind
ing you without crime or fault of your own,
involved in the fate of system upon which
events, no less than the immutable principles
of divine Justice, have set the seal of speedy
destruction, we have come forward and, in ef-