The Wyandot pioneer. (Upper Sandusky, Ohio) 1853-1868, 1862-01-03
nfsURRENDER OF MASON AND
SLIDELL.
WASHINGTON, Dec.

MtSSio ia doOii dilt udN0 HSCh S'N SIi
up to England. Tie official correspondence
between our Government and Great Britain
relative to the seizure of the traitors Mason
and Slidell is received.
-. 1Ahe first is letter from Secretary Sew
ward to Minister Adams, dated November
80, in which he compliments the latter for
wisely speaking and acting at the, Lords
Mayors dinner, and also states that he told
Lord Pahnerston simply the fact when in
forming him the life of the insurrection was
sustained by the hopes of its recognition by
England and France, and if those hopes
ceased, the insunection would perish in
ninety days, ,uasqag
lie repeats in the same note the fact of
the arrest of SIidell and Mason by Captain
| Wilkes as new and unforeseen circum
stance, which is to be met by the two Gov
ernments, If possible, i'll kindly spirit.
Lord Lyons had said nothing on the sub
ject, and no explanations were furnished to
Minister Adams, it being deemed prudent
that the ground taken by the British Gov
ernmeut should first be made known here,
Seward deemed it proper to state that
Captain Wilkes acted without instructions,
and the subject, therefore, is free from the
embarrassments which might have ensned
if tie act had been specially directed.
He trusts the British Government will
consider the subject in a friendly temper,
and it may expect the best disposition on
our part.
The next letter is from Earl Russell to
Lord Lyons, dated Nov 80, which details
the Trent affair. ..t.
He says it thus appears that certain in
dividuals have been torcibly taken from
British YES <el, the ship of a neutral po wer,
on lawful and innocent voyage; an act
of violence which was an atfront to the
British flag, and violation Of international
law.
Her Majesty's Government are willing 70
believe the act was without authority, and
resulted from misunderstanding, as the
Government OF the United States must be
fully aware the British Government would
not allow such an affront to the national
honor to pass without full reparation; and
the British Government is unwilling to be-
lieve that the United States deliberately in
tended unnecessarily to force discussion of
so grave question between the two Gov
ernments.
Her Majestys Government trusts that the
Government of the United States will OF its
own accord offer such redress as alone could
satisfy them, viz: The liberation of the four
persons, and their delivery to Lord Lyons,
that they may again be placed under British
authority, and suitable apology for the ag
rression committed. Should these terms
not be offered by Mr.. Seward, you will pro
pose them to him.
Mr. Seward, replies to Lord Lyons, by
whom he was furnished with copy Of Earl
Russels letter, stating that the dispatch
had been submitted to the President. Mr.
Seward says: "The British Government
has rightly conjectured what is now my
duty to state, that Captain Wilkes acted
upon his own suggestions of duty, without
any direction or instruction, or even fore
knowledge of it on the part Of this Govern
nent.
No directions had been given him or any
other naval officer to arrest the -four persons,
or any of them, on the Trent OF any other
British vessel, or any neutral vessels, there
or elsewhere. After discussing the whole
subject at great length in all its bearings
MIR. Seward says:
l trust have shown to the satisfaction of
the British Government by very simple and
natural statement of facts and analysis of
law duplicates to them, that this Government
have neither meditated, practiced, nor ap
proved any deliberate wrong in the transac-
,r,,s to which they have called its attention;
and ON the con,rai !, that what has happened
has been simply an inadvertency, consisting
in departure by the naval officer, unce:
tainly established, and probably by the sever
al parties concerned either inn ertectly un-
t,arslooA or entirely unknown. For this er-
ror the British Government has right to
expect the same reparatlon that we, as an
independent States, should expect from Great
Britain, or from any other frieAdly nation
in a similar case. ..- f.
| have not been unaware that in examin-
ing this question l have fallen into an argu
ment, for what seems to be British side of
it, against my own country; but | am re-
lieved from all embarrassment on that sub
ject l had hardly fallen into that line of
argument when l discovered that | was
really defending and maintaining not ex-
clusively British interests, but an old, honor
ed and cherished American cause-not up
on British authorities, but upon principles
that constituted large portion Of the dis
tinetiye policy by which the United States
have dovelot,u ,ud the resources of continent,
and thus become considerable maritime
power and won the confidence of many ma
tons. These principles were laid down for
us by James Madison in 1904, when Secre
tary of State under Jefferson, in his instruc-
tions to James Monroe, our then Minister to
England. ...
MIR. Seward says, (after quoting these in
structions:)
If | decide this case in favor of my own
Government, must disasow.its most cherish
ed principles, and release, and reverse, and
forever abandon its essential policy. The
country cannot afford the sacrifice, If
maintain these principles, and adhere to that
policy, l must surrender, the case itself. 1t
will be seen, therefore, that this Government
could not deny the justice Of the claim pre-
sented. We are asked to do to the British
nation lust what we always insisted all ma