Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1862-09-29

do not think that all would-not so many in
deed as a year ago, or as six months ago-not
so many to-day as yesterday. Every day in
creaSeS their Union feeling. They are also
getting their pride enlisted, and want to beat
the rebels. Let me say one thing more; l
think you should admit that We already have
an important principle to rally and unite the
people in the fact that constitutional govern
ment is at stake. Thisis a fundamental idea,
going down about as deep as anything"
REPLY OF THE DELEGATION.
We answered that, being fresh from the
people, we were naturally. more hopeful than
himself as to the necessity andprObable effect
of such proclamation. The value of con-
sttutional government is indeed grand idea
for which to contend; but the people know
that nothing else has put constitutional gov
eminent to danger but slavery; that the toler-
alton of the aristocratic and despotic element
in our free institutions was the inconsistency
that had nearly wrought our ruin and caused
free government To appear failure before the
world, and therefore the people demand en-
ancipation to preserve and perpetuate consti-
tutiOnal government. Our idea would thus
be found to go deeper than his, and to be
armed with corresponding power. (''Yes,"
interrupted Mr.. Lincoln, ''that is the true
ground of our ditficulties.") That q proc
lamation of general emancipation, giving
"Liberty and Union" as the national watch
word, would rouse the people and rally them
to his support beyond anything yet witnessed
appealing alike to conscience, sentiment and
hope. He must remember, too, that present
manifestations are no index to what would
then take place. If the leader would but ut
ter a trumpet-call the nation will respond
with patriotic ardor. No one can tell the
If no ri,rb no riuhft
to develop the latent fire and enthusiasm of
the masses. (''I know it," exclaimed Mr..
Lincoln.) That in case of a proclamation of
emancipation, we had fear of serious injury
from the desertion of border state troops.
The danger was greatly diminished, as the
president had admitted. But let the deser-
tons be what they might, the increased spirit
of the north would replace them two to one.
One state alone, if necessary, would cOmpen-
safe the loss, were the whole fifty thousand to
join the enemy. The struggle has gone too
far, and cost too much treasure and blood to
allow of partial settlement. Let the line be
drawn at the same time between freedom and
slavery, and between loyalty and treason.
The sooner we know who our enemies are the
better.
THE PRESIDENTS FINAL REMARKS.
In bringing our interview to a close, after
an nour OF earnest and frank discussion, OF
which the foregoing is specimen, Mr.. Lin
coin remarked: ''Do not misunderstood me,
because have mentioned these objections.
They indicate the difficulties that have thus
far prevented my action in some such way as
you desire. l have not decided against a
proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold
the matter under advisement. And l can as
sure you, that the subject is on my mind by
day and night, more than any other. What
ever shall appear to be Gods will, l will do.
l trust that in the freedom with which have
canvassed your views, l have not in any re-
spect injured your feelings" We assured
him that he had not and expressed our hope
that in honest endeayors to express and de-
fend our convictions we had not been wanting
in due respect for our chief magistrate. Bid
ding him farewell, we commended him to the
gracious guidance of God, having faith that
if the memorial and our added interview had
thrown into the trembling scales but single
grain of truth that might aid in the preponder-
ance of justice and humanity, our mission
would not prove to be in vain.