The Weekly Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, O. [Ohio]) 1861-1???, 1862-08-06

emies A single case will illustrate thousands.
A friend, some months ago, gave me an instance
Of a northern man who had m rried in Virginia
His prepossessions, education, and interest were
all with the Government but brief experience
Of policy made it necessary for him, as doubt
no. 1t has made it necessary for thousands Of
ohers to unite with the rebels. When asked
how he, a northern man, could become seces-
sionist, he replied that it was safest and
paid" When the confederate army are here,
| am safe, aud my property is safe, while all who
are suspected Of being Unionists are not only
despoiled of all they possess, but, If ablebodied
men, are often pressed into the rebel army.
When said, while discussing the Arizona bill,
shat thus far we had done more to enconrsge
treason than to terrify traitors" intended to
denounce this policy ofretsining traitors IN Of
fee, and shielding and protecting traitors and
their property by our Army and do most EN-
phaticay denounce that policy, or rather
that want OF policy, which
releases the murderers of our soldiers on
parole of honor and the oath of allegiance.
What is oath of honor to these assassins and
bsrbsriansg How many times have they been
released and violated both, returning again to
the rebel army to take the lives of the very men
who had spared their own.
Sir, the attempt to subdue this rebellion by
imposing oil the burdens of the war upon the
loyal people Of the nation and kissing rhe rebels
will tail. One years sad experience Of this
policy, it would seem to me, ought to be suHi-
cient to wake up the Government to the fact
that this il not rose.water war, and that the
traitors cannot be induced to return to their
allegiance by kindness and promises
will not take up the time of the House in
enumerating the instances in which parties have
been arrested and released, nor will l attempt
to describe the barbarous treatment of our prs-
oners, our wounded and dead, by the same men
to whom such protection and leniency have
been shown. 1t is enough to say here, that it
is policy which does gross injustice to loyal
southern men in the localities where our armies
command the country, and necessarily outrsges
every sentiment of Justice in our own troops,
and, as a consequence, destroys the efficiency of
our Army. In my intercourse with the soldiers
thsy added the fear that such temporzing would
end at last in q cowardly compromise.
SOLDIERS FTaHrING YOUR BATTLES IN FAVOR OF
CoNTIsCATfoS.
No men in this nation are more astounded at,
or feel more deeply, the apathy Of Congress on
this question of the confscation Of property Of
rebels than the soldiers WHO are fighting your
battles, While you are here hesitatlng as to
whether you v III release the rebels from all the
burdens OF this most expensive war, and impose
a tax upon the loy"l people which of itself will
amount to 4 coufscaton bill. Sir, il this ques-
ton of the confscatiou Of the property and the
liberation Of the slaves of rebels could be SUBJ
mtted to y vote of our Army now scat cred
throughout the southern States, there would be
no doubt about its passage, NJ, regret to say
there is great doubt to-day whether both these
needful and righteous measures will be enacted
into law by she vote OF the American Con
grsss..s
CoNsiITV TIoNALITY OF CONFIscATIoN UNDER TIL
WAR POWER.
Mr.. Speaker, the stern necessities of war may
and often must disregard private rights. TIL,
laws of war, in time of war, supersede all othe
laws whether organic or statute. The grea
safeguard of individual rights, the hdbsds corpus
is suspended, private property OF all kinds il
taken whenever, In the opinion of the cOm
manding general, il may be necessary person
are arrested, tried, convicted, and executed b.
court-martial; the projections which the Con
stitutiOn throw around the citizen in time o
peace yield amid the din of battle to the inex
orable laws of war, by which alone, at such
time as the present, can the lie, liberty, an
property of the citizen be protected in th
States where our armies are in the field.
The Constitution provides that Congress sha
have power
"To deGlare war, grant letters of maraue an
repTisal, and make rules CONCERNING captures o
, land and water"
"To raise and support armies, but no appro
priation OF money 10 that use shall be for
} longer term than two years."
:. ITO provide and maintain ii navy"
, ITO make rules for the government OF th
land ana naval forces"
"To provide for calling forth the militia, t
execute the lava of the Union, suppress insu
t rections, and repe invasions"
a ITO provide for organizing. arming and di
ciplining the militia, and tor governing sue
: part of them az may be employed in the serviC
OF the United States, reserying to the States r,
" spectively the appointment of the officers, an
the authority of training the militia accordn
to the discipline prescribed by Congress-"
"To make all laws which may he nece1ssi
J. and proper for carry ng into exception the for
n going powers, and all other powers vested |
this in tho GnvaFnmaDt of tho I'm
! ted States, or in any department or office ther
II Off
l Congress being clothed with these ample po,
g ers by the express letter of the Constitute
e and having recognised the existence of wsr, al
's raised and equipped an army TO resist the rebe
r in arms against the Government, the laws
II war at once CALLED into exercise, and supeToe
)! oil other laws wheueVer, in the opiniau of Il
Il Coumsuder>in- Chief, the necessity for it eIis
JoHS QUINCY AnANs AEp OTHERS ON THE ".
PowEE,
This being our condition to-day, the Questi
: is, what are the laws of war, as recognized
:, the law of nations John Quincy Adams, tn
- whom no aoler or more comprehensive stat
:. man has ever dlgnifed and adorned the posti
a, of Chief Magistrate, said, in speaking Of Il
IN subject
al lay this down as the law of nations.
" say that military authority takes, for tho til
'st the place of all municipal instltet,ons a4u sh
cir ely Smang the rest and that, under that stt
of of things, so far from its being true that
States where slavery exists have the eGclus
III management OF the subject, not only the Pre-
ht- dent OF the United States but the commander
Or, the Army, has power to order the universal e
all snoipation OF the slaves"
"From the instant that the slaveholding Sta
Ut become the theater of war, civil, servile,
'te foreign, from that instant the war powers
,us Congress extend TO interference with the in
m. tuition of slavery, in every way in which it
be interfered with, from a claim of indemn
no for slaves taken or destroyed, to the cession
~, States, burdened with slavery, to foreign Pc