Civilian & telegraph. [volume] (Cumberland, Md.) 1859-1875, 1862-05-08
THE PRESIDENTS POLICY EXPLAINED.
SPEECH OF COL. BLAIR,
OF MISSOURI,
Del;rered in the House Of Representatives,
Apra II, 1862.
NJ Rl,;r of Missouri Tho cha

Apra II, 1862.
Mr.. Blair, of Missouri. The charge
has frequently been heard here and else
where that the President is without n
policy in his administration. shall
endeavor to show that this imputation is
unfoundcd, to explain my conceptions
of his policy, and to demonstrate that it
is wise in every respect, and commends
itself to the lovers of the Union and of
freedom. There can be no dispute with
respect to the object of the war so far
as he is concerned. He says in his an
nual message that he has been anxious
that it "shal not degenerate into vio-
lent and remorseless revolutionary strug-
gle. l have, therefore," he adds, "in
every case thought it proper to keep the
integrity of the Union prominent rs the
primary object of the contest" No one
can refuse belief to this utterance. If
the President stood on his mere declar-
alton, his life has been so marked by in
tegrity that all men yield implicit faith
to his words as the true index of his
heart. But the language truly charac
terizcs his conduct. 1t has not been at
tempted to show that he has not en-
deayored in every way to prevent the
struggle from degenerating into vio-
lent and remorseless revolutionary strug-
gle, and, as its first great object, to
maintain the integrity of the Union.
But it is objected by some of those
who aided in his election that he has not
IN aid of this object made the war upon
the cause of the war, and decreed G.
Emancipation by an order as Commander
in chief of tho Army and Navy. as an
effective agency in suppressing the re-
bellion.
THIS measure might unqnestionably
be justified if it were deemed necessary
or expedient for the purpose of accom-
plishing his object, aud if it could be
shown that he knew this to be true he
might be arranged for failing to use
this means But when the record of
his opinion is examined, it is easy to
understand that he docs not consider
the measure, which is regarded as so
omnir otcnt by portion of his friends,
as likely to be effective for the purpose,
and | think it can be shown that his
judgment is probably the most correct.
In his canvass for the Senate with
Dir. Douglas, his views respecting the
subject of slavery were very fully de-
vcloped. and though not speaking with
reference to the present aspect of af-
fairs, his position then led logically to
his present attitude, and shows far
deeper insight into the relations of the
subject than any other man of the day
had then attained. In his declaration.
that above all things he desired "a sep
ara,ion of the black and white races"
he showed that he knew that the ex-
citen cnt occasioned at the South by the
idea of emancipation was not due to the
fears of the loss of property it would
occasion to those holding slaves. His
birth in slave State, and subsequent
residence in Indiana and Illinois, among
a people large proportion of whom also
sprung from the slave States and from
the shareholders of the slave States,
taught him that the greatest repugnance
to this measure was to be found among
men who had no such property interest
at stake. lie knew, also, that these
men were for the most part, and the
best part. ardently attached to the
Union, and especially in those regions
of the country where military operations
would be difficult.
TO superficial observers who believe
that the rebellion grew out of slavery,
and is, as they term it, shareholders
rebellion. and when it is known to be
true that the non-slaveholding regions
of the South are for the Union, it is
natural that it should occur to them
that the proper course to carry all the
non Shareholders against the rebellion
would be to decree emancipation. But
a closer scrutiny demonstrates the con-
trary to be true; such scrutiny demon
strates that the rebellion originated
chiefly with the Shareholders resi-
dent in the strongholds of the institu
ton, not springing, however, from any
love of slavery, but from an antagonsm
OF race ana nostlllty 10 the Idea OF G.
quality with the blacks involved in sim
pie emancipation. This idea among
non-slaveholders was naturally Of great
er intensity in proportion to the number
of slaves about them, and its force in
ncutralzing Union feeling diminished
as we approach the high and mountain
regions where the slaves are few.
Every man acquainted with the facts
knows that it is faIlacious to call this "a
Shareholders rebellion" If such was
the fact, two divisions of our Army could
have suppressed it without difficulty
the negroes themselves could easily put
down the two hundred and fifty thou
sand Shareholders; but it is matter of
history that the Shareholders, as a body,
were the last and most reluctant to join
the rebellion. The representative men
of that interest, like Badger Of N. Ca
rolina, Aiken of S. Carolina, and AL
exauder Fl. Stephens of Georgia. strug-
gled as long as there was hope against
the rebellion, and for the obvious rca-
son that the entire interests of the slave
h Jaro ,varo mt IN ovtrop,o ,oonordv