The Weekly Perrysburg journal. [volume] (Perrysburg, O. [Ohio]) 1861-1???, 1862-03-27

utlOIt TIC NOlcu lOl tlllS OH ne NOOlPu 10
know what was to be done with the money
| supposed him to say it in good faith; and
that the hill could not have his support.
nor the Government I've provided with sup.
port by means Of this general revenue bin
unless with express limitations annexed
that this suspected Administration should
only Use the money in q certain way. What
limitations upon the uses OF this rcvcuue
would the gentleman have? Would he
have its use so restricted that, in support.
ing the Government, the patrsrchal insti.
tuition of slavery should suffer no detri.
ment? The thought which ran through
the gentleman's speech was, that il this rev.
evnue be raised, or if this bill be passed
the sublime purpose Of bringing the cot
ton States back into the Union, and keeping
them in the Uujou, with their ancient social
system Of CAattcl slavery, mnct. What
else, SIT, can You inter, or can the House in.
fer from the significant uucrauce Of the
gentleman, that unless the cotton States
shall be brought back into the Union, or, TO
use his words, II you let the cotton States 90,
Kentucky will not stay with vou2 What
do those strange words singifv; what do
they import? Why, that the gentleman is
willing TO raise 500 100000 of revenue. 10
)c collected for the time being from the
loyal citizens Of the United States, for the
purpose of getting the cotton States lacl;
into the Union upon their former StutuS,
with their slaves and slavery and not 9TH
orwiSc. This idea pcrvaded the gentlemaI's
speech from beginning to end, whether he
was conscious of it or not lie said, in sub
stance, that if you attempt through the i'll
strumentality OF your armY--suppurtcl and
sustained. in part, at least, 10y means of this
immense revenue that you are to collect aud
put into the Treasury by this bill, in the
preservation of the Constitution and the
Union, and in defence Of the good men aud
true who dwell under the shield Of the Con-
stituton, and arc entitled to its protection
and to be made secure in their persons. their
property, and their h0mCs-to touch the di-
vine institution Of slavery, that civilizer of
the children Of the kingdom Of Dahomcy
the gentleman and his State vii! depart from
you. Touch not the civilizer, says the gen
tlemon, or Kentucky leaves you. This
divinity of civilization, chattrl slavery, is
sacred; for the way to civilize men is to
cnslave them and convert them into brutes!
Sir, if that is the condition upon which
the gentleman's allegiance is to be retained
to the Union and the Constitution, the SOON
er all such patriots depart the better. say
the country.
Mr.. WADSWORTH. Let me say word
Mr.. BINGHAM. No, sir; am not mis-
representing the gcutlcman's position. He
argued that chattel slavery in America is
the civlizer of the children of the kingdom
of Dahomcv.
Mr., WADSWORTH. do say the gen
tlcman srepresents my position. | annex
no conditions to my loyalty,
Mr.. BINGHAM. If the gentleman ar
ncyes no condition to his loyalty. then his
remarks about the use of tins revenue and
the divine civli2er of Africa and retaining
the cotton States with their slaves and
slavery untouched in the Union, were simp-
~ meaningless and ought not to have been
uttered. He said, il you allow. under any
condition, the cotton States to depart from
this Union, then Kentucky would not stay
in the Union; and annexed the condition
that vou must not, in the great effort to re-
tain the cotton States, touch slavery. Who,
in the name Of Heaven, wants the cotton
States in the Union, or in any other place
than the state of perdition, if they are only
to be in the Union on the condition that,
from day to day, from gcncre ton to gener-
alton, and from age to age, slavery, this
new civilizer of the chiIiren Of Dahomey,
power of the Government? Laughter.
The question is, whether the gentleman from
Kentucky is in favor of the Union; whether
he is for the Government of the United
States, and for the exercise of all the means
which God and nature have given to us
and which may be Justly and lawfully en-
ploycd under the sanction of humanity, for
the putting down of this infamous, Internal
rebellion? Is he for the Union to that cX-
tent that he will sanction the employment
of all necessary and Just means to preserve
it?
Mr.. WADSWORTH. Will the gentleman
permit me TO answer?
Mr.. BINGHAM. ! want an affirmative
or a negative answer.
Mr.. WADSWORTlI. Iwant the Govern
ment to use such force as may be necessary
to overthrow the force opposed 10 the exc
cution Of the laws; but | am not in favor of
preserving the Union by destroying the
Constitution, and inaugurating Congrcssion-
al usurpatiOn.
Mr. BINGHAM. Iput tho question again
to the gentleman from Kentucky, and want
an Affirmative or negative response. If the
majority of the people of the United States.
and a majority of thoir Representatives in
Congress, together with the President Of the
United States, conclude that to suppress cf-
fectually this rebellion and save the Union,
there is an indispensable necessity to sweep
away that "mfernal atrocity," the Dahomoy
Civilizar, which maddencd tho brain and dead
encd the heart Of the people Cf the half the
territory of the Republic-will the gentle
man then stand by the Union and tho Con-
sttutiOn, and sustain tho President and his
policy?
The gentleman has not yet answered my
question. | will state it again. Suppose
that the contingency shall arise when, in
the Judgment of the President, and iE the
judgement of majority of the people s
Representatives in this House and in the
Senate, it becomes necessary to utterly
abolish this system of Slavery, that the
Constitution may live and chat the Union
may be preserved; is the gentleman for it ?
Mr. WADSWORTH. Whenever the Pres
ident and a majority of this House como to
the conclusion that it was necessary to
sweep slavery out of the country in order
to preserve the Union, will oppose such a
law by Constitutional action - always by
Constitutional action. il the gentleman and
his abolition allies come to our State to eX-
ccute such law with force, will oppose
them.
Mr.. BINGHAM. The gentleman does not
answer whether he is going TO leave the
Union or not.
Mr.. WADSWORTH. Never will leave
the Union. Whenever il becomes necessary
for either the gentleman from Ohio or my.
self TO leave the Union, will take care that
the gentleman, and not myself. will have 10