Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1862-09-04
MIR. ADAMS TO EARL Observation-Disclosures
LINE 81
DIR. SEWARD TO MIR. ADAMS.

Dir. SEWARD TO MR.. ADAMS;
WAsHIEGToE, May ., 1862.
! SIR: Your dispatch Of the 9Th Of May has
| been received
There is a statement in the public journals
/ that thirty vessels which lefl British ports with
8 common design to orun our blockade, nave gath
| cred az Nassau, aud that they ayenoW remaining
there awaiting the relaxation of the blockade at
some of the Southern ports which the President
has permitted TO take place on the 1st Of June,
| prefeuing to avail themselves Of that lawful
privilege rather than psrssversn their prohibited
operations / think, therefore. We may eongrst-
uate ourselves upon having advanced 70 a new
stage in our intercourse with maritime powers
affecting the present troubles in the United
States, q stage al which motives Of sympathy ia
foreign countries with the insurgents, derived
from the pressure Of the blockade, will disap-
pear.
The stage is also marked by another improve
mont Of tie caSe-namely, the withdrawal from
the ocean of the pirates who have occasionally
sought shelter and protection in friendly ports
while csmmitting depredstions on American
commerce.
Under ths Presidents instructions l desire &c
improve the position thus obtained to confer, if
our representatives abroad shall think it dis
Greet with the friendly nations upon the pros
pecs OF the war and their future course in re-
gard to it.
BY way of introduction, beg to recall to year
recollection the facts that at the earliest proper
moment set forth most distinctly the opinions
OF this government that the mutual interests,
present aud permanent, Of ali maritime nations
including this country, require the preservation
OF harmonious relations between them, and that
the same interests demand that so far As possi-
bic, peaes shall prevail throughout the world
and especially in the United States and upon the
American continent
In explanation of these views set forth the
opinion that the industrial systems Of Western
Europe and the United States, including theiT
agriculture, manufactures and commerce, are
in some respeets, to be regarded less as distinct
nationaLsystems than as one general cOmbina
ton of agricultural, manufacturing ard COM
mercial agencies, in which iar in one country
necessarily produces disturbance IN ali others
so that serious disOry yanizston OF the machine
Ty employed in production here caunot fail to
result ia arrangement, probably in disas er, ev-
erywhere abroad.
Tnere are now some painful evidences that
these speeuletons were not ursound. There is
distress among the peasantry Ct Ireland, in the
manufacturing towns Of Belgium and the wing
press and silk looms in some parts of France,
seem to be coming to dead stand All the
suifersrs-and will not stop 20 inquire how
justly-trsce theirs misfJrtunes to the civil wsg
OF the United States. Il is manifest that what
the European nations want is an end Of that
war as speedy, and leaving the industrial sys-
ten of this country as little dis0rganized as
possible. Il would seem impossible for any
considerste perssn to doubt that this is the very
consummstion which the government Of the
United States must want even more than it can
be desired by the European States. This gov
eTnnent has expressed that want earnestly, de-
Nevertheless, the war has continued q whole
year, against the wishes of Europe as well as
Of America. A new campaign is even begin
ming. In order to determine whether It is likely
to reach the desired end it will not be uBpTotit2
bic to consider the cause Of its prOlongation TO
the present period. This government at the
beginning assumed, and it has constantly iu-
sisted, that the Union could, must, aud should
be preserved. On the other hand, the European
nations, when they saw the storm burst upon
the country, either doubted, or actually disbe-
Hevsd the possibility Of that great salvation
Europe had but q subordinate and indirect in
terest in the great problem, and it is supposed
that if the United States conld be only con-
WINGED that the Union could not in the end be
preserved, they would at once f0regO the con-
test, and consent to a national dissolution,
which it was enormously thought would be iol-
lowed by peace, while We knew that it would
only be the beginning Of an endless war. Thus
European opinion has practically favored the
insurgents, and encouraged them WITH ephemeral
sympathies and unreal expectations Of foreign
intervention, and has thus prouacted the war to
the present time.
Certainly this government and the American
people are even more confident Of the preserva-
tion of the Union now than they were year
ago, aud ere, therefore, sven less likely now
than they were then to accept peace, with the
ineoneeivabe pains and perils Of dissolution
Can it be presumptuous, then, for US to ask E1-
ropean statesmen to review, in the light of the
events of the war, the opinion which they
formed At so early stage Of It, that the opinion
itself might, perhaps, properly 90 deemed
prejudice
OF course, in such review the observer
would net overlook the contrast between the po-
sition which the Federal government held year
ago and tee present situation. Then it had
been practically expelled, with all its authorizes,
civil, military aud naval, from every State
south of the Potomac, Ohio and Mississippi
rivers, while it was held in close siege In tsis
capital, cut off from communication with even
the States which had remained loyal. Now, it
has virtually retaken all the positions it so early
lost on the seaboard it possesses the MisSissip-
pi, and sll the other great natural highways,
aud has forced the insurgents to battle in the
most inaccessible part Of the insurecionary
district The forces and the resources of the
government are unexhausted and Increasing.
Those Of the insurgents are diminished, and be-
coming nearly exhausted.
No one either here OF in Europe, now CON
tests these simple facts. The only argument
opposed to them is that the insurgents have de
sermined not to acknowledge the authority of
the Union. This evidence Of this is certain
resoluts and defiant tone maintained by their
organ.
Certainly, so long as the insurgents have any
hope of ultimate success they could not be ex-
pected to discourse otherwise than in just such
a tone, nor viii they fail to cherish such hope,
50 long as they find willingness to meet it
with sympathy in Europe. The very last ed
vices which came from that quarter previous to
the arrival there Of the news OF the fall Of New
Orleans and Norfolk were full speculstions
about come newly conceived form Of interven-
ton.
But il must be remembered that the insur-
gents are nen, and that they may reasonably
be expected to speak and act like other bellig-
erent factions under similar conditions. So,
slso, being men, and subject to the laws which
determine the economy OF society, they must n
all cases conform themselves, however unwill-
ingly, to the circumstances by which they are
surrounded. They canuot, more than other
masses Of men, determine fer themselves, under
one estate of circumstances, what they viii do
under different enc, A writer upon war sd