Wood County reporter. [volume] (Grand Rapids [i.e. Wisconsin Rapids], Wis.) 1857-1923, 1862-12-13

wages to white labor Is automatically
certain. Labor is like any other commod-
lty IN the market. Increase the demand
Ior 1t, and you increase the price of it.
heouce the supply of black labor by colo
hlzlng the black laborer out of the coun-
!ry, ano, oy precisely so much, you will
increase TIE demand tor wages for white
labor.
A BUGBEAR EXPOSED
But it Is dreaded that the freed peonle
Will swarm forth and cover the whole
land. Will liberation make them anv
more numerous? Equally distrihntad
among the whites of the whole country
and there would be but one colored to sersn
Uhates. Could the one in any wsv greatly
disturb the seven2 There are manv com.
munities now having more than one FREQ
colored person to seven whites, and this
without any apparent consciousness of evil
from it, The District of Columbia, and
the States of Maryland and Delaware are
all in this condition. The District has
more than one free colored to six whites.
and yet in its frequent petitions to Con-
gress, | believe it has never presented the
pretence of free coio:ed persons as one of
its grievances
WHY SHOULD NEGROES 60 NORTH?
But why should emancipation in the
South send the freed people North PEG.
pie OF any color seldom run, unless there
is something to run from. Heretofore
colored people have fled North. to some
extent, from bondage, and now perhans
from ootn bondage and restitution; but
II gradual emancipation and deportation
De adopted, they will have neither to flea
rom. lhelr own masters will give them
wages, at least until new laborers can be
procured, and the freed men in turn viii
gladly give their labor for wages, till new
homes can be found for them in more
congenial climes, and with people of their
own blood and race. This proposition can
be trusted on the mutual interests involv-
Cd, and, IN any event, cannot the North
decide tor itself whether to receive them
Again, as practice proves more than
theory in any case, has there been any ir-
rnption northward because of the abolish.
ment OF slavery in the District of Colnm
bia last SPRING. What have said of the
proportion of free colored persons to the
whites IN the District of Columbia is from
the census of 1860, having no reference
to persons called cOntrabands, nor to those
made free by the act of Congress abolish
ing slavery here.
The plan consisting of these Articles
Is recommended, not but that a restora-
ton OF the national authority would be
accepted without its adoption, nor will the
war, or proceedings under the proclama.
ton of September 22d, 1862, be STAYED be-
cause of the recommendation OF this plan.
Its timely adoption, doubt not, would
bring restoration and thereby STAY both
and notwithstanding this plan, the re-
commentator that Congress provides by
law tor compromising any State which may
adopt the emancipation act before this
plan shall have been acted upon, is here.
by earnestly renewed Such would only
be ali advance part of the plan and the
same arguments apply to both. This plan
Is recommended as means not in con.
clusion OF, but additional TO, all others for
restoring and preserving the national au-
! thorlty throughout the Union. The sub
Ject is presented exclusively in its econ
omlcal aspect. This plan would, | am
confident, secure peace more speedily than
can be done by force alone, while it would
cost less, considering amounts and manner
of payment, and times of payment, and
| the amounts would be easier paid than will
be the additional cost of the war if we re-.
ly solely on force. 1t is most likely that If
would cost no blood at ALL
This plan is proposed as permanent con-
sttutional law. 1t cannot become sncb
without the concurrence, first, of two
thirds OF the States. The requisite three.
quarters Of the States will necessarily in.
clude seven of the slave States. If OBJ
talned, 1t will give assurances of their
seVerally adopting emancipation at no
distant day, on the new constitutional
terms. This assurance would end the
struggle now, and save the Union forever
CONCLUSION.
| do not forget the gravity of a. psner
addressed to the Congress of the nation bv
the Chief Magistrate of the nation. nor 10
l forget that some few are my seniors. or
that many of you have more experience
than in the conduct of public affairs
Yet trust that In view of the great re-
sponslollity resting upon me, you will per-
ceiVe no want OF respect to yourselves in
any undue earnestness | may seem to dis.
play.
Is 1t doubted theL that the plan | pro-
pose, if adopted, will shorten the war. and
| thus lessen its expenditure of money and
blood? Is it doubted that it wo1ld re-.
store the Union and the national prosper-
ity and perpetuate both indefinitely Is
it doubted that if we here, Congress and
Executive, can secure its adoption, the
good people will respond to a united and
earnest appeal from us?
Can we, can they, by any other means
so certainly or so speedily assure these vi
tai objects? We can succeed ONLY bv
concert. 1t is not, can any of US insaqi7ie
better, but still the question recurs, can
we do BETTER
The dogmas of the quiet past are mad
equate to the stormy present. The occa-
sion IS piled high with difficulty. and we
must rise with the occasion. As our case
is new, so we must think and act anew :
we must disenthral ourselves. and then
we shall save our country.
Fetl0W catasens:: We cannot escape his.
tory. We of this Congress Tcrisis ?7 will
be remembered in spite of ourselves. No
personals significance or insignifcance can
spare one or another of Us. The fiery
trial through which we pass will light rs
down in honor Or dishonor to the latest
generation. We say We are for the Union.
The world will not forget that while we
say this we know how to save the Union.
The world knows We do know how To
save it. We, even we, hold the power
and bear the responsibility.
Ingiving freedom to the slave, We insure
freedom to the free. Honorable alike
in what we give and what we preserve
we shall nobly save or meanly lose the
last best hope of the earth.