Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-08-25


embalmed, but in the spirit of the people, the
tolerance of equal rights, as political communi-
ties, or men, but the absence of that dog
matte infalibility which arrogates superior wis
dom or virtue to our neighbor and firm an
chorage to laws which are, or ought to be, the
potential guarantees of all our rights.
My fellow countrymen, the logic Of passing
events have burned into my brain the impression
that the conservatives of the country must save it.
if it is saved. 1t is not party triumphs as such,
that seek, but the triumph of truth over er-
ror, of the Constitution over its enemies every
where, patriotism over sectionalism. NV Re
publican friends in Indiana are not generally
Abolitiouists, indeed many of them deem it an
insult to be called an Abolitionist. Let me ask
them if their forces are not united and if the
triumphs of Abolitionism is not due to their
aidl
Mr. Clay, in life and death, for his sentiments
still live, refused to merge or affiliate with
those men whose revolutionary measures struck
at the whole fabric of Southern society, and
upon this question we stand where Clay did.
But where do his former worshipers standl
Echo can not fail to answer where.
One word as to the conduct of the war Can
anv man fail to see that if the craftsmanship in
council or tie military skill in the field had
borne any relation to the patriotism and giant
might of the people, the rebellion would haye
thundered their power into the drowsy ear of
the Administration-have demanded to be
launched like thunder bolt against the rebel
lion TO crush it. But hope has almost sickened
over the protracted struggle and its hitherto in
decisive results.
Congress by its action and the speeches of its
members BETRAYED the desire of large party to
wage this war for purposes Interior TO the in
forcement of the laws. Was it wise or polite
under the theory that the secession ordinances
are null and void and the Constitution
still in force SOuth-to ask that the army should
be welded to emancipate slaves-was it polite to
rob the loyal people South of lever and fulcrum
by which the LOYALTY of the South could be re-
kindled? Not content with this, they adopted an
Odious, stringent protective tariff to swell the
bloated fortunes of the factories-not only ex-
onerating this class from their just quota of the
expenses of the Government-but subsidizing
the consumers as tributaries to their wealth by
the exclusion of foreign ompctition-measures
unpopular in the South, seeming to close the
door to Cancellation and strike a suicidal blow at
the hope of reconstruction of our Government.
have not the leisure to go into this tariff
questOn-Suffice it that it is covert and dis
guised levy of revenue bv which the taxpayer
pays to Government the duty on imported goods,
and sometimes to some individual or corporation
the amount of the duty when not imported, in
the shape of price for goods, wares, &c. The
tribute to Government we may cheerfully pay
but protest against tribute TO the over-grown
fortunes of the Lawrences and Eastern fac
tories.
The present tariff being almost prohibitory in
its character, the tribute and the tax under il is
almost exclusively paid to individuals. The sig
nicant facts, that we go to the East for all large
loans-that the interest on money there is but
about one-half what it is in the West-that the
factories are realizing larger profits and dividends
than ever before, whilst our staples are dwarfedin
yalue-that we pay more for nearly every article
in our shops and stores and get so much less for
our products, tells the story of partial and un-
just legislation, and vet their fabrics are excluded
from Southern market, as well our bacon,
-four, &C.. and if your members of Congress are
so ignonant of the science of political economy,
or guilty of that infidelity to equal justice as to
allow the East the markets of the world as against
your products, and deny you like liberty as
against theirs, they are not fit TO represent you in
the councils of the nation unless yoa desire by
stress of legislation money TO be flched from
your pockets to enrich men much richer than you
are The reasons urged for the protective
system do not rise to the dignity of arguments.
The West must be and predict will be an unit
upon this question. If reason does not bring
this conviction, their impoyerishment will open
their eyes to Republican misrule.
Nv friend Owen, whose eve like the poets
''in fine phrenzy rolling, glances from earth" if
not 'to heaven" to Footprint" on its confines,
is out for emancipation ever true to his worship
of chimeras for human happiness. l do not
question his motives-but save in and by rcvolu-
tiOn where is the warrant of power in the Federal
Government as against loyal STAKEHOLDER to
manumit his slaves The crime of treason may
work forfeiture but where is the power to an
nul State laws not in conflict with the Federal
powers 1t may be in bayoncts, or it may be in
the sayings of Senators, that in war laws are
silent In other words, to defeat revolution VIC
must resort to revolution; to protect, must
violate; to preserve, we must destroy.
No one will pretend that war adds to or sub
tracts from the Constitution, and where will you
find power in Congress or the President to WELD
the army in time of peace Tor war) to destroy
slavery in the States, and yet the Tribune and
kindred papers say that the war will not termi-
nate until slavery, its exciting cause, is abol-
ished.
Are all constitutional limitations upon power
and all guarantees 10 be blotted out under the
cloak of enforcing law against rebel subjects.
Let me ask you if there is not as much loyalty
in fighting to preserve legal institution as to
overthrow itI
Is not the argument of the Secretary of the
Navy and late Secretary of War, for manning
negroes, because the climate was deadly to the
whites, an argument for their use in cotton and
rice fieldsl Does the character of the allotted
work vary the crime of servitude! Is there
much less danger or less despotism in one than
the other! If the necessity of the resort to negro
labor is felt by Government, where is the abstract
riglI. and wrong ofitl Asacommander Iwould use
negroes for serVile labor. but do not degrade our
soldiers to the peership of negroes nor risk the
4.
mate slaughter of men, women and children OF
which the slaves of st. Domingo were guilty. In
vain does history teach by example, if we do not
profit by its lessons There are some other lessons
of the French revolution written i'm blood, which
the ''multitudinous seas" will not wash out.
Whatare they that Lafayette, Mirabeau, Barnave
and the Girondists fell by the power they invoked,
and like Acteon were devoured by their own
houndss All liberty was destroyed by her own
pretended worshippers. The barricades of law
were swept away and the dogs of anarchy
gorged themselves with blood and pillage. Be
lieving as do that all liberty must perish with
the liberty of speech, / shall only yield it with
my life-and believing that the great stake inn
periled by this war looks TO the enlightened pat
riotism of the land, dcnounce that despotism
which stiles it. / will not stoop TO mask my
political speeches under war speeches-nor TO
ask my servants in the White House or in Con-
gress for liberties enthroned higher than they are
lin the Constitution itself--and If believe that
this cry of no party is but the mask Of party to
swell its muster rolls, and affiliate Democrats
with Abolitonsts and thereby byperpetuate theirrule
Il will tear off the mask and defy the gratuitous
advice TO leave the vessel of State with a crew
not competent to save it, We Democrats were
taunted in times past when we warned the coun-
try of its dangers--as Union savers-and my
hope is that we may save it from Union wreck
ers North and South, and purge the land TO a
prestinc health by conquest of secession