Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-11-13
EXECUTIVE POWER.

No citizen can be insensible TO the vast I'M
poriance OF the late proclama ions and orders
OF the President of the United States. Great
differences OF opinion already exist concern
inr them. But whatever those differences of
opinion may be, upon one point all must agree.
They are assertions OF transcendent executive
power.
There is nothing in the character or con-
duct of the chief magistrate, there is nothing
in his present position III connection with
these proclamatons, and there is nothing in
the state of the country, which should prevent
candid and dispassionate discussion either
of their practical tendencies, or Of the source
of power fiom whence they are supposed to
spring.
The President on all occasions, has mani
tested the strongest desire TO act cautiously,
wisely and for the best interests of the coun-
try. What is commonly called his proclama-
tion of emancipation, is, from Its terms and
from the nature of the case, only a declara-
ton of what, at its date, he believed might
prove expedient, within yet underlined terri
torial limits, three months hence, thirty days
after the meeting of next Congress, and within
territory net at present subject even to our
military control. OF course such an executive
declaration as to his future intentions, must be
understood by the people 10 be liable TO be
modified by events, as well as subject TO such
changes of views, respecting the extent of its
own powers, a more mature, and possibly a
more enlightened consideration may produce.
In April, 1861. the President issued his
proclamation, declaring he would treat as
pirates all persons who should cruise. under
/ the authority OF the so-called Confederate
States, against the commerce OF the United
STAGES.
But subsequent events induced him, with
general acquIescence, to exchange them as
prisoners OF war. Not from any iicklcness OF
purpose, but because the interests OF the
country imperatively demanded this departure
from his proposed course OF action.
In like manner, it is not to be doubted by
any one who esteems the President honestly
desil ous to do his duty to the country. under
the best lights possible. that when the time for
/ his action on his recent proclamations and
orders shall arrive, it will be in conformity
/ with his own wishes, that he should have
those lights which are best elected in this
country by temperate and well-consdercd
/ public discussion; discussion, not only of the
practical consequences of the proposed meas
ures. but of his own constitutional power 10
decree and execute them.
The Constitution has made it incumbent on
the President to recommend to Congress such
measures as he shall deem nece ssarv and ex-
pedient. Al hough Congress viii have been
in session nearly thirty DAYS before any exec
utve action is proposed 10 be taken on this
subject of emancipation, ii can hardly be sup
posed that lhis pro lamation was intended to
be reconme endaion to them. Still, in what
the President may perhaps regard as having
some flavor Of the spirit of the Constitution,
he makes known to the people OF the United
States his proposed future executive acIion;
certainly not expecting desiring that they
should be indifferent TO such .momentous
proposal, or should tail 10 exercise their best
judgments, and afford their best counsels upon
what 50 deeply concerns themselves.
Our public affairs are in a condition to rem
der unanimity. not only in the public councils
o. the nation, but among the people theni-
selves, of the FIRST importance. But the Pres
ident must have been aware, when lie issued
these proylamatons, that nothing approaching
toward, unanimiiy upon their subjects could
be attained, among the people. save through
their public discussion. And as his desire to
act in accordance with the wisest and best
settled ard most energetic popular sentiment
cannot be doubted. we may justly believe
that executive action has been postponed,
among other reasons, for the very purpose OF
allowing time for such discussion.
And, in reference 10 the last proclamation,
and the orders OF the Secretary OF War. in
tended 10 carry it into practical effect, though
their operation Is immediate, 30 far as their
express declarations can make them so. thew
have not yet been practically applied to such
an extent, or IN such way. as no. to allow il
TO be supposed that the gsounds upon which
they rest are open for examination
However this may be, these are subjects in
which the people have vast concern 1t is
their tight. II is their dut, 10 themselves and
their po>terity. TO examine aud to consider
and 10 decide upon them: and no citizen is
faithful 10 his great trust il he fail to do so,
according 10 the best lights he has, or can OBJ
tain. And ii. finally, such examination and
cons ,deraton shall end in diversity of opinion,
it nus, be accepted as Justly attributable to
thc questions themselves. or TO the men who
} have made them.
} IL has been attempted by some partisan
journals TO raise the cry OF 'disloyal,y" against
any one who should question these executive
acts.
But the people OF the United States know
tina, loyalty is not subsersiency to man, or
to party, or to the opinions Of newspapers;
but that !; Is honest and wise devotion to
the safety and welfare of our country, and to
the gres' principles which our constitution of