Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1862-03-21
fHE FREEMAN ON THE PRESIDENTS
MESSAGE

considerable space, just now, to the pur-
pose Of perveyting the late message of Pres
ident Lincoln " from its obvious import,
"into an announcement on the part Of the
4" President that, in no event, will Abraham
"L,ncoln, however dire may be the necessity,
"give any countenance to any Interference, on
the part Of the Government with Slavery
in any Of the States of the Union" The
freeman was the 6rst paper we saw, after the
late message was published, that set up the
claim that that document contained a threat
that in case the compensation to be profered
by Government was no; accepted, then sla e.
ry must be botted out any way. This seems
TO have been "obvious' to he editor Of the
freeman, and those who take a different view
Of the matter. in his opinion, peypert Its OBJ
"vious import.f Now we fud no such cob
vious import IN the message; and there are
many other journals, whose opinions are en-
titled to as mpch weight as are those of the
editor Of the Freeman. who fail to see it and
we think that we have reason on our side
Laying aside the language Of the message, asd
looking at the matter in a common sense view,
let us see how the matter would stand,
We think that even the Frem.ag will not
claim that Congress has the rshtor the pow
er under the Constitution to Gcohsh Slavery
where il exists in accordance with local law
This admitted, and it must admit that neither
Congress nor the President has any right to
interfere with the slaves of loyal men wher-
ever local or State law would protect them in
their right to hold them. Loyal savehold-
ers, even in the seeded States-and we think
that the facts in the case will bear us out in
the assertion that there are very many such
have just as good right to claim the protec-
tion Of local laws now as before the States Sc
coded These rights must be respected, else
the war is no longer a war for the preserva-
tion Of the Union and the restoration Of the
supremacy Of the Constitution, but is war
against what may seem to one section an evil
existing by legal enactments in another. and
the suppression Of this evil is attempted by
setting aside the Constitution, instead of main
tanning its binding supremacy.
To get over the obligations of the Consti-
tuition, it is now proposed in a constitutional
way to compensate the Shareholders for the
loss they may incur by reason OF their reliu-
gushing their right by local law to hold
their slaves as property But supposing any
Of the States should refuse to accept the terms
offered by the Government, does the Freeman
claim that by reason Of such refusal, or be-
cause the Government has made such an Of
Ter OF eonponsa.ion. the forcibls emancipation
Of the slaves would be any more cons titution-
al than as though no such offer had been made;
Or does the Freeman really believe that the
President has made to Congress this PROPOSE
ton as mere precursor OF his intention to
break down the barriers of the Constitution
in case its terms are not accepted We deny
and ignore any such inference. The PROPOSE
ton is not made applicable for individual cas-
es, but must embrace whole States, and the
legality of such a measure must be establish
ed by State laws, which alone can constitu-
tionally control the matter, bringing within
their scope every STAKEHOLDER within the linn
its of tho State The President proposes to
inaugurate the constitutional emancipation of
the slaves by holding out inducements to the
slaveh olding States to change their local laws
so that, while Slavery is blotted out within
their borders, it can be done without infring-
ing the Federal compact. But in case a State
refuses to change its laws and legalize the COM
pensated emancipation by Congress through
State agency, then the institution must re-
main intac. as heretofore.
But the Freeman may claim that the sup
ply to the case of those States which contn-
ne rebellious, and where majority of the
people refuse to acknowledge allegiance to
the Federal Government. But because part
Of the people of State trample the Consti-
tuition under their feet, can it be said that its
provisions shall be broken with those who
still respect and uphold it, or would do so
but for the despotic sitting of their real SEN
timcnts Does the Freeman believe that the
/ President intends to punish the Innocent
with the guilty; Must those in the seeded
/ States who would hail with delight the resto-
ration of the old flag be made to suffer the
penalties Of extreme measures, and those
measures an infringement Of the Federal Con-
stitution, because their deluded neighbors
have trampled the laws in the dust Is the
chief executive Of the United States making
himself party to such proceeding? The
| freeman may fnd such sentiments "obvious"
/ in the late message of the President, but we
prefer still to believe in the integrity of
- Honest Old Abe and that he has yet re-
spect for the oath he has taken to support
/ the Constitution Of the United States.
A MUSICAL VAGABOND.
/ To 1HR EDITOR OF THE FREEMAN -
Two weeks since, an aged man calling him
self Lucas, and protesting to lecture on Sacred