The evening Argus. [volume] (Rock Island, Ill.) 1861-1871, 1862-02-17
A Conservative Letter Of New York RE-
publican Congressman to one Of his Con.
ssItuents

|
publican Congressman to one Of his Con.
| Stituents.
! WASHINGTON, Jan, 10, 1862.
MY DEAR SIR am IN receipt Of yours OF
the 18th. will make very short reply
First, rs to why our army does not strike NJ
some other point than the stronghold OF the
enemy here We cant withdraw any consid
cradle force from the army Of the Potomac,
without weakening our line, and we have
vigilant Toe ready to take advantage OF any
movement Of the kind. They can afford "
| have their wings turned. If they can force our
centre. Trust, my dear sir, 10 the skili OF
| men quite as anxious for victory as you or
| can be, with more knowledge Of the means by
| which il can he attained. A joint committee
has been in session for the last few weeks. 1t
was created by those opposed to the manner
| in which the war has been conducted. OPP
posed it but that was among my Mistakes
| 1t has done good the plans Of the army have
been disclosed 10 this committee. They must
keep the secret thus communicated, but
know they are now satisfied with the plans
Mcclellan has been before them The pres
ident stated the other day in my presence
that there was probably but one man in the
country more anxious for Il battle than him.
self, and than man was Mcclellan. lie re.
pudiated, in words Of whitening rebuke to
those who make the charge, that he or Mr..
Seward, or Gen. Mcclellan we're tam2erng
or delaying out OF any consideration for rebels
or rebel institutions, or that they INDUCED any
hope Of ending the war otherwise than by
conquest on the battle field. ] wish every
man in our land could have heard him.
This brings me TO the second subject Of
| your letter That this rebellion must be put
down by force Of arms. That is exactly where
you and |, while we appear to agree) differ.
|, more than you, believe that the sword
| must stay this rebellion. That is not only the
best way, but it is the only way 10 do 1t, and
the constitution gives the government this
method in all its rigor. You would seek To
do it, it understand you right, by passing
laws, and by DEGREES and orders Of, at least,
doubtful constitutional authority. You cant
but know that law or decree cOntiscating
property is imperative while that property is
in the hands Of nm armed enemy. You would
cOnfscate and then capture. would cap
ture and then c0nfsca,e. But that is not the
main difference between US Let Us be frank
and state it in the painest language would
prosecute this war for the restoration Of the
union. You would prosecute it for the abO.
] W
would leave the people that should be left in
any and all the states in possession Of all the
political rights they possessed before the re.
ellion-preserving all the states, and to all
OF them equal political rights.
You would reduce portion of the states
to dependencies, and deprive them Of the
constitutional right Of regulating their do
nestle institutions. am for restoring the
| G., %, - b,ttt or
que which theory is the best. only want t.
make clear the point OF difference. You may
say Of mine that have too much respect tol
slavery. deny that have any respect tOI
slavery. My respect for the constitution
however, is supreme Whenever aud wher
ever slavery stands in the way OF conquest b,
our armies, ] would not spare it, and | car
not how sOrely it may be impaired by tn
conflict or whether anything Of it be let
when the war il over but the right of eaci
state to do with it ust rs heretofore, whet
the war is over, must be preserved or, yol
see it is no restoration. Those who, with
me, are for complete restoration of the old
union can take no other ground. You who
are for change may be more wise than we,
! and, once breaking through constitutional re
| strants, you may make all the improvements
| Rry, not constitutional.
! You say the rebels have broken the consti-
| tuition; certainly they have, and would pun.
! ish them rs the constitution provides. Its
/ provisions are ample for crushing them by
arms aud hanging them by law Law break
ers are punished by the laws they break, and
those who execute the laws and ntllct the
punishment should not themselves become
/. l,,, Ia, ,.l,yn ,yi, ar
of letter from Governor Sprague, in answer
to an invitation To the late New England din
ncr at the Astor House: 81 trust that We
shall not forget that this rebellion is based up
on Il mistake; that the masses Of the south
have been deceived by reckless and ambitious
men, touching our sentiments and purposes.
! IT should be our object, while vigorously pros
ecuting the war, to give the lie to. and not
! subStantiate, the statements by which th0ns.
ands OF honest men in the south have been
msled. Let US see to it that when the war
is ended the southern people shall blame
their own leaders for not having confirmed
the stories these leaders have circulated with
reference to our motives
In this way, only, it seems to me, can W,
restore the union, II union Of hands and u
union Of hearts, and become again IA happy
"A prosperous anu loNtiihl huNNh' L VI NY SCI
t do most heartily disavow any other wis
d than that of bringing together these now bel
j. ligerent states without the loss to any one Il
: them of single right or privilege which
has heretofore enjoyed.
n ! think these views should be published il
=. connection with our former correspondence Il
defining the issue between US | have NJ
u attempted to defend my position nor ASA
yours; only to present the issue.
1t is one upon which | have foreseen ther
was to be division. had hoped it Nigh
be postponed until after the war, when W
come to determine what use we will make {
our victory over rebellion. But the abolition
st> are determined to make it now.