The New York herald., 1862-04-18
The Abolition of Slavery TN the District
OF Columbia.

The Abolition OF Slavery I'm the District
or Columbia.
The bill for the abolition of slavery in the
District Of Columbia having, with the signature
OF President Lincoln, become law of the land,
our readers will naturally inquire. what are the
provisions of this abolition measure, and what
are likely to be the consequences to tho insti-
tuition of slavery in the Southern Statess
We published the bill at length few days
ago; but, for the benefit of the reader, we will
briefly herein reproduce its leading provisions
First, it provides 'that all persons held to SER
vice or labor within the District of Columbia,
by reason of African descent, are hereby dis
charged and freed Of and from all claim to such
service or labor; and from and after the pas
sage of this act, neither slavery nor involuntary
servitude. except for crime, whereof the party
shall be duly convicted, shall hereafter exist in
said District" The emancipation decreed is
immediate, peremptory and absolute When
the bill, last December, was introduced in the
Senate, there were some three thousand slaves
in said District; when 1t was passed by that
body. some three weeks ago. the number had
been reduced to perhaps fifteen hundred, by
transfers to Maryland; and when the bill was
signed by the President we dare say there were
hardly over thousand slaves retained in the
District to receive its boon of emancipation.
All that were in the District, however, when the
President affixed his signature to the bill, were
legally free the moment after.
The bill further provides the average COM
~
owner Of each slave liberated; but from
this compensation secession slaveowners are
excluded Ninety days are allowed
to slaveowners to bring in their claims before
the Board of three Commissioners appointed to
settle them; and such owners so presenting
themselves are required to take the oath of
allegiance to the government; but this oath
shall not be evidence of the facts stated by the
petitioner The Board may take the testimony
Of persons claimed as slaves for purposes of
Identification. For compensation of the slave
owners million dollars are appropriated, and
an additional item of one hundred thousand
dollars is appropriated to aid such persons thus
lars each, in removing beyond the limits of the
United States, if they may desire so to emigrate.
These are the leading features Of tho bill.
President Lincoln, while intimating that the
measure is not entirely satisfactory to him,
signed it. because he has " ever desired to see
the national capital freed from the institution
slavery in some satisfactory way" and be-
cause ..the two principles of compensation and
colonization are both recognized and practically
applied in the act"
We think, therefore, looking at these "two
principles Of compensation and colonization"
that our abolition radicals have gained little or
nothing by this bill, as an entering wedge
against slavery in the States. Mr.. Lincoln's
late special recommendation, and the resolution
in pursuance thereof, adopted by the two houses
of Congress, leaving the initiation of elnancpa-
ton to each of the several States concerned,
close the door against any Congressional usur-
pation-at least for the present-of the consti-
tutional sovereignty of each State over this sub
ject. In the District of Columbia the constitu-
tional supremacy of Congress is clear and CON-
prehensive; but this Congressional power of
emancipation goes no further.
We are aware that the radicals Of the two
houses are endeavoriDg in their confscation
blls-such as that, for instance. of Senator
Trumbull-to uproot the institution of slavery
in the slave States. But we dare say that, before
they can push through either house any such
revolutionary scheme as this of Senator Trum-
bull. the last excuse for any such act az q war
measure will have been extingushsd by gene
raj break up of the rebellion. In any event,
while the abolition of slavery in the District of
Columbia. under the peculiar circumstances Of
this crisis, amounts to little or nothing as an
abolition triumph, we have little fear of the
consequences. 1t is an isolated act, and affords
something for icongratulation, in the fact that
the disgusting agitation of fifty years Of this
thing Of slavery in said District is now ended,
and ended in the recognition Of the two prin-
ciples Of compensation and colonization" This
is good; for either one of these principles, in
connection with the admitted doctrine of State
sovereignty over the subject, affords q pretty
secure protection 10 slavery in the slave States
President Lincoln at the helm.
The TRIBUNE AND Gen. GRANTS OFFICIAL Re-
poRr.--Not being very well able, in conse
quence of its brevity, to mutlate the official
report sent by Gen. Grant relative to the bat
tie near Pittsburg, as they did Gen. Cullom's
report Of the evacuation of Columbus, the Ti-
b,,ae finds fault with it, on the ground that it is
not explicit enough. Because the report does
not state that tens Of thousands have been
slain. the Trib'mes thirst for blood is not salts
fed Gen. Grant speaks of his pickets; and the
Tribune at once asserts we had no pickets,"