Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1862-10-30

Cling to assume the externals Of an indepen-
dent nation and if they could succeed, it would
be an enteral war between us, as there is be-
tween all christianized and barborous nations.
Now we submit, whether il is better that the
STAKEHOLDER should succeed in his project, or
our government should secure freedom and re-
publican institutions to the whole country.
Why does our president hesitate in the ques-
tion9 Why does he give three months longer
to deliberate on a matter that, besides having
already been discussed for thirty years, is SO
simple and plain.
We have no time to lose; for the African
nation now within our borders will, in the short
space of twenty-five years, become nearly eight
millions of people, and then we should find
It necessary to change the government of the
whole country, as the Southern states do now
to change their government. We have no time
TO lose if we would save ourselves from the
same dilemma in which the South now finds
ITSELF We may go to work in every way that
we can, by abolition, military organization and
emigration, to scatter and dissipate the evil that
centers in slavery, and we cannot do too much
The dangers that threaten us from it are still
formidable.
What then shall we do? Let us take an ex-
ample from our enemy himself Let us give
the slaves military organization for the pur-
poses of freedom, and invite the poor whites to
military service under the stars and stripes in
California, Oregon, and along the line of the
Pacific Rriroad. Let us remove the white
chiefs from the head of the African nation in
our South, and put other white chiefs devoted
TO liberty in their place This could be easily
done in all the territory that is occupied by our
troops and when the measure has been once
commenced it will go on increasing rapidly.
1t is practical measures that we want, not proc
lamations immediate action, not ruinous de-
lays.
Let the South see that we are their friends
on high moral grounds, and all who are truly
high minded among them will he for us. No
one can more heartily despise human policy
than they who have experienced its futility as
the South have done. 1t is no way to secure
resort 10 political sinuosities. Besides, it would
prove disastrous to carry on any war, however
just, without policy or system. No one can
have any confidence in head that has no plan.
But how is it with oar head-our president.
He does nothing but either from expediency or
necessity. He does nothing from high, moral
principles. The crisis with him is a mere
change Of political IDEAS and not a great moral
revolution, that will require all the moral
strength of the nation to effect.
We sent off from Brattleb0ro last week
three more regiments, the last of the quota of
the State of SONS sixteen thousand men. With
this number of men absent from our fields. the
women, in patriotic spirit worthy of the days
CT '76, are beginning 10 do on door work them
selves. They help, by their fcld-labor, to sup
port their husbands, brothers and sons in the
war; while in the South il is the slave who per-
forms this office. And Notwithstanding all this,
our president still offers the slave power a three
months chence for an impossible compromise.
We have heretofore pointed out the more
prominent trials of political character which
were exhibited by our mother country at about
the period of our national birth day. We have
shown that the leading statesmen of Great
Britain, Burke, Sheridan, Fox, at tlat period
were bending their whole energies to the work
of awakening the English people to the danger
to their liberty which was threatening from their
as Stunning the political control OF the Hindos-
tanese whose hundaed millions of souls were
but Il nation of slaves. Until then, England
had made it her boast that she was the freest
nation on the face Of the globes the proudest
title Of the Englishman was that he was free
born man. But how would it be now that
Hndosian with oil her slaves were becoming
an integral part Of the British empirep Would
a part Of that empire, the English people, lose
their liberty and become slaves, or would the
whole he made freeP
The seven long years devoted to the trial of
Warren Hastings, period of time equal to
that which was occupied by our revolution, was
not designed simply for crushing an individual
who had abused his power and who had thus
done violence 10 The English constitution and
the English people; but it was designed for the
same purpose for which our revolution was ac-
chieved, viz, for human liberty and the rights
of man. Warren iar,ings was the example of
a deSpotic government under free constitu-
ton which Burke and his colleagues seized up
on TO point out 10 the English people more
clearly the danger that they were incurring to
their freedom by assuming the governorship of
India. 1t was not the man they struck at, but
the principle which he represented.
If then the English statesmen of that day
were concerned for the liberties Of the English
people by annexation Of nation of slaves TO
their empire, how is it that we in America have
remained so Indifferent to our liberties in per-
hitting nation of slaves to grow up in our
midst. Nay, we have not only permitted ii to
grow up, but the predominant political party of
the country has given it its support, and even
annexed territory under such conditions as to
give it extension and force Surely either Burke
or our own statesmen have been mistaken.
The nation of slaves which we as q free people
are endeavoring to govern consisting of four
millions OF ignorant Africans with white chiefs,
promises to become population of sixty mil
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