New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1862-03-03

On the great question Of slavery there Is nj
least one point where all men who are loyal
10 the Union, and not fanatical believers 10
Slavery for the sske OF Slavery. may agree,
and may act together promptly and efficiently.
That point is the District of Columbia. There
is now ecfore Congress bill for the abolition
Of Slavery in the District, introduced IN the
Senate by Dir. Wilson of Massachusetts, and
reported, with amendments, By Mr.. Morrill, OF
Maine, which provides: }, For the immediate
emancipation of all slaves in the District, and
the prohibition Of Slavery there for the future;
,, for the compensation OF all loyal slaveowners
who, within ninety days after the passage Of
the act, shall present and verify their claims
and prove their loyalty; 3, for the appointment
Of three commissioners, residents Of the Dis
trict, to bear, examine, and determine claims,
and appraisa the money value Of the slaves; 4,
for the regulation in detail OF the authority Of
the commissioners, aud ordering them TO close
their proceedings. and make final repof. To
the Secretary of the Treasury within nine
months from the passage Of the act. IL is fur
thermore provided that the sum 10 be paid az
compensation TO the loyal owners shall not eI-
ceed the average of three hundred dollars for
each slave, and that the total expenditure UNI
der the act shall not exceed million OF dollars.
In brief and compact report Accompanying
tie bin Mr.. Morrill, offers tho following reasons
yby IL should become law: Slavery Is toll
Grated at the capital of no other civilized
nation, and it is Unbecomug the ireest nation
Oh earth 10 suffer It 10 continue ut lie seat OF
government. II is practice offensive 10 the
moral sense of The Christian world, and should
not therefore be allowed nj Washington which
Is the common residence Of foreign representa-
.iyes, who cannot bat be- shocked and disguised
by it. 10 the manifest injury Of Our national
reputation. 1t is also equnly repugnant 10 the
moral and political sentiment OF The majority
OF our OWN representatives. and public agents,
who are obliged to assemble and reside at the
Federal city. The compromise legislation o.
1850, 10 which nearly the whole nation a.
.euted, affords valid precedent, if any be re-
quired, Tor Congressional legislation to liberate
slaves in the District. The act OF that year
for The suppression OF the domestic slave trade
declares:
From AID eer lie 10. iay Of Jiuuay. '5l shall not be
lsHlI a. 1tf ilp na Dsct Of Columbia tny sttc 70
ttof r to purpose OF ben. 'od. o. to ihe pnlra %
benz Palld depot 20 be- subsequently un.r ref go ANY
otarf -tsia place be- r0li nrfchfniisr Aud anf
be- A. into th8 said Iisft by IT. owner o. by Ire
auho as Of ts owner contrary tlr Prov Ion
OF 80, ac ~ siIts sa7N mo,n4nH t-cpe i5crafsf nA"
yses'
This act clearly establishes the principle OF
Congre ,sional emancipation, though. as by the
Consiiturion Congress ma explicit authority
Of legislation over tho District for all purposes
whatsoever, without auy limit o. reservation,
10 precedent IL needed 10 justify the proposed
abolition.
The number of slaves IN the District if now
about three thousand, and II is universally
conceded by those intimately coh'ersant with
the condition Of our slave population that no
part Of it anywhere in tho country is so civil
ized and 70 lit for freedom D, tue slaves OF