The Kenosha telegraph. [volume] (Kenosha, Wis.) 1860-1888, 1862-09-18


will make democrats wonder But the primo
pie thing that is so apparently unpatriotlc as
strike the eve and offend the heart, is Its dlre'
ard open repud alton of the last counsels
| Douglas to the American people. And when
member of the convention moved 10 insert !
the address part of one OF Mr. douglas gree
appeals to patriotism above party, the incoI
| gruity was felt to be so striking, that the NOV
er was begged to withdraw the amendmen
aud save the convention that was Wiling !
endorse Ryan, from the open shame OF repudl
ating Douglas. But it was apparent tnaC I'll
sentiments of both could not stand SIDE by sld
in the same address and douglas appea
that for dsinterested patriotism mas no coun
terpart in American literature that Iehos ne.
charms and imparts higher Iustre 10 III
name and character, acaS Uoted doWn
Mr. Douglas said "Whoeyer is not pre-
pared to sacrifice party organizations and plat
forms on the altar of his country does not de
serve the support and cOunteaance OF homes
people, How are we to overcome partIzan an
tipathies in the midst of men of all parties, S
as to present united front in support OF on
country? We must cease discussing parry Is
sues, make no illusions to old party tests, nav
no examinations and denominations, indulge Il
no taunts one against the other rs to who ha
been the cause Of these troubles" And again
"Lct him be marked as no true patriot Wh
will not abandon all such issues III tunes hK
this "ssE.
Mr. Ryan, after indulging plentliully II
examinations, and discussions AS to VINO ma
been the cause of these troubles, proceeds
thus:
"We call upon our brethren throughout tn'
State to organize the party for the connie
election of members OF Congress, and OF th'
7 thpm TO nom
mate as candidates tried and true democrats
ON strictIy partv principles, inviting the supper
of all persons, but acting in animation win IL
other party or faction whatever .4.
These quotations are sufficient to show tina
if Douglas was patriot, this address is mos
unpatriotic and pernicious. No two addresses
were ever more Numerically opposite. Ihel
authors had essentially different views anC
purposes and it may be left without furthe
remarks to the people to determine which wa'
the patriot, which loved his country, which
was the best exponent of democratic duty, aa'
which address is the safer guide out oil thu
horrors of these ''disjOinted times"
Thus far we have spoken OF this address al
expressive of the peculiar views OF its authors
But there is one position not argued but as
suned as a premise, the invention OF whlci
cannot be charged upon hr. Ryan. It Il
this: "The constitution of the United States
and the constitution of the several States, pro
vide alike for all the exigencies of peace a
home and abroad, of foreign war and domestic
instruction"
The traitor Breckenridge. shortly before JOIN
ing the rebel army, maintained in the Senate
and in public speeches, substantially the same
doctrine And it he could have convinced
others of its soundness, he probably would
still have remained in the Senate, and there
have contributed more effective AID to the
south, than he can with his sword in the field
Mr.. Yancey lately writing to the people OF one
Of the revolted States expressed his surprise al
the resources the north had been able to com
mand, and his utter astOnlshment ana horror
at the disregard Sh0lcn IN Congress t0r tn
Constitution. This sounds better in a traitors
letter than in the address of a northern demo
cratic convention, but comes to the same prac
tical end If the constitution does indeed pro
vide '.for all the exigencies OF peace at home
and abroad of foreign war and domestic lnsur
rection," then it is certain that the Souta vii
succeed, we heed the constitution aud |
would tend veIy much to discourage the Norti
in this contest to convince them that they
were daily violating the constitution they sup
posed thew were fighting to maintain. Blu
fortunately for US, and for all that is at stake
in this controversy, the doctrine here anhoGnc
ed cannot be maintained.
The Constitution is the chart OF etoat goo
erament and es such provides for the raising
of al mics and navies, and that the PresiQen
shall be Com uander in Chief, &c. All th
is part of the machinery of the ctUd State.
is not very certain W hat is meant by provide
for all the exigences of foreign wan" Ih'
address is extremely general and oracuiar a
this point. One of the exisencies OF foreigI
war, placed General Scott and his army IN th'
city of Mexico Now is 1t meant that the Con
stitution provides for such case, and direct
what General Scott might OF might not do II
an enemy's capitals? If it means any thing
means this aad vet how unfounded is the as
sertion. The constitution nowhere direct
when, where, or how a battle shall be fought
or "a city be taken and if Gen. Scott ha'
looked TO its provisions, he would have fount
not one word applicable to the SUBJECT or ina
any one has ever pretended was applicable :
When our army marched to Mexico, II went
not under the constitution of the United States
but under the law of nations and the usages o
war and had precisely the same rights ant
duties as an army of Great Britain or Russia
in the same situation. The army in an enc
mys country. or to quote the address, engage
In foreign tbaT, never consuts the COnstltuto
of the civil State at home the army Of re
public or of a monarchy, or of an absolute dies
potism, conducts its campaigns by the sam
code +; totally unaffected by the frame OF gov
ment which sent it forth. And our constitu
ton has not pretended to regulate or contro
the law of nations, Or to determine the usage
of war nor could it do so, if it had attempted
What then is meantb by the language, the cor
stltution provides for all the exigenclas of Ton
eign war? Any meaning that occurs is entire
| ly unfouuded in fact. If it is simply mean
that the frame Of the civil State, and Its pow
ers IN mere ciUH matters remain the sam
whether engaged in war, or at peace, then TIN
may be conceded; but the concession canno
aid the address--nor justify lis deductions
1t is true that during the Mexican war Cor
gress had no power to pass law respectn
the establishment Of religion, or creating t
tie of nobility, more than it could in time
peace. But manifestly, this does not aid tn
deductions of the address In monarchies we
| is declared and conducted by the Executive
| Ia the United States, the legislative departmer
alone can declare UaT, but the constitute
does not take away from the President til
! prosecution or management q the war. An
any attempt By Congress to control the aeuV
operations of a campaign by commissioners
otherwise would be palpably demonstrations
This is exclusively the duty Of the executive
and that TOO whether the war Is foreign or dC
nestle JAt
It is a very artful feature of this. address
one borrowed from the methods OF Mr. ga
houn-that it passes over the really debatao
ground uEo this subject, aud wrhnut arg,
rnent or discussion, assumes as premises, II
very points in controversy. 1t II assorted, thi
the constitution provides for al the exigenci
of war; and thence it is argued irresistabl
that the constitution is being violated in tt
prosecution of the war. But the premises q
sumed are totally denied The great fallacy
this part of the address is at the starting pom
and in what is assumed with perfect conhden'
as an axiom. If man were to commence {
argument by assuming that the moon is MAJ
OF green cheese, he would have little dificul
in proving that its presence would not ilium
luate the night.
/ But TO return, if there is any meaning
this part of the address, it means that Il
provisions of the constitution applyto the pc
, tsons against whom the war is waged, and re,
ulate the extent to which the war may be ca
RED. as against such persons. A few exar
| pies viii put this pretence at rest The cons
: =, ~, rrovides for instance that no man sb