The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1862-05-03

rally Of greater intensity in proportion
to the number of slaves about them, and
it's force in neutralizing Union feeling
diminished as we approach the high and
mountain regions where the slaves are
few.
Every man acquainted with the facts
knows that it is fallacious to call this
ga shareholders rebellion" If such
was the fact, two divisions of our Army
could have suppressed it without diff
Guilty the negroes themselves could
easily put down the two hundred and
fly thousand Shareholders; but it is a
matter of history that the shareholders,
as body, were the last and most reluc-
tant to join the rebellion. The repre-.
sentative men of that interest, like
Badger of North Carolina, Aiken of
South Carolina, and Alexander Fl.
Stephens of Georgia, struggled as long
as there was hope against the rebellion.
and for the obvious reason that the entire
Interests of the shareholders were put in
extreme jeopardy. 1t was the negro
question and not the MaUery question
which made the rebellion questions
entirely different and requiring entirely
different treatment and it is as ncces-
sarv to understand the distinction to
enable US TO deal with it successfully, as 1t
is that the physician should know the
disease which he is called on to treat
and to cure. 1t the rebellion was made
by two hundred and fifty thousand
shareholders, for the sake Of Of perpet-
ua ing slavery then it might be a COM
plete remedy to cxtirpate the institution;
but if the rebellion has grown out of the
adherence of the non-slaveholders for
emancipation and anal gamatlon, and
their dread of "negro equality" how
will .heir discomfort be cured by the
very measure the apprehension Of which
has driven them into rebellion?
No wise man desires to increase the
number of enemies to the State within
the hostile regions or divide its friends
outside. Mr.. Lincoln knew that a
decree of emanci patton SIMPLIFY would
certainly h ave this effect. Such an act
he knew was calculated to make rebels
Of the whole of the Observation-Disclosures of
the South, and at the same time to
weaken the sympathy of u large number
of the working men of the North, who
are not ready to see their brethren in
the South put on an equality with man
united negroes.
In accordance with this view of the
subject, proclaimed before he was named
for the Presidency, he has ac cd since
he has been President. 70 disarm the
Jealousy of race, which he knew lay at
he bottom.of the rebellion, he recon-
mended in his first annual message tina
homes should be provided in some neigh
boring country for such of the blacks as
should be made free by the events of the
contest. But this did not complete his
view Of the subject.
While aware that the chief cause of
the rebellion was the antagcnism of
race, stimulated by the disappointed
and defeated politicians, who had made
it the source of their power over the
Government, he also saw that the pro.
gress of events had affected and would
still further affect the class who had
property interests in the subject. And
while it was true that that class had not
origina ed the policy which culmna ed
in the rebellion, they were now involved
in it-many of them ac ually engaged
and all, whether sympathiEing with it or
not, having their property saked on it,
and therefore in danger Of being drawn
into it. TO do justice to those who
were not engaged in the rebellion, and
to prevent them from being drawn into
it by their property, and incite their
cooperation in Kidding the country of
this disturbing element, he now propo-
scs a measure Of compensation for their
interests.
| If we were called on to consider this
policy, simply upon its reasonableness
abstractly considered, and were dcvising
a scheme for future even;s, its wisdom
would be apparent to all practical men
but it does not rest on such grounds
1t is fully vindicated by the condition
of things by which We are surrounded
The North is unit and the South is
divided on the question of the Union.-
| w ouiu VIZ SChliCiHCu WIZ are dOFCIliS-
ing for policy for the Administration
improve by policy which would divide
our friends and unite the South They
imagine, indeed, that by decrecing
emancipation they could get more eff
cient help from the negroes. If they
could show any reason for supposing
that the negroes would run away in any
grea err numbers than they now do,
under such decree, there might be
some ground for debate; but there is
not the slightest reason for supposing
this. All run away now, l believe, who
can get away. 1t is only when our
armies invade the slave regions that they
can get away, and it would sill require
that the forts they are compelled to
build should be taken by our armed men.
We could not strengthen ourselves at
the North by the measure certainly !;
we have already the whole force of that
region and we could not strengthen
ourselves at the South, for we cannot
reach the slaves by such proclamation
except by force, and we should add to
the force of the free men who oppose US.
No sane man believes slavery good
thing, and the revolution in opinion on
this subject which Mr.. Hunter said in
| one of his last snceches in the Senate