Delaware State journal and statesman., 1862-01-03
LErTnn FROM wILLlAn PENN
WAsnINaroN. Jnnuary 2, ls62.

be consistent it is not absolutely necessary
that it should always harp the same tune
or thrnm the same chord to produce that
tune. Circumstances may so operate as
to cause popular sentiment to yeer com.
pletely around in order to make il har-
monize with ITSELF aud appear consistent
with its original conceptions. Mr. Sew
ard clearly proves this fact in his admira-
BILE letter to Lord Lyons, concerning the
insnrgent Commissioners. With MASTER
ly ingenuity he takes up in his despatch,
point after point of objection or contro-
yerSy, and argues each one soldly and
conclnsively in favor of the popular side
OF the question, until he reaches the last
point, wherein he shows that, mothwitl.
standing all other advantages and estab.
lisled opinions as laid down by him,
grave mistake was committed by the com.
mander of the San Jacinto, which if en-
dorsed by the Administration, wonld ig-
more and nullify all the political theories
and dogmas upon which this government
has stood in its opposition TO the right of
search, for the past sixty years And
having reached this conclusion he stands
before one of the mightiest tides of public
opinion that has SET towards Washington
since the foundation of the Republic. and
tells his conntrymen that TO be consistent
with themselves, they must cease this
clamor for action, based upon heated and
eXaspcratcd impulse, and go calmly back
TO the fathers Of the church. political, and
see what they say on the all.important
question at issue
In pursuing this point Mr. Seward,
says:
" have not been unaware that, in exam
lnlng this question, | have fallen into an
argument for what seems to be the British
side OF ii against my own country. But |
am relieved from all embarrassment on that
subject. had hardly fallen into that line
of argument when | discovered that was
really defending and maintaining, not an |
exclusively British interest, hut an old hon |
ored, and cherished American cause, not
upon British authorities, but upon principles |
that constitute large portion Of the dis |
tlnetiye policy by which the United States |
have developed the resources Of a continent, |
and, thus becoming considerable maritime |
Power have won the respect and confidence |
of many Eations These principles were |
laid down for us in 1904, by James Madison, |
when Secretary of state in the Adminstra-
tion of Thomas Jefferson, in instructions
given to James Monroe, our Minister TO
England. Although the case before him |
concerned description Of persons different |
from those who are incidentally the subjects |
Of the present discussion, the ground lie ns-
snmed then was the same | now occupy, and |
The arguments by which lle sustained himself |
upon it have heen IN inspiration 10 me in |
preparing this reply.
" Whenever, he says, property found in
neutral vessel is supposed 10 be liable on
any ground TO capture and condemnation,
the rule III nl cases is that the question |
shall not he decided hy the capi0r, but be
carried before legal tribunal where II
regular trial may he had and where the cap.
tor himself is liable 10 damages for an abuse
of his power. Can il he reasonable, then,
or just, that bcligercnt commander who
IS thus restricted, and thus responsible in
ease ol mere property uf trivial amount
shoull he permitted, SithUhi recurring ii
any irhnnnl whatever. to examine the crew
Of aneutra vessel 10 decide the important
question of their respective allegiances. aud
to carry that decision into execution by fore.
my every individual lie may choose into u
service ahhorent tn his feelings cutting him
oil from his most tender connections expos
ing his mind and his person TO the most hu-
initiating discipline, and his life itself to the
greatest danger? Reason, Justice, and hu
manity unite in protesting against 80 eX-
travagant q proceeding.
II decide this case in favor OF nv own
Government, must disayow its most cher
lshed principles, and reverse and forever
abandon its essential policy. The country
cannot afford the sacrifice II maintain
those principles and adhere to that policy
must surrender the case itself II will be
seen, therefore, that this Government could
not deny the justice of the claim presented
to US in tins respect upon its merits. We
are asked to do to The British nation lust
what we have insisted all nations onehi 10
do TO us,
The graceful manner III which the Sec
retary puts this difficulty at rest, npon the
highest American principles and authori.
ties, gives the country fair idea Of the
elear.headed sagacity and craftsmanship
of Mr. Seward, and places him in the
forefront Of diplomatic shrewdness and
ability.
BY this decision of the government,
England is We trust, satisfied Her
" honor is fully yindicated,r so far a,
the Trent affair is concerned; hut how
stands her consistency, compared either
with herself or with this nation? We
have always repelled-eyen unto war;
the idca of the right of search on the
high seas; upon no point of national t
right or honor has this country taken
higher ground or been more tenacious
than ON that one, and in giving up the
rebel emissarics, it but reiterates and es
iahlishes its lifelong policy: while on the
other hand, England has ever insisted I
upon and even carried into practice her
right to search the vessels of Americans {
when and where she would But how is
il now? The chalice has been commend
ed to the British lions lips, and 10 the
lerocions animal elects the hitter draugh
and casts it from him as nauseous II is {
an English question now before il was
an American nuoctinu on1 q, .,.;4 r.