Weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1858-1865, 1862-10-08

physical force to sunder them. 1t is alphabetically
voluntary association of States one OF unconstraln-
ed choice, one of preference indeedi and the same
force Of mere WiU that has brought them together,
can sever or divide them again. The right OF quiet
and peaceable secession is preordained and cardi-
nal principle in the construction of the Confederacy
1t is its chief cornerstone-indeed it had its origin
in it. So TENDER so delicate indeed is the bond OF
union between these States as to require new ana
much more careful and circumspect character OF
legislation, greater degree of forbcarance, ana
higher and moro tender regard for dissentient op'n-
ions than it has heretofore been habit to enter
tain or indulge The views and feelings of mnorl-
ties must have higher regard and respect shown
them; and, above ALL it must not be forgotten tnat
the inclinations of men have, and never Will,
cease to coincide with their interests.
Secondly, Because the principle Of taxes or du-
ties upon imports, for any purpose, must necessa-
rily involve in it the principle of protection. No
general tariff it may confidently be asserted, can
be devised or so adjusted that it shall not afford
protection to greater or less extent 1t cannot De
done for single State, or for county indeed, or
even for a neighborhood Of industrious OF OF enter;
prising men. The very principles OF tarln are al
war with equal and exact justice ana 1'ght' WIN
free and unrestrained enterprise and industry ana
with healthful and beneficial competition amongst
men, Does it encourage and protect on the one
| hand it smothers high and laudable aspirations,
paralyzes worthy and well-dlrected efforts on the
ptber and sooner or later begets dissatisfaction,
| mnrmurinps, and discomfort Does it cure and
strengthen here, it wounds and weakens there.
The wills and efforts of men in the selection and
prosecution of their industrial pursuits, should be
AZ free and untrammelled us the air; any attempt
to divert or give direction to them by means OF
tariff is unwise, because it begets feeling OF de-
pendence upon government necessarily dlscrltnl-
mates between the different pursuits OF industry,
IA fnr
one of them. Besides the ultimate effects OF Ia
riff however studiously and carefully it may have
been devised, are not always, 10y any means,
what were anticipated or expected by those VINO
devised or enacted it. 1t is always liable to coun-
teracton by the very people upon whose commerce
it may have been designed to operate, IN every way
that their ingenuity or contrlvance may devise;
and in the United States it has continually been,
and indeed is now counteracted and defeated not
only, but actually made to operate to their own In
Jury, by the very European governments whose
commerce it was intended to affect 1t is emphat-
cally "a game at which two can play" and by the
use of very different means; and it must be admit
ted that they on the other side of the Atlantic play
| at it much more dexterousy and skillfully, and
| with far better results to themselves than We on
this side do. Indeed, the Europeans count more
| than two to one in the game-they play at it
through their currency. Americans discard that
| imports.
Nor will tariff, merely for the purpose of rev.
enue for tie support of government, cure the diff.
Guilty. Protection is necessarily incident to It, and
in the Confedcracy must become more and more so,
| as our debt is increased The payment of her cur
rent expenses, and the interest of her debt, were
the avowed objects of the tariff policy of the United
States. 4 tariff for rerenue-a judiciogs tariff
incidental protection-were her favorie pretences.
| k,>l ,kr nc
ocal and fatal import! Would that they had never
been pronounced, nor found place in our political
| vocabulary! They causing the devastation OF
| the rich inheritance derived from srcs-rob-
bling their children of the peace they so gloriouSly
| won and bequesthed to Misunderstanding their fair
patrmony in their blood, and making every plain
and valley and hillside in it. sacred to the memory
of some of them. Away, then we say, with the
honeyed phrases Away with the ideas they con-
vey. They express nothing consonant with wise
legislation, sound policy, even with good politi-
cal sense. They mean mischief and nothing else.
But thirdly and lastly, give free trade because
| the Constitution of the Confedcracy demands it
No 6ounties," it says, "shaH be granted from the
treasury to promote or foster any branch Of IN
dustry"*
Now, men of the Confederacy, does bounty
granted directly from the Treasury to citizen,
citizens, differ essentially from the perverson by
| indirect means of the same amount of money from
the Treasury, and putting it into the pockets of the
same citizen citizens, 20 make the right and
the other wrong? This constutionaland lawful, and
! the other unconstitutional and unlawful? The one
wise and polite, and the other the reverse of that
We are constrained to say, that they amount to one
and the same thing. The spirit and meaning of the
Constitution equally set naught in either
The difference of mode in doing it certainly amounts
| to nothing. Well, not duties upon imports me-
cessari!y bounties to the domestic manufacturers OF
| them? How otherwise can they be expected to
operate? The imposition of duties upon articles
that are not imported, would avail nothing for any
purpose. They are imposed obviously, either where
we do not produce the articles at ALL or where we
| do not produce as much of them we require, and
must supply the deficiency from imports In the
latter case, the imposition of them must enable the
domestic producer to add to his prices for those
tcles the duty imposed In fact, the articles here
are made to cost in addition to the expenses Of pro-
ducing them, and profit thereon, the cost Of
transportation of the foreign articles, of risk in
surance upon them; of interest from the time they
leavethe foreign producers merchants hands, until
he is paid for them; ofwarehousing storage here
of commissions upon the sale here of them, and 9th
er incidental expenses, together with the duty pay
| able here upon them; bounty must of course
result to the domestic producers from all this and
whether it be sufficient in amount to enable them
to compete, successfully, with the foreign producers
or manufacturers not does not alter the fact. 1t
is still bounty and therefore unconstitutional and
whether it be the intention of Congress that it shall
so operate or not does not alter the case
But again, "nor shaN," continues the constltu.
ton, "any duties or tares on importations, from
foreign nntions, be laid to promote Or foster any
branch Of industry"
Nor will, we think, under this clause of the Con.
stitution the difference be regarded as at all essen
tal, whether the duties be LAID by Congress with
the purposes, the intention of promoting or foster
ing any branch of industry, or whether without any
such purpose Or intention on the part of Congress,
the duties imposed, do il fact, have that effect
Here too, the spirit and meaning of the constitution
would in either case, be equally set at naught. We
will admit for the sake of showing the full force Of
what has been said above, that the purpose and in
tenton OF Congress in laying duties is revenue for
the support of Government and that alone, still, we
say 1t cannot be done in the Southern Coniederacy
without thereby promoting or fostering some branch
OF industry. No such tariff of duties can be laid
except upon articles not produced and not PRODUCED
bic within the limits Of the Confederacy And
even In that case, more Or less promotion and fos
terlns must result from it to domestic industry
| Let lis dwell here n p,omont