Richmond Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1862-1865, 1862-12-06

Il amount OF its products, ana We snan u
| with che magnitude of the prospect presented ana
| vet this region has no seacoast, touches no ocean any,
| where. As part of one nation, its people now ma, anu
| may forever find their way to Europe by New lori, 10
| South America and Africa by New Orleans, ana &c ASA
| by San Francisco. But separate our common country
/ into two nations, as designed by the present reoeiioh,
and every man Of this great interior region Is thereby
| cut offrom some one or more of these outlets, not, per-
hans, by a physical barrier, but by embarrassing anu
onerous trade regulations.
And This ia true. phersrer a dividing or boundary line
NAV be fixed. Place it between the now free and slave
countrr or place it south of Kentucky, or north OF
Ohio, and still the truth remains, that none south oil II
can trade TO any port or place north OF u, ana none
north of il can trade to any port or place south oil IL,
except upon terms dictated by a government foreign to
them. These outlets, east, west and south, are indispen'
sable to theswelLbeing of the people inhabiting, and to
inhabh, this vast interior region. Whieh OF the three
NAV he best. Is no proper question. All are better than
either. and all, of right, belong to that people, and to
their successors forever. True to themselves, they VIII
not ask trhere a line of separation shall be, but Will vow,
rather, that there shall be no such line. Nor are tue
marginal regions less interested in these communications
10. and through them, to the great outside world. They
too and each of them, must have access 10 this Egyptof
the West, without paying toll at the crossing oil any ma
tional boundary.
Our national strife springs not from our permanent
mart. not from the land we inhabit; not from our
national homestead. There is no possible severingol
this, but would multiply, and not mitigate, evils among
ma. In all its adaptations and aptitudss il demands union,
and abhors separation. In fact it would, are long, force
re-uniuu, however much of blood andtressurs the sepa-
ration might have cost.
Our strife pertains to ourselyes-to the passing gen.
erations of men; and it can, without convulsion, be
hushed forever with the passing OF one generation.
In this view l commend the adoption Of the follow
ing resolution and articles amendatory to the ConStitu'
ton of the United States:
"RssoEr.d by the Senate and House Of RepressHtdtiVss
of the United States of AmerieG IN Congress assembled,
Ctwo-thirds of both Houses concurring) That the fol-
lowing articles be proposed TO the legislatures Tor con-
yentions) of the several States as amendments to the
Constitution of the United States all or any of which
articles when ratified by three-fourths Of the said legis-
Iatures for conventions) to be valid as part or parts OF
the said Constitution, viz:
"Article -. Every State wherein slavery now exists
which shall abolish the same therein, at any time, OF
times, before the first day of January, in the year of our
Lord one thousand aud nine hundred, shall receive com
pensatiou from the United States, as follows, to wit:
"The President of the United States shall deliver to
every such State, bonds Of the United States, bearing
interest at the rate Of per cent per annun, To
an amount equal to the aggregate sum Of - for
each slave shown TO have been therein, by the eighth
census of the United States, said bonds, TO be delivered
TO such State by instruments, or in one parcel, at the
completion of the adjustment, accordingly as the same
shall have been gradu.l, or at one time, within such
State, and interest shall begin to run upon any such
bond. only from the proper time OF its delivery a. atore-
said. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid,
and afterwards re-intrOducing or toleratng slavery there
Il I. snAu Itlulu u u AAlANA IAiNS ~ bNihH -" "
ceiyed, or the value thereof, and all interest paid there
Article -. All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual
freedom by the chances OF the war, at any time before
the end OF the rebellion, shall be forever free; but all
owners of such who shall not have been disloyal, shall
be compensated for them, at the same rates as is provi-
ded for States adopting adjustment OF slavery, but IN
such way that no slave shall be twice accounted Tor.
Article -. Congress may appropriate money, aud
otherwise provide for colonizing free colored persons,
II 81 III. a-. ,,Y,a,nt albany nlapR ~ plagpa uIIlnul
the United States"
| dAg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at
acme length. Without slavery the rebellion could never
have existed without slavery it could not continue.
Among the friends Of the Union there is great diver
sity of sentiment and of policy in regard to slavery and
he African race amongst us. Some would perpetuate
slavery; some Sould abolish IL. suddenly, aud without
conversation: some would abolish il gradually and with
compensation; some would remove the free people from
among us. aud some would retain them with us; and
there are vet other minor diversities. Because OF these
II diyersi,ies we waste much strength in struggles among
ourselves. By mutual concession We should harmonise
and act together. This would be compromise but II
would be compromise among the friends, aud not with
the enemie, OF the Union. These articles are intended
TO embody a plan Of such mutual concessions. II the
plan shall be adopted, it is assumed that emancipation
Il will follow, at least in several Of the States.
Az 10 the first article, the main points ~are--hrSt, the
emancipation secondly, the length of time for cOnsum-
mating it--thirty-seven years and thirdly, the compen-
1 satiOn.
The snancipation will ne unsatisfactory to the adyo-
Gates of perpetua! slavery but the length of time should
greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The time spares
both races from the evils Of sudden derange-
ment--in fact, from the necessity OF derangemeht-
willis most of those whose habitual course OF thought
will be disturbed by the measure will have passed away
before its c~ousummltion. They will never see IT, An
other class will hail the prospect Of emancipation, but
will depreeate the length of time. They will feel that it
gives too little 20 the now living slaves,
L ~ NJ III uf,.a thaV, V,u.h IL gaNag tbRm from
the vagrant destitution which must largely attend imue'
date emancipation in localities where their numbers are
very great; aud il gives the inspiring assurance that
their postcrity shall DO free forever. The plan leaves to
each State, choosing to act under il, to abolish SLAYER!
now, or at the end Of the century, or at any m'ethie'
datc time. or by degrees, extending over the whole or
any paft of the period, and it Obiges no two states to
proceed alike. IL also provides for compensation, aud
generally, the mode of mahingi 1t. This, It would seem,
must further mitigate the dissatisfaction oil those VINO
ftyor perpetual slavery, and especially of those who are
10 receive qpmrcnsatiOn. Doubtless some of those who
are TO nav, and not to receive, will object. let the
measure is both just and economical. In a certain sense,
the liberation Of slaves is the destruction OF property
property acquired by descent, or by purchase, the same
a, any other property. 1t is no less true for having
been often said, that the people OF tue South are not
more responsible for the original introduction OF TINS
property than are the people oil the North ana when u
is remembered how unhcsitatiugly we abuse cotton and
sugar. aud share the profits OF dealing in them, It may
not be quite safe to say that the South has been more
responsible than the North for its continuance. II, then,
for a common object, this property IL TO be SACRIFICED, rs
il no, Just that il be done at n common chargeF
And il, with less money, or money more easily paid,
we can preserve the benefits Of the Union by this means,
than we can by the war alone, is il not also economical
to do il, Let us consider It then. Let Us ascertain the
sam we have expended in the war since compensated
emancipation was proposed last March, and consider
whether. if that measure had been promptly accepted,
by even some OF the slave States, the same sum would
not have done more to close the war than has been
otherwise done. II so, the measure would save money,
and, in that view, would be = prudent aud ECONOMICAL
measure. Certainly il is not 30 easy 10 pay so"leh'"g as
il is TO paw nothing but is easier to pay a large sum
than il is TO pay u larger one. And II ID easier TO pay
any sum .hcn we are able than it il 10 pay 1t before We
are able. The war requires large sums, ana requires
tnem nj once. The aggregate sum necessary Tor com.