The Plymouth weekly Democrat. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1860-1869, 1862-09-18
PLYMOUTH, INDIANA, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 1s, 1862

government that it should appeal 10 such
meetings, and as an indication of un-
speaka5le brutality on the part OF the peo-
pie that resolutions such as we have now
to notice should have passed with any sort
of unanimity.
The first resolution is TO this effect:-
1--WE deliberately and solemnly declare
that, rather than witness an overihrow Of
he Union, we would prosecute the present
war until our towns and cities should be
desoiated, aud we. and all that are dear TO
US, shall have perished with our possess
ions. Let the Union be preserved or our
country be made desert" Is this the
language of reason. or of passion? Does
it show the wisdom or the madness Of the
people? Is it policy or pervers.y? Did
ever statesman before goad on a people to
stake the very existence of a nation upon a
single course, and 10 cut themselves off
from any alternative? We are far from sup
posing that the good sense of the rejecting
classes amongst the more respectable
Americans will be compromised by mani.
festoes like these. The Washington mob
may speak for themselves; they blind no
body else. But what are we to say of a
government that can put such language
into mobs mouth?
Another resolution states that if the war
is not popularity supported it is from a
want of confidence in those who have the
direction OF it. With this we have no fault
to find. But the third is much more ser
ious. Alter urging the President to OBJ
serve no limit in the prosecution Of the
war but the resources Of the country, 1t
adds-"we are convinced that the leaders
Of the rebellion will never return 20 their
allegience, aud therefore they should be
regarded and treated as irreclaimable
traitors, who ara to be stripped of their
possessions (l and deprived of their
lives { - or expelled from the county,
These words will be read in this country
with feelings OF intense adherence. Their
palpable injustice. their repugnance 10 any
known principle of morals or religion, will
make people OF. this side the Atlantic,
burn with very shame for the discledit
done to the Anglo Saxon race by the i'm
placablity of this degenerate people. We
must accept this demonstration as a speci-
men Of lhe expedieuts to which the gov
ernment will have recourse In order To
stimulate the warlike phrenzy Of the pop
uIace. None knew better than Mr.. Lih
coin and Mr.. Seward that the war is begin
ming to stink iu the uostrils of large pro-
portion of the citizens, and they therefore
adept this method Of keeping up the war
spirit to the boiling point, They dread,
above all things collapse in their resourc-
es. Signs Of that collapse are too visible
in the scarcity of money and the reluct-
ance to enlist Ii these continue. The Un-
ion is lost, And therefore tue nation is
urged to pledge itself TO no peace with the
Confedera,es. no partition of territory, but
! O the Union. the entire Union, and moth
ing but the Union, or in default OF that,
TO National humiliation; and, IN the
meantime every possible cruelty toward
the rebels.
We have no sort of expectation that such
pledges will be redeemed. Peace will come
at last. The Oniou will will not be re-ce
cemenled. nor will the Federal States be
aunihilated. The Yankees are good at re-
pudiatioD. and the rabid outbursis OF a
Washington mob are not likely 10 be held
binding upon the rest Of the community
Bu. as far as they 60 these resolutions,
and this recourse to war meetings are q
bad sign both Of The moral condition o
the American people and the prospects o
the Federal government. The effect o.
them on the minds of Europeans will be
very painful. Few of us have ever i'm
ar,ned that even a two year rs civil wal
would have plunged great people SC
low.
H John, where's your master TO-