The Jeffersonian Democrat. [volume] (Chardon, Ohio) 1854-1865, 1862-02-14
M. wIcKLIFFE. .TAe y gea.lsman ada.

\ -
knows what mean. t..,. har assas,s Z
Mr.. RIDDLE. Certainly. .r.noaa 1t y
Mr.. WICKLlFFE. DO 1 understand
the gentleman as saying that the Govern.
mect Of the United States has a right 10
enlist slaves, or persons held to service, 10
I The Army -.........
Mr.. RIDDLE. / contend that the
Government OF the United States may en-
list persons owing service, who are sub.
jects. " rtE .aes er.af i.r
Mr. WICKLlFFE. Then I do no,
wonder a. the gertleman's letter to his
constituents. Al.
Mr.. RIDDLE. Am dealing with
things in an elementary way. and quoting
the language OF the Constitution. If per.
sons owing service under ;hei Constitution
are slaves, answer unhesi,atingly 10 the
affirmative. am he,e and everywhere
TO sustain the doctrine MS best can.
1--we we're TO say legislaliycly, that 'iall
native male persons between the ages OF
eighteen and forty years, shall constitute
the national militia. 10 be enrolled, organ.
IL d and disciplined as hereinafter provi.
ded,' these questions might arise under
it. A citizen Of Pennsylvania might sa y
TO you, THAT person. whom you propose
to carry away to your camp Of inslruc-
ton, is my apprentice. These are the
indentures, in full conformity with the
laws OF this Commonwealth, which give
me full right to his services and the full
control Of his person for peroid not yet
expired. and impose upon ms heavy obi.
cations for his personal well being, which
| cannot discharge it lie is taken from me. /"
And yet you would march him away. A
citizen Of Massachusetts tells you, "That.
gentlemen, is my minor son, OF lawful
wedlock. Tie laws OF this State confirm
10 me his person aud services until he is OF
the full age Of twenty one years; you can.
no, come between me and him. Blu,
you oblige the minor son 10 fall in al ibe
drum beat. THAT" says lhe lordly Vir-
glnian." is my boy, born OF a slave
mother on my plantation +; he Is my slave,
10Y property, my chauel; don't touch
him." You have taken from the Penn
sylvanian his apprentice. and from the
Massachusetts father his minor son.
Dare any man stand here and declare that
the right OF the master to bis slave is
more sacred than the right Of the father
TO his son : You may take ore Of these
slaves, you may take all OF them. to the
exclusion Of everybody else. for your
militia, and by this means Gnd "a solution
OF ;his problem. il you choose. This is a
power without doubtror uncertainty, per-
tanning 10 Us alike in pea,s aud war, the
existence Of which cannot brtyHinsaid, /
thus 6nd 10 the relation OF the slaves 10
the Government ample power under the
Constitution, to deal with their stotus.
But, If those views are holden auosliona.
Bile, strained and without. foundation. il is
established on authority that there does
exist plenary power adequate 10 any dispo.
sition of this subject. We arc told on con.
elusive grounds that this rebellion has
opened u vast and liinitless source az law.
that ios scaled up during the periods of
peace, but which springs forth n sceptered
king at the first football OF an armed foe.
IL IS called tho war power; and, without
definition or ouiIine,it comes TO The aid of o
beieaguered nation. Ii is said that this ex.
trnordinary agency can fuImiuate its sdicts
alone through the voice of commander.
in-c',iei at tho head OF his armies; and that
IN no forI. can or docs it attach itself TO
the ordinary legislature. This deny. We
are tho legislative power--the proclamation
OF q rulo that changes existing relations is
the enactment ofa law, simple aud pure;
ana the Constitution confers no semblance
OF legislative power elsewhere. II a new
fountain iof law-making power is opened up,
it naturally fOws to us, and we may and
should embody so much of il as we doom
necessary into the ordinary forms of stat
utes. This powor-undeiinod, vague and
snadowy-can nowhere else be so safely OK.
erclsed as By US; and. rather than pormit an
Executive to be clothed with it, without
limit or definition, md thus make him an
irresponsible despot. l would deny it's exist.
enco aud resist its exercise. With US it is
safe; even. a usurpation on your part that
dld not impinge upon q coordinate branch
OF the Government, may be comparatively
harmless.
l bold, then. that this war power, what
ever 1t may be, or whence It's source, Is our
especial property; and 1t may be well to
inquire whether we have not already per-
mittod !ts exercise by tho Executive TO an
extcut trenching upon dangor. On broader
grounds yot may tho power 10 deal with
this matter be most securely rested Nations,
like individuals, posshss inalienable rights
aud Tor the same reasons. An individual
sustains certain rotations, and is under con
sequent obligations from which he cannot
be discharged--to tho God who created
him, to his fellows about hin, and TO himself |
To insure q performances of these no pos
sessos certain rights and privileges that can
not be taken from him, aud with which he
cannot part by any act of his own aud, If |
such q pretended alienation has taken place,
enforced or voluntary, he may, at any me-
ment, and under oil circumstances, resume
them. For the same reason and to the
same extent, nation must possess these
rights, which pertain to it simply because it
IS nation aud without them il cannot
discharge tho paramount obligations of pro-
toctioD TO its subjects, and self-defonsc
Ia the application of our power how
over derived, to the subject under considora-
lion, l would adopt the principles OF that
proclamation to the language of which the
and lsboring heart of the nation
rose up as to tho voice Of God--the proper,
~ of all rebels should be confiscsted. and
their slaves faro hereby declared free" My
and judgment might carry me
further, but there arc checking considera-
iions that, at this time, TO mo, render this
know that our amazing
policy in. this gasping. straugiing contest for