The Jeffersonian Democrat. [volume] (Chardon, Ohio) 1854-1865, 1862-04-25


DO governed by the new SOVEREIGN. was re
served to tho so-transferred people, strange
and anomalous as they NAV DO. No pledge
OF any sort that their status or privileges
sDouid remain as they were, was given or
asked. Ano this, too, when they knew
that the now sovereign would have absolute
power over all. Tho supposed benefits
to arise under the new SOVEREIGN Nore
deemed an ample compensation for apy
disabilities that might bo imposed and thi,
people thus in advance pledged themselves
TO tho unquestiOnable obedience of every
decree OF the new sovereign, unless they
should cOntravcne the laws of right and hu.
manity, which no sovereign, however abso.
lu:e, can violate. The people of this Dis.
Irict may not now rightfuly question the
adoption Of this measure. Thus. then. stands
tho argument: Tho Constitution confers
upon us exclusive" power 10 "all cases
whatsoever" This people were transferred
to US pursuant to this broad power, aud with
their own free assent Tbore were also
transferred to us certain bondmen, who be.
camo our subjects. This measure restores
them to freodom-re. establishes a great
and everlasting right--and there leave it,
/ Ingenious and learned men bave applied
to this measure the little questions of tech.
nical legality, the subtitle and artificial rea.
sonings of tho books and courts, and find
tho law with US; whilo otbors have la.
boriously mined back in the dark and
crooked legislation of dark and crooked
men for the last hundred and fifty dark and
crooked years, to establish, with such luck
as God permits, tho rightfuIness of slavery
here, and an absence of power to thus deal
With it. have no part in these labors, nor
do sympalbize with them or their fruits !;
nor do care rag whether their results
are Cor or against me-
l liud here cleai Gods truth that needs
Congressional uttorance. i find q great
| right calling for legislative establishment.
! find our weak and faulty organs equal to
tho uttorance of this truth, all unused to il
as they are. find power ample to establish
this right and for these reasons, and for no
other, propose to speak the truth and es-
tablish :be right. j propose so to do this
right thing os to neither compromise it nor
ourselves. | seek for this doing neither
apology nor excuse.
l may here say word upon this matter
of responsibility of tho free States for the
| existence of slavery. Whatever may be said
! or claimed as to their responsibility for It
in tho Statos-and upon that have had my
! say-they are responsible for it hcre-here
! at the Nations heart, upon which it sits like
an atrophy, causing il to send the stagnant
and corrupted blood through the languishing
extremities and CARRYING disease in it's slug
gish flood wherever that flows. They arc
! responsible for it's iDdwelling at the inner
sanctuary, and Its hideous ministrations at
the holiest altar of the national temple for
| its being permitted to fasten aud hang foul
and ugly upon the impersonated Nations
brow, amid the gibes and jeers of the uni.
verse; ...
For generations this slavery question has
rioted in its obscene rites 10 this Capital
while this clear and unquestioped power has
all that time existed in Congress for it's ex-
tirpaiion. Generations of this race-our
subjects, within our admitted power to pro.
| tect--haye been born, and have groaned
and died in shackles, under the shadow OF
this dome, and their blood weighs heavy on
the national arm that now smi,es q nation S
transgressions and receives itsolf the blow
il deals. Think of it. Think of it. And vet
learned and grave men stand here TO argue
that We should still trudee and stagger on
ander this fearful load. For one, l will not,
nor shall my people.
Did our fathers, or our States, or
our people, or ourselves, occupy a diff.
fercnt relation to slavery, there is one
| feature of this bill to which l would never
consent-tbe provision for compensation,
not 10 the slave for his generation of unpaid
labor but to the master from whom we take
him, purely and solely because he never had
any right TO bold him. Change, turn, an.
alyze or sophisticate this provision as YOU
may, to pay tho Shareholder for tho dep
rivation of bis slave is, in some essential
way, to recognize the rightfuDess OF his
claim. But, when l remember that our
fathers and yours were alike guilty for the
establishment of this thing, that they and
We have conjointy tolerated its existence
that our OWE States enact laws that more
or less sustain it, with an abashed counte-
nance and humilated mein, and with bated
breath, give my assent to this provision.
| There is, however. one feature that will not
consent to-the appropriation for the re-
moval and colonization of tho freed men.
do not now propose to discuss the vast
| question of the ultimate disposition of the
race. Whatever argument may be urged
in favor of colonizng the whole cclored
population of this country, the proposition.
as applied to this fragment, is, 10 my judg-
mont, without force. And, while would to.
| day, was the power mine, unhositatiDgly
make free every slave on tho continent,
would not undertake o,day to say how
would dispose OF them. Nor does il VOL lie
| 10 the mouths of Shareholders TO cavil in
advance as to their disposition. Ifl found
a rObbcr in possession of my property,
should not long argue With him what dis
position / would make of it. / should re-
sumo it. The question, boweyer, is one of
tho most momentous that can be proposed.
Nor are its prOpouDders to be sienced by
sharp words. To FREQ twelve or fifteen
hundred slavos is but to add 50 many to the
free colored population of the country-a
matter in itself Of no moment.
But to emancipate four millions is TO change
tho status OF the race. and our relations 90
it and men may well feel the profoundest
anxiety for the result. Such entire conf
dence have /. however. that the result could
not be disastrous, that would fearlessly
commit the country to its consequences 1;
and, while have my own views as to the
proper course, ! would, nevertheless, trust
much to the instructions and Suggestions of
the new stale of things, for know that new
lights and new avenues would open up I;
and know that men nor nations have ever
permanently suffered for doing acts of jus
tice.
Those who would defer emancipation
until q satisfactory plan for the disposition
of the slaves is devised, would do we'll to
contemplate the ultimate catastrophe to
both races, IL this scheme should go for
ward unchanged fifty or hundred years
more, when our system could no longer
sustajn it's weight What strange passages