New-York daily tribune. [volume] (New-York [N.Y.]) 1842-1866, 1862-04-01

discuss them now. Whatever may be the opinions
Of individual Senator'S the jndgmen. of the countrv
is fixed. The right OF peilion, viDdicated by the
matches perseverance of John Quincy Adams II
now beyond question, and the constitutional poweP
Of Congress 10 hardly less free from doubt II In
enough TO say on this point that If Congress cannot
where to abolish il here. and this wrong will
endure always, immortal as the capital itself.
: But as the moment Of justice approaches we are
called to meet different objection. 1t is urged thai
since there can be no such thug property in man
especially within the exclusive jurisdiction Of
Congress, therefore all now held as slaves are Justly
entitled to freedom without compensation ransonf
to their masters. OF course, il this question were
determined according to absolute justice, it is obvi.
ous that nothing can be done to the masters, and
that any money to DO paid belongs rather 10 the
slaves who for generations have been despoied Of
all the fruits OF their industry. But it will be diff.
cult for Congress to determine the question accOrds
ing TO absolute justice. IL must act practically in the
light OF existing usages and even existing preius
dices under which such relati have assumed the
character of law; nor must We hesitate ut any SAC.
rifce provided Freedom can be established. Test.
mony and eloquence have been accumulated againt
Slavery; but ON this occasion shall cOnfne mysef
precisely 10 the argument against lie recognition d
the National Capital, nor shall l wander Into thu
discussion of other questions which are only dis.
family connected with it. At some other time The
great question Of Emancipation IL the States may b.
properly considered together with that other ques
ton, in which the Senator from Wisconsin lMr
Doolttle) takes so great an Interest, whether thf
freedmen shall be encouraged TO exile themselves
other lands or to continue their labor ut home 1t
surely enough for the present TO enter upon the dis
cusson of Slavery at the National Capital; ans
here we are met by two inquiries, so frankly
addressed by the clear-beaded Senator (Mr. Pome
row: First, has Slavery any constitutional legal
existence at the National capital; and secondly
sba money be paid TO secure its abolition Itu
true there be no such thing as property In man
If this pretension ia recognized where, II 10 an
other instance Of the influence OF custom. Slavery
was then described in It's essential character a. o
6ne.headed barbarian, having Its origin not Ia
reason or nature justice, or goodness bot simply
in force, and nething else. The force which main.
tains Slavery at the national capita! Is sup
piled by Congress. Ii the Constitution We're
rightly interpreted by just tribunal, sav:
ery could not exist here; for freedom and
not Slavery is national It's unconsttutioDality was
ably argued by Mr.. Chase IN the Senate and Horacs
Mann IN the House and it follows from tho principle
declared bv Judge Mclean that, in the absenee Oh
anv power in the Constitution, 1t cannot exit, az
recpiration cannot exist where there n no asInos-
nhere. This was applied by hin to the Ierfitoriess
After q pro,racted discussion, Washington was
selected as the national capital. For long tme
there was hesitation between the banks OF the Dehr
ware. the Susquehanna, and the Potomac. Inc
lat,er prevailed by compromise" carried by two
votes. Mary band, by formal oct, ceded the
territory which now constitutes the District OF
Columbia, and Congress, In iooi, proceeded 70
declare that the laws of Maryland AS they now
s.i.t" shall continue in force. The statutes sane
t,oninQ slavery are colonial and snte-diluvian
nsssed az early as 1895. Thee statutes do not at
faint the blood with Slavery except for two geners-
tons; yet it is by virtue OF these provisions .nas
slaves are still held at the National Capital Even
II thew extend beyond two generations they are ia
GRAVITY inconsistent with the Constitution Con-
sre,s can exercise no powers except IN conformity
%itb tb. Constitution. Its exclusive jurisdiction 10
controlled and limited by the Constitution, ont Of
which IL il derived. Now, looking at the Consttu-
ton. we shall find, first, that there are no words
authorizing Congress to establish or reeog-
r;,a Slavery and secondly, that there
are positive words which prohibit Congress from the
exercise Of any such power The argument there
fore is twofold fret, from the absence OF Authority
and secondly from positive prohibition. barbaf.
IAN ike Slavery can have support except in posi-
,;vs nnanbiguous words. There Is no power In The
Constitatiou 10 make a king or to make asaye, ane
the absence Of all such power Is hardly more GEAR u
one case than in the other. Bat II there be no suea
power then all acts OF Congress sus.tins ola,Ii
the National Capital, must be UNCONSTITUTIONAL fnd
void Nobody can show phase or word 10 the con-
st,tution giving the power IL you mo II tnere,
s,mnlv because YOU make TIC CONSTITUTION .
reflect Of yoursek But a there were a0s ,Ss
Constitution would .ettle the question: among whicn
!. tbis No person shall be deprived Of hie, hoer-
~ or property witbou. due process OF Jaw. Every
n.r,ou now detained as slave here is deiainei u
Violation of this prohibition Court properly In
1art,si and ready TO assume that just responsibility
Tbi b dignifes judicial tribunals would ut Gee
declare Slavery impossible here and set every save
free. The two cases are parallel. In the br.isn
case Of the Somerset, 1900 were Get free, willie
here il will be only 3.O,O But since courts VIII
not do this work il must be attempted by Congress.
If from the former it would be the triumph OF the
ststesman. But shall Congress vote money
do not hesitate, ana there are TWO pre-
yailing ressons-frst. If not partner
I'm there ia al least completely the
caf Of Congress in Slavery here, through which
the whole country has become responsible; and, sec"
ondlv IL ia the l.ntest quietest, and surest way.
and therefore the most practical As there's no re-
son of policy adverse TO such appropriation SO there
j. no objection ia the Constitution. Congress may
route freemeu here, although il may not create
siaves. But preiert TO consider the money which We
ro,e not az compensation but as ransom. FROM 'ins
/ ,,rmeuorial every Government has undertaken 70
ransom it's subjects from eap'iFlly' CnnSpphy IA
""r history we have had occasion TO do this with
e. sanction and cooperation OF the best na1ee
! a. orr history. Even In our colonial daye
arsyiran white people were enshyed BY
The Bsrbary States. Algers was the ehlcr
eco, of this enormity, which found the same hpoio-
gies get up for Slavery here. IL was even s"n .iAs
| s,e sI,yos Ia AlSiers were well fed, much better
,hon the free Christians there and that some became
,,J;,.a,op, 10 freedom. In unfolding this eventiui
story shall exhibit the direct ana eohs'ah, iu,er.
vention of Congress for the ransom OF sn'esi quo
,ba storv itself IL AN argument against Slavery our
eIort, aud anxietics began immediately after the es'
tsbh.hment Of our Independence. As our power owe,
seemed inadequate to COMPEL the liberation Of ,hess
nsonIe !, WAS attempted by ransom. But al first our
Gfoyernment offered only 5000 head, iss
than is proposed IN tue ,b ps'f Suona Capital
Peutidns were presented 10 Congress Tor the cap.
f;vss and several interesting reports were nioe ~
the Secretary Of state in which he ;at That !, wa;
regarded as important that IN TIE nr', rr;c. .bous
redemption by the United olass, o a.. faso seyerl