Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-04-29

of great questions is submitted to the arbitration
Of reason, and Of the laws which govern national
policy, nor is Il often. except in the case OF civil
ization against barbsrism. that mere power is per
mitted to decide any question between two great
nations. IN favor Of the strongest and against
manifest right. Most national disputes are set
tied by diplomacy, and although the extent of
commerce. and the outspreading interests Of all
great nations. have led TO more frequent collisions
than in former ages. yet wars are comparatively
unfrequent, and a score Of subjects Of dispute are
now settled by reason, which would formerly
have led 10 battle. But the necessary result of
this state Of society and Of international practice
is TO make an appeal to war productive of more
definite and certain results than formerly. IL
was not impossible in old times for two great ma
tons 70 remain hostile for years, even for gen
erations. The present century has known such
hostilities extending over from the past ages.
But we are in different time now. The public
sentiment of nations forbids such wars The
community of interest which all nations have in
commerce is now understood rs authorizing the
world to interfere when war becomes a mere
hostility and ceases 20 be the decision Of great
question. Thus il happens that war may now be
regarded appeal which like the ancient
combat in the lists, decides in presence of the ma.
tons of the earth who are umpires, the question
on which the contest has originated. lie is not the
age for long and fruitess wars Of races or feuds
of factions. When the deciding point is reached,
when in the presence of the umpires the victory
Is won, then civilization demands that the war
close, and the peace of the world be restored.
This is not an absolute fact, but it is the ten
dency of the century. and of the international
comfy now established
Applying il to America, and the present state
of our affairs, we notice that part of the nation
in rebellion, and that this rebellion manifested
itself in the establishment OF a nominal govern
ment within the boundaries of the American
Union. The United States declared this Govern
ment OF the Confederate States a fiction. denied
its existence and pronounced its upholders rebels
The instruction claimed to be Government, to
be able to establish position such, and when
the United States refused 10 acknOw ledge or rec
ognize ii. the appeal TO arms nj once and sud
denly made. This appeal therefore i'm fact
intended to decide the custom whether the insur
rection had physical power to maintain n Govern
ment within the boundaries of the United States
Ii successful IN the war; the nations OF the world
would recognize il; if unsuccessful, the appeal
must be regarded decided against them. and
the judgment of the nations must be accordingly
But when is the question oil success or failure de-
termned. There is no organized court, no tribu-
nal before which the parties rest, and ask judg-
ment. There must be n point ut which the deci-
sion is rendered, and at that point, according To
the received rules of the age, the prosecution of
the war by the unsuccessful party ceases TO be
any longer an appeal to the worId's great national
arbitrator, War, and becomes a desperate mani
festation of hostility, and nothing more. When
the contestant is a revolutionary body seeking to
establish recognized Government and the re-
suit OF the experiment Is pronounced by the clear
voice Of the nations to be failure, then the rev
Olutionsts must submit, or be regarded thence
forward as outlaws and distuI6ers of the peace of
the world. II they continue to fight they fight
rebels resisting law, not men engaged be
fore the world in the trial of a question of unver-
sal interest. They in fact cease to be national
belgefents, and become individual rebels
The appeal to arms therefore, which was made
n year ago, is on the point of a final decision.
Victory at Yorktown will determine. perhaps
finally. certainly with great appearance of fnalty,
the ability of the rebellion 70 become a Govern
ment If the decision is against the insurrec
ton. the nations of Europe will so signify their
opinion, and this opinion will necessarily stamp
future resistance on the part of the revOutionsts,
as the desperate struggle of men who are, in the
ewes of the world to be regarded as prosecuting
useless and murderous strife.
Ii must be remembered that these are sOmes
what new points of consideration in international
law. But the course taken by European nations
in our quarrel makes it necessary to discuss and
determine some novel principles. When England
and France acknowledged the Southern Conied-
eracy bellgerent power they did it on the
principle that we have stated They regarded
the appeal to arms as, in some sort. an appeal to
European decision. They accepted the appeal.
and stated their acceptance 10y saving. 1--WE re-
cogniZe this war between two peoples to
decide a question, in which we as nations have
an interest. and we wait the decision" But hav-
ing taken this position, they are compelled TO a
further step not wholly settled by International
law. as vet. They must at some time acknowl-
Ill -. 4
knowledge anu recognition of him whatever.
When shall they take the latter cOurseI The
former practice has well enough settled the ques-
ton when they may acknowledge a new nation.
But this new system of acknowledging bellger
ents, raises new question as to the proper mo-
ment in which to decide that the beligerent has
ceased TO be such and become an outlaw and a
pirate.
Surprising that victory rests with the Union,
and battle after battle Is fought until the rebel
lion is absolutely crushed BY force, vet few
privateers remain on the ocean, and few yes.
sells continue to carry the unknown flag. 1t is
plain that there must be point. in the course of
events, at which the European nations must
withdraw their acknowledgment of the rebels as
bellieerents and begin TO treat them outlaws.
and their prlvateers as pirates. lt Is subject OF
interest TO know what point that is. la other
words. when will European nations render iudg-
90 serumentl This question not only interests
those nations, but i OF manifest Importance to
our own government. and of vital import to the
rebels themselves.
We can readily imagine that this question be
gin 10 assume importance in the ewes of the
French aud English Governments. Ii is some
what new and the practice is not settled. The
moment may be at hand when England and
France must refuse asy lum To Confederate YES
sells, and give them worse treatment, on the broad
ground that they are pirates That moment will
have arrived whenever, IN the impartial iudg-
ment OF men. the appeal 10 arms Is fairly decided
between the contestants Ii Is not postponed
until they cease 10 fight. But on the contrary
il We enter Richmond in triumph the British and
French powers must be prepared at once vOiun
tarily, our demand. 10 treat Southern pTi
vateers rs pirates. aud obey all our rules aud or
ders IN reference % our own coasts and ports IN
view OF this, If Mr. MERCER and LOr! Lyons IT,
dipOmatiSis. il Is time Tor them % 6e feeling pull
seS and We have no doubt they are fully instruc
ell - 10 the course 10 be pursued. and are gath
ering I'll the information which the cOntucenc,
makes important. Our own Government j.
thoroughly awake u the magnitude Of the crisis
and has doubtless fully mstured IT. line OF con
duet with reference 10 the foreign powers ans
the rebels The French and English Coy cru
ment would probably regard the fall of York
town and the occupation OF Richmond as the sig
nal Tor treating the ebelliOn as an end SO Car a.
foreign nations can see it, and our own Govern