Ashtabula weekly telegraph. [volume] (Ashtabula, Ohio) 1853-1873, 1862-06-07
From the New York Tribune.
COMING EVENTS.

The late proclamation of President Lin.
coln superceding Gen. Hunters order liber
ating certain slaves trikeS US as being one
Of the most significant documents Of the |
times. 1t will bear repeated readings, and |
ihe oftener read the more pregnant with |
important differences will it be found Ia
ken us whole, as well as in detail, it indi |
Gates decided progress in the right rec.
tiOn. It's tone has made it singularly |
acceptable with the public. Nothing short
OF conviction Of its progressive signli-
cance, of its really ominous intimutiOns,
could have secured this acceptance. 1t will
be noticeable for casting no ccnsure what
ever on Gen. Hunter for issuing his com.
prehensive order. 1t contains no expression
by which he can feel humiliated, nothing so
touching his military dignity as to require
him to resign. On the contrary, Hunter is |
not singled out as the on'y commander not |
authorized to issue an emancipation order, !
but it expressly asserted that no "other
commander or person has been authorized"
Thus the utmost consequence is the pro-
nouncing of il, altogether void" The
President as Commander in-Chief, has IN.
doubted power to countermand any order
issued by subordinate, no matter what
IN ay be the subject to which it relates, and
such countermanding implies nOcensure of
opinion as to expedency.
Again, the President must have been
satisfied that Gen. Hunters order must
have been sound military law-that if per-
mitted to stand, it would be thoroughly
effective as an act of emancipation. To
| avoid result thus clearly seen TO be ineyit-
able, and no doubt considered prema ture,
the!order was declared void. The mere act
of avoidance is an uumistakable admission
that the power to emancipate is an incident
of the military authority in a rebelious dis
trict. The admission was first made when
Fremont's proclamation was shorn of its
comprehensive features, and now 1t is strik
| ingly reafirmed. No other sound con-
structon can be placed upon the ac:-uo
other inference drawn from tit is the e-
gal and logical sequence from the premises
No doubt the single question was, though
not avowed, whether the time for exercising
that power had arrived, and whether, when
exercised, it could not be done more appro.
priately by the Commander-n-Chief, the
President himself His proclamation cs
tablishes the great fact that the power to
emnacipate is in the military arm, while it
does not deny its existence in any other
department of Government. Moreover,
Gen. Hunters military district embraces
only three rebellious States, beyond which
his orders would be imperative. But the
Presidents military district embraces them
all. An emancipation order from him,
would, therefore, be in6ni' ely more com
prehensive than any which might be pro.
mulgated by a subordinate. One stroke of
his pen would do all that the whole body
of his commanders could accomplish, even
if they could be brought to harmonic in
their utterance, with the striking adVan-
tage of their being no higher authority to
appeal to
1t will also be observed that as if affirm
ing this admission of military power over
emancipation, the President is extremely
careful to make no denial. 1t was not ne
cessary for him to avow it in so many words.
lie makes no threats-threatening seems
no part of his policy. Bnt when he says:
"Whether it be competent for me. as Com.
manderin. Chief of the Army and Navy, 10
declare the slaves of any State or States
free," and whether it shall have become
necessity to do SO, "are questions which
under my responsibility, l reserve to my
SELF" be conveys limitations involving the
gravest consequences. With these the
public mind appears to be so Thoroughly
content that the countermanding of Gen.
Hunters order has been received with
feeling far more subdued than that which
greeted the modification of Fremonts.-
This feeling has been further strengthened
by the most opportune appeal to the re.
belious Shareholders to embrace the offer OF
of compensation, coupled with the half pro-
phetic warning that they cannot be blind
to the signs of the times, almost saying, 1t
is now or never. Then, 81 do not argue,
What more natural than for him to have
added, II mean to acli' Words have
ceased to be elfective-deeds must follow.
We greatly mistake the significance of this
proclamation if il fails to create profound
sensation throughout Europe and that its
meaning will receive the same Interpretation
there which many persons have awarded to
it here.
To the restless spirits Of the French press
the Government gives three warnings be-
fore proceeding to wipe them out. Those
who toss coppers give three turns OF the
penny before determining who is loser
even death is believed TO be consderate
enough to give bis three sufficient warnings
The rule Of three is not imperaliVe--lhe
President may refuse to be bound by it,and
the shareholders may snap their hpgers