Litchfield enquirer., 1862-10-30

@ impregnated with the principles of an activ e philanthropy, that time is the living present. is the time to "cry aloud and spare no" to cal g things by their right names, and to demand tha 9 each citizen should unequivocaliy answer tn l question, Under which king, Bezonian I Speal or die.'' Painful as is the duty, and weighty a
 the responsibility which its attempted discharg will impose upon me, I accept them both witl all their consequences, and shall now and hence forth fail not to sound the alarm, herald the ap preaching danger, protest before the people and name what believe to be an impending ca
 lamity.
 Violent political partizanship is the nest oi
 adders out of which the calamities of my coun.
 try are about to spring At time when loyal
 ty and rebellion, patriotism and treason, stand face to face in awful encounter, believe that
 the highest political unity among the people, in
 the Cabinet and in the field, are the indispensa.
 ble conditions of success to our arms. And it is at just such an hour as this that Horatio Sey- mour, in the closing sentence of his acceptance speech, ardently invites the people renewedly to enter upon "political contest" A contest for whom7 contest for what7 A contest for Horatio Seymour, and against the Admiuistra ton of his country. Horatio Seymour, more than any man living, is responsible for the rejec- ton of the profer made by the dominant party of this State to unite the entire people on e Union ticket at the approaching election.
 The proposition was made to the Democratic State Central Committee, and he and his friends rejected it. The attempted ratification of the Seymour ticket is, then, just so far as it is suc- cessful, the surrender of patriotism to partisan ship-our country's honor and life to Mr. Sey. ! mours political advancement.
 Again, it ia the adoption, and in its triumph would prove the perfect realization of that ex- ecrabe maxim of Jeff: Davis statecraft, "Di- vide ct impera,'
 Through domestic dissensions at the North 1t seeks to accomplish for the Rebellion what Southern arms can hardly longer hope to attain. In our Colonial Rebellion there were those who. by sowing dissensons in the Parliament and SAAoN% ShS PSoP'S VI AAhSi4u WVu lOc LuGUl. selves immortal honor, and were justly styled the English patriots of the American Revolu. tion." But who would covet the immortality of infamy which will attach to their names, against which impartial history shall hereafter write, ' The Northern patriots of the Southern Con. federacy j" The Tories of the second Revolu. tion.'
 Suppose that ou the day following the annual election in the Empire State, this despatch should appear in the lightning's flash simulta. ueo usly at Washington and at Richmond.
 STATE OF NEW YoRK. Nov, 1862.
 The Union State ticket from the Lakes to the Sea has this day boen uNASlMouaLy ELECT ED."
 Do you not think that bon6res and illumina. tions and patriotic exultation would be heard or seen iq the Metropolis of the Nation, and wher. ever loyal hearts were assembled to hear the news? And do you not think that sullen despair and the gloom of the grave would stretch itself like pail over Richmond, and over every heart disoyal to the Constitution And ought not then this simple illustration, when consequences SO nomentous are sure to result from our indi. vidual and collective action. to instruct us in our duty in the coming election? do not be- | lieve that the same line of conduct will alike promote the cause of the Rebellion and ct { the same time the cause of tue Constitution, and while rebellion continues, the only parties would recognize would be those who are for and those who are against us.
 l Seymour has long been with me an honored name, and the Democratic organization has still longer been associated in my mind with almost every progress in liberty and in law. But now tLe former at this time of greatest danger to the Republic, employ the latter to give promi- hence to faction. Let him no longer try to amuse the people with metaphysical disserta. tions on the highest duty of the American to support the Constitution by opposing the consti tuted authorities, to sustain the Government by ovsrtbrowing the Administration, and suppress
 the Rebellion by yielding submission to itl
 imperious requirements.
 1 While this horrid war hangs over us, let u.
 hear less, too, of the violation of free speech
 summary arrests, the denial of the habeas cor
 pus, and those other inestimable privilegei
 guaranteed by the Constitution. He knows
 and every intelligent citizen knows, that ii
 time of war all rights of the citizen must b,
 subordinate to the war powers of the Copsti
 tuition and the necessities of the public good
 He would claim, in time of war, the right t, trade in his discretion with the rebellious Gov ernment or citizeps of Richmond. Has h.
 any greater right to communicate with them or to speak, or write or foment rebellion fo them7 for are not the rights of trade an' f freedom of speech alike secured to the citizen Away then with this sophistical declamatio l and these subtle distinctions. Sturdy patriot , ism will have none of it. The patriot of tn , ipresent palliates no indirection. He believe , in conquering peace, in reconquering tn f liberties of the Government, and since slayer - persists in crying out with the drowning we man, |" l will die-nobody shall help me-" b E. proposes to let her die, and let the foul fen l. go home.
 d We can no longer complain that the Admins i- tration has no policy. The President, ss a WE e measure and in support of public liberty, ba h issued his proclamation of emancipation, an }, declared his unalterable purpose by every hor