The New York herald., 1862-03-04

Premsture Movements for tho Nexs Presi-
dency-A1r. Seward Deanss HIS POSI-

Premature Movements for tho Nex1 Pres1-
dency-AIr. Seward DenAss HIS POSI-
tion.
The seasonable, sensible and eminently pa
triotic letter Of Mr.. Seward on the Presiden-
tial succession, which we publish to-day, will
command the unqualified admiration Of every
intelligent and dispassionate reader.
The letter in question was written in reply
to communication from an officer of p0lit-
cal club in Philadelphia, the purpose of which
was the nomination of Mr.. Seward as candi-
date for the next Presidency. He avails him
self of the good will of this club to say that
81 consider the proceeding as one altogether
unwise" at this crisis, because "it is parti-
san movement, and, worst Of all, partisan
movement Of personal character;" that, what
ever may have been his previous inclinations
he renounced all ambition in the face of this
Southern rebellion, and "came into the ex-
ecutive government to aid in saving the con-
stitution and the integrity of the country, or to
perish with them" This course he felt to be
imperative, in order, as he says, "that the coun-
sells that might give to the President In such
crisis should not only be, but be recognized
as being, disinterested, loyal and patriotic"
"The country is to be saved or lost" before we
can properly think of the next Presidential cleo
ton; and, as under no conditions would he con-
sent ITO be President of division Of the repub-
lic," Mr.. Seward cheerfully gives up his "aspira-
tions for rule in the whole republic, as con-
tribution to the efforts necessary to maintain it
in its integrity" Accordingly he advises his
Philadelphia correspondent, 'that not only
ask, but peremptorily require, my friends, in
whose behalf you have written to me, to drop
my name henceforth and forever from among
those to whom they look as possible candidates
for national distinctions and preferments."
Thus Mr.. Seward defines his position. 1t is
clear, consistent, conclusive and admirable, in
view of the weighty reasons assigned for his
resolution. He simply sacrifices all his ambi-
tious aspirations for national preferments upon
the altar of his country. He makes himself
shining example of individual abnegation, in
order that Presidential politics and parties, and
intrigues and cliques and cross purposes, may
not embarrass the unity of the administration,
nor divert the minds of our loyal people from
the great and paramount work Of putting an
end to this wicked rebellion. We are confident,
too, that every other member of Mr. Lincoln's
Cabinet wishes to be understood as endorsing
this letter Of Mr.. Seward, and that the President
himself has no ambitious desire or thought
beyond that Of delivering over to his successor
on the 4th of March, 1865, the Union in its
territorial and constitutional integrity.
There are, however, some precedents in our
national history justifying the presumption that
"Honest Abe Lincoln" may not be permitted to
pursue his own inclinations in regard to this
matter Of the succession. Taken, without
any effort on his part, and some
what by surprise, from the ranks of the people
in 1860, he has given his countrymen to under
stand that one term Of the Presidency will be
honor and glory enough for him, especially if
this one term shall be signalized by the full re-
storation of the Union. But it is in this view of
the subject that the country may call upon him
for q second instalment Of his administrative
services. George Washington, having fought
through to a successful issue the war of the
Revolution, would have gladly returned to the
repose and retirement Of Mount Vernon; but
the American people decreed it otherwise.
They believed that the man who, under all the
straits and trials Of his peculiar and desperate
situation, had secured the independence of his
country, was the man Of all men first to be in
vested with the administration of its regular in
dependent government. Thus, yielding to the
will of the people, Washington became our first
President, hoping that with the expiration of
one term he would be permitted to retire. But
the people reelected him, and they would
again have reelected him had he not positively
interposed his claims to exemption from further
service.
Thenceforward, excepting the struggle be-
tween Jefferson and Burr in the House of Re-
presentatives, and the war of 1912, the country,
the government and the Presidency went on
smoothly enough down to that exciting recon-
struction of parties which resulted in the elec-
ton of General Jackson to the White House in
1928. He came in professedly, and no doubt
sincerely, for one term only; but during that
one term his masterly treatment of nullifica-
ton rebellion in South Carolina, and his popu-
lar position upon the great financial question
of that day, rallied the conservative elements
of the country around the Old Hero of the
Union, and triumphantly reelected him. jack
son was the last of our eight-years Presidents,
simply because his successors, if not cut off by
death, were cut off with one term, because they
were small potato and intriguing politicians like
Van Buren, or compromise party candidates
like Polk, or miserable pretenders, plotting for
q are-election, like poor Pierce, or weak, vain,
deluded, foolish credulous, vacillating and
tremulous old men like Buchanan.
But the Presidential legacy left to Mr. Lin
coin, through the efforts Of poor Pierce and
Buchanan, would have been enough to make
even Old Hickory turn pale in contemplation
of the task before him. 1t was not exaggerated