The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1862-12-12

sons therein contemplated. Some of them doubt
less in the property sense belong to loyal owners
and hence provision is made in this article for
cOmpensating them.


less in the property sense belong to loyal owners
and hence provision is made in this article for
compromising them.
THE FUTURE OF THE FREEDMEN.
The third article relates to the future of the
freed people. 1t does not oblige but merely au-
thorizes Congress to aid in cOlOnizing such as
may consent. This ought not to be regarded as
Objectionable on the one hand or on the other IN,
asmuch as it comes to nought unless by mutual
consent of the people to be deported and the
American voters through their representatives In
Congress.
THE PRESIDENT FAVORS COLONIZATION.
cannot make it better known than it already
is, that strongly favor colonization, and yet
wish to say that there is an objection against the
colored persons remaining in the country, which
is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious.
1t is insisted that their presence would injure
and displace white labor ahd white laborers-if
there ever could be a proper time for mere argu-
ments that time surely is not now. In times like
the present, men should utter nothing for which
they would not willingly be responsible through
time and eternity.
A HUMANE VIEW.
1t is trne, then, that the colored people can dis
place any more Uhite labor By being free than by
remaining slare? If they stay in their own pla-
ces, they jOstle no white labOrers. If they leave
white laborers. Logically, there is neither more
nor less of it.
EMANCIPATION WOULD ENHANCE WHITE
LABOR.
Emancipation, even without deportation, wOnld
probably enhance the wages of white labor, and,
eery surely, would not reduce them. Thus the
customary amount of labor would still have to be
performed. The freed people would, surely, not
do more than their old proportion of it, and, very
probably, for time, would do less; leaving an
Increased part to white labOrers-bringing their
abor into greater demand, and, consequently, en-
HANGING the value of it. With deportation, even
Dor is mathematically certain. Labor is like any
other commodity in the market. Increase the
demand for it, and you increase the price of it.
Reduce the supply of black labor by colonizing
cisely SO much, you will increase the demand for
wages for white labor.
ABUGBEAR EXPOSED.
But it is dreaded that the freed people will
swarm forth and cover the whole land. Will lib
Grafton make them any more numerous Equally
distributed among the whites of the whole coun-
try and there would be but one COIOred to seven
,chites. Could the one greatly disturb the sevens
There are many communities now having more
than one free colOred to seven whites, and this
without any apparent consciousness of evil from
it. The District of Columbia and the States of
Maryland and Delaware are all in this condition.
The District has more than one free colored to six
whites, and yet in its frequent petitions to Con.
gress, believe it has never presented the pres
ence Of free colored persons as one OF Its griev-
anceS.
WHY SHOULD THEY GO NORTH?
But why should emancipation in the South
send the freed people North 2 People of any col
or seldom run, unless there is something to run
from. Heretofore cOlored people have fled North
from botE bondage and restitution but if grad
ual emancipation and deportation be adopted,
they will have neither to flee from. Their own
masters will give them wages, at least till new Ia
borers can be procured, and the freed men in
turn will gladly give their labor for wages, till
new homes can be found for them in cOngenial
climes, and with people of their own blood and
race. This proposition can be trusted on the mu-
tual interests Involved and in any event. cannot
the North decide for itself whether to receive
them.
any case, has there been any Eruption northWard
because of the adjustment of slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia last spring! What have said
of the proportion of free cOlored persons to the
whites in the District of Columbia is from the
census of 1860, having no reference to persons
called contrabands, nor to those made free by the
act of Congress abolishing slavery here.
THE WAR WILL WAIT FOR NOTHING.
EsThe plan consisting of these articles is recon-
mended, not but that restoration of the national
authority would be accepted without its adoption,
nor will the war OrprOceedings under the Procla-
nation CT September 22d, 1861, be stayed because
of the recommendation of this plan. Its timely
adoption, doubt not would bring restoration,
aud thereby stay both, and notwithstanding this
plan, the recommendation that Congress provide
by law for compromising any State which
may adopt the emancipation act before this plan
shall have been acted upon, is hereby earnestly
renewed. Such would only be an advance part
of the plan, and the same arguments apply to
both. This plan is recommended as means not
in conclusion Of but additional to all others for
restoring and preserving the national authority
throughout the Union. The subject is presented
would, 1 am confident, secure peace more speed
lily than be done by force alone while it would
cost less considering amounts and manner ofpay
Would be EASIER paid than will be the additional
cost of the war if we rely solely upon force tits
most likely that it would cost no blood at all.
The plan is proposed as permanent constitu-
tional law. 1t cannot become such without the
concurrence first of twO-thirds of Congress, and
afterwards threefourths of the States. The re-
quisite three-quarters of the States will necessa
ed it will give assurance of their severally adopt
ing emancipation at no distant day, on the new
constitutional terms. This assurance would end
the struggle now, and save the Union forever.
do not forget the gravity of paper addressed
to the Congress of the nation by the Chief Magis-
trate of the nation, nor do forget that some few
are my seniors, or that many OF you have more n
Yet trust that in view of the great response.
bility resting upon me, you will perceive no want
of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness
Is It doubted then that the plan propose, if
adopted, will shorten the war, and thus lessen
its expenditure of money and blooda Is it doubt
and perpetuate both indefinitelyS
Is it doubted that if we here, Congress and Ex-
ecutive, can secure its adoption, the good people
Will rcSpOuu u u uultcu duu earliest appear lEOm
uss
Can we, can they by any other means so certain.
ly or so speedily assure these vital objectsS We
can succeed only by concert.
1t is not can any of us imagine better, but still
the question recurs, can we do better
The dOgmas of the quiet past are inadequate to
the stormy present. The occasion is piled high
with difficulty, and we must rise with the occa.
sion. AS our case is new, so we must think and
act anew; we must disenthral ourselves, and then
we shall save our country.
E,11o n
We of this Congress will be remembered in spite
of ourselves. No personal significance or insig.
nifcance can spare one or another of US. The
fiery trial through which we pass will light US
down in honor or dishonor to the latest genera
ton. We say we are for the Union. The world
will not forget that while we say this, that we
know how to save the Union. The world knows
we do know how to save it. We, even we, hold
the power and bear the responsibility.
In giving freedom to the slave we insure free
dom to the free. Honorable alike in what we
give and what we preserve, we shall nObly save
or meanly lose the last best hope of the earth.
Other means may succeed, this could not fail.
The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just, a way
which, If followed, the world will applaud, and
God must forever bless.
(Signed0 ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
WASHINGTON, December /, 1862.
CHAuNCEY GIBBS, the soldier who was