Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1862-10-08
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| not always candid. 1t is sometimes said that
| it is to abolish slavery. Here is a mistake or
| a misrepresentation. 1t is sometimes said, in
| flash language that the object is ''the consti-
| tuition as it is" and ''the Union as it was"
| Here is another mistake or misrepresentation,
| which is more offensive, when it is known that
! by ''the constitution rs i is" is meant simply
| the right to hold and hunt slaves; and by 1.-THE
| Union as it was, is meant those halcyon days
of pro-slavery democracy when the ballot-boX
was destroyed in Kansas; when freedom of
debate was menaced in the senate, and when
chains were put upon the Boston customhouse
| Not for any of these things is this war waged.
Not to abolish slavery, or to establish slavery
but simply to put down the rebellion. But
| this question occurs how can this object be
| best accomplished?
In discussing this question with proper
frankness, l shall develop and yindicate that
| policy of which the presidents proclamation
is the herald, and to which his administration
is publicly pledged The administration be-
longs to us, and we belong to the administra-
ton. My aim will be to bring the administra-
ton and the people nearer together, by show
ing the ground on which they must meet, for
the sake of the republic, and that it may not
perish beneath felon blows.
start, of course, with the assumption, in
which you will unite, that this war must be
brought to a close. 1t must not be allowed
to drag its slow length along, bloody, and
fruitless except with death. Lives enough
have been sacrificed; graves enough have
been filed homes enough have been emp
tied; patriot soldiers enough have been sent
back halt and manned with one leg or one
arm; crutches enough have been made. Nor
Is this all. Treasure enough has been eX-
| pended 1t is common to think only of the
national debt which is now swelling to unnat-
ural proportions; but this will be small by the
side of the fearful sum total of loss, from the
the destruction of property, the arrangement
of business, and change of productive to un.
| productive industry. Even if we do not ac
cept the conclusions of an ingenious calcula-
! tor, who places this damage at ten thousand
| millions Of dollars, we must confess that 1t is
an immensely, which, like the numbers repre-
senting sidereal space the imagination refuses
grasp. To stop this intinity of waste there
must be peace; to stop this cruel slaughter
there must be peace. In the old wars between
| king and parliament, which rent England, the
generous Falkland cried from his soul. peace,
peace, peace, and history has gratefully record
| ed his words. Never did he utter this cry
with more earnestness than l do now. But
| how shall this blessing be secured?
| L start also with the further assumption that
there can be no separation of these states.
Foreign nations may predict what rebels
threaten; but this result is now impossible.
Pray, good sirs, where will you run the boun-
| Diary line? Shall it be the cotton line? Shall
it embrace Virginia in whole or part? How
about Tennessee? Kentucky? Or shall it
be the most natural line of cleavage, the slave
line? And how will you adjust the navigation
of the Mississippi, and the whole question of
slavery! And what principles, commercial
and political, shall be established between the
two governments? But do not deceive your
selves into the idea that peace founded on sep
aratlon can be anything but a delusion and a
snare. Separation is interminable war-''still
beginning, never endlng'-worse than the
torays which ravaged the Scottish border, or
the Tartar iuyasions which harassed China
until the famous wall was built fifteen huIA
bred miles long and so thick that six horse
| men can ride upon it abreast. War will be
chronic and we must all sleep Oh our arms.
Better that it should be all at once rather than
it should be diffused over a generation. If
! blood must be she'd better for Il year than for
an age.
But if there be anything in the Monroe doc
| trine-if we could not accommodate ourselves
to the foothold of Europe ON this continent,
| how can we recognize on our borders a ma
lignant slave empire, with slavery as its boast
| ed cornerstone, constituting what Shaks-
peare calls an ''impudent nation," embittered
and enraged against us, without law, without
humanity and without morals-a mighty Blue
Boards chamberlain enormous house Of i'll
| fame. Surely we would not allow the old
| kingdom of the assassins to be revived near
us. But our rebels are as bad.
Nor can you recognize such a separation
without delivering over this cherished Union
to chaos. If the rebel states are allowed to
| CO. who can be retained? 1t is true, that
there can be no constitutional right to break
up the constitution; but the precedent which
we shall unhappily recognize will unsettle
this whole fabric of states.
Therefore, fellow-citizens, there can be no
separation; but how to prevent it, in other
words, how to ham-string the rebellion and to
conquer peace. This is the question.
The rebels are in arms-aroused-at home,
ON their own soil, and resolved not to yield.
Nothing less than independence will satisfy
them; if the war continues, | know not that
they will be content with this. Two policies
are presented on our side-one policy which
| looks primarily to rebel Cancellation, and the
other policy which looks primarily to rebel
submission. And yet both of these have the
same elements, although in inverse order
| The first begins with the Cancellation in order
to end with submission; which is the cart be-
fore the horse. The second begins with sub
mission in order to end with Cancellation.
| The question between them is whether concili-
alton shall precede or follow submission. Con-
citation is always proper where it is possible !;
but it is now obviously impossible. If any
body believes at this stage, that any words or
acts of conciliation-any forbearance on our
part-any hesitation in the exercise of the
sternest rights of war-will help us to victory
or contribute to put down the rebellion, let
me not enter into that mans councils, for they
can end in nothing but shame and disaster.
find that those who talk most against the CO.
ercion of rebels, and the coercion of states,
| are Indifferent to the coercion of four mil
| lions of people, men, women, and children,
to work without wages under the discipline of
the lash Without hesitation | say that the
rebels are to be subdued-call it coercion, or
subjugation, which you will; and our war has
this direct object. With victory will come
Cancellation, clemency, amnesty. But first
victory.
BOILER EXPLOSION IN PRovIDENcE.-The
planning mill of Silas A. Sweet & Co., situated
at the corner of Friendship and Potter streets,
was loidin ruins Monday afternoon, and sew
eral persons severely injured. by the explosion
of one of the boilers a little past two o'clock.
The conclusion was very severe, blowing the
walls outward and throwing large masses of