The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1862-12-05


of the United States 10 well adapted to be
the home Of one national family. and 1t 10
not we'll adapted for two or more. It's vast
extent, and its variety Of climate and pro-
ductions are Of advantage, In this age, for
one people. whatever they might have been
In former ages. Steam and telegrsphs, In.
telligence. have brought these to be an ad.
vantageous combination for one united peo-
pie.
In the inaugural address briefly pointed
out the total inadequscy of disunion 10 q
remedy for the difference between the peo-
pie Of the two sections. did 90 In language
which I cannot improve. and which. there
fore. beg to repeat.
some section Of our country believe slavery Is
right and ought to be extended. while the other
believe Il Is wrong aud ought not to be extend-
ed. This is the only substantial dispute. The
fugitive slave clause OF the Constitution and the
law for the suppression Of the African slave trade
are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law
can ever be In community where the moral
sense Of the people imperfectly supports the
law itself
The great body Of the people abide by the le-
gal obligation In both cases, aud q few break
over in each. This think cannot be perfectly
cured, and II would be worse In both cases, af-
ter the separation Of the sections, than befOre
The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly sup
pressed, would be ultimately received without
restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves,
now only partially surrendered, would not be
surrendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking, we cannot separate
We cannot remove our respective sections from
each other, nor build an impossible wall be-
tween. A husband and wife may be divorced,
and 60 out Of the presence and beyond the
| reach Of each other, but the different parts OF
our country cannot do this-they cannot but
remain face to face. and intercourse, either am
icable or hostile, must continue between them.
Is Il possible, then, to make that intercourse
more advantageous or more satisfactory after
separation than betorel Can aliens make trea-
ties easier than friends can make laws! Can
treaties be more faithfully enforced between al
lens than laws can be among friends!
Suppose you go to war, you cannot hight AL
ways, and when, after much loss on both sides
and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the
identical old questions as to terms OF inter-
course are again upon you."
There Is no line straight or crooked suitable for
q national boundary upon which to divide.
Trace through from the East to the West up
on the line between the free and slave country,
and we shall find that little more than one.
third of lis length are rivers easy to be crossed
and populated, or soon 10 be populated, thick
ly, upon both sides, while nearly all It's remain
ing length are merely surveyors lines, over
which people may walk back and forth without
any consciousness Of their presence.
No part of this line can be made any more
difficult to pass by writing II down on paper or
parchment rs a national boundary. The fact OF
separation, II II comes, gives up on the part OF
the sectional obligations upon the seeding sec.
ton of the fugitive slave clause, along with all
other constitutional obligations upon the Sec
ton seeded from, while I should expect no
treaty stipulation would ever be made to take
Its place.
but there Is another difficulty the great in
terror region, bounded east by the Alleghanies,
north Ivy the British dominions, west by the
Rocky Mountains, and south by the line along
which the culture of corn and cotton meets. and
which includes part Of Virginia, part Of Ten.
nessee, all OF Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michi-
gan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri. Kansas, 10.
wa, Minnesota, and the Territories of Dacotah,
Nebraska, and part of Colorado, has above ten
millions Of people, and will have dfty millions
within fifty years II not prevented by any po-
litical folly or mistake. II contains more than
one. third of the country owned by the United
States-certainly more than one million square
miles, half Ms populous as Massachusetts,
already Is, or would have more than seventy
Ave millions of people.
A glance ut the map shows that, territorislly
speaking. IL Is the great body OF the Republic.
The other parts are but marginal borders to 1t.
The magnificent region sloping west from the
Rocky Mountains TO the Pacific being the deep
est and also the richest In developed resources
In the production Of provisions, grains, grass
cs. and all which proceed from them.
This great interior region is naturally one OF
the most important In the world. Ascertain
from the statistics the small proportion OF the
A.. A. l. hoa,, hrnu IA int nnl
tiyation, and also the large and rapidly increas-
ing amount of its products, AMI We shall be
overwhelmed with the magnitude OF the pros
pect presented, and yet this region has no sea-
coast. and touches no ocean any where.
As part of one nation It's people now find, and
may forever fad their way TO Europe by New
York. to South America and africa by New
Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco. But
separate our common country into two nations,
as designed by the present rebellion, and every
man OF this great interior region Is thereby cut
of from some one or more Of these outlets. not
perhaps by physical barrier, but by embar.
RAISING and onerous trade regulations; and
this Is true wherever dividing or boundary
line may be fixed. Place II between the now
free and slave country, or place IL south OF
Kentucky, or north of Ohio. and still the truth
remains that none south Of 1t can trade to any
part or place north Of IL, and none north Of It
can trade to any part or place south OF Il. ex-
cept upon terms dictated by q government for
eign to them. These outlets, east, west and
south, are indispens sable TO the we'll being OF
the people inhabiting and to inhabit this vast
interior region; which Of the ,hree may be best
Is no proper question:; all are better than eth
err. and all Of right belong to that people and
to their successors forever. True to themselves,
they will not ask where n line OF separation
shall be, but will vow rather that there shall be
no such line. Nor are the marginal regions
less interested In these communications to and
through them to the great outside world.
They, too, and each Of them must have nc
cess to this great Egypt Of the West without
paying toll at the crossing Of any national
boundary. Our national strife sprung not
from our permanent part, not from the land
we nhabit, not from our national homestead.
There Is no possible severing OF this but would
multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In
all its adaptations and amplitudes 1t demands
union and abhors separation; In fact II would
ere long force reunion, however much OF blood
and treasure the separation might have COST
Our strife pertains TO ourselves, to the passing
generations Of men, and II cannot without con-
yulsion be hushed forever with The passing OF
one generation.
AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION.
In this view I recommend the adoption Of the
following resolution and articles amendatory to
the Constitution Of the United States:
Rssolrei, by the Senate and House OF Rep
resentatiyes Of the United States Of America,
In Congress assembled, two thirds Of both Hous-
es concurriLg, that the following articles be
proposed to the Legislatures or. Conventions Ut
the several States, as amendments to the Con.
stitution Of the United States, all or any OF
which articles, when ratified by three fourths
Of the said Legislatures or Conventions, 20 be
valid as part or parts Of the said Constitution,
viz: