The daily Evansville journal. (Evansville, Ind.) 1862-1863, 1862-08-13
AUGUST Is. 1869

short cuts out Of q difficulty | am not III
favor of violating the Constitution ny way
of escaping a danger. There might be i'm
mediate advantage, but the precedent is re-
plete with peril.
Could slavery have been abolished, by
northern action, while peace yet existed be-
tween the North and South, without asvio-
lation of tie Constitution In other words,
without a revolutionary act? Clearly not.
Can slavery be eradicated nov, in war,
without such violalionf If emancipation
be necessary to insure the permanent peace
and safety Of our Government, aud if we
are willing to pay to all loyal slave owners
a reasonable price for their slaves, clearly
yes. ...... a.
For no principle in law is better estab-
lished than this, that when important pub
lie interests demand il, private property
may be taken, at fair appraisement, for
public use. The opening of street in inn
proving city, the running of a railroad,
are held, in this and other civilized coun-
tries, to be objects of sufficient Importance
to Justify what The French law calls ap-
preparation Jorcee pour cause dutilite pub
Gc ~ f G ~s+sg-..
But of importance howautterly trivial is
the opening of a street, or of railroad,
compared TO the preservation, in its integ-
riiy, of the greatest republic upon earth
Ought we to declare general emancipa-
tiOn, coupled with provision for the pay
meDt, TO all loyal Shareholders. of the fairly
appraised value of their slaves This ques-
tion resolves itself into another. Have
things gone so far that the Union, in its
peaceful integrity, and negro-slavery within
its borders,a can no longer CO. exist (? That
is THE GREAT QUESTION OF THE DAY. think
it must be answered, even now, in the af-
frmative. Every month that passes is con-
verting hundreds of thousands Of moderate
aud conservative and peace-lovipg men to
the same opinion. They despair of Section
al friendship or national peace, until The
teeming cause of mortal hatred and civil
war is rooted out for ever.
Have we the means of paying loyal slave-
owners fair price for their slaves If we
act now, before aprOtracted contest has ex-
hausted our resources, yes. If we wait the
termination of a three or four years war,
very certainly, no. W
ln that price deportation must not be es-
timated. The South asserts that negro
slaves are indispensable to her. That is
only so far true, that she. does absolutely
need hired negro workmen, aud ought not
TO be deprived of them. Her agriculture
would, for time, be ruined without them.
But no good man desires settlement under
which any section of our country would be
even temporarily ruined.
Nor can it be doubted that the South,
however strong her prejudices and tradI-
tions in favor of owning her laborers, bas
herself been brought, by the perils of the
hour, to think seriously of change of sys-
tenn, as the only means left her TO obtain
aid and comfort from Europe. Nor can all
her leaders be wholly blind to the fact, that
such change of system would advance, in
the end, beyond calculation, her material
prosperity. Suppose declaration, to the
necessity of self-preserVaticn, takes, at q
fair valuation, the slave property of the
South Will such declaration cause q
negro insurrection and indiscriminate assas-
sination of whites throughout slave
States? The result, SO far, has clearly
shown that the negro, mild and long-suf.
feriDg, and often attached to his owner is
little disposed to resist under an organizd-
ton OF his own. Once assured of freedom,
he will gradually join our cause-tbat is
all. He can then, be hired as laborer or
soldier, as may seem 6i-payment being
made for him, if his master proves to be
loyal, and his services being coutscated if
these are due 10 rebel. In all this We are
clearly in our right. 81 4
Look now at the question in its foreign
aspect, under the chances Of European IN
. teryention. Be those. chances great OF
small, intervention may occur, and that
ere long.
If it occur, its character will chiefly de-
pend upon what shall have been the auIece-
/ dent action of our government in regard lo
I, slavery. ~ =
|. If, previously TO such intervention, we
shall have issued a general declaration oi
emancipation, then we shall stand before
/. Europe as the champions of human liberty,
while our enemies will be regarded Gs the
advocates of human servitude. Public
opinion in England, in France and through.
out Europe, generally, will then prevent
the respective governments from interFen.
ing, except il be in our favor. Nc Euro
pean government dare place itself in the at
titnde of a slavery protector.
If, on the contrary, we shall have left ths
only by the Contscation act, not broadly
and boldly announced, aud more especially
if the South, departing of saving her ia.
vori,e institution, comedies, as the price o
foreign recognition and support, voluu
iary system of gradual emsncipation-no
at all an unlikely mose--then the sympa.
thy of public opinion throughout Europ,
will be With the South and will sustain
| any action in her favor.
Think, too in such an event, how falls
our position how low we shall have fall
en- in the eyes of the world how unenvis
! BILE the place we shall occupy in histor,
throughout all time
1t is idle gasconade to say that, thus stu
uated, we can defy Europe. Let the Soutl
by. conceding emancipation, secure th
sympathy and the permanent services o
her four millious of laborers, without actio
of ours then throw in:o the scale sgsins
US the thirty millions of Eogland, the fort
1 millions of France-and who shall say hoy
many tens of millions besides ?-and whs
chance for success, or for reputation, sha
we have, struggling for nothing noble
than self-existerce. in equivocal attitud
before the world, matched against orpc
nents who shall have forestalled US and aC
sumed the initiative of progress2
/ While the contest assumes no hight
character than that of portion of a gre,
nation desiring the separation from ii
| ,rotbar nonntrv nnd fnreihlvs caet;p,r oer !;