Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-07-28

our action in this particular has given, or could
give, encouragement to the rebellion. The res
olution has passed; and if there be virtue in il,
it will be quite as eficacious as if we had voted
for il. We have no power to bind our States in
this respect by our votes here; and whether we
had voted the one way or the other. they are in
the same condition of freedom to accept or rejecs
its provisions. No, sir; the war has not been
prolonged or hindered by our action on this or
any other measure. We must look for other
causes for that lamented fact. We think there
is not much difficulty, not much uncertainty, in
pointing out Others far more probable and potent
in their agencies to that end.
The rebellion derives its strength from the
union of all classes in the lnsurgent States; and
while that union lasts the war will never end I'M
til they are utterly exhausted. We know that at
the inception of these troubles Southern society
was divided, and that a large portion, perhaps a
majority, were opposed to secession. Now the
great mass of Southern people are united. To
discover why they are so, we must glance at
Southern society, and notice the classes into
which il has been divided. and which still distin,
guish it. They are in arms, but not for the same
objects; they are moved to a common end, but
by different and even inconsistent reasons. The
leaders, which omprehends what was previously
known as the State Rights party, and is much
the lesser class, seek to break down national in
dependence, and set up State domination. With
them It a war against nationality. The other
class is fighting, as it suppOses, to MAINTAIN and
preserve the rights OF property and domestic
safety, which it has been made TO believe are as
sailed by this Government. This latter class are
not disunionists per Sc; they are so only because
they have been made to believe that this Admin
istratiOn is inimical to their rights, and is making
war on their domestic institutions. As long as
these two classes act together, they will never as
sent to peace. The policy, then, to be pursued
is obvious The former class will never DE rec
onciled, but the latter may be. Remove their
apprehensiOns, satisfy them that no harm is in
tended TO them and their institutions: that this
Government is not making war on their rights of
property, but is simply defending its legitimate
authority. and they will gladly return to their al
legiance as soon as the pressure of military dom
nation imposed by the Confederate authority is
removed from them.
Twelve months ago, both Houses OF Congress,
adopting the spirit of your message, then but re-
Gently sent in, declared with singular unanimity
the object of the war, and the country instantly
bounded TO your side to assist you in carrying it
on. If the spirit of that resolution had been ad
hered to we are confident that we should before
now have seen the end of this deplorable conflict.
But what have we seen2 In both Houres of
Congress we have heard doctrines subversive of
the principles of the Constitution and seen meas
ure after measure founded in substance on those
OOClAllCo DIODOcCu Hlu II llIOuHu, WHICH
can have no other effect than to distract and d.
vide loyal men. and exasperate and drive still
further from us and their duty the people of the
rebellious States. NJ litary officers, following
these bad examples. have stepped beyond the
just limits of their authority in the same direc-
ton, until in several instance you have felt the
necessity of interfering to arrest them. And
even the passage of the resolution - which you
refer has been SYSTEMATICALLY proclaimed as the
| t.;rrorb 81 N n.,,o,,1o vrb;ob tLo .oo.lo - A.
Southern States regard as ruinOus to them. The
effect OF these measures was foretold, and may
now be seen in the indurated state OF Southern
feeling.
To these causes, Mr.. President, and not to our
omission TO vote for the resolution recommended
by you, we solemnly believe we are to attribute
the terrible earnestness of those in arms against
tire Government aud the continuance of the war.
Nor do we (permit US to say, Mr.. President. with
all respect for you.) agree that the institution of
slavery is 1.-THE lever of their power" but we are
of the opinion that "the lever of their power" is
the apprehension that the powers of a common
Government. created for common and equal pro-
lection to the interests of all, will be welded
against the institutions of the Southern States.
There is one other idea in your address We feel
called on to notice. After stating the fact of
your Reputation of General Hunters proclama
ton, you add:
th, III tCpuNtdtihS ", Il SdNC DISQUALIFICATION,
1t not often; e, TO many whose support the coun-
try cannot afford to lose. And this is not the
end of it. The pressure in this direction is
still upon me, and is increasing. By cOnce-
ding what | now ask, you can relieve me, and
much more, can relieve the country on this i'm
portant point"
We have anxiously looked into this passage to
discover its true import, but we are yet in pain
full uncertainty. How can we, by conceding what
xn, oh ral.ov uon aud the ,,,t gn,r ~ =,
creasing pressure to which you>refer? We will
not allow ourselves to think that the proposition
is that we consent to give up slavery. to the end
that the Hunter proclamation IN " be let loose on
the Southern people, for il is too well known that
we would not be parties to any such measure, and
we have too much respect for you to imagine
that you would propose it. Can il mean that by
sacrificing our interest in slavery we appease the
spirit that controls that pressure. cause it to be
Withdrawn, and rid the country of the p~estilent
agitation of the slavery question? We are for
hidden SO to think, for that spirit would not be
satisfied with the liberation of seven hundred
thousand slaves, and cease its agitation, while
three millions remain in bondage. Can il mean
that by abandoning slavery in our States, we are
removing the pressure from you and the country,
by preparing for a separation on the line of the
Cotton States2 We are forbidden so to think
because il is known that we are, and we believe
Nhot 1Ou hNC ODDOcCu W u uiNlS-Ou
at all. We would prefer to think that you de-
sire this concession as a pledge OF our support.
and thus enable you to Withstand a pressure that
weighs heavily on you and the country. Mr..
President, no such sacrifice is necessary to Sc
cure our support. COnfine yourself to your con
stitutional authority; conine your subordinates
within the sameS limits; conduct this war solely
for the purpose Of restoring the Constitution to
its legitimate authority: concede to each State
and its loval cifizanS thar inst ritthtc aud vo ara
welded to you by indissOluble ties. Do this, Mr..
President, and you touch the American heart and
invigorate il with new hope. You will, as we
sclemnly believe, in due time restore peace to
your country, lift it from dependency to a future
glory, and preserve to your countrymen, their pos
terity, and man, the inestimable treasure of con-
stitutional government.
Mr.. President, we have stated with frankness
and candor the reasons on which we forbOre to
vote for the resolution you have mentiored; but
you have again presented this proposition, and
appealed to us, with an earneStness and el0quence
which have not failed to impress us, to consider
it, and at the least to commend it to the conside
ration of our States and people" Thus appealed
to by the Chief Magistrate of our beloved cGun-
Try, in the hour of its greatest peril, we can not
wholly decline. We are willing to trust every
question relating to their interests and happiness
to the consideration and ultimate judgment of
our own people. While differing from YOU as to
the necessity of emancipating the slaves of our
States rs a means OF putting down the rebellion.
and while protesting against the propriety OF any
extra territorial interference TO induce the people
ofour States to adopt any particular line of poll
ey on IA subject which PECULIARLY and exclusively
belongs to them, yet when you and our brethren
OF the loyal States sincerely believe that the re-
t%ention of slavery by us is an obstacle to peace
and national harmony, and are willing to con-
tribute pecuniary aid to compensate our States