Fremont journal. [volume] (Fremont, Sandusky County [Ohio]) 1853-1866, 1862-05-30
The PrcsIdenVs ProcIama,Ion.

The President who, strangely enough, has
fallen into the common error Of calling General
Hunters simple military order a proclamation,
tells the public that he does not approve the
policy of that order at this time and that it is
accordingly revoked. As Commander-i Chief
Of the army and navy, as well as the first civil
magistrate he reserves TO himself the disposal
of the whole question Of slavery He warns his
subordinates not to interfere with the manage
ment oft which he has proposed to himself and
in their various military regulations to confine
themselves to matters Of camp police, strategy
and tactics. Mr. Lincoln evidently considers
the power Of the government over slavery
weapon which he Alone overlooking the whole
ground, is competent to WELD, and which shall
not be used until such time and in such man.
ner as he may deem most effective.
| In other words, we understand the President
TO intimate to his Generals that they are to con-
fine themselves rigidly to the discharge of their
military duties, expressing no opinion as TO the
people called slaves, ,and making no rules as to
their peculiar relations. If this be so, his posi-
tion is in strict accordance with military custom
and law. A general commanding an army in
hostile country must regard the inhabitants, not
in their various political or social relations, but
simply in the character of friends or enemies.
When he proclains martial law, especially, the
usual distinctions are abrogated by the very act,
and persons are known in no other character
than as they stand affected towards his military
supremacy. This is true of slaves as of others.
II they approach our lines as friends, they are
to be treated as friends; if they come enemies,
they must be met as enemies. They are not to
be repulsed; they are not to be returned under
the supposed obligations of any civil law; but
are to be disposed ofas the military necessities
ofthe time and place require.
We only wish the President had taken the
occasion TO announce this doctrine when several
of our offciOus commanders interfered in behal
of slavery, instead of doing it when one of then
interiors in behalf of freedom. 1t has an un.
gracious aspect towards freedom, and will leaC
many to suppose that the PRESIDENT is favorabl,
inclined 10 an institution which in reality h
, abhors. large part of the unrehecting publ
will take the fact of his action and not the reas
r ons of it, and make false inference in regard {
the intention of the government. Already th
> semi-secession journals which lose oppOrtun
ity for playing into the hands of the rebel lead
ers, declare that the Administration is positively
opposed to every disturbance of the relation o
master aud slave.
But this is a wanton perversion of Mr.. Lin.
, coins position and words. He finds no faul
with the intention of Hunters order; he utter!
no rebuke of its terms; he merely says that
subordinate has assumed functions reserved L
the Commander-in-C Chief and undertaken wha
the latter does not as yet deem expedient. Tbt
President has his own plan for the removal Of
slavery; he does not wish to extinguish it by
force if he can avoid it; he asks the people oi
the States to initiate and manage gradual alb.
clifton; he offers them the entire cooperation
of the general government in the work, and he
uIees it upon them, not only in eloquent words
but in significant menaces.
Better perhaps than any other man in thu
Union Mr.. Lincoln sees that this war, which
slavery has provoked, must put an end to it
cause. 1t may be a conclusive, or it may be
! peaceabe end, and the President inclines to max
1t the latter. There is yet time for the inhabit
ants ofthe border States to inaugurate a systeT
of emancipation which shall be as beneficial I
e themselves as to the bondmen; he coniures thel
D. to take advantage of il; but he does not concei
n his belief that now is the accepted time, an
that if they do not avail themselves of the offe
there must be a fearful looking-f for ofjudgment
The meaning of the last paragraph of tn
Presidential monition is unmistakable. sol
emner warning was never addressed to any peo
pie than it addresses to the slave states 1t tell
. them that by timely resolution, they may d.
an infinite good, in a practicable and peaceful
way. But it also tells them that il they delay
posterity may have to lament their blindnes
and inaction. And more significant than all
the President intimates that the exgency ma,
yet come when he shall consider it indispensable
2 TO the maintenance of the government TO exer
s else whatever powers he may possess in tn
6 premises. That time, indeed approaches NOR
- and more rapidly with every minute of stubborn
9 resistance to the federal authority. Should i
be prolonged until our troops are drawn int
4 the unhealthy regions Of the South-until tn
. whole North clanors for the protection of th
lives Of its brave sons from pestilence and feve
or until, perhaps, foreign nations begin to en-
Is force their mute threats of intervention-M
i Lincoln, patient, forbearng moderate as he
will be compelled to act on the necessities
which he speaks, and strike the final blow.