Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1862-04-12

South. He could see 10 possible danger to
French interests IN the adoption Of the amend
ment. There were many questions that caused
division in the House, but that before them was
one IN which all ought to join in common &C
cord.
N Olivier-Well said.
NJ Caivet Rognoit should abstain from ex-
pressing sympathy with either the n nth OF
Tie South, and discuss the question oulv with
reference to the interests of French commerce.
which was ia a state of great suffering. The
working classes of Lyons, ST. Etenue. Rousn.
Lille and many other cities were in cruel ais
tre5s by reason OF the interruption of their ex-
pOrtatiOns TO America. At Lyons. for exam
pie, with a produce of six hundred to seven hun
dTed millions, the expectation had fallen from
five hundred to one hundred and seventy-fye
millions. 1t was in presence of distress which
was beyond the relief Of the government or of
private charity that he would ask if the COM
marce Of neutrals ought to continue 20 be inter
dicted, under pretext that there was a blockade
Of the southern ports. France had always sup
ported two principles essential to the liberty OF
the sess-that the flag covers the merchandise,
and that an inefficient blockade must not be
recognized. Those principles had been def
nltely consecrated b. article four of the treaty Of
Paris. From the date of the treaty. Of West
phalia down to 1885, there had been many
] LiUdtlNN VI tDLlliAbItts anu twenty-five OF lheIu
gave q definition of the blockade to the effect
that a port was not blockajed unless there were
real danger to ships attempting TO enter. Ar
tlcla four OF the treaty of Paris was still more
explicit but he feared there might yet be dis
putes on the subject when he found Mr.. Marcy,
the American Secretary Of State, writing on the
18th OF July, 1856, to the French minister at
Washington, thst the government gave its as
sent to article four, but that the difficulty would
always be to ind out the quartum of force
requisite 70 constitute an effective blockade.
Now, a blockade, continued the honorable
member, is, evidently, Ineffective when there is
only one vessel before the port. That is what is
! called a paper blockade a sort of blockade that
was maintained by England and imposed on us
after the rupture of the peace of Anxious in 1903
But, between a paper blockade and a blockade
enforced by an effective hOtilla, there are many
intermediate ones, which, without absolutely
preventing an entrance to a port, may yet con-
stitute a danger to those VINO attempt it. Now,
/ wish to examine whether the blockade of the
southern ports is maintained by a force respecta-
bic enough to constitute this danger. l assert,
said the speaker, that it is not, and think that no
more conclusive proof of my assertion can be
| given than the very long catalogue of ships OF
all sorts which have entered or quilted those
ports since the notification Of the blockade.
Authentic accounts, letters from honorable mer-
chants and ship0wners, show that any ships
leaving for South America can be insured by a
premium of y to 10 per cent. The honorable
member went on to say that Earl Russell had
written a dispatch to Admiral Lyons to the
effect that, although many ships had forced 8
passage, still the blockade Of the port Of Charles
ton had been regularly announced aud that, as
ships Of the American navy had been charged
with It's maintenance, there was round to regard
1t as effective.
In that dispatch Lord Russell departed widely
from the declarations Of the Paris Treaty, and
from the language Of the circular of the French
Minister Of Commerce. Without wishing 20 re-
vive any antagenism, he (the speaker could not
but remark that the principle Of the two nations
in the blockade question had always been diver
gent. England had accepted the Treaty of Paris
but how did she interpretive fourth article. Only
a few days ago the solicitor general reDUdiated
with disdain the new doctrine concerning the
blockade, and Mr.. Gregory told the House Of
Commons that the nOn-oD5ervaJion Of the Treaty
Of Paris was q deception for the Confederate
States and an ambuscsds for the interests of com,
meTce throughout the world. Earl Russell had
declared in the House of Lords that the block
ale Of the American ports had been effective
nom the fifteenth Of August, while the dispatch,
es of Mr.. Bunch, the English Consul at Charles.
ton, said thay it was notso. Under such circUm
stances, would il not be the right and The duty OF
| France TO resume her Commercial relations with
the ports Of the United States, without, however
renouncing her ueUtraHty2 No one could recog.
nize the odiOus plan of the blockade by the de
]stIucton Of the entrances to the port, which
might forever iujure an important source Of pros
perIty for the whole world.
NJ. Crauier &c Cassagnac, is member Of the
committee, wished TO say a few words on the
4ararlvnarrF lra r0uTuF-uUV ID. g hLnL-TsHg.-
Of slavery was a question of administration OF
Of internal policy, and if France were 10 express
d wish that slavery should be suppressed in
America, it would be an act Of interference with
the affairs Of a foreign country. After having
done SO ia America, France might next do the
same for tue Spanish posse sions, next for the
Dutch, and then Brazil, Siam, and, in short, fol
every part Of the world where slavery still eX.
listed. France had smancipated her own colon
ies, and the other powers were free TO initiate
.er if they chose, but she could not interfere
with them. Hear, hearl
Viscouut Auatole Lemercier observed that, in
presenting the amendment under discussion, the
authors of it were DESTROYS of respecting the
sentiments expressed in the address, and they
merely added a wish which they thought to be
that OF the whole chamber. They now desired
70 add after the words d" speedy termination -
the following And that the great principle OF
the abolition Of slavery may come out victorious
from the struggle entered into on the subject"
By so doing they only expressed their abhOr-
renee Of slavery, and the chamber would do well
to adopt the amendment.
Count De Troneiin could not admit that
slavery was the sole cause that had led to the
crisis in America the motive was also that the
South wished to manage their own affairs with
out being n]terlered with, and in his opinion,
European commerce could not fail to benefit by
the realization of that desire. He feared that,
although civil war might cease, the numerous
volunteers who had been for 50 long accustomed
TO camp life, would not readily return to their
more peaceful avocatiOns, and that troubles and
disorders would long exist.
VI. Norm ode Ia Drome) could not agree with
N. Granier do Cassagnsc, that the abolition Of
slavery was only a question of administration
Il was one which essentially interested the right
Of nations. Slaves were Christians.
NJ Grauier de Cassagnac-The African slaves
were not so.
NJ. ~Billsut-TwO questions have been mixed
/ up in this discussion, and l am DESTROYS of say
ing d few words on each. One OF the honorable
members has expressed doubts As to whether the
| blockade established by the Northern States is
effective, and appears to see an opposition be-
tween English and French tendencies ON the
subject. Such is not the case. The principles
ldIQ down Dy Tue Two governments rs 70 the COu-
! ditiOns necessary TO render the blockade effective
have been actually accepted. Earl Russell has
laid down the principle that tbs blockade is
| effective. The reason was that considerable pru-
dence is necessary in this American question,
and that it is important that the powers interest
ed should act i'm concert. Those powers do not
tbipk that the effective character of the blockade
can BIZ denied, and they respect it. The French
government cannot feel surprise at the sympa-
thy which has been expressed on the great ques-
ton of the abolition Of slavery, for it shares in it.
| When the scourge of slavery atiicts a country
we may advise its suppression, but we cannot 20
farther. Adhesion DO you, who advocate
neutrality, think that 1t would be prudent and
polite. in an address in which you express a
wish to see an end put to the disturbances in
America, to add words in favor Of the abolition
of slavery Certainly not. We express wishes
in aa equal degree for the North and for the
Sonth. for we desire to see an end Of the civil
. war, and that brand Of discOrd ~e1tinguished
which has Set FIRE to the country. Hear, hear
Barren De Ravinel did not intend TO c~riticise
A., .o-5f,r Of narapruh FIVE. hut he should