New Orleans daily crescent. [volume] ([New Orleans, La.]) 1851-1866, 1862-03-25
NUMBER IS.

..:.ss RI -. NUMBER 1S. |
@The capital was garrisoned. The new apresi,
new and purel,1oSsl administration. They found
the disohionsss Psrseyeringly engaged In raising
armies and laying s,sges around national fortidca
Tn T1ns E.n .1s .sey of disaeeted States
everywherc except where M presence was neces-
sary; and sach Of the military force az were not
in the remote States and Territories were held
fstes which bad been informally contsscted by The
hate President or under his authority, with view
to postpone tie conflict until impraeteahle con.
cessions to disanion should be made by Congress,
Or at least unt' The waning term Of his Admfassa.
ton should reach its appointed end. GomnsisS
soners who had been sens by the new ConfedsIa-
cy were already - the capital, demanding reeeg..
milton Of rs sovssetgnty, and partition Of the
depleted by robbery and speculation, was ex-,
hausted and the Raes srsas g vas ,ps II
what he could mot believe, as this dispatch was
net only intend publication bat has actually
been published: =, s : Nj i.5s s,, .s,.tat - u
3 8 You will not be expected to promulgate this
history, or to communicate il to the British Gov
views, which have tErs sci forth, in order to sena
Bile you to understand the policy which be pro-
10 it,'
Having thus, as he says, at greater length than
we can now quote stpresented the disunion nove-l
ment dispassonately and without misrepresenting
It's proportions or its character" Mr., Seward in
forms Mr. Adams that the President, thinking that
the citizens of the secediaga otter slave States
'sare too coHsderate, wise and follow
their leaders to that disaarious end1 "would not
be disposed to reject q cardinal dogma Of theirs.
namely, that the Federal Government could not
reduce the seeding States to obedience by con
quest, even although he were disposed to question
that proposition. But, in fact, the President ac-
ssps i a. true Only n imperial oE
sfeetea and insurrectonary members of the State.
This Federal Republican system Of ours is, Of all
ferms Of Government, the very enc that ia most
ia only an imaginary defect. The system has,
within ITSELF adequate, peaesful conservative and
EecuperatiTe forces.H He adda: keeping chat
remedy steadily in view, The President, on The one
into allegiance, nor will he on the other; aggsavatea
existing evils by attempts at coercion, which must
assume the form Of direct war against any of the
revolutionary States.n
4 But hecontinnes with an inconsistency almost
amusing when translated into plain, English, but
which we can now see interpreted as intended by
Hilton Head and Hatteras and Donelson:
it is by prudence as well aspatrotsm, the scourge
Of civil war for the first time in our history mnat
fall upon the country during the term Of this Ads
ministration that calamity will then have come
/ of those who shall have chosen tosbe its armed,
open and irreconcilable enemes and he will not
suffer himself to doubt that when the value Of the
imperiIed Union shall be brought in that fearful
manner home to the business and the bosoms (bus.s
iness frst) of the American people, they will, with
an unanimity that shall vindicate their wisdom and
their virtue, rise up and save it, [lb..6s.
But this spirit Of equivocation, this apparent
direct language, gives way before circumstances.
For, on Nay 4th, he writes to Mr.. Dayton: u. !
"1he time when these questions had any per-
tinency or plausibility has passed away. The
ity was deHed in turbulent assemblies and in sedi-
tiOus preparations willing to hope that mediation
offered on all sides, would conciliate andfsinduce
the dsaffected parties to return to better mind.
insurgents have einstituted revolution with open ia
grant, deadly war, 10 compel the United States to
aequiesce in the dismemberment of the Union The
| United States have accepted this civil war as an
| inevitable necessity The constitutional remedies
for all the complaints Of the insurgents are still
open to them, and will remain SO. But, on tho
other hand, the land and naval forces Of the Union
have been put into activity to restore the Federal
| authority, and to save the Union from danger.
tYou cannot be too decided or too explicit in
making known to the French Government that
idea existing in this Government Of suffering dis
solution of this Union to take place in any way
whatever" sMr. Seward to Mr.. Dayton, page lsl
What has become now of the creed which, on
4 a
| only an imperial and despotic Government could
subjugate thoroughly disaffected and insurreeting
members Of the Staten-that" /" this Feeeral Repub.
can system of ours is of all forms Of Government.
the very one that Is most untitled forsuch labor M
| Time isfa great teacher, but generally slow one,
1 and surely creed SO positively avowed ought to
have had vtaltyto live longer than three weeks.
It's true that the bombardment Of Fort Sumter had
| occurred in the meanwhile but it is now clear
| enough that this Indignation did not come of the
battle, but that the battle was nstigated to justify
the Indignation. For history will not forget the
belsaenred b fortress: We shall strive to do our
duty, though frankly say that my heart is not in
this war, which see is to be thus commenced"
| 1t is impossible to quote at length the general
! Instructions Of Mr.. Seward to Mr.. Adams in Lon.
| On the subject Of the Morrill, Tariff, ,fMr. Seward
suggests to Mr.. Adams dilemma which is very
scholastic utscarcely suited the sense
of Manchester and Liverpool. British eensors tel
US that the new tariff is unwse for ourselves. II SO
it will speedily be repealed They say it Ia ilibera
1 and injurious to Great Britain. It cannot be &c
upon her principles without being also injurious to
and in that VIII be grSm re-
this argumentum ad hominen:-
"The British Empire itself is an aggregation oi
divers communities, which cover large portion'oi
the earth and embrace one;ffth Of Its entire popu-
lation Some at least of these communities are
held to their places in that system by bonds as
fragile as the obligations of our Federal Union. The
strain will some time come which is to- try the
strength of these bonds, though it will be Of diff
ferent kind from that which is trying the cords Of
our Confederation. Would it be wise for Hel
Maiesty's Government on this occasion to set {
dangerous precedent or proyoke- retaliation? |
Scotland and Ireland are at last reduced to quie
contentment, has Great Britain no dependency
island or province, left exposed along the whol'
wall of her empire, from Gibraltar through tht
West Indies and Canada, till it begins again on tht
I,Southern extremity of Africa" [lbid, page 63.
While, through Mr.. Dayton. he suggests TO tn
Emperor of the French train of thought tina
seems absolutely ironical, and that wonld be amos
{ worthy of prosecution in q Paris journal:
Howeyerother Europeans powers may mistake
his Majesty is the last of those soyereISns t
misapprehend the nature of this controversy. III
knows that the revolution of 1885, in this country
8 was asuccessfnl contest of the great American
idea of free popular Government against resistIn
! prejudces and errors. He knows that the eonflic
n awakened, the sympathies Of mankind, and tina
ultimately The triumph of that idea has been halle
9 by all European naiions. He knows at what COS
7 European nations resisted for q time the progres
Z ofthat idea, and perhaps is not unwilling to col
!, fess how much France, especially, has'profted
J. Fiji. He will notfail TO recognize the pressure
L that one great idea in the present conflict, nor W
g. he mistake the side on which it will be found.