Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-10-06
INDIANAPOLIS, IND, MONDAY OCTOBER 6, 1862

Is, and the Union as 1T was and whose zeal
for the preservation Of the country sacrificed
his life in It's prime.
The history of the Convention which nom-
mated Mr.. Douglas, plainly shows that the
champions of secession had no hope to carry
the people of the South with them, save by
defeating the candidate of the Democratic
party. The whole tone and temper of the
Republican leaders and press at the North,
before and during the session of the Conven-
ton, plainly shows that they had no hope of
electlng their candidate, save by diverting
the South from the Democratic candidate to
the Secession candidate. Thus the action of
the two sectional parties tended to the same
result of the Presidential election Had Mr..
Douglas been elected, secession could not
have prevailed at the South, and the several
aims of both sectional parties would have
been alike defeated.
The result was the defeat of Mr. Douglas,
and the election of the Republican candidate.
We have no personal objection to the distin-
guished gentleman who now sits in the seat of
Washington. His election was perhaps less
mischievous than that of any other prominent
Republican. The evil of his election belongs
to his party, not to himself. The good he has
done is in great degree personal to him.
Republican as he is, he has not forgotten his
old national patriotism. If he has not always,
he has often, resisted the abolition element in
his party, and stemmed the tide of its revou-
tionary course. In this he has done the
country immeasurable service; and we hope
that he will continue to stand as a barrier as
well as against the most destructive faction of
his own party. as against the armed enemy of
the Union. The responsibilities of his posi-
ton are such as might awe any man; and in
all his efforts to sustain the Constitution against
revolution and innovation, he has our hearty
sympathy and support.
The election was the signal for the move
ment of secession. II was no excuse for the
guilt of disunion. The insincerity and bad
faith of the leaders in the movement is
demonstrated by the fact that in both
Houses of Congress there was a safe
majority against the Republican party. But
the truth is, that the apostles of secession
were traitors at heart, Independent of the
election; and that they wanted and used the
election only as lever to precipitate the
South from its allegiance. They duped the
South into the belief that the entire people of
the North were infected with the leprosy of
abolition.
As it was, we fully believe that the majority
of the whole Southern people stood loyal to
the Union, and that in no seeding State, ex-
cept South Carolina, was the ordinance of Sc
cesson fairly carried before the people.
The election of Mr.. Lincoln, though effected
by minority of votes, was carried in all the
forms of the Constitution, was obligatory upon
all the States and people thereof, was no pal
Eation for the unhallowed act of secession,
was no ground for the risks, sufferings, hor-
rors, and ruin of the most shameless and de-
y IL \
ilized man.
The standard of revolt was raised, and civil
war began. Whatever may have been the
relative guilt of the two sectional parties in
the causes which prepared the South for rev.
olution, the sole guilt in the war itself rests
with the Southern party of secession.
Congress has declared the war is waged by
the Government of the United States, not in
the spirit of conquest or subjugation, nor for
the purpose of overthrowing or interfering
with the rights or institutions of the States,
but TO defend and maintain the supremacy of
the Constitution, and to preserve the Union
with all the dignity. equality and rights of the
several States unimpaired; and that as soon as
these objects are accomplished, the war ought
to cease. Thus carried on, the war is not only
expedient, but necessary; not only justifable,
but holy. 1t is defensive war. 1t is a war
of self-preservaton. Disunion, once success
full, would be recurring evil; and instead of
leaving a Northern Union and Southern
Confederacy, would continue its destructive
career until all Of the States would be broken
and discovered. until the whole country would
be distracted by petty sovereignties and wasted
by petty warfare. We cannot calmly con-
template disunion. We know and love the
blessings OF Union, but no human eye can
penetrate the dark and terrible future which
lies beyond the grave OF the Constitution.
The war for the preservation of the ConStitu-
ton has all our sympathies, all our hopes, and
all our energies.
But we have right to demand, it is our
duty to demand, and we do demand, that this
war be carried on by the Government for the
Constitution alone, and under the Constitution
alone. To that end, amongst others, we retain
our political organization, and will use our
best efforts from time to time and at all times,
to regain for the Democratic party, under the
forms and sanctions of the Constitution, the
control of the legislative and executive de-
partments of the Government OF the United
States.
In the meantime, the war must be carried
on, and sustained with all the energies of the
United States, and the people thereof. No
blood or treasure is too dear price to re-pur-
chase the Union inherited from our fathers,
and to transmit unimpaired to our children.
1t is not our province to relate the history
of the war, or to criticise its movements.
Many hundreds of thousands of our loyal
brethren have patriotically gone forth to bat
tie for the Union. All have done nobly, all
have suffered nobly, many have died nobly.
The angel of death has made bloody vacancies
in many a Northern home. Few have es-
capped without the loss of some near or dear
friend. American liberty has been re-bap-
tized in loyal blood; and hundreds of thou
sands of loyal men are now in the field, or
fastening thither, to conquer or die for the
Constitution. We owe it to the memory OF
the dead, we owe it to the living hosts in the
field, we owe it above all to the Constitution,
to respond with cheerful alacrity to every
constitutional call for men, to submit to every
constitutional exaction of treasure. We owe
all that we have, and all that we are, to the
Union; we must pay the whole debt If it be
necessary.
But war is not our whole duty. We owe a
political debt to the Constitution, and that too
must be paid. We adopt the language OF
Gen. jackson, that war alone cannot preserve
the Constitution against disunion. War can,
and we hope speedily will, subdue the armies
of the revolted States. War can, and we
hope speedily will, disarm every traitor, pos
sess every place of strength, and uphold the
grand old flag on every flagstaff in the United
States. But when war shall have accom-
! plished all that war can do, the Union will
not be fully restored. The participation OF