Bellows Falls times. [volume] (Bellows Falls, Vt.) 1856-1965, 1862-12-12

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! country, and by precisely so mueh you in
crease the demand fr, ard wages Of white
labor.
But il is declared that the freed people
, will swarm forth and cover the whole land
Are Il ey not already in the land VIII
liberation make them any more numerous
/, Equally distributed among ,he whites oil
the whole country, and there would be but
one colorvd man to seven white mn. Could
the one in any way greatly disturb the sew
en-? There are many communities now
having more thar one free eolored person
10 seven whites, and this without any APP
parent consciousness Of evil from it, The
District of Columbia aud the states OF Mary
land and Delaware are all in this condition.
The District has more than one free colored
10 six whites, and yet in its frequent pell-
tons to Congress, l believe it has never
presented the presence of free coored per-
sons as one Of lis grievances. But Why
should emancipation South send the freei
people North? People of any color sell
dom run unless there be something 10 run
from. Heretofore colored people TO SOME
extent have fed north from bondage and
desituiion. But if gradual emancipation
and deportation be adopted. they will have
neither to flee from. Their old masters
will give them wages, at least until new la
borers can be procured, ard the freed men
in turn will gladly give their labor for the
wages, until new homes can be fou1d for
! them in congenial cimes, and with people
of their own blood and race. This PROPOSE
ton can be trusted in the mutual interests
! involved, and in any event cannot the North
decide for itself, whether to receive them
again, as practice proves more than theory
in any case. Has there been any Eruption
of colored people northward because Of the
adjustment of slavery in this district last
spring? What have said of the proper
tion Of free colored persons to the whites
in the district, is from the census Of 1860,
having no reference TO persons called con-
irabands, nor to those made free by the acl
OF Congress abolshing slavery here.
THE QUICKEST WAY TO OBTAIN PEACE.
The plan consisting of these articles is
recommended, not but that a restoration Of
the national authority would be accepted
without its adoption, nor will the war nor
proceedings under the proclamation of Sep
TENDER 22d. 1862, be stayed because of the
recommendation of this plan. It's timely
adoption, doubt not, would bring restora-
ton, and thereby stay both, and notwih-
standing this plan, the recommendation that
Congress provides by law for compensating
any state which may adopt emancipation
before this plan shall have been acted upon,
is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would
only be an advance part of the plal, and
the same arguments apply TO both. This
plan is recommended as means, not in ex-
restoring and preserving the national au-
thorty throughout the Union. The sub
ject is presented exclus lively in its econom-
icsl aspect. The plan would, am conf
dent. secure peace more speedily than can
be done by force alone. While it would
cost Jess, considering the amounts and man
ner of payment, and times of payment, and
The amounts would be easier paid than will
be the additional cost of the war if we re-
y solely upon force, it IS most likely, very
likely, that ii would cause no blood al ALL
The plan is proposed as permanent, consti-
utional law. 1t cannot become such with
out the concurrence of, first, two-thrds of
and afterwards three-fourths of
the states. The requisite three-fou:ths Of
states will necessarily include seven of the
slave states. Their concurrence, if obtained,
will give assurance Of their severally adopt
ing emancipation al no distant day, upon
the new constitutional terms. This assur-
ance would end the struggle now and save
tho IInion foreyer
EMANCIPATION URGED UpoN CONGRESS.
do not forget the gravity which shoald
characterize paper addressed to he Con-
gress of the nation by the chief magistrate
,af the nation nor do forget that some of
y0ksaye my seniors, nor that many Of you
have more cxperience than in the con-
duet Of public affairs. Yet trust that in
view Of the great responsibility resting up
on me, you will perceive no want Of respect
TO yourselves in any undue earnestness |
may seem TO display. Is it doubted, then
that the plan ! propose, if adopted, would
shorten the war, and thus lessen its ex-
penditure Of money and Of blood Is it
doubted that It would restore the national
authority and national prosperity, and per-
petuate both indefinitely! Is it doubted
that we here, Congress and executive, can
secure its adoption Will not the good
people respond to a united and earnest APP
peal from us /? Can we, can they, by any
other means SO certainly or SO speedily as
sure these vital objects? We can succeed
only by concert. 1t is not, can any of us
imagine better, but can we all do better?
Object whatsoever is possible, still the ques-
ron recurs, can we do better? The dog
mas Of the quiet past are inadequate to the
stormy present. The occasion is piled high
with difficulty. and we must use witt, the
new occasion as our case is, so we mus,
think anew and act anew. We must dis
enthrall ourselves and then we shall save
cur country.
Fellow citizens, we cannot escape history.
We Of this Congress will be remembered
in spite Of ourselves. No personal signifi-
cauce or fnsignificance can spare one or an
other Of US. The fiery trial through which
we pass, viii light US down in honor or dis
homer 10 the latest generation. We say
that we are for the Union. The world will
not forget that, while we say this, we do
know how to save the Union. The world
knows we do know how 10 save it. We,
even we here, hold the power and bear the
responsibility. In giving freedom TO the
slaves, we assure freedom TO the free, hon
orable alike in what we give and what we
preserve. We shall nohly save or meanlv