The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1862-08-01
EMANCIPATION In THE BORDER
STATES.
THE PRESIDENTS APPEAL TO THE
BORDER STATE REPRESENTA-
TIvES, AND THEIR REPLY.

From the National Intelngencer.
The Representatives and Senators of the
Border Slaveholding States having, by
special invitation of the President, been
convened at the Executive Mansion, on
Saturday morning last, Mr.. Lincoln ad.
dressed them as follows, from written pa
per held in his hands:
GENTLEMEN-After the adjournment of
Congress, now near, shall have no oppor.
tunity of seeing you for several months.
Believing that you of the Border States
bold more power for good than any other
equal number OF members, l feel it duty
which cannot justi6ably waive to make
this appeal to you.
intend no reproach or complaint when
assure you that, in my opinion, if you all
bad voted for the resolution in the Gradual
Emancipation Message of last March, the
war would now be substantially ended.
And the plan therein proposed is yet one
of the most potent and swift means of end
ing it. Let the States VIII ch are in the re-
bellion see definitely and certainly, that in
no event will the States you represent ever
join their proposed Contederacy, and they
cannot much longer maintain the contest.
But you cannot diVest them OF their hope
to ultimately have you with them, so long
as you show determination to perpetuate
the institution within your own States.
Beat them at elections as you have over.
wbelmingly done, and, nothing daunted,
they still claim you as their own. You and
know what the lever of their power is.
Break that lever before their faces, and
they can shake you no more forever
Most of you have treated me with kindness
and consideration and | trust you will not
now think l Improperly touch what you
think is exclusively your own, when, for the
sake of the whole country, l ask, " Can
you, for ycur States, do better than to take
the course l urge? Discarding punctnio
and maxims adapted to more manageable
times and looking only to the unprecedent.
ly stern facts of our case, can you do better
in any possible event? You prefer that the
constitutional relation of the States to the
nation shall be practically restored without
disturbance of the institution; and, if this
were done, my whole duty, in this respect,
under the Constitution and my oath of Of
fee, would be performed. But it is not
done, and we are trying to accomplish it
by War. The incidents of the war cannot
be avoided. Ii the war continues long, as
it must if the object be not sooner obtain.
ed, the institution in your States will be
extinguished by mere friction and abrasion
by the mere incidents of the war. 1t will
be gone, and you will have nothing valua-
Bile in lieu of it. Much of its value is gone
already. How much better for you and
your people to take the step which at once
shortens the war, and secures substantial
compensation for that which is sure to be
wholly lost in any other event How much
better to thus save the money which else
sink forever in the war How much bet
ter to do it while we can, lest the war ere
long render US pecuniarily unable to do it |!
How much better for you, as seller, and the
nation as buyer, to sell out and buy out that
without which the war could never have
been, than to sink both the thing to be sold
and the price of it in cutting one anotheris
threats.
do not speak of emancipation at once,
but of decision at once to emancipate
gradually. Room in South America for
colonization can be obtained cheaply and in
abundance, and when numbers shall be
large enough to be company and encourage
ment for one another, the freed people will
not be reluctant to go.
am pressed with difficulty not yet
mentioned-oIe which threatens division
among those who, united, are none too
strong. An Instance of it is known to you.
Gen. Hunter is an honest man. He was,
and hope still is, my friend. | valued him
none the less for agreeing with me liz the
general wish that all men everywhere could
be freed. He proclaimed all men free with.
in certain States, and [ iepudiated the pro
clamaton. He expected more good and
less harm from the measure than | could be
leve would follow. Yet, in regulating it,
gave dissatisfaction, if not offence, to many
whose support the country could not afford
TO lose. And this is rot the end Of it. The
pressure in this direction is still upon me,
and is increasing. By conceding what |
now ask, you can relieve me, and, much
more, can relieve the country in this i'm
p0rtant point
Upon these considerations I have again
begged your attention to the Message OF
March last. Before leaving the Capitol
consider and discuss it among yourselves.
You are patriots and statesmen and as
such 1 pray you consider this proposition,
and at the least commend it to the consid.
Grafton of your States and people. AS you
would perpetuate popular government for
the best people in the world, l heaeech you
that you do in no wise omit this. Our
common country is in great peril, demand
ing the loftiest views and bodies. action to
bring speedy relief. Once relieved its
form OF government is saved to the world
its beloved history and cherished memories
are vindicated and its happy future fully
assured ard rendered inconceivably grand
To you more than to any Others the priviv
lege is given to assure that happiness and
swell that grandeur and to link your own
names Herewith forever.
At the conclusion OF these remarks some
conversation was bad between the Presi-
dent and several members of the delegation;
from the Border States, in which it was re-
presented that these States could not be ex.
pected to move in so great matter as that