The Burlington weekly hawk-eye. [volume] (Burlington [Iowa]) 1860-1876, 1862-03-15


man be, Slavery once destroyed, be viii see that
1t il useless TO brood over past which is defin.
itively gone, and cannot be revived. He will
find himself forced to direct his eyes towards the
future. All his former hopes and aspirations
vanish; his former desires are left without tan
gtble object. Slavery having no future, his
former aspirations and desires, founded upon
Slavery, have gone. He feels the necessity Of
accommodating himself to the new order Of
things, and the necessities Of the present will
make him think of the necessities of the future.
Insensibly his mind drifts into plans and pro.
jects for coming days, and insensibly he has
based these plans and projects upon the new
| order OF things. A new circle Of ideas has
| opened itself to him, and however reluctantly
| be may have given up the old one, he is already
active in this new sphere. And this new circle
of ideas being one which moves in the atmos-
phere Of Free Labor society, new interests, new
hopes, new aspirations spring up, which closely
attach themselves to the political institutions,
is identified. That is the Union, based upon
general self-government. Gradually the reform
ed man will understand and appreciate the ad-
vantage Of this new order Of things, and loyalty
will become as natural to him, as disloyalty was
before 1t may be said, that the arch-traitors,
| the political propagandsts Of Slavery can never
be made loyal; that their rancour and resent
ment will be implacable, and that only the sec.
| ond generation will be capable of complete
reform. But such men will no longer be the
rulers Of Southern society; for Southern society
being with all its habits and interests, no longer
| identified with Slavery, that element Of the
population will rise to prominent influence,
which most easily Identifies itself with free la
Dor; mean the non.slaveholding people of the
South. fCheers.] They have been held in a
sort OF moral subjection by the great slave
lords. Not for themselves but for them they
were disloyal. The destruction of Slavery will
wipe out the prestige of their former rulers; It
will lift the yoke from their necks; they will
soon undertake to think for themselves, and
thinking freely they will not fail TO understand
| their own true interests They will find in Free
Labor society their natural elements; and Free
Labor society is naturally loyal to the Union.
lApplause. Let the old political leaders fret as
| they please; it is the Free Labor majority that
will give to society its character and tone.
Cheering.]
This is what meant by so reforming South
ern society as to make loyalty to the Union its
natural temper and disposition. This done, the
necessity Of q military occupation, the rule of
force will cease; our political life will soon re-
turn to the beaten track of self government,
and the restored Union may safely trust itself
to the good faith Of q reformed people. The
antagonistic element which continually strug-
gled against the vital principles of our system
of government once removed we shall be o
truly united people, with common principles,
common interests, common hopes, and COM
mon future. True, there will be other points
of controversy, about banks or hard money,
internal improvements, free trade or protection,
but however fierce party contest may be, there
will be no question involving the very founda-
ton of our polity, and no party will refuse to
to submit to the vedict of popular SUFFRAGE
on the controversies at issue. [Cheers.1 The
Union will not only be strong again, but
stronger than ever before. [dreat cheering.
And if you ask me under what existing cir
cumstances, would dpropose to do, would say
Let Slavery be abolished in the District of Col
umbia, and wherever the Government has i'm
mediate authority, be abolished. Loud and
long continued applause. Let the slaves of
Rebels be confscated by the General Govern.
ment, and then emancipated, tremendous ap
plause] and let fair compensation be offered
to loyal Slave States and masters, who will
agree upon some system of emancipation
GCheering. Let this or some other measure
to the same effect, be carried out in some man
ner compatible with our fundamental laws.
do not care which, prouided aIgays the measure
be thoroughgoing enough to render q reaction,
re-establishment of the slave power impossi-
BILE; [cheering] for as long as this is possible,
as long as the hopes and aspirations of the
Southern people can cling to such chance,
you will not have succeeded in cutting them
loose from the old vicious circle of ideas, their
loyalty will be subject to the change of circum-
stances, and such loyalty is worth nothing.
[Cheers. am at once met by vast AIRY of
objections. s.It would be unconstitutional''
say some scrupulous patriots Is it not lit
tie surprising, that the Constitution should be
quoted most frequent and persistently in favor
Of those who threw that very Constitution over
board? [Cheers. Unconstitutional Let us
examine the consistency Of those who on this
point are so sensitive. Have you not in the
course of this rebellion suspended in many
cases the writ of habeas corpus? Have you not
suppressed newspapers, and thus violated the
liberty of the press? Have you not deprived
citizens of their liberty without the process of
law? Have you not here and there superseded
the regular courts of justice by military au-
thority? And was all this done in conformity
with the safeguards which the Constitution
throws around the rights and liberties of the
citizens? But you tell me that all this was
commanded by urgent necessity. Indeed! Is
the necessity of restoring the true life elements
of the Union less urgent than the necessity
of imprisoning traitor or stopping Seces-
sion newspaper? Applause'] Will necessity
which justifes violation of the dearest guar
antics of our own rights and liberties, will not
justify the overthrow of the most odious insti
tuition of this age? [Cheers. What? Is the
Constitution such as to countenance in an ex-
treme case. the most dangerous imitation
of the practices of despotic Governments, but
not to countenance, even the EXTREMIST case,
the necessity Of great reform, which the en-
lightened spirit of our century has demanded
so long, and not ceased to demand? TCheers. I
Is it, indeed, your opinion that in difficult
circumstances like ours neither the writ of
habeas corpus, nor the liberty of the press nor
the authority of the regular courts of Justice,
in one word, no right shall be held sacred and
inviolable under the Constitution but tnat
most monstrous and abominable right which
permits one man to hold another as property?
[Great cheering Is to your constitutional
conscience our whole magma charta of liberties
nothing, and Slavery all? Loud applause.
Slavery all, even while endeavoring by the
most damnable rebellion to subvert this very
Conititution9
But do not misunderstood me. am far from
Understanding the importance of constitutional
forms. Where constitutional forms are not
strictly observcred, constitutional guaranties
soon become valueless. But where Is the dam
ger in this case? Nobody denies the constitu-
tionality of the power of the Government to
abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia; no.
body will deny the constitutionality of an offer
Of compensation to loyal slayeowners. Or would
the confscation Of Rebel property be unconsti-
tutional? The Constitution defines clearly what
treason consists in; and then it gives Congress-
the power to pass laws for the punishment of
treason. In this respect the Constitution gives
Congress full discretion. If Congress can de-
| ere the penalty of death, or imprisonment, Or
banishlnent, why not the conascation of proper
| tys And if Congress can make lands, and
| houses, and horses, and wagons liable to con.
fscation, why not slaves? And when these
slaves are con6scated by the Government, can
not Congress declare them emancipated, or
rather win they not be emancpated by that very
acts Is there anything in the Constitution to
hinder it. Can there be any doubt, can there be
a shadow of II doubt, as to the authority OF
Congress to do this! And if Congress can do
| it, Why should it nots Do you prefer the death
penalty9 Will you present to the world the
| spectacle of great nation thisting for the
blood of number OF miserable individuale?--
Do not say that you want to make an example,
for IL YOU stOD the source of treason M WARNING