Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-10-22

In all the speeches which made to you in the
spring and summer of 1861. well as in print
ed address to the people OF the State, on Or about
the 30th of May, 1861, declared, in substance,
that if | had believed it was the object of the
North to suhjugate the South and to enamel pate
our slaves, IN violation of the Constitution, |
would have gone as far as the farthest in advo-
eating resistance to the utmost extent.
Ny attention has just been called TO procla-
nation issued by the President OF the United
States on the Odd of September, 1862, IN which
he declares that ION the first day of January, in
the wear OF our Lord one thousand eight hundred
ana sixty three, all persons held slaves within
any State, or any designated part OF State, the
people whereof shall then be in rebellion against
the United States, shall be henceforward ard for
ever tree. and the Executive Government Of the
United States, including the military and naval
authority, will recognize and maintain the free
dom OF such persons, and will do no act or acts
TO reDreSs such persons, any of Them IN
any efforts they may make for their actual free
dom"
need scarcely remind you that one of the
evils which dreaded and predicted the results
of the efforts which were made to dissolve the
Union was that, in the progress of the war, they
might open the way for servIe Instruction and
overthrow of the institution of slavery. Ny
opinions TO the unconstitutiohality and impol-
icy OF secession remain unchanged: but in my
last speech in Congress, and on various Other
public occasions, | have ylndlcated and main.
tanned and still maintain. the right of revolution.
On no occasion, however, did / ever assert the
doctrine that a violation of the Constitution by
one party would authorize or Justify similar or
other violations by the opposing party. The
paramount causes which have controlled or in
fuenced my conduct and opinions were love for
the Union and mistaken confidence that we
b.a tho has, Nop aud in tho
world But, of all the acts of despotsm of
which the evil war ia which We are now engaged
has been the prolific source there is not
which in the slightest degree. equals the atrocity
and btrbarism of Mr. Lincoln's proclama ton.
At one blow il deprives all the citizens of the
slave States without distinction OF the right 10
hold Slaves right guaranteed by the very Con-
stitution he pretends To uphold. IL i true, he
makes an intimation that he ~il recommend to
Congress to provide just compensation to Union
masters in the slave States: but what right has
he or the Government OF the United States 10
deprive them of this property without their con-
Sentg And what assurance have they that his
vague and general intimation will be applied to
them, OF that an Abolition Congress, reeking
with the blood of the South, and jubilant in the
possession Of usurped power will adopt his rec
OmmendatiOnf
We are in the midst of sea of difficulties
Many acts have been done in the South 10 which
we were bitterly opposed as people, and which
we who have adhered TO the Union, in spite of
peris and dangers. could not justify or palliate
But the Union men of East Tennessee are not
now. and never were, AbOlitiOnists. The Union
men OF East Tennessee are not now, ana never
have been committed 10 the doctrines OF incen-
diarism ana murder to which NJ Lincoln 5 proc
amatiop leads What, then, /, the path OF duty
in the irving circumstances which surround u.
Is It TO belle all our past professions and to sus-
tain Mr Lineoln's Administration, right o. wrOnsr
l. it to Justify a man whom We had no agency IN
elevating To power. not only IN abandoning the
Constitution OF the United States, but in repudi-
atng the Chicago platform. has inaugural ad-
dress and messages Ia Congress. IN which the ab-
soluie right 10 slavery IN the States where Il ex-
ists distinctly and unequivocAliy eoueededg
Or i il in view of the many violations of the