Vermont phÅ“nix. [volume] (Brattleboro, Vt.) 1834-1955, 1862-05-15
AND FoRC1BLE EMAN-
CIPATION.


rebels, carefully and. with great satisfaction.
We should have published it in full this week
had not The pressure of current important and
highly satisfactory war news have seemed to
claim the precedence. On the first page we
publish brief commendatory notice of this
Speech, copied from the Boston Post, and a yet
briefer article upon the general subject, from
the Worcester Palladium, a sterling Republican
journal We do not subscribe TO all the con-
illusions reached by the editor Of the Post but
we reproduce these articles as rejecting the
sentiments of leading minds in the two great
political parties in New England.
1t is perhaps unnecessary to say that Mr.
Collamer is sturdy opposed to any such gen.
era confscation as is proposed by some Of the
bills before the Senate, and in his opposition
he is supported by such men as Senators Har-
ris, Cowan, Doolittle, and even by Senator
Hale. Their opposition is based both upon the
unconsttutionality of such proscriptive meas
ure and upon the more general ground of its
impolicy and impracticabity.
Of course it is to be presumed that we shall
not venture to discuss the constitutionalty or
unconstitutonality of a bill to confscate the
property and free the slaves of the rebels.
There are no better legal minds in the Senate
than those of the gentlemen named, and we are
willing to bow to their matured convictions on
questions of constitutional law. But we may
be permitted TO remark that in the novel and
trying scenes through which we are now rapid
ly passing, with the magnitude and enormity of
the rebellion, and with the atrocities and utter
wickedness of the rebels staring US in the face,
we are all very liable to take counsel of our
feelings rather than Of our judgment in de-
Gliding upon the degree and extent of the pun
ishment that shall be meted out to those who
have been engaged in this reasonable rebel
lion. 1t is no more than natural that we should
feel deeply sorely, the Affections that have been
caused to our families and friends, the enor-
nous taxations to which we are and shall be
subjected, and the injury done TO the business
Of the country, and all this by men nurtured
and brought into influence by the just operation
of our benign government, and while in the
enjoyment of more than their full measure of
political and personal rights and privileges.
Language is hardly sufficient to express our
loathing and utter detestation of the action of
these rebels and traitors. And yet, it is at Just
such crisis as now exists that the limitations
and provisions of the Constitution should be
most rigidly observed. In the calm sailing of
peaceful, quiet times we are in but little danger
of overstepping its limitations. We move
pleasantly along without touching or scarcely
feeling its restrictions on either hand. But now
our institutions are on a tempestuous sea.
There are breakers and quicksands on all sides,
and it becomes us as matter of the common
est prudence to frequently refer TO the great
chart of our liberties that we may not run in
to danger. If our Constitution is not now suf-
fcient in this hour of trial we may as well con-
fess to the world that our system of govern
ment is a failure, and thus at the same lime be-
lie our own hopes and verify the predictions
of monarchists all over the world. Further
han this; we are engaged ostensibly in putting
down rebellion against this very Constitution,
and the laws made in pursuance thereof
While thus engaged it does not become us to
override its limitations and thus become Con-
stitution breakers ourselves. In so doing this
just and holy war against traitors degenerates
into mere fight of factions, in which might
alone can settle the question of which is the
strongest, and that for the time being only, while
the greater considerations of right and of duty
arc entirely ignored. Let us then look well to
the Constitution we have all sworn so support,
and see that it suffers no detriment from us.
In our present light upon the subject this
policy of Wholesale confscaion and emancpa-
ton by the civil power, by special act of
Congress, seems TO us fraught with evil We
are engaged i'll an act of restoration, not one
Of destruction. The South, bad as most of her
people have behaved, cannot be treated in all
respects as conquered province, but must
rather he dealt with as an erring child. We
have officially notified the civilized world that
our sole object was TO crush out rebellion, re-
duce the rebels to allegiance and to restore the
just workings of our government throughout
the entire country. Justice TO ourselves and to
the world will require us 10 abide by our sol.
EMMY expressed faith. Can we do this through
or under any general scheme of confscaton
and emancipation as has been proposed in the
Senate The rebellion, we admit, is 10 be
subdued fully, and the administrative depart.
ment of the government in the exercise of @
just and proper discretion, is clothed with full
power under the Constitution to take any and
every step, and to employ any and every mean,
that military exigency may demand TO render
this work efectua All admit this. 1t is but
the natural sequence of right of resort to
military power. When the rebellion has beer
put down the work of the military arm cease.
and civil government resumes its supremac,
and asserts its sway. 1t is then that irtated
feelings are to be soothed, the rights of prop.
erty TO be respected, and men to be protected
in their ordinary legal business and pursuits. In
. those States and parts of States WHARF the re-
bellon has been subdued as in Maryland, Mis-
souri,, Kentucky, and parts of Virginia and
Tennessee, our commanding Generals have is
sued their procamations guaranteeing protec
ton to all citizens and persons who are nov
loyal to the government of the country, with
out reference to the positions occupied by then
when subject TO de Jacto government of reb