Daily intelligencer. [volume] (Wheeling, Va. [W. Va.]) 1859-1865, 1862-10-18

ted to Liberty, and liberty for all mea,
whether white or black, rel OF yellow, OF
c0pper.colofrd, sull believed, and believe
to-day. that the liberty, the Interests of bu.
manly throughout the world. are to be pro.
mo,ed by preserving this Union, and are
more inlsreAted Ia preserving the Unilu OF
these States than 10 simply AbolishiuR ue.
gro slavery Sach has been always my
opinion such has been my conviction.
And now n We Wero at peace, and the Con.
s,i,udon was respected throughout The
land, you would bear my voice raised on
the question Of Slavery ouly TO discourage
rs agitation. But the question itself does
not stand where il did The danger on
union does not eoms To-day from agiiaiug
the Slavery question. The dagger to Ihis
Union 20 day does not come from the side
Of the AbolitiOnisis; IL comes from the side
Of the Pro- Slavery men, aud the Blayehold.
iBg section Of the Union. ApplAuse. !
say that the danger to the Union does not
come to-day trom the side ofthe men OppOs.
edto Slavery ltisSlaTery that has rebelled;
Il is the siaveholding section that to-day is
10 arms against us. Why, Remember Of
telling Mr. Calhoun sud BarnWel Rbett,
Dixon II. Lewis and the present GoVernor
Of South Caroliua, In 1870. II wish you
to understand my position Ou the slavery
question. detest slavery from the bot.
tom Of my heart. will never do anything
to uphold it, yet will fight TO the death TO
maintain for youall the constitutional rights
you have, so long as you observe the Con.
slitulion on your side, but that moment you
venture to violate the Constitution In behalf
Of slavery, will feel myself free to agitate
that question, aud To demand the freedom
OF every slave" [Cheers What said
then to my friends At the South, what
have always repeated to them, repeat to
you to day It is not as an Aholtiouist
that demand at all the emancipation OF
the slave; demand it'll demand il all
-as war measure, necessary for the sup
preston Of the rebellion and to restore the
integrity Of the national territory, and to
preserve the national lite. Applause !
say here, as said elsewhere ever since the
rebellion broke out, that | consider the
emancipation Of the slaves necessary to
weaken the euemy-uecessary as war
measure, and to enable US successfully to
put down the rebellion itself. Cheers.
In ordinary times, when the Constitution is
recognized throughout the land, the Fed
eral Government has no right to interfere
with the question OfslAvery. ItbeloDgs TO
the States where Il exists, and they, and
they alone, have the disposition Of it.
But the Government Of the United States
has two powers--its peace powers, and its
war powers. The war powers of the Gov
eminent are just as constitutional as the
peace powers. Under the peace powers Of
the Constitution Il would be unconstitu.
tional TO attempt 10 abolish slavery; 1t
would be unconstitutional also 10 shoot
down the inhabitants Of any Southern
State. In a state Of peace we would not
meddlO with that question in any one OF the
States where it legally exists. Bl the war
powers Of the Governments are conferred by
the Constitution. II conlers on the FEEDER.
al Government the war power and clothes
it with all the rights Of war. 1t does not
enumerate these rights, as il does the peace
powers, because the rights Of war are de-
termined by the law Of nRiions-by the
law of nations as it is recognized by tho
Jurisprudence Of sll civilized, that is TO say,
all christian nations. Under the rights Of
war, il the authority either Of Congress or
the President judge it is necessary to the
success Of the Federal arms to abolish
slavery, to declare the slaves free, it has q
right to DO SO, and l, as having respect
for authority, Acquiesce. 1t has right to
judge,not |, Personally, beievet neces-
sary. I have written so in public. The
President seems to have adopted the same
opinion, and cannot find fault With him
for having done il. But the national ques.
tion has always taken precedence with
me, regard myself as an American citi-
zen. l believe am Of the seventh or
eighth generation of my family in this
country. Few persons can boast longer
American pedigree than can. But have
always looked upon myself as citizen Of
the United States. have never felt that
l was merely citizen OF Vermont, 10
which was born, OF the State in which
chan:ed tor the time being being 10 reside.
This whole country, however bounded,
under the flag Of the United states, was
my country [applause1, my owl. native
soil. | have stood in Charleston, 8. O.,
before the elite of that society, aud have
told them that considered was standing
in my own country, on my own native soil
las much SO as when was standing in
Vermont, the State in which was born.
What have placed before all other ques-
tions was the maintenance Of the Integrity
of this national territory and next after
that, the mainteu ance Of those free iuSti-
tutious, those grand and comprehensive
principles ofIiberty which were proclaimed
BY our fathers and defended by the patriots
Of our own Revolution, aud which we have
inherited from them l have considered
that the paramount duty Of every American
citizen was 10 MAINTAIN the integrity Of the
national territory, and secondly, the purity
Of the Republican institutions which the
country has adopted. To those two ;hiugs
| have felt my life as citizen pledged,
and whenever have seen either 10 danger,
have been ready to rush to the defense of
either in any way 10 my power. would
defend the integrity o. the ratioual terri.
tory againstauy foreign euemy-sgainst the
Briton or the Gaul. Why should | not
defend it against the domestic traitor,
against the rebel. Cheers.1 have deem.
ed Il just as much my duty to defend the
integrity Of the national territory against
the so-caIled Confederatcs OF The South, as
| should against any foreign enemy. They
have no right to secede, and no men have
any right TO rebel, and no number Of men
have any right 10 take up arms against