The Hancock Jeffersonian. [volume] (Findlay, Ohio) 1857-1870, 1862-12-05

and this Without any apparent Conscious
ness OF evil from 1t. The Distfct OF Co.
lumbia and the states Of Maryland and Dell
aware are all in thia condition. The Dis
trlct has more than one free colored 10 six
whites, and 10 its frequent editions TO Com
gress, believe IT has never presented the
presence Of free colored persons as one or
irs grievances.
But why should emancipation sonth send
free people north9 People or any color sci
dom ran unless there is something TO run
from. Heretofore colored people have asd
north to some extent from bondage, and now
perhaps, from both bondage and destitution,
but II gradual emancipation and deporta-
tion be adopted they will have neither to
hee rem. Their own masters will give
them wages, at least till new lsborers can
be procured, and the freed men ~ turn will
gladly give their labor for wages till new
homes can be found for them in oougenial
elimes, and with people Of their own blood
and race. f.if ~,
This proposition can be trusted ON tho
mutual interests involved, aud in any event
cannot the North decide for itself whethes
to receive them' Again, as practice moves
more than any theory in any case. has thete
been any irrupiion northward, because. Of
Tue aboiishment Of slavery in the District OF
Columbia last spring. What | have said Of
the proportion Of free eolofed persons to the
white in the Distiict OF Columbia il from
the census Of 1850, having no reference 10
persons called contfabaads, no, to those
made free by the act of Congress abolishing
slavery here. aEH~sFHfl
I The plna consisting OF these articles.ia
4 recommended, not hut that a restoration of
the national authority would be accepted
without its adoption, nor will the war oe
pfoceedines under The proclamation of Sep
tember 22d, 1862, be stayed because of the
recommendation Of this plan. Its timely
Z adoption I dou5t not would bring restora.
ton and thereby stay both. And notwith-
standing tins plan, the IecUmIne D.laifoI
! that Congress provide by law lor cunpeusa-
ting any Slate which may adopt the eman-
cipation before this plan shalt have been
actsd upon, is hereby earnestly renewed. -
such would only be an sdvoDce part OF tbs
plan' aha Tue same arguments apply TO both.
THIS plan IS recommended as means not in
conclusion Of, but additional 10 all other
for restoring and preserving the national au.
tho5ity throughout the Union. The subiect
Us presented exclusively IN it's econom cat
aspect The plan would, am confident,
secure peace mole speedily than can. be
d"ne by force alone, while il would cost
less, considering amounts and manner of
payment, and lines OF payment, and the
amounts woald be easier paid than willthe
ADDITIONAL cost OF The war il we rsly solely
upon force. Ii rs most likely that ii would
cost no blood a, oil. rT.I
The plan IS proposed as permanent con.
stiintlonal law. II cannot become such
! without The concurrence, first, OF two-thirds
OF Congress, and alle wards three fonrths'
OF the Slates. The requisite three -quarters
OF the States with neeessattly include seven.
I Of the slave States. IL obtained, IL Will
, give assurances 0f their severaily adopting
, emancipation al no distant day, upon the
new constitutional terms. tbs assurance
: would end the struggle now, and save the
r Union forever.
I, do not forget the gravity OF a paper sd-
dressed 10 the Congress of the Nation by its
Ohlel Magistrate; nor do forget that some.
) OF you are my seniors, or that many Of you
have more experience than in tae conduct
Of public Affairs. Yet. trust that IA view
OF the great responsibility resting upon me ;.
: YOU will psrceive no want OF respect for
D yourselves IN any ndue earnestnrSs may.
seem TO display. Is 1t doubted, then, tn a.
The plan propose, # adopted, would 81 ort-
/ len The war, anil thus leSseu lis expenditure
il of money and blood2 Is it dou bled that il
would Iest0Te the national prosperity anG
lperaetuse both indefnitelyl Is It dou b;ett
= that We here, Congress and Executive. can
T. secure ITS adoptlOnt VIII not the people
, liespond TO united and earnest appeal rom
. luS! Can we-can they by any other means
> so certainly OF SO speedily assure these vital
: O!jeclsl We can succeed only by concert
i II Is not-can any Of US imagine betleri but
q, can any OF US do belterl The dogmas OF
the quiet past are idadequate to the stormy
present. The occasion is piled high with
Z difficulty, aud we must rise with the occa =
. SION. As Our case Is new so We must think
: anew mud act anew. We must diseuthIal
ourselves, an then we sEa save our coun :
! Fry.
= Fello" cillz-ns, we cannot escape histo-
=, ry. We, ct ihS Congress, wlll Le renaem,
y bere's ln spllr OF ourselves. No PERSONAL
e slsni hcanee or insi gni Gcance, can spare ose
: ~ another Of US, The hery trial though
which We pass, will light us d WA IN honor
or dishonor TO the latest generation. We
say that we ase f0r the uhlon. 'phe world
i will not forget TIA, while we say this, w
!, do know how 10 save the Union. Tht
world knows we do know how to save il.
v We, even we, hold The power and beai
} the response bHliy. IN giving freedom tI
Il The slave we ensure freedom TO the free, hon
orabIe alike 10 what We ave and what 81,
= preserve. We shall nobly save, or irean /,
" lose the last and best hope of The earh.-
Olher means may succeed. 'rhis could no
lah. Tie way is plain, peaceful, genetous
just. way wh'ch IL followed, The world
= wall applaud and God must forever bless.
= ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
IA 3 Washington, Dec. LIST, 1859. tt 81
~