Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1862-01-23
lNortester 9aiIp Syn.
WHY A BLOW SHOULD BE STRUCK AT sLA-
VERY,

EGh1s
strong argumentin favor of striking at
the heart OF the rebellion, slavery was given in
the house Of representatives on the 18th inst,
by George W. Julian of Indiana We append
a few extracts from Mr. Julans speech:
THE ExTIRPATIoN OF SLAVERY ESSENTIAL.
L know it was not the purpose of this admin
lstraton at first to abolish slavery, but only to
save the Union and maintain the order of
things. Neither was it the purpose of our
fathers, in the beginning of the revolution, to
insist on independence. Before the first bat
ties were fought reconciliation could have
been secured simply by removing the grew
ance which led to arms. But events soon pre-
pared the people to demand absolute separa-
ration. Similar facts may tell the story of the
present struggle. In its beginning, neither
the administration nor the people foresaw its
magnitude, nor the extraordinary means it
would employ in prosecuting its designs The
Crisis has assumed new features as the war has
progressed. The policy of emancipation has
been born of the circumstances of the rebellion
which every hour more and more plead for it.
Time makes more converts than reason" |
believe the popular demand now is, or soon
will be, the total eXtripation of slavery as the
righteous purpose of the war and the only
means Of lasting peace. We should not
agree, if it were proposed, to restore slavery to
Its ancient rights under The constitution and
allow ii new cycle of rebellion and crime.
The rebels have demanded reconstruct.
ION" on the basis OF slavery let US give them
reconstruction" on the basis OF freedom
Let US convert the rebel states into conquered
provinces, remanding them to the status of
mere territories, and governing them as such
in our discretion. Under no circumstance
should we consent to end this struggle on
terms that would leave US where we began it.
To conclude the war by restoring slavery to
the constitutional rights it has forfeited by
treason, would be as unreasonable as putting
out the fire and turning loose the incendiary
with torch IN hand. 1t would be like rein.
stating the devil in paradise, to re, enact his
rebellion against the Most High. Sir, let US
see to it, that out of this war shall come a per-
manent peace to these states. Let us demand
indemnity for the present and security for
the future" The mere suppression of the re.
belllon will be an empty moekery of our SUI.
terings and sacrifices, if slavery shall be spared
TO canker the heart of the nation anew, and re-
peat its diabolical deeds.
WHY SLAVERY SHOULD BE sMITTEN.
n right to subdue the rebels carries with it
right to employ the means of doing it, and
ofdoing il effectively, and with the least posi-
BILE cost. II slavery had not been made par.
ty question, and trained us to yield an unnat
ural Difference to its assumptions, we should
have laid violent hands upon it at once. The
thought OF tenderly sparng it would not have
occurred to any loyal man. AS the most vu-
nerable point of the rebels, we should natural
ly have aimed at it our first and hardest
blows; and insist that we shall so far forget
our party preJudiceS, and the dread OF "aboli.
tionism, as to do what the dictates of COM
mon sense and a regard for our own safety SO
clearly demand. Facts, bloody and terrific,
are every day proving that slavery, or the re-
public, must perish. As the animating princ-
pie of the rebellion, it stands between us and
the Union, and we are compelled to smie it,
To strike at it is to strike at treason and to
favor it in any way, however unwittiugly, is
to take sides with the rebels. They cherish
it as the most precious of all earthly blessings.
They love it with all the force of a long foster
ed community OF feeling; and the assertion is
well attested, that the loss of a slave by north
ern agency, eXcites more sudden and wide
spread Indignation than would the murder of
his master.
The rebels use their slaves in
building Notifications; shall we not invite
them to our lines, and employ them in the
same business The rebels employ them in
raising the provisions without which their ar.
mics must perish; shall we not entice them to
join our standard, and thus compel the enemy
to reinforce the plantation by weakening the
armya The rebels employ them as cooks,
nurses, Transfers, and scouts; shall we de-
cline such services in order to spare slavery
The rebels organize regiments OF black men,
who shoot down our loyal white soldiers;
shall we sacrifice our sons and brothers for the
sake of slavery, refusing to put black men
against black men, when the highest interests
of both white and black plead for it? In the
battles of the Revolution and in the
war of 1872 slaves and free men of
color fought with a valoT uneXceed by
white men. Are we afraid that like
honor to the cOlOred man would be repeated
and thus testify against his ensavement? |
do not say that any general policy of armng
the'slaves should be avowed but that in some
capacity, military or civil, according to the
circumstances OF each particular case, they
should be used in the necessary and appro.
pirate work OF weakening the power of their
owners. Under competent military commands
ers we may possibly be able to subdue the
rebels without calling to our aid their slaves
but have we right to reject it at the expense
of prolonging the war and augmentng its
calamities? Is it a small thing TO sacrifice
unnecessarily the lives of our young and
middle aged men, the flower of the land and
rive with sorrow the hearts of friends and
kindred Can we afford dollar OF money
or drop of blood to spare the satanic power
that has Matched this rebellion into life, and is
now the sole barrier to our peace?
THE LOYAL SHAREHOLDERS.
Mr.. Chairman, the sweeping policy would
lrave the government adopt towards slavery
will be objected to, on the ground of its in.
justice towards the loyal shareholders of the
south. To this objection have severalEeplies
to make.
In the first place, would pay to every loyal
slave claimant, on due proof of loyalty the
fairly assessed value OF his slaves. | would
not do this as compensation, for no man should
receive pay Tor robbiug another of his earn
ings, and pundering him of his humanity
but as means of facilitating a settlement of
our troubles, and securing a lasting peace, |
would tax the public treasury to this extent
From the beginning slavery has been an i'm
mense pecunary burden, and we can well
afford to pay the amount which this policy
would impose, for the sake of getting rid of
that burden forever.
In the next place. reply that the total ex-
tirpaton of slavery will be our only security
against future trouuie and discord BY any
sacrifice, and by all possible means, should we
now guard against repetition Of the scenes
through which we have been called to pass.
II we will heed the lesson of experience we
can not go astray.
reply further: That, while loyal slave.
holders may dislike exceedingly to part with
their slaves, and still more to give up their
cherished institutions, yet the hardship of
their case is not peculiar. This rebellion Is
placing heavy burdens upon all loyal men. At
whatever cost, and at all hazards it must be
nut dawn This is the nrinciDle on which we