The Manitowoc pilot. [volume] (Manitowoc, Wis.) 1859-1932, 1862-04-25

causes TO work their inevitable ELECTS
BY Tot undertaking to hasten these. much
more will be accomplished. He desired to
see the fnal extinction of slavery, and
hoped TO see it brought about, but he diff
fered greatly as 10 the means proposed
Another reason why he could not vote for
the bill was that the Senate had decided
against the colonization pFinci rle. 10 this
he was going to talk plainly as man of
the west. In Indiana they had settled this
question as with wal of fire. Illinois is
doing it, and he believed Ohio would soon
do the same; and he would tell the Sen
ate now that this black population shall
not mingle with the white population o!
their country. His children must be rails
ed where then equals arc not among black
peoale-where they can see those around
them with whom they can mingle in equal
ity and he knew there could be no equal
ity existing between these two races. He
could never vote for this bill unless the
colonization principle was engraved upon
it. Indiana has settled this question by
seventy thousand minority. Illinois has
latto shall move into the State after the
adoption Of the new constitution, and that
no negro or muIatto shall have the right
Of suffrage or hold Office, Indiana has vo
ted against their holding real es ate. He
was not here to answer questions as 10
whether this was right or wrong. He
took the world as he found it Blu. such
was the opinion and the prejudice among
bis people, that this wall, so built up, will
stand Look at the free blacks already in
this District. And yet the Senate propo
ses to set the slaves all loose, and make
IF they pass this bill they will also have to
pass law prohibiting the free blacks from
other States settling in this District. Mr..
Adams also took the additional ground
that whenever this question was presented
it ought to be submitted to the people Of
the District If the legal voters of this
District have any rights at all, this qncs-
ton of their domestic policy certainly
ought to be the one He believed the
Presidents message to Congress, relative
to giving aid to the States, was the first
thing Of the kind ever done and entirely
without a precedent. lie regarded the
establishment of the principle under any
pretext or under any circumstances to
strike blow at the rights of the States as
destructive of all the liberties of the coun
try.
1t might be that he read wrong,
I,t ba haral raalinr. uph Ia
in Europe tina. distinguished General
having crossed the Potomac and viewed
the vast army collected there, said, "Ths
is the last of this government State lines
have oeen blotted out" The septimen:
was repeated thousand times in the po
litical campaign of 1860 and it is very
pretty sentiment-that ''slavery is section
al and freedom nat onal." But in bis
view the constitution is national. and the
right of the people Of the states to make
their own domestic institutions Is nation
al. If Mr. Jefferson said iu 1909 that al
most all the rights of the states were swal
lowed up, what would he say new, when
a President sends message 10 Congress
saying TO the people of Que section, OF the
country, "You do this, aud we will dc
that p He never intended, as a public
man. under any circumstances, to do any
thing or make aD effort to strike at the
yipht OF the states He believed in the
old fashioned doctrine OF State rights, nor
the modern doctrine that the domestic in
Stitutons and rules of society belong L
tie State and the national governments
has no right to take the first step to inter
fere with them Jefferson in his letters
LAYS down the idea that certain definite
powers and rights belong to tie states
aud in proportion as you assume thest
powers, you open the field to corruption
and jobbing and if he was asked to sum
up, in a few words, the history of the ori
gin of this rebellion, he would say it is il
this very system of office hunting, jobbine
and corruption There was anoths. OBJ
lection to this measure. In the present
condition of the country he thought il
wisdom to consult tho border States. Al
present he thought he bill advised an in,
expedient. and ought to be postponed tc
some other time, when the public mino
could look at this question, and these ques
tions could be fairly presented before al
the members Of this confederacy Bu, il
might be asked what be proposed to dc
with these other questions. lie proposed
TO prosecute this war, and let time, tie
great arbiter, determine the proper rene
dies. There are certain silent forces al
work Are YOU ready to let them work
There are TO be two witnesses on tue
stand. There are some 100000 officers
and soldiers who will 20 South and see
slavery as it is, aud there are 70 900 slave
holders in the North who will see our in
stitutions as they are. They are going &c
be witnesses. They vii come up to till
these seats. He knew of seventy gentle,
men belonging to Northern regiments who
had married in Maryland in the last six
months, and \ man from his own State
had brought land in Maryland and will
soon be ready to plough up tie land ald
put in he seed, and furnish produce &c
This capital, if you will only let this thing
alone The resolutions offered BY the Sen
ator from Massachusetts (Mr. Sumner1
/ that the States had lost all their rights
I he considered bad done more harm than
/ 10000 men in the rebel army, and ihal