New Oregon plaindealer. (New Oregon, Iowa) 1859-1866, 1862-08-08
THE CRirTENDEN COMPROMISE.

; Compromise offered by Senator
; Crittendcn, of KY, and upon the adop.
ton Of which our national difficulties
might have been all harmonized. Be.
low may be found the remarks of Judge
! Douglas upon the amendments, and the
difficulties in the way of their adoption.
We call the earnest and candid atten-
ton of our readers to both !; the COM
promise showing how easily all this
bloodshed and lavish waste of money
might have been prevented; the views
of Douglas as showing upon whom he
fixed the terrible responsibility of in
volving the country in all the dire ca
lamities of civil war with its attendant
horrors, what he says:
I believe this to be a fair basis of am
icable adjustment. IF you of the Re-
publican side arc not willing to accept
this nor the proposition Of the Senator
from Kentucky, jMr. Crittenden,) pray
tell us what you are willing to do I? I
address the inquiry to the republicans
alone, for the reason that in the com
mittee of thirteen, a few days ago.
every member from the South, includ.
ing those from the cotton States.
(Messrs. Toombs and Davis, expressed
their readiness to accept the PROPOSE.
ton of my venerable friend from Ken.
lucky (Alr. Crittesden) as final settle
ment of the controversy, if rendered
and sustained by the republican mem
bers. Hence, the sole responsibility
of our disagreement, and the only diff
Guilty in the way of an amicable adjust
ment, is with the republican party.
At first l thought your reason for
declining to adjust this question AMIGA
bly, was, that the Constitution, as it
stands, was good enough, and that you
would make no amendment to it. That
position has already been waived. The
great leader of the republican party,
(Mr. Seward,) by the unanimous con-
currcnce of his friends, brought into
the committee of thirteen proposition
to amend the Constitution. Inasmuch,
therefore, as you are willing to amend
the instrument, and to entertain propo-
sitions of adjustment, why rot go fur
Their, and relieve the apprehensions of
the southern people on all points where
you do not intend to operate aggres-
sively You offer to amend the Con-
stitution. by declaring that no future
amendments shall be made which shall
empower Congress to interfere with
slavery in the Stares.
Now, if you do not intend to do any
other act prejudicial to their constitu-
tional rights and safety, why not re-
lieve their apprehensions, by inserting
in your own proposed amendment to the
tConstitu,ron, such farrhers provisions
as will, in like manner render it i'm
possible for you to do that which they
apprehend you intend to do, and which
you have no purpose of doing, if it be
true that you have no such purpose ?
For the purpose of removing the appre-
tensions of the southern people. and
tor no other purpose, you propose to
amend the Constitution so as to render it
impossible, IN all future time, for Con-
gress to interfere with slavery in the
States where it may exist under the
laws thereof. Why not insert simi-
lar amendment in respect to slavery in
the District Of Columbia, and in the
navy-yards, forts, arsenals, and other
places within the limits of the slave
holding States, over which Congress
has exclusive jurisdiction ? Why not
insert similar provision in respect to
the slave trade between the slavehold-
ing States ? The southern people have
more serious apprehensions On these
points than they have of your direct
interference with slavery in the States.
If their apprehensions on these sew
cral points are groundless, is it not
duty you owe to God and your country
to relieve their anxiety and remove all
causes of discomfort y? Is there not
quite as much reason for relieving their
apprehensions upon these points, in
regard to which they are much more
sensitive, as in respect to your direct
interference in the States, where they
know, and you acknowledge, that you
have no power to interfere as the Con-
stitution now stands ? The fact that
you propose to give the assurance on
the one point and peremptorily refuse
to give it on the others, seems to au-
thorize the presumption that you do
intend to use the powers of the Federal
Government for the purpose of direct
interference with slavery and the slave
trade every where else, with the view
to its indirect effects upon slavery in
the States or, in the language of Mr..