The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1862-04-19

1oAA ouE eXcnauScS We learn tGds Mf
Julian is again q candidate for Congress. in
the Burnt District. Personally We have
not the slightest ill-feeling or prejudics
against him, but as he is public man, and
aspires to retain his seat in Congress by q
reelection, We will be permitted 10 animad
vert upon the doctrine he espouses. and the
cause be attempts 10 maintain. 1t is hardly
necessary to say that wise public policy i.
side. To give direction to national affairs
SO as to accomplish the greatest good to ths
greatest number, requires . calculating
craftsmanship, which cannot exist with
fansticism or prejudice. The subject upon
which Mr.. Julian has devoted so much
study, and upon which his recent 'cause
and cure" speech was founded. is one which
certainly cannot be disposed of in the man
ner he suggested. Admitting slavery to be
the cause Of the rebellion. it does not follow
that the relation Of the master and slave
should be Immediately sundered. Such a
policy. however, may be considered by Mr..
Julian, as wise and humane but its practi-
cal enforcement would result in disaster and
evil Of the most momentuos character
However deep seated aud unconquerable
may be the prejudices of the masses Of our
people against the institution of slavery, and
however terrible the retribution which an
outraged and insulted loyalty might desire
fo inf Or ba Of ha hal
the dictates of calculating and prudential
policy would warn US not to commit an act
which would result in incalculable evil to
both the white and black races 1t is an
easy matter to depict the evils of slavery;
it is An easy matter 10 say that Liberty is
the birthright of every man" and that call
men are created equal and endowed by
their Creator with certain inalie nable rights.
among Which are life. liberty and the pur-
suit of happiness" It's an easy matter TO
say these things. Ii requires no statesman
ship, and but little use of language; and.
consequently. Mr.. Julian can make such
statements without any very great difficulty,
and as we'll as any one else. But when four
millions Of slaves are to have their freedom
in such manner as to be benft to both
races, then. indeed. comes a question too
great to be disposed of by philanthropy
for the slave alone, and before which decla
rations and constitutions must become flexi-
bic and yielding. II has long been the
doctrine Of our most wise and enlightened
statesmen, that the STAKEHOLDER should be
prohibited from taking his slave into the
territories, to be held there as such. This
doctrine, in itself both wise and just. is
founded upon the sentiment that slavery is
an evil, and that slave labor should not be
broughtin competition with that of the white
man. The confscation or emancipation Of
the negroes of the Cotton States would re-
suit in doing jus. what the people of the
North have contended against at all times.
when the extension of slavery has been the
subject of legislation or controversy.
Free labor necessarily loses much of Its
respec.ability by the side Of slave labor. and
to destroy tba. system at one blow would
not only contaminate the society of the
North with a revolving sdmixture of the
black element. but would bring the ordinary
labor of the country into dishonorable com
petition. If. indeed, it becomes necessary
to destroy slavery to save our nationality,
shen let il perish. But such cannot be the
case, for every day exhibits more clearly the
power of the Federal Government to vindi
cate our territorial integrity aud enforce its
laws.
Mr. Julian. like others Of his character.
is politician with but one idea. That
idea, with him, is the abolition of slavery.
He looks no further than severing the rels-
ton Of master and slave. without regard to
the future condition Of the African, or the
consequences of such an act upon the peo
pie Of both sections Of the country. First
with him is the abolition OF slavery, and
lastly with him is the abolition of slavery.
No measure can combine within it an ele
mens of philanthropy, which increases the
evils it was intended to alleviate. Such.
undoubtedly, would be the result of imme
dia,e and indiscriminate emancipation.
While our noblest statesmen, from Wash
ington down to Seward, looked upon s'a
very as an evil. socially and politically,
not one of them. we believe, ever advo-
Gated the sudden emancipation Of the slaves.
1t Will scarcely Oc CoHleuuc1 tuht we nave
more enli, ,htened craftsmanship now than
ever before. 1t will scarcely be conteDded
that Mr.. Julian and Wendell Phillips, ex
hibit more genuine philanthropy. than did
J. Q Adams or Henry Clay. Il will
scarcely be contended that they are more
Just than was Washington. wiser than was
Hamilton, or more humane than was JEFF
ferson, vet they regarded slavery as an evil
,o ho r,aduailv aholishad We regard such
men as Wendell Phillips. Mr.. Julian, and
some few others Of similar opinions. as bad
men, whose counsels should never be heed
ed We would much rather follow the
teachings Of our earlier statesmen than the
teachings of our later day philanthropists
upon this question. The only apology which
can be made for such men, is that the free
dom of speech must be tolerated. "Error
is harmless when truth is left free to combat
it, And the only difference between
Wondeu philips and a traitor Ia that which