The Richmond palladium. [volume] (Richmond, Ind.) 1855-1875, 1862-12-06
The euancipation.

J. ne emancipation.
2. The length Of time for consumma,iua
(,hirty seven years): and.
The compensation.
The emancipation will be unsatisfactory
TO the advocates OF perpetual slavery. bu
the length of time should greatly mi,igat,
their dissatisfaction. The time spares both
races fIom the evils OF sudden derange
ment; in fac, from the necessity Of any de
rangement while most Of those whose habit
uai course Of thought will be disturbed b,
The measure will have passed away befor.
its consImmation. They will never see it
Another class will hail the prospect of emar
cipation, but viii deprecste the length Of
time. They will feel that it gives too little
10 the now living slaves. But it really
gives them much. l. saves them from the
vagrant des,irution which must largely at.
tend immediate emancipation in localities
where their numbers are very great, and i,
gives the inspiring assurance that their pos
teri,y shall be free forever. The plan leaves
TO each State choosing 10 act under it TO
sbolish slavery now or at the end Of the CEN
fury. or at any intermediate time, or by de-
grees, extending over the whole or any part
of The period, ard it oblees no two States to
proceed alike. IL also provides for compen.
II.
This. it would Sc, m, must further mitigate
the dissatisfaction Of those who favor per-
petual slavery, and especially of those who
are to receive compensation. Doubtless,
some of those who are TO pay and not to re.
ceive, will object; yet that the measure is
both Just and economical is certain.
The liberation of the slaves is the des.
uuction of property; property. acquired by
4 Ia thur
property.
1t is no less true for having been often said
that the people of The Sou h are no more
responsible for the original introduction Of
this property than are the people of the
North; and when it is remembered how
unhe.itatingly we use--all Of us use cotton
and sugar, and share the profits Of dealing
in them, it may not be quite safe to say that
the South has been more responsible than
the North for its continuance. II. then. for
a common object this property is to be sacri-
feed. is il not just that it be done at a COM
mon charge? And if with less money, or
money more easily paid, we can preserve
tie benefits Of the Union by this means than
We can by the war alone. is il not also
economical to do it? Let us consider it then
Let Us ascertain the sum we have expended
in the war since compensated emancipation
was proposed last March, and consider
whether, if that measure had been prompt
ly accepted by even some of the slave States
the same sum would not have done more to
close the war than has been otherwise done.
IT so, the measure would save morey. and,
in that view. would be a prudent and tco-
nomical measure. Certainly, it is not SO
easy to pay something as it is TO pay moth.
ing. But it is easier to pay large sum
than it is to pay larger one. and it is easier
to pay any sum, when We are able, than it is
to pay it before Ne are able. The war re-
quires them at once. The aggregate sum
necessary for compensated emancipation
progresses. This might not, and probably
would not, close before the end Of the thirty.
seven years. At that time we shall proba-
bly, have 100000, 900 Of people to share the
burden, instead of 81 600, 900, as now; and,
not only so. but the increase of our popula
lion may be expected to continue for q long
lime after the period as rapidly IS before.
because our territory will not have become
full. do not state this inconsiderately.-l
At the same ratio of increase which we have
on an average, from our FIRST
National Census in 1890 until that of 1860. |
We should. in 1900, have population Of
lO3, 2O8, AIS, and why may we not contin-
Ne that ratio far beyond that period? Our
abundant room, our broad National home |
stead, is our ample resource. Were our ter.
ritory as limited as the British Isles, very
our population could not e pand as
stated. Instead Of receiving the foreign
born, rs now, we should be compelled to
lend part of the native born away; but such
8 not our condition. We have g. 963, 900
quare miles. Europe has $500, 900, with
! population averaging seventy three and
,ne-third persons to q square mile. Why \
nay not our country at some time average Il
IS many? Is it less fertile? Has it more
waste surface by mountains. rivers. lakes,
leserts. or other causes? Is it inferior to
europe in any natural advantage? If, then,
We are at some time to be as populous as
Europe. how soone AS to when this may be,
We can judge by the past an! the pres
mt. As to when it will, if ever, depends
much on whether We maintain the Union.
several of our States are above the average
European population of 731 to the square
nile. Massachusetts, has 1877, Rhode ISL
nd 1873. New York and New Jersey each
70; and two other great States. Pennsyl.
'ania and Ohio, are not far below. the for
ner having 50 and the latter So The
states already above the European average, 4
xcept New York, have increased in as
apid ratio since passing that point as
yer before, while no one OF them is equal
o some other parts of our country in nat
raj capacity for sustaining a dense populs
ion.
Taking the nation in the aggregat we
nd its population and ratio OF increase for
be several decenniai periods 10 be as fol-
)Ws:
100 s2s SGT
SO -, 1899 sl4-3545 do 60 do Ii
$40. 3d. 3s l3l-33l3 do do do II
$50. IL SIS .o2o-3349 do do do 1,
$40. q .059 $3.50 do do do
$50 %, Ief .sT5-35 s? do do do
$50. 81 AS. 79a-35.5S do do a, Ii
This shows an average decennial increase
in no,,la&:o- IL L. Il / 4