Maryland free press., 1862-12-05

certain sense, the liberation OF siaVeS IL tls
destruction Of property-property acquireu "
descent, or by purchase, the same as o'nef
property: Ia
It is no less true for having been often said'
that the .beople of the South are not more res
ponsible fot the original introduction Oh 'hiS
property than are the North; and when it Is
remembered how unhesitatingly we all use
cotton and sugar, and share the profits OF deal
ing in them, it may not be quite safe TO say
that the South has been more responslole tnah
the North for its continuance. If, then, for
common object, this property is to be sacrih-
ced, is it not just that it be done at common
charge?
And if, with less money, or money more cas-
lily paid, we can preserve the benefits OF the
Union by this means, than we can by the war
alone, is it not also economical to do itY Let
us consider it then. Let us ascertain the sum
we have expended in the war since compensa-
ted emancipation was proposed last March,
and consider whether, if that measure had been
promptly accepted by even some OF the slave
States, the same sum would not have done
more to close the war than has been otherwise
done.
If 80, the measure would save money, and,
in that view, would be a prudent and econom-
ical measure. Certainly it is not so easy to
pay something as it is to pay nothing; but it
is easier to pay large sum than it is to pay a
larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum
when we are able, than it is to pay it before
we are able. The war requires large sums,
and requires them at once. The aggregate
sum necessary for compensated emancipation,
of course, would be large.
But it would require no ready cash; nor the
bonds even, any faster than the emancipation
progresses. This might not, and Probably
would not, close before the end of thirty-seven
years. AT that time we shall probably have a
hundred millions of people to share the bur-
den, instead of thirty-one millions, as now
And not only so, but the increase of our pop
ulatlon may be expected to continue for long
time after that period, as rapidly as before;
because our territory will not have become full.
do not state this inconsiderately. At the
same ratio of increase which VIC have .aaein-
tanned, on an average, from our first national
census, in 1890, until that of 1860, we should,
in 1900, have population of 103, POS, ,415.-
And why may we not continue that ratio far
beyond that period. Our abundant room
our broad national homestead-is our ample
resource. Were our territory as limited as the
British Isles, very certainly our population
could not expand as stated. Instead of re-
ceiving the foreign born, as now, we should be
compelled to send part of the native born away.
But such is not our condition! We have two
millions nine hundred and sixty three thousand
square miles. Eurone hns +h-e- ---;ii; - ----'
eight hundred thousand, with population
averaging seventy-threc to the square mile.-
Why may not our country, at some time, av-
erage as many7 Isitless fertile?, Has it more
waste surface by mountains, rivers, lakes, des-
crts or other causes? Is it inferior TO Europe
in any natural advantage.
The plan is proposed as permanent censtl-
tutional law. 1t cannot become such without
the concurrence of, first, two-thirds of Con-
gress, and; afterwards. threc-fourths of the
States. The requisite three-fourths of the
States will, necessarily; include seven of the
slave States: Their concurrence, if obtained
will give assurance of their severally adopting
emancipation at no very distant day, upon the
new constitutional terms. This assurance
of their seterally adopted emancipation at nc
very distaut day, upon the new constitutional
terms. This assurance would end the struggle
now, and save the Union forever.
do not forget the gravity which should
characterize a paper addressed to the Congress
of the nation, by the Chief Magistrate of thu
nation. Nor do forget that some Of you ar,
my seniors; nor that more of you have NOR,
experience than /, in the conduct of public af
fairc. Yet trust that in vinw of the grea
responsibility resting upon me, you win per
ceive no want of respect to yourselves, in any
undue eafdestness may seem to display.
Is it doubted, then; that the plan propose
if adopted, would shorten the war, and thu
lessen its expenditure Of money and of blood
Is It doubted that it would restore the nation
al authority and national prosperityf Is
doubted that We here--C Congress and Execu
tiveAIcan secure its adoptiou2 Will not th
good people respond 10 united and earnes
appeal from usi Can we, can they, by an.
other means, so certainly, or so speedily, as
sure these vital objects? We can succeed onl