The Potter journal. [volume] (Coudersport, Pa.) 1857-1872, 1862-02-12
Hon. DAVID wILMOT'S
SPEECH on THE EXPULSION OF BRrGnT.


have to say on this case. To me 1t seems to
lie in a very narrow compass.
Before proceeding TO speak of the case i
desire to say that my relations with the SEN
ator from Indiana are OF such Al character
that shall with pain vote to expel him from
his seat in this body Seventeen yeas ago
we met in this Capitol both young men, and
both members of the then dominant party.
Since then we have differed widely, touching
public men and measures; yet through all the
heat and bitterness of political warfare Tor
the past fifteen years, | have remembered
with pleasure our early acquaintance and IN
tercourse. | sincerely regret the position IN
which the Senator is placed. \ sense OF pub
lie duty alone, constrains Inc to vote for his
expulsion from the Senate.
What is the case presented against the Sem
ator from Indiana? 1t rests upon no disputed
or doubtful facts. Every important fact In
the case is admitted-full confession is made
in open Senate. The Senator from Indiana
tells rs that he would under the same cir
cumstances, do again the act complained OF.
Mr.. President, the Senator's views of duty
and my own differ so widely, that what he
regards as innocent and natural, as proper
courtesy to an old friend, to me has the fea-
lures of disoyalty-not to give it the harsher
name of treason.
What, sir, are the facts and circumstances
of this case? The Shareholders of the nation,
relying on human slavery as the bond of their
unity and strength, unwilling that the free
men of the Republic should assume the man
agement of Government affairs, set on foot a
rebellion in the southern and slaveholdlng
States of the Union. When this letter was
written, it had been carried forward to the
organization of an independent government /;
the machinery of that government was in ac-
tive operation. Armies were being organized,
disciplined, and equipped; TO maintain the
rebellion by the power of the sword. Every
reasonable hope of settlement was past.
The Senator from Indiana knew all this no
man ew it better. 1t is true, from the
timidity-I might almost say complicity-of
the late Administration, no blow had been
struck at this formidable rebellion ; still those
concerned in it were no less traitors for this
cause. The cowardice or even treachery of
Mr. Buchanan could in no degree excuse Da-
Wis and his co-workers in treason. The for
bearance of the Government towards the trail
tors cannot be pleaded by them in extenuation
of their crime nor can their aiderS aud abct-
tors shield themselves behind the weakness
or treachery of those then in power. Yet
here rests one of the strong grounds of de-
tense taken by and for the Senator from In
diana. The Government haG done nothing
against the rebellion! 1t had brought no
armies in the field had fought no battles !
"a fear that betrayed like treason" had par
alvzed the executive arm, and the Govern
ment was sinking into imbecility and con-
tempt How does all this change the char
acter of the rebellion or extenuate the crime
of those involved in it? The Senator from
Indiana admits that he could not have writ
tel the letter with innocence after the procla-
nation of President Lincoln calling for seven
ty-five thousand men. Why not if lie could
do SO before? Did the proclamation change
the position of Davis towards this Govern
ment? Did it involve any one in guilt who,
up to that time, was innocent? Was it in
nocent for Lincoln to go upon his errand
with an improved ire-arm to the confederate
government before the proclamation, and
reasonable to go afterwards 1t is idle to
look here for any extenuation of the case
whatever The proclamation of the President
in no way affects it.
Jefferson Davis was the chosen chief of the
rebel government. lie was every inch a t:ai-
tor. The Senator from Indiana knew the
damning treason of his friend and former
associate. Ills CTlIllc WAS IL WlCheu One-Iu0
most so of any of which man can be guilty
the deepest dyed and blackest in the cata-
logue of crime
To me it seems that many gentlem en- of the
late Democratic party are afflicted with a
moral obliquity in the view they take of this
wicked rebellion and its authors. The lead
ing traitors so long dominated over the DEM
ocratic party that the fragment that now re-
ma. ir. 70 10 rnha lion a
struggle for Democratic ascendency, and tho
leading traitors as friends having strong claims
on their sympathy. Evidently the Senator
from Indiana was strongly possessed Of this
view of the treason and the traitors.
To Judge rig Ity of the act of the Senator,
we must look at the rebellion and its chief as
they truly are-the one as a reasonable re-
volt against just Government, and the other
a rank traitor, a great State criminal, that
the Senator addressed on the lst of March as
"hs excelency, the president of the confed-
Grated states" commanding to his confidence
rs "reliable in every respec." one who sought
the eoel government on a reasonable er.
rand, What was the errand on which the
Senator from Indiana commended his irier d
to the usurper and traitor at Montgomery :?
1t was no other than the sale of an alleged
improved fre-arm. Have | stated the case
too strongly against th, Senatorfrom Indiana?
| would hot 40 so. To Inc, sir, it has the
complexion of great crime. l will not call
it treason, although it might be dific ult to
find more appropriate name for it.
1t was well said by the Senator from New
York, .lr. HARRIS, that if the letter had not
been written, or fits essential part were taken
away, it ould be a very innocent thing, and
no Senator would think of expeling the Sen.
ator from Indiana from his seat. Unfortu-
nately, the letter was written. An indictment
for murder, permit me to say to the Senator
from New York, with the homocide clause
out, would be very harmless piece of pa
per.
Mr.. PresideEt, have briefly considered to
whom this letter was addressed-to despe-
rate traitor. 1t commended to his fullest