The New York herald., 1862-04-17
Jay, APRIL II, lse2.-TRIPLE SHEET.

rablc OF giving protection to It's loyal subjects in the
seeding staesn neither defending them nor giving
them arms 10 defend themselves and that deprived Of
protection and incapable OF rcsstancs, they nave
yielded only to superior rcrcs; IL wse government
frget the nature OF man aud the Influences OF pirth OF
SOIL Of home, Of society, and OF State, by when ms
opinions nsensby moulded and that THIS pestuent
heresy OF the right Of secession fatal as II s now seen W
be- not only TO tho existence OF good government pu. u
social has been acardinai article in theatho
large portion of tho people In the Southern States ana
that thoy lave boen induced by the arts, and sophis
tries and fasehoods OF unprincped leaders 10 believe
that their future safety and welbeing required the
exercise Of the rght Those leaders should atone Tor
their crime by the Just penalty OF thelaw "But you
cannot says Burke, ndic whole people, you cannot
apply TO thcm tho ordinary rules OF criminal Jurspru-
dence To state the pr position 10 conscsto the property
Of ecye7 States IS 10 conhte IT. IS 10 shock Our common
aud OF sics is 20 forget not only tho ties
OF history and OF kindred, but those Of common hu.
manity; is 20 exe.fe the indignation OF the civilized
world and to invoke the nterposton Of all Christian
governments The act! of general coniiscation pro-
posed would deeat tho great end the government
has ia view the restoration OF order union and
obedience TO law. Apart from the injustice and
inn obey Of these acts OF sweeping conlscation,
have not been able to Gnd in the constitution tho ro
Qusite authority to pass them. After some further
remarks, at length, conscation, he proceeded 10 IN.
qure how far r at ALL the powers OF Congress arc en-
arged by this rebelon and the OF the
appliances Of war subdue t. The exceptions growing out
Of the military exgencio and measured and governed by
them cannot be ;orceeen and provided Tor by lcgsa'
o, but must be left wiere the law OF nations leave
them, with the military commander II is III fhe cxer-
else Of irresponsible power that the incest sense OF JUS
tice and the greatest caution and forbearance are DO
manded In suppressing arebeion so atrocous marked
by such fury and hate. against government felt only In
R blessings forbearance sometimes seems to US weak
ncs and vengeance the nobost of virtues. But in our
calmer moments, we hear the Divine voice, vengeance
is mine will repay" conclude what have to say on
this branch Of the subject with the remark that in SUBJ
permanent forfeiture and confscation OF property,
real aad personal, without the trial oil tho
to sss rsssea the o
the question OF the deepest interest involved In this dis
cussion--the emancipation Of slaves in the seeding
States This plainly ia not question Of present military
necessity but one affecting tho permanent, structure Of
tho government and involving material changes in tho
constitution. This can be done In one or two ways--n
tho method tho constitution points OUT or by successful
revolution the part OF the free States and the entire
subugation Of tho slave States NO man can foresee to.
day what policy severe and protracted struggle may
render necessary 1t is sufficient to say that into such
Of conquest aud determination the people or the
United States have no present disposition to enter They
havo too thorough conviction Of the capacity OF the
government subdue tho rebellion by the means tho
constitution sanctions to be desrous Of looking beyond its
pale tho question arises how far the existence Of tho
rebellion coneS upon Congress any now power over tho
relation Of master and slave Strictly spcakng no now
power conferred upon any department Of tho govern
ment by rebellion but may have powers to bo
used in those exigencies which dormant in time Of
peace. Though the power may exist, there Is, with
prudent and humane mon, no desire to use Nothing
but the direst extremity would excuse tho use Of .
power fraught with so great pcrs to both races and
the glorious trumphs OF our arms, cvincng our capa
city to subdue the rebellion without departure from the
usages Of civilized warars Indefinitely postponed tho
question. Nor would act Of the national government
berating the slaves within State, having the con-
sent Of the State and providing compensation for tho
masters initiate with the rule Coswsio rineI leens.
The consent OF tho Htate would relieve the difficulty
In my Judgment, IL would he impractcable for tho lc
gisature il had the power TO anticipate BY any
general statute the exasnccs or prescribe the rules for
the exercise of this powor The Legislature and the peo
pie will content to leave the matter to the sound dis
crction and sound patriotism OF the magistrate selected
10 execute tho laws. To avoid msconstructon, desire
to say that the power Of Congress slavery In this
District is absoute and that no limitation exists In the
letter spirit or the constitution the acts OF ceseon
All that is requisite for aboshs slavery here, Is just
compensation to the master. whoever else may alter,
Imust stand by the constitution havo sworn to sup.
port am wise enough to build better. am not
rash enough to experiment upon nations life. Thore
s to me- hope Of ono country" but in this systom Of
many States and one nation working in thor respective
spheres ii the Divine hand had moulded and sst them
motion To this system tho integrity u the States is
as essential that of the central power Their life Is
one lfe consolidated government for tis vast coan.
try would be essentially despotic government, demo-
cratic IN name, but kept tuoyant by corruption and
efficient by tho sword.