Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1862-05-28
Conhscation Of Rebel Property.
The Real Interests Of the Border States and ths
FREQ States Identical.
SPEECH OF HON. JOHN PATTON,
OF PENNSYLVANIA,

SPEECH OF HON. JOHN PATTON,
OF PENNSYLVANIA,
In the House of Representatives, April 23, 1862,
on the bfll Oh. X. No. l06) to facilitate the
suppression of the rebellion and to
prevent its return.
Mr.. SPEAKER, during the months past in
which l have sat in this Hall, l have never
claimed the attention of the House. The
measures that have come up for our consider
alton have, for the most part, been of the ma
ture that the duty OF every loyal Representa-
tive has been so clear and unmistakable that
debate, further than necessary to the pcrfec-
ton OF details, has seemed to me impertinent
and factious. and to have only the effect to con-
fuse aud embarrass or delay proper action.
The time has called for deeds, not words and
fortunately for the country, there has been
that nnanimity of patriotic spirit in this House,
that all attempts to paralize by delay and TO
divide by the introduction OF false issues have
been promptly put aside.
| should not have departed from my habit
of silence now, but for the belief that my con-
stituents. in common with all loyal men OF
whatever section, have deep interest III the
passage of some measure tor the confiscation
of the property of rebels, and / should feel
myself neglectful of my duty did allow the
occasion to pass without urging the considera-
tions which will determine my own action.
i desire to address myself to the Represen-
tatives OF the ''border States'more especially.
1t is not my purpose to stand here and de-
nounce any of the loyal citizens of the slave
holding States because they may differ from
me on questions of policy or expediency, nor
do entertain an unkind feeling against sim
gle one of them. / can truly say that have
none of the preudices common to partisans.
Politics has not been my profession nor, ex-
cept so far as necessary to enable me to vote
understaudingly, and to discharge my duties
to nv constituents, nave made it my study.
Since have been q member of this House II
has been my privilege to form many agreeable
acquaintances among the members from the
border States, and have found them true and
make any sacrifice that they clearly con-
vinccd is necessary to save our common coun-
try as those from the Worth. II there are
differences between us | believe they are the
results, on both sides, of honest convictions !;
and desire to address myself only TO their
reason and their patriotism, disclaimiDg, on
my own part, all partialities and prejudices,
and asking an equally kind and candid consid-
Grafton of what may have to say.
What is il, ask, that has so terribly dis
tracted and disorganixed our country, that
has put in motion illion OF bayonets, caus-
ed the sacrifice of thousands Of lives, and the
expenditure of hundreds OF millions of doliars1
Certainly no differences Of language, relig ion,
or ancestry nor can it be the clashing of the
true interests of various sections. The cham
pions of both sides agree that it is the result
OF the natat al conflict between slave labor and
free. And where rests the responsibility for
the elimination of this conflict in open war
[ apprehend that, after the events of the
past year, there can be but one answer to this
question, whatever may be the difference of
opinion as to the original merits of the con-
troversy. For, while the people OF the
North have believed slavery to be wrong,
morally, religiously, and politically, and cal
culated to rctard the proper development OF
the industrial interests Of the States where it
existed, If not contrary to the letter and the
spirit of our Constitution, they have not by a
single act of legislation interfered with the
just or assumed rights Of those States. As
Mr.. Benton once said, s'they (the slave States)
never asked for anything that they did not re-
ceive ;'' and up to this very day there has not
been the shadow of law passed by Congress
restricting any rights of shareholders in the
States. We have said, ssyou may have and
enjoy your system of labor, and we will have
and enjoy ours.' But the slaveholding States
were not content with this, or anything short
of the employment of the whole power OF the
Government in the extension and perpetual
tion of their system. Because, for the first
time in almost half a century, we have placed
a man at the head Of the nation who is only
not partial to slavery, the slaveholding leaders
hive combined against the proper authority OF
the Government, and are now attempting to
institute a government ssthe corner stone OF
which," according to their own declaration,
.sshall be the institution of human bondage"
Sir, from the very beginning of the agita-
ton, now half q ceDtuary old, we sought to
avert the final struggle by compromise after
comprimise. To the successive and ever-ris.
ing demands of the slave power we opposed
only compliance after compliance, oftentimes
accompanied, rejoice to say, with protest,
but always ending in submission, until there
was nothing but the very vital principle of
our free society that we had not yielded,
and even that had compromised. 1t is not
my intention TO review the history OF the Pc
riod referred to. We are all familiar with
its leading events. / desire only TO Introduce
a single "reminiscences, with view to Illus
trate the good faith In which know the pec-
pie of the North acted throughout, and their
desire for an amicable settlement OF the mat
ter in dispute. 1t was my privilege to be
member of the national Wing convention held
at Baltimore, in 1852, at which General Win
field Scott was nominated for President. we
then entered into a solemn agreement that we
would digcountenance all agitation OF the sia-
very question, both in and out OF Congress.
The same year the Democracy held their ma
tional convention, ana passed siibiiar feso.u.
tions. The country then rested In the oeilei
that these pledges were made IN good iaith,
and that the vexed question had been put to
rest. l returned to my home after the ad-
iournment of that convention with the conf
dent belief that the slavery question, as set
tied by Congress in 1850, and ratified by the
two great national parties in 1852, was '.nnai'
ity," as it was thon pronounced and l, IN
common with other members of the party 10
which, belonged, determined that there should
be nothing wanting on my part to make the