Belmont chronicle. [volume] (St. Clairsville, Ohio) 1855-1973, 1862-12-04

ed to such State by instalments, or IN one
parcel, at the completion Of the adjustment,
accQrlingys as the same shall havs beenj
gradual, or at ono time, within such State;
and intercst shall begin to run upon any
such bond, only from the proper time of its
delivery Is aforesaid. Any State having re-
ceived bonds as aforesaid, and afterwards
or tolerating slavery therein, 4
shall refund to the United States the bonds
20 received. or the value thereof, and all in
terest paid thereon.
3"ARTIcLE -
Gan slaves who shall have enjoyed actual
freedom by the chances of war. at any time
before the end of the rebellion shall bo
forever free; but all owners of such
who shall not have been disloyal, shall
be compensated for them, at the same rates
as is provided for States adopting abolish
ment of slavery, but in such way, that no
slave shall be twice accounted for. i
bow h.r ''ARrlcLs Ifu
Congress may appropriate money, and other
wise provide. for coloniz ny Tree colorrd persons,
with their uwn consent, at any place Or places
without the United s'ialss."
| beg indulgence to discuss these proposed mr.
ii les at $, ne iength Withoui slavery the re-
beii,n coald never have existed without slav-
cry il w,u,d moi conuiu,. .t. ,ri ia l,.sa...J
Among the friends OF t'e Union .hsre Is great
diversity M sentinicnt, and OF policy, in regard
To slavery. and the Africrn -acs amongst US
Some would perpetuafe slavery; some would
ahoi ii IL suddenly. and wiihout compensation {;
some would remove the freed people iT0ln US, AMI
some would retain them W ith us; an1 there are
yet other minor universities. Because Of these
adversties, We waste much strength In struggles
among ourselves. By mutual cJnsession we
should harinoniz4. and act together. This would
be compromise /; but it would be compromise
among the lIieDds, aud not am Ing the enemies OF
the Union. These articles are intended to EN-
body plnn oi such mate rial CONCESSIONS. IL the
plan ehall be adopted. II is assumed that emanci
paton will follow, at least, in. several oi the
States. d.. .... s.r.f Lsf .tft..f.. ...rf ......
As TO the first article. the main points are I.
firs', the emancipation; secondly the length Of
time for consnmmatilg IL theiriy-seven wears {;
uni thirdly The compensation % ID li. '.'
q The emancipation will be unsatisfactory TO the
advocates Ji perpetual slavery bat the length of
time should greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction.
The timr spures )Uyh races from tbs evils OF sud-
den deran GENE nt--in fact, trom the necessity Ut
any derangement--while must oil those WHOSE
lshitual ourse OF thought will be disturbed by
| the measu te will have Passed away before its
contamination. They will never see it. Another
Gloss will hail the prospect oi em,nci alton, but
will d,procate the length Of time They will ieel
TINT II gives To, little to the now living slaves
| bul il really gives tn IN much II saves them
from the vagrant dasiitution which must largely
attend immediate emancipation in oc ,liies
where their numbers are very greats and il gives
the inspiring assurances that tn ir postcrity shalt
be frao Tor ever. The plan eaves TO each State.
choosing 10 act under 1t, TO abolish slavery now.
or at the end OF the century, or at anJ INTERN; ;;
date 'ime, or by dsgress, extending over the
whole or my part Of the period and it oblige, no
| two States 70 proceed alike. .i'''.
Ii also provides for compensation, and
generally, the mode of making it This, il
would seem, must further mitigate the di.
satisfaction Of those who favor perpetua
slavery, and especially of those who are tc
receive the compensation. Doubtless some
of those who are to pay, and not to receive
will object. Yet the measure is both just
and economical In q certain sense, the
liberation of slaves is the destruction o.
property-property acquired by descent, o.
by purchase, the same as any other proper
ty. II is no less true for having been Otter
said, that the people Of the South are no
more responsible for the original intrOduc
tion of this property, than are the people o
the North; and when it is remembered how
unhesitatingly VIC all usc cotton and sugar
and share the profits of dealing in them, i
may not be quite safe to say, that the Soutl
has been more responsible than the North
for its continuance. If, then, for com
mon object, this property il to be sacrificed
is it not just that it be done at common
charge. 4apliaisI "i1
And if, with less money, or money more
easily paid, we can preserve the benefits Of
the Union by this means, than we can by
the war alone, is it not also economical to
do iR Let us consider it then. Let us as
certain the sun we have expended in the
war since compensated emancipation was
proposed last March, and consider whether
if that measure had been promptly accept
cd, by even some of the slave States, tht
scme suIu would not have done more tC
close the war, than has been otherwise done
LII so. the measure would save money and
in that view would be prudent and eco
nomcal measure. Certainly it is not 80 cas-,
to pay sonsethiiig as it isto pay nothing; hui
it is easier to pay n large SUN, than it is tC
pay larger one. And it il easier to pay
any SUN ,Uhen we ara able, than ii il
to pay it before we are able. The war re-
quires large sums, and requires them at
once. The aggregate sum necessary fol
compensated emancipation, of course
would be large But it would require nc
ready cash; nor the bonds even, any faster
than the emancipation progresses. This
might not, and probably would net, close
before the end ofthe thirty seven years.
And at that time we shall probably have 9
hundred millions Of people to share the bur
den, instead of thirty-one millions, as now.
And not only so, but the increase of our
population may he expected to continue for
long time after that period, as rapidly as
before, because our territory will not have
become full. do not state this inconsid
erately.. At the same ratio of increase which
we have maintained, on an average, from
our first national census, in 1870, until that
of 1860, we should. in l9OO0r have popula
tlon Of l0S, 2OS, AIS. Aud why may We moi
that ratio, far beyond that period2 Oul
abundant room--our broad national home
stead--is our ample resource. Were oul
territory as limited as are the British Isles
very certainly our population could not OF
pand Is stated. Instead OF receiving the
foreign born, rs now. We should bs com
PEELED to send part Of the native born away
But such is not our condition. We have
two millions nine hundred and sixty three
thousand square miles. Europe has three
millions and eight hundred thousand, with
a population averaging seventy-thrsc ant
one third persons to the square mile. Why
may not our country, at some time, average
as manyp Isit less fertile? Hasit more waste
surface, by mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts
or other causes? Is it inferior to Europe iT