The daily Evansville journal. (Evansville, Ind.) 1862-1863, 1862-12-03
THE COST OF PEACE.
Letter from Robert Dale Owen to
Secretary Chase.
THE CONDITIONS oF LASTING PEACE.

SIR: In brletest terms state the
proposition which, as the subject of our
recent conversation, l promised to re-
duce to writing
What are the reasonable hopes of
peace? airs. ~ -.
Not that, within the next fifty days,
the South, ayailing herself of the term of
grace offered in the Presidents procla-
nation, may. to save her favorite insti-
tuition, return to her allegiance. Let us
not deceive ourselves. There are no
conditions, no guarantees-no, not if we
profer her blank sheet on which to set
them down, with unrestricted pen, in
= her own hand-under which she will
consent to reunion, except in one con-
tingency-conquest, more or less COM
plete, by force of arms. ..r.
Are we likely to obtain peace Oy con-
quest?
In search of an answer, let us look
closely at few statistical facts.
By the census of 1860 the number of
white males between the ages of Is and
40 is, in the loyal States, about four mil
lions; and in the disloyal States, about
one million three hundred thousand; a
little upward of three to one. The dis
proportion seems overwhelmingly great
But this calculation, as basis of mill
tary strength, is wholly fallaciuus, for it
includes persons of one color only.
Out of the above four millions the
North has to provide soldiers and with
considerable exceptions, not usually ex-
tending to field-labor) laborers also.
But of the three millions and half.of
slaves owned in the rebel States, about
two millions may be estimated as labor
ers. Allow three hundred thousand of
these as employed in domestic services
and other occupations followed by wo-
men among us, and we have seventeen
hundred thousand plantation hands, male
and female, each one of which counts
against Northern laborer on farm or
in work shop.
Then of that portion of population
whence soldiers and outdoor laborers
and mechanics must chiefly be taken,
the Northern States have four millions
and the Southern States three millions.
Supposing the negroes all loyal to their
masters, it follows that the true proper
tions of strength available in this war
that is, of all solliers to fight and labor
ers to support the nation while fighting
may fairly enough be taken at three in
the South to four in the North.
Under the supposition of South unit
ed, without regard to color, in an effort
for recognition, shall we obtain peace by
subduing her? If history teach truth,
we shall not Never, since the world
began did nine millions of people band
together, resolutely inspired blythe one
idea of achieving their independence,
yet fail to obtain it. 1t is not century
since one-third of the number success
fully defed-Great Britain.
But let US suppose the negroes of the
South loyal to the Union instead of to
their masters, how stands the matter
then2
In that case, it is not to a united peo-
pie, but to Confederacy divided against
itself, that we are opposed; the masters
on one side; the laborers, exceeding
them in number, on the other.
Suppose the services Of these laborers
transferred to us, what will then be the
proportion, on either side of forces avail
able, directly and indirectly, for military
purposes?
As about Eve and three -fourths to one
and third: in other words, nearly as
nine to two.
Such a wholesale transfer is, of course,
impossible in practice But in so far as
the transfer is possible, and shall occur,
we approach the above results
How much wisdom, under these cir.
cumstances, is there in the advice that
we should put down the rebellion first
and settle the negro question afterwards
What shall we say of their statesman
ship who, in a war like this, would leave
out of view the practical effects of eman.
cipation?
On the other hand, however, it is to be
admitted that African loyalty in this wal
will little avail us, if we have not good
sense and good feeling enough properly
to govern the negroes who may enter oul
lines. rp .a.fI.
To render their aid available, in the
! first place we must treat them humanely
"a duty we have yet to learn; and, sec
ondly, both for their sakes aud our own
we must not support them in idleness
Doubtless, they are most efficient as la
borers, as domestics in camp, as team
sters, or employed on intrenchments anC
Notifications, or in ambulance corps, OF
as. sappers and miners; or, as fast az
Southern plantations shall fall into oul
possession, as feld-hands But if al
these posts become over-flled, better dc
away with the necessity for further draf
in the North by putting muskets in the
hands of able bodied men, colored differ
emily from ourselves, than to deludt
their ignorance into the opinion tina
among the privileges of freedom is fooC
without work.
Have we philanthropy and discretion
enough wisely to administer change o
system? Possibly not Administrative
capacity in public affairs is not oul
strong point We would do well to beal
in mind, however, that without such ca
pacity not this war only, but our entire
governmental experiment, will prove 1
failure at last af-