Wood County reporter. [volume] (Grand Rapids [i.e. Wisconsin Rapids], Wis.) 1857-1923, 1862-12-06
THE COST OF PEACE.
Letter from Roe Dale Owen to
Secretary Chase.
The Conditions of Lasting Peace.

10 the Hon. Salmon T. Chase, Secretary
Of the Treasury:
SIR: In briefest terms | state the prop.
ositions which, as the subject of our re-
cent conversation, promised to reduce to
writing.
What are the reasonable hopes of peace
Not, that within the next fifty DAYS the
South, availing herself OF the term Of
grace offered in the Presidents proclama-
| ton, may, to save her favorite institution,
return to her allegiance. Let Us not de-
ceive ourselves. There are no conditions,
no guaranties-no, not if we proffer her
blank sheet On which to set them down,
with unrestricted pen, in her own hand
under which she will consent to reunion,
except in one OBSERVATION-DISCLOSURES,
more or less complete, by force OF arms.
Are we likely to obtain peace by con-
quest2
In search of an answer, let Us look
| closely at few statistical facts.
By the census of 1860 the number of
white males between the ages of Is and
As is, in the loyal States, about four mil
lions and in the disloyal States, about
one million three hundred thousand; lit
tie upwards OF three to one. The disprc-
portion seems Overwhelmingly great.
But this calculation, as a basis of mill
tsry strength, is wholly fallacious for it
includes persons of one color only.
Out of the above four millions the North
has to provide soldiers and with incon-
siderable exceptions, not usually extended
to field labor) laborers also.
But of the three millions and half of
| slaves owned in the rebel States, about
two millions may be estimated as iaborers
Allow three hundred thousand of these as
, employed IN domestic services and other
occupations followed by women among
Us, AID we have seventeen hundred thou
sand plantation hands, male and female,
each one of which counts against north
ern labOrer on the farm or in the work
shop.
Then, o. that portion OF population
! whence soldiers and out door laborers and
mechanics most chiefly be taken, the
| Northern States have three millions.
Supposing the negroes all loyal to their
masters, it follows that the true proportion
of strength available in this war-that is.
of soldiers to fight and laborers to sup
port the nation while fghting-may fairly
enough be taken at three in the South to
toHr in the North.
| Under this supposition of South unit
| ed, without regard to color, in an Effort
| for recognition, shall we obtain peace by
subduiDg her? If history teach truth, we
shall not. Never, since the world be- gan,
| did nine millions of people band together,
resolutely inspired by the one idea of
achieving their independence, yet fail to
obtain it. 1t is not century since one
third of the number successfully defied
Great Britain.
But let US suppose the negroes of the
South loyal to the Union instead of to
their masters, how stands the matter
then
In that case, it is not to united people,
but to a Confederacy divided against it.
self, that we are opposed; the masters on
one side; the laborers, exceeding them in
number, on the other.
Suppose the services of these laborers
transferred to Us, what will then be the
proportion, on either side of forces avaia-
BILE, directly and indirectly, for military
purposes
AS about five and three fourtns to one
and third: in other words, yearly as
nine to taoo.
Such a wholesale transfer is, of course,
impossible in practice. But in so far as
the transfer as possible, and shall occur, we
approach the above results.
How much wisdom, under these circum-
stances, is there in the advice that we
should put down the rebellion first and
settle the negro question afterwards
What shall we say of their craftsmanship
/ who, in a war like this, would leave out of
view the practical effects of emancipa-
ton?
On the other hand, however, it is to be
admitted that African loyalty in this war
will little avail US, if we have not good
sense and good feeling enough properly to
govern the negroes who may enter our
lines.
To render their aid available, in the first
place we must treat them humanely; a
duty we have yet to learn and secondly.
both for their sakes and for our own, we
must not support them in dleness. Doubt
less, they are most efficient as laborers, as
domestics in camp, as teamsters, or en-
ployed on entertainments and tortifca-
tons, OF in ambulance corps, or as sappers
and miners; or, as fast as southern plan
tatlons shall ia.l into our possession, as
teld-hands. But if all these posts become
over filled, better do away with the neces.
sity for further draft in the North by but
ting muskets in the hands of able bodi ed
men, colored different from ourselves, than
to delude their ignorance into the opinion
that among tie privileges of freedom is
| TODD without work.
Have we philanthropy and discretion
enough wisely to administer such change
of system? Possibly not. Administra-
tive capacity in public affairs is not our
strong point. We would do well to bear
in mind, however, that without such Ca
pacity not this war only, but our entire
governmental experiment, will prove a
failure at last.
Do other objections hold against tie
plans Does humanity forbid us to accept
the aid of an enslaved race9 In so far as
humanity can ever erjoin war at all, she
enyoans the employment, by Us, OF the At
rican in this; fist, because his employ
ment may shorten by years, the fratricida
struggle; and then, because, if he is not
permitted to assist in civilized warfare IN
der Us, and if, without his aid, we fail to
effect his liberation and thus disappoint
his hopes, he may be overtaken by the
temptation to seek freedom and revenge in
his own wild way. In accepting the lib.
Grated slave as a soldier we may prevent
bis rising as an assassin. BY the creation
of uegro brigades we may avert the indis-
crimlnate massacres OF servile instruction.
Or is there an insupers5le difficulty of
caste in the way In contest likely to
eventuate in securing to another race than
ours the greatest CT temporal blessings,