, 1862-12-11
OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS.
The Correspondence Between. the
State Department and Hon.
G. F. Adams, our Rep
resentadVe to
London,


resentatiVe to
London.
INTERVIEW OF MR. ADAMS WITH THE
BRITISH FOREIGN SECRETARY.
Mf. Seward On the Emancipation Proclamation,
and On Buffers famous Order.
The correspondence between the State De-
partment and the American representatives
ABROAD has reached us in advance Of its subj
mission to Congress. The publication is of
the highest Importance. 1t tells in tile most
authentic form the story Of our intercourse
with foreign nations during the most difficult
stage Of the national career; how faithfully
and ably the justice and progress of our cause
have been presented to the governments Of
Europe, and why the various difficulties nee
esEarily incident to a contest such as ours
have been prevented from becoming the PROV
ocations Of IN external war by the concilia-
tory weapons Of diplomacy.
The volume contains nearly a thousand
pages. Secretary Stewards dispatches to Mr..
Adams cover the whole question Of the war,
and emphatieally approve the Presidents
emancipation policy. The important and diff.
ficult positions occupied by our Ministers in
China and Japan, in 4 measure lost sight Of
in the presence Of greater questions, appear
in strong light in the interesting dispatches
Of Messrs. Harris, Prnyn and Burlingame.
The dispatches Of our ministers in Honduras,
Central American colonization scheme for the
blacks failed. Bayard Taylor, us charge d
AtaiTss, communicates some Interesting facts
about Russian progress in Civilization. Mr..
Thaytr's letters from Egypt are Of similar
tenor. The dispatches Of Mr.. Pike partake Of
his OWL radical and vigorous character. Mr..
| Harvey looks upon things with the eyes of :,
| Border State man, but writes generally with
| ability and prudence. Almost every page
| Of the document contains interesting infor-
| nation thnt will make an important part OF
history. The letters Of a1r. Motley are pecu-
liarly valuable.
Rlr. Seward, in Lis dispatch to Mr. Adams,
under date Of September 26, gives lis views
| Of The emancipation policy concisely and
clearly. Ue says:
MIR. SEWARD ON TIE PROCLAMATION.
As you are we'll aware, it has never been ex-
pectcd by the President that the insurgents
! should protraet this war until it should cx-
llaust not only themselves hut the loyal States
and bring foreign armies or nayics into t1t
conflict, and still be allowed to retain in bond
age, with the consent Of this government, the
| slaves who constitute the laboring and pro-
ducing llasscs Of lie i1surrectionary States.
At the same time, the emancipation Of thu
slaves could be effected only by executive au-
thority, and on the ground Of military neee5
si1y. AS a preliminary to the exercise Of thai
great power, The President must hare not on.
Iy the eXigency, but tie general consent o1
the loyal people Of the Union in the border
slave States where the war was raging, as well
as i'll the free States which have escaped the
scourgc, which could only be obtained
through Il clear conviction on their part thai
the military exigency had actually occurred
| It is thus seen that what has been discussed
90 earnestly at home and abroad Us question
of morals or Of humanity, has all tue Whit
been practically only q military question, de
pending on time and circumstances. The Or
der for emancipation, to take effect Oh TIE Isl
| Of january, in the States then still remaining
in rebellion against the Onion, vas issuet
upon due delIbcra1ion, and conscientious con
sideration Of tie actual condition Of tht
l 49,
country.
No one knows how slavery was ensrafte &c
upon the nation when it WAS sprirging NJ
into existence; how il has grown and g;llntl
strength us The natlon itself has ADVANCED il
wealth and power: how fearful the people
have hitherto been Of any change which might
disturb the parasite, will contend that the Or
der comes loo late. II is hoped and believed
that, af er the painful experience We have hal
of lie danger TO which the federal connection
with slavery is exposing the republic, there
will be few indeed who will insist that the de
cree which brings the connection to an cnt
either could or ought 10 have becn furthel
deferred.
The interests Of humanity haze now bt
come identified with the cause of our country
and this has resulted not from any infractiol
Of constitutional restraints by the govern
1ncnt, but from persistent uncons1Itutiona
and factiouE proceedings Of the Insurgents
Wfu have opposed themselves to both.s
In subsequent dispatch, Mr.. Seward adds
WASHINGTON, October 25 1862
Your dispatch Of October 10, has been re
ccived. It shows that the Presidents procl,
: nation has produced in Great Britain IN in.
preston similar i'll nature, and differing on!.
. | in .ilSrtr, from the effect which IL his hal
here. Although, for obvious reasons, littl
:: was said on The subject in the correspondence
: Of this department, i'll anticipation pf the proc
: lamation, vel you must have well undcrStoo
: expectations Of those who assumed that
!, ! would instantaueously convert the forcig
enemies Of our country into friends. 1t is no
now proposed to discuss with those person
the questions they so ingcniously raise, .la1ue
I ly, whether tile proclamation has not com
too late, whether it has not come too carly
; or whether its effect will not be defeated
1 tile fact that it is based upon nl1lltary nece:
i sity, and not upon philanthropy. LII rcgar
| to the first two points, they arc raised b
+ unreasonable. III regard to The latter, it ma
4 be said that the Christian religion has prove
! none the less successful and beleticcnt in Ell
rope, although it must be confessed that I'll
: mere charity inculcatcd by that religion ri
c NOW the exclusive motive Of Constituting
C adopting and proclaiming it.
= Time advances, aud the national power wi
. not lag behind il in bearing the procllmatio
Q into tic homes which slavery has scourge
b with tho crowning evils Of civil war, and tt
Il most fagrant Of political crimes s-trcaso
= against the best Constitution and the be-
Government That has ever been cstabishe
1t among men. There is reason to hope til;
Il the proceeding will divide the insurrectiol
:, The public mind has been disturbed, and IL
periodical occurrence Of popular election
II has been attended By eXtrayagant expression
Il as usual: But the policy Of the Administr
| ton will be practically ac9uiesced in ar
ultimately universally approved.
:! TIE EUROPEAN GOVERNMENTS.
h In a second letter to Mr.. Adams, dated Ju
e 2S1h, 1eG2, Mr.. Seward reviews thc rrctcns
Is OF tho European governments for their pee
&c liar unfriendly conduct toward tlis countf
l. He says:
J. What arc the reasons upon these cover
It mcnts of short sighted politicians for such
# proceeding? They are various, but none
them will bear examination. First, it W
said that civil WAT among us endangers II
= commerce Of foreign nations, and that til
K have right to practice neutrality. So, i
, deed, they have, If their commerce is cnda
- gercd, and if pronounced neutrality will sa'
J. their commerce. But no slayeholding cruis
e from this country ever attacked, or even me
" aced, the commerce Of Europe before the !:
;, titude Of neutrality was adopted. Then it "
- :, said that tile United States resortcd to bloc
d ade, but the blockade is an application
lc force allowed by the laws Of nations to all b'
n lgerents. Then the blockade was represents
rs being imperfect; but If it had been SO,
% was, therefore, the less injurious. Then
If w:s too rigorous and prevented the export
le cotton and the import Of fabrics. Is this II
~ the lawful object Of o blockade? Then it "
~ alleged that the closing Of the cotton ports
O. the blockade was continued too long:
- opened them to trade and invited it: the
" surgents refuse to let cotton be sent forwa
:. - | to market. We apply all our means and ent
- gies, confessedly greater than any nation eE
C. before applied, to suppress insurrection Il:
', commerce, and we gain victory after victor
| ,3f oh