The dollar weekly bulletin. [volume] (Maysville, Ky.) 1862-1864, 1862-12-11

south of kentucky, North of Ohio, and still the
truth remains that none south of it can trade to
any place north of it, and none north of it can
trade to any port or place south of it, except upon
terms dictated by n Government, foreign to them.
These outlets, east west, and SOUTH are indispcn-
bic to the well being of the people nhabting and
to inhabit this vast interior reg on. Which of the
three may be the best, is no proper question. All
are better than either, and all of right belong to
that people aud their SUCCESSORS forever. True to
themselves, they will not ask where line of sepa
ration shall be, but will rather that there shall
be no such line. Nor are the marginal cgions less
interested Ill these communications to and through
them to the great outside world. They, too, and
each OF them, must have to this Egypt OF the
est without paying toll at the crossing of any
national boundary. Our national strife springs
not from permanent part, not from the land we
inhabit, not from our national homestead. There
Is no possible scvering of this but would multiply,
and not mit gate, evils among In all its adap-
tatiOns and aptitudes, it demands union and abhors
separation. In fact, it would ere long force re-
union, however much blood and treasure the sepa-
ration might have cost. Our strife pertains to
selves, to the passing generations of men, and it
can not, without CONFUSION, be hushed forever
with the passing of one generation.
In the view, | recommend the adoption of the
following resolution and articles amendatory of the
Constitution of the United States:
ResDfred, BY the Senate and House of Reprcscn-
tatives of the United States of America, in Con-
rcss assembled, twothirds of both Houses concur
ring that the following Articles be proposed to the
legislatures or Conventions of the several States,
States, all of which Articles when ratified by three
fourthS of the said Legislatures Conventions to
be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution,
/ viz:
ARTIcLE--Every State wherein Slavery now
exists, which shall abolish the therein ut any
time or times before the first day cfJanuary in the
year flour Lord one thousand nine hundred shall
receive compensation from the United States, as
follows, to-wit:
The President of the United States shall deliver
to every such State bonds of the United States,
bearing interest at the rate of-for each slave
shown to have been therein by the Eighth Census of
the United States. and said bonds to be: delivered
10 such States by insta lments, in one parcel.
the completion of the adjustment, accordingly rs
the same shall have been gradual or at one time
within such State; and interest shall begin run
upon any such bond only from the proper time OF
its delivery aforesaid and afterward. Any
state having received bonds as aforesaid, and at
terward Introducing tOlcratins slavery therein,
shall refund to the United States the bonds
ccived, or the value thereof, and all the interest
paid thereon.
ARTICLE.-All slaves who shall have eDioyed ac-
tual freedom by the chances of the war, at any
time before the end of the rebellion, shall be for
free; but all owners of SUCH who shall not
have teen disoyal, shall be compensated for them
at the same rates as is provided for adopting
adjustment of slavery, bat in such way that
slave shall be twice accounted for.
! ARTICLE.-CCngr css may aIpropriat tie money and
otherwise provide for colonizing free colored per
sons with their own consent, any place places
without the United States.
/ beg indul.cnc to discuss these proposed ar
ticles at some length.
! Without Slavery, the rebellion could never have
existed; without Slavery, it could not continue
Among the friends of the Union there Is great di
ycrsity of sentiment and of policy in regard to
Slavery and the African among us. Some
would abolish it suddenly, and without compensa-
sItiOn: some would abolish il gradually, and with
compensation; some would remove the freed people
from Us, and some would retain them with Us; and
there are yet other minor diyersities. Because of
these divcrsltcs we waste much strength in strug-
giles among ourselves; by mutual concession, we
should harmonic and act together. This would
be q compromise among the friends and not with
the enemies o: the Union. These articles are in
! tended to embody plan of such mutual, conces-
Sions- II the plan be adopted, it Is assumed tina t
emancipation will follow, least in several cf the
States. A. 10 the first article the main points are:
! /. The emancipation.
. The length of time for concentrating Ghirty
seven year. }; and.
.. The compensation.
The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the
advocates "i perpetual slavery, but the length of
time should greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction
The time spares both races from the evils of sud-
len arrangement: in fact from the necessity of any
arrangement, while most of those whose habitual
course of thought will be disturbed by the meas
ure viii have passed away before its surnmaton
They viii never it. Another class will hail
the prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate
the length of time. They will feel that it gives
too little to the now living slaves. But it really
gives them much. 1t saves them from the ya.rant
restitution which must largely attend immediate
emancipation in localities where their numbers are
very great, and ii gives the inspiritin assurance
that their po>tcrity shall be free forever The
plan leaves to each State choosing act under il
To- abolish slavery now at the end of the century
any intermediate time, by degrees ex-
tending over the whole or any part of the period
and it obiigcs no two States to proceed alike. 1t
also provides for compcnsation and generally the
mode Of makingit. This, it would seem must fur
ther mitigate the dissatisfaction Of those who favor
perpetual slavery. and especially the mode of max
ing It, IhIs, 1t would seem, must further mitigate
the dissatisfaction of those who favor perpetual
slavery, and especially of those who are t. receive
compensation. Doubtless, some of those who are
to pay and not to receive will object: vet that the
measure IL both just and economical is certain
The liberation of the slaves is the destruction of
property; property acquired by descent purchase
the same as any other property.
II i no less true for having been often said that
the people ofthe South are no more rcsnonsihI for
the original introduction Of this property than are
the people of the North: and when it is remember
ed how unhesitatinSiy we use-all of us use-cot-
ton and sugar, and share the profits of dea i'm
them it may not be quite safe that the South
has been mOre responsible than the North for it,
continuance If, then, for common object, this /
property il To be sacrificed, is it Just that is be
done at common charge? And if with less /
money, n money more easily paid, we can pre-
serve the benefits of the Union by this means than
We can by the war alone. l. it not also economical
% do it? Let consider it then. Let
ain the sum we have expended in the war since
emancipation proposed last
March, and consider whether if that measure had
'een promptly accepted by even some of the slave
states, the same sum would not have done to
lose the war than has been otherwise done. Ifso,
he measure would save money, and, i'll that view,
'ouli be 4 prudent and economical measure. Ger
anIy 1t Is not so easy to pay something it is to
ny nothing. But it Is easier to pay Il large sum
han 1t Is to pay 4 larger one and it is easier to
ay any sum, when able, than it is to paw
before we are able. The requires them at
nc 70 4 4