Semi-weekly standard. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 1853-18??, 1862-10-03

con sever or divide them again. The right of quiet
and peaceable secession is preordalnea ana carul'
nal principle in the construction OF the
1t is its chief corner-stone-lndeed II hao us
in it. So tender so delicate indeed is the oond o,
union between these States, as to require new ana
mncb more careful and circumspect character OF
LEGISLATION. a greater degree of forbcarance, and
beber and more tender regard for dissentent opIn-
;c than il has heretofore been our habit to enter
tain or indulge The views and feelings OF min
ties must have higher regard and respect shown
them; and above all it must not be forgotten that
the nclinations of never have, and never Will,
cease to coincide with their interests.
Secondly, Because the principle of taxes or du-
ties upon imports for any purpose, must necessa-
rily involve in it the principle of protection. NO
general tariff it may confidently be asserted, can
be devised or so adjusted that it shall not afford
protection to greater or less extent 1t cannot be
done for single State, for county indeed, or
even for neighborhood Of industrious or enter
prising men, The very principles OF tariff are at
war with equal and exact justice and right, with
free and unrestrained enterprise and industry, and
with healthful and beneficial competition amongst
men, Does it encourage and protect on the one
hand, it smothers high and laudable aspirations
paralyzes worthy and well-directed efforts on the
other, and sooner later begets dissatisfaction,
murmurings, and discomfort. Does it cure and
strengthen here it wounds and weakens there
The wills and efforts of men in the selection and
prosecution of their industrial pursuits, should be
as free and untrammelled the air; any attempt
to divert or give direction to them by means OF a
tariff is unwise because it begets feeling of de-
pendence upon government necessarily dscrlml-
mates between the different pursuits OF industry,
and invites appeals to Congress for aid from every
one of them Besides, the ultimate effects of a ia
riff however studiously and carefully it may have
been devised, are not always, by any means
what were anticipated expected by those who
devised or enacted it. 1t is always liable to coun-
teractiOn by the very people upon whose commerce
it may have been designed to operate in every way
that their ingenuity or continuance may devise;
and in the United States it has continually been,
and indeed is now counteracted and defeated not
only, but actually made to operate to their own in
jury by the very European governments whose
commerce it was intended to affect 1t is emphat-
cally "a game at which two can play" and 10y the
use of very different means; and it must be admit
ted that they on the other side of the Atlantic play
at it much more deXterously and skillfully, and
with far better results to themselves than we on
this side do. Indeed the Europeans count more
than two to one in the game-they play at it
through their currency. Americans discard that,
and work away with dutes-duties-du upon
imports.
Nor will tariff, merely for the purpose of rev.
enue for tie support of government, cure the diff
Guilty. Protection is necessarily incident to at, and
in the Conledcracy must become more and more so,
as our debt is increased. The payment of her cur
rent expenses, and the interest of her debt, were
the avowed objects of the tariff policy of the United
States. 4 tariff for rerenue-G judiciogS tariff
incidental protectiOn-were her favorie pretences.
And how did they results Oh! phrases of equiv
ocal and fatal import! Would that they had never
been pronounced, found place in our political
vocabulary! They are causing the devastation OF
the rich inheritance derived from our sires-rOb-
bng their children of the peace they so gloriousy
won and bequeathed to Demonstrating their fair
patrimony in their blood, and making every plain
and valley and hillside in it sacred to the memory
of some of them. Away then, we say, with the
honeyed phrases. Away with the ideas they con-
vey. They express nothing conSonant with wise
legislation, sound policy, with good politi
cal sense. They mean mischief and nothing else.
But thirdly and lastly, give free trade because
the Constitution Of the COnfederacy demands it.
No G0uatieS," it says, "sdaH be granted from the
treasury to promote or foster any branch Of in
duStry"*
Now, men of the ConCederacy, does bounty
granted directly from the Treasury to 4 citizen, or
citizens, differ SO essentially from the perverson by
indirect means, of the same amount of money from
the Treasury and putting it into the pockets of the
same citizen or citizens as 20 make the right and
the other wrong? This constitutional and lawful, and
the other unconstitutional and unlawful? The one
wise and polite, and the other the Of that
We constrained to say, that they amount to one
and the same thing. The spirit and meaning of the
Constitution equally set at naught in either case
The difference ofmode in doingi certainly amounts
to nothing Well, are not duties upon imports ne
cessary bOunties to the domestic manufacturers OF
them? How otherwise can they be expected to
operate? The imposition of duties upon articles
that are not imported, would avail nothing for any
purpose. They are imposed obviously, either where
do not produce the articles at all, or where we
do not produce as much of them as we require and
must supply the deficiency from imports. In the
latter case the imposition of them must enable the
domestic producer to add to his prices for those ar
tcles the duty imposed In fact, the articles here
are made to cost in addition to the expenses of pro-
ducing them and profit thereon, the cost OF
transportation of the foreign articles OF risk or In
surance upon them; of interest from the time they
leave the foreign producers or merchants hands until
he is paid for them of warehousng or storage here;
of commissions upon the sale here OF them and 9TH
er incidental expenses, together with the duty pay
able here upon them; bounty must, OF course,
result to the domestic producers from all this and
whether it be sufficient in amount to enable them
to compete successfully with the foreign producers
or manufacturers not, does not alter the fact 1t
is still bounty, and therefore unconstitutional and
whether it be the intention of Congress that it shall
so operate or not, docs not alter the case.
But again, "n0r shall" continues the constltu-
J
foreign nations, be laid to promote foster any
branch Of industry"
Nor will, We think, under this clause of the Con-
sttution the difference be regarded at all essen
tial, whether the duties be LAID by Congress with
the purposes, the intention of promoting or foster
ing any branch of industry, or whether without any
such purpose intention on the part of Congress,
the duties imposed, do, in fact have that effect
Here too the spirit and meaning of the constitution
would in either case, be equally set at naught We
will admit, for the sake of showing the full force of
what has been said above, that the purpose and in
tention of Congress in laying duties is revenue for
the support of Government and that alone, STILL we
say, it cannot be done in the Southern Confederacy,
without thereby promoting or fostering some branch
of industry. No such tariff of duties can be laid,
except upon articles not produced and producea-
BILE within the limits of the Confederacy. And,
even in that case, more or less promotion and fos
tering must result from it to domestic industry
Let us dwell here moment.