Marshall County Republican. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1856-1878, 1862-04-24

no such thing as property in man. If this
pretension is recognized anywhere. it is
another instance of the influence of custom
Slavery was then described in its essen
tial character as fine-headed barbarism,
having its origin not in reason or nature,
or justice, or goodness. but simply in force
and nothing else. The force which main
tains Slavery at the national Capital is
supplied by Congress. If the Constitu-
tion were rightly interpreted by a just tri-
bunal. slavery wonll not exist here; for
freedom and not slavery is national. It's
unconstitutionality was ably argued by
Mr.. Chase in the Senate, and Horace Mann
in the House, and it follows from the prin
ciple declared by Judge Mclean that, in
the absence Of any power in the Constitu-
tion. it cannot exist, as respiration cannot
exist where there is no atmosphere. This
was applied by him to the Territories
After p,otrscted discussion. Washington
was selected as the national capital. For
q long time there was hesitation between
the banks of the Delaware. the Susquchan.
ma and the Potomac. The latter prevailed
by "compromise." carried by two votes.
Maryland. by formal act, ceded the terri
tory which now constitutes the District Of
Columbia. and Congress in 1901. proceed
ed to declare that the laws of Maryland las
they now exist" shall continue in force
The statutes sanctioning Slavery are colo
nial aud aute-deluvisn passed as early as
l795. These states do not attaint the
blood with slavery except for two genera
tions; yet it is by virtue Of these provisions
that slaves are still held at the National
Capital. Even If they extend beyond two
generations. they are flagrantly inconsist-
cnt with the Constitution. Congress can
exercise no powers except in conformity
with the Constitution. Its exclusive ju-
risdiction is controlled and limited by the
Constitution. ont Of which it is derived
Now, looking at the Constitution, we shall
find. first. that there are no words author
ixing Congress to establish or recognize
Slavery, and secondly. that there are posi-
tive prohibitions. a barbarism like sla-
very can have no support except in posi-
tive uaaa.biguous words. There is no
power in the Constitution to make king
or to make slave. and the absence of ali
such power is hardly more clear in one
case than in the other. But il there he no
such power then all acts of Congress sus-
tanning Slavery at the National Capital,
must be Unconstitutional and void. No
body can show phrase or word in the
Constitution giving the power. If you
find it there: it is simply because ycu make
the constitution reflect of youaself But
if there were doubt on this point. the pro-
hibitions of the Constitution would settle
the question. among which is this. mo
person shall be deprived Of life, liberty. OF
properly without due process Of law
Every person now detained as slave here,
is detained in violation Of this prohibition
A Court properly impartial. and ready te
assume that just responsibility which Dig
nifies judicial tribunals. would at once de-
clare Slavery impossible here. and set cv-
cry slave free. The two cases are parallel
In the British case of the Sumerset, Is.
600 were set free. while here it will be only
5000, But since Curtis will not do this
work. It must be attempted by Congress
If from the former, it would be the tri
umph of the statesman. But shall Con
grcss vote money? lido not hesitate. and
there are two prevailing reasons---frst. i
not partnership. there is at least com
plicity on the part Of Congress in Slavery
here. through which the whole country
has become responsible; and secondly, it j,
the gentlcst. quietest, and surest way, ant
therefore the most practical. As there j.
no reason Of policy adverse to such appro
priations. so there is no objection in the
Constitution. Congress may create slaves
But l prefer to consider the money which
we vote. not as compensation, but as ran
som. From time immemorial every Gov
ernment has undertaken to ransom its
subjects from captivity. Unhappily;in on'
history we have had occasion to do thi.
best names in our history. Even in oul
colonial days. American white people
were enslaved by the Barbary States
Algiers was the chief seat oil this enornity
which found the same apologies set mp fol
slavery here. It's even said that the slaves
in Algiers were well fed. much better than
the free Christians there. and that some be.
came indifferent to freedom. In unfolding
this eventful story. i shall exhibit the d.
rect and constant Intervention of Congress
for the ransom of slaves; but the story it.
self is an argument against Slavery. ON
efforts and anxieties began Immediately a.
ter the establishment of our Independence
As our power seemed ina lequate to CON-
pei the liberation of these people. it was
attempted by ransom. But at first our
Government offered only 5000 head. less
than is proposed in the present bill for the
redemption Of slaves at the National Cap
ital. Petitions were presented to Congress
for the captives. and several interesting
reports wore made by the Secretary of
State, in which he said that il was regards
ed as important that 'in the first instance
of redemption by The United States, our
price should be fixed at the lowest DO int. -
There are also several messages of Wash
ington on tho subject. calling upon Con-
g~css s'to provide what shall seem most
xpedient'' The question stated was be-
tween war and ransom. The Senate by
formal resolution. advised ransom. and
the President then announced. II will
proceed to take measures for the ransom
of our children in captivity at Algiers.' -
This important business met with many
interruptions. Commodore Paul Jones.
who was intrusted with it, died. Col.
Il A