The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1862-10-04

! or magistrate, or individual that would
be influenced by il there And what
reason is there 10 think il would have
any greater effect upon the slaves than the
late law of Congress, which | approved,
and which offers protection and freedom
TO the slaves Of rebel masters who come
within our lines? Yet ] cannot learn
that that law has caused a single slave TO
| come over 10 us. The President could
not have meant TO deny the well-knOwn
! fact that the slaves have come to us in
vast numbers whenever the way was
open; but only that he could not trace
the influence of that law, And suppose
! they could be induced by proclamation
of freedom from me TO throw themselves
/ upon us, what would we do with them
How can we feed and care for such a
multitude? General Butler wrote me,
few days since, that he was issuing more
rations to the slaves who have rushed to
him, than TO all the white troops under
his command. They eat, and that is all
though it is true General Butler is feed
ing the whites also by the thousands for
it nearly amounts to a famine there. If
now, the pressure Of the war should call
off our forces from New Orleans to defend
some other point, what is to prevent the
masters from reducing the blacks TO
slavery again for ! am told that when
ever the rebels take any black prisoners
free or slave, they Immediately auction
them off? They did so with those they
took from a boat that was aground on
the Tennessee river, few days ago
And then am very ungenerously attack
ed for it, For instance, when after the
late battles at and near Bull Run, an ex-
petition went out from Washington un.
der a flag of truce, TO bury the dead and
bring in the wounded, and the rebels
seized the blacks who vent along to help
and sent them into slavery. Horace
Greeley said in his paper that the Gov
ernment would probably do nothing
about it. What could do? Here your
delegation suggested that this was
gross outrage on flag Of truce which
covers and protects all over which il
waves and that whatever he could do if
white men were similarly detained, he
could do in this case
'Now then, tell me, if you please
what possible result Of good would fol-
low the issuing Of such proclamation as
you desire Understand I raise no Oh
Elections against at on legal or constitutional
grounds; for, as commander in chief Of
the army and navy, in time of war,
suppose | have the right TO take any
measure which may best subdue the en-
envy. Nor do / urge objections Of a
moral nature, in view of possible conse-
quences of insurrection and massacre at
the South. view the matter as prac-
tical war measure, TO be decided upon ac-
cording TO the advantages or disadvantages
it may offer to the suppression of the re-
belliOn
Thus invited, your delegation very
willingly made reply, 10 the following
effect it being understood that portion
of the remarks were intermingled by the
way Of conversation with those of the
President just given.
We observed Qaking up the Presidents
ideas in Order) that good men indeed diff
fered in their opinions on this subject /;
nevertheless the truth igas somelcFere, and
it was matter of solemn moment for
him to ascertain il, that we had not been
so wanting in respect alike to ourselves
and to him, as TO come a thousand miles
to bring merely our opinion to be set over
I the memorial contained facts, principles
? and arguments, which appealed to the
! intelligence of the President and his
: faith in Divine Providence. That he
5 could not deny that the Bible denounced
: oppression as one of the highest of crimes
. and threatened Divine judgment agains
! nations that practice II; that our country
1 had been exceedingly guilty in this re
I spect, both at thclNorth and South tina
4 our Just punishments has come by a
= SHAREHOLDERS rebellion that the viru,
of secession is found wherever the verui
= Of slavery extends, and no further 81
! that there is the ampest reason for cX,
7 pecting to avert Divine judgment by put
e ting away the sin, and for hoping to re
4 NEEDY the national troubles by strikin,
Y at their cause
e We observed further that we freely
Z admitted the probability, and even M
! certainty that God would reveal the patti
l of duty to the President as well as f
o others, provided he sought to learn il il
d the appointed way but as according t
o his own remark, Providence wrought bl
10 means, and not miraculously, it might be
,. God would use the suggestions and ar
I guments of other minds TO secure the re
e suit. We felt the deepest personal int
3 rest in the matter as ofnational concern
u and would fain aid the thoughts Of on
s President by communicating the couvic
e lions Of the Christian community frou
4 which we came, with the ground upol
10 which they were based.
Is That it was true, he could not now en-
e force the Constitution at the South bu
t. we could see in that factno reason what
E, ever for not proclaiming emancipation
g but rather the contrary. The two ap
II pcaled TO different classes the latte
IS would aid, and in truth was nCcessar
h TO re-establish the former and the tw
m could be made operative together, q
Al fast as our armies fought their way south
o ward while we had yet TO hear that b
o, proposed to abandon the Constitutio
because Of the present difficulty Of en-
n, forcing it,
y. As to the inability Of Congress
IS agree on this policy at the late session,
r was quite possible in view Of subsequer
IS, events there might be more unanimit
T. at another meeting The members hay
OF met their constituents and learned {
r. marvellous conversions TO the wisdom {
e, emancipation, especially since late re
~ verses have awakened thought as 10 Oh
as extreme peril of the nation, and mac
III bad men as we'll as good men realize ih
we had 20 deal with God in this matte
Of Men Of the most opposite previous view
as were now uniting ID calling for Oh
10 measure,
Id That TO proclaim emancipation Won
re, secure the sympathy Of Europe and q
1 ! whole civilized world. which now saw