Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1862-10-10
From The New York Metropolitan Rooord-AreAb.Aop

r A9n nc Aoth mGtlORoAFH A8
Hughes Organ.l
y Ia another part of this weeks Record
viii be found what we think our readers will
regard as a startling and extraordinary proHuH-
eiamsntO from the President of the United States.
We soy that it is both startling and extraOIdi-
nary, and a perusal Of the document itself will
afford sufficient proof of the correctness Of our
opinion in regard 70 its character.
This production commences with the state
meut that " the war is to be prosecuted hereafter,
IS heretofore, for the object Of practically rsstor-
ing the constitutional relations between the
Uoited States and the people thereof in which
STATES that relation may be, or is, suspended or
disturbed" This is 8 sound principle, and no
patriot can take exception 70 its enforcement
within the limits of the Constitution. Bot il
should not be forgotten that the South is not the
only portion eff the country by which that Con
%stitution has been violated aud set at defiance,
for its most cherished guarantees have been
regarded So 50 much waste paper in many of
the loyal Stairs, whose fidelity to the Usion
could not be c-lled in question We DO not
care for pursuing this painful feature in our civil
war any further. We only call attention to it
for the simple reason that it was suggested by
the opening sentence Of this remarkable produc-
ton OF the Presidential pen. The SECOND para
graph Of the proclamation states that on the
first day of January, in the year Of our Lord
one thsusaud eight hundred and sixty three, all
persons he'd IS slaves within any State, or any
designated part of a State, the people whereof
shall then be in rebellion sgaiuss the United
States, shall be thenceforward and forever free"
as we publish the document in full, it is unne-
cessary 20 make any further quotations there
FROM, particularly IS the extract we have made
may be said % contain the pith and substance
of the whole affair.
Nsver, since the nation started into existence,
has it been called upon to give its attention to a
matter Of such great moment and Importance -
that presented in President Lincoln's lsst State
paper 1t Is no wonder, therefore, that its pub
ica;ion should have produced such a profound
sensation sl over tho country, and shat its
probable effects upon the future Of the republic
should BE canvsssed and discussed with such
intense Anxiety L is 80 strangely at variance
with the conservative views hitherto expressed
bv the Chief Magistrate, that it hes fallen up6n
the public ear with stunning IF ct While it
has delighted the radical portion Of the North, 1t
has produced a feeling Of dismay and bewiIder-
ment among the conservative and patriotic
masses.
Should tbs policy foresbadowed in this docu-
ment be carried cut, a. the time specified there
in, we may reasonably expect the enactment of
2 tragedy on American soil, compared with
which the bloody hoTIors Of the S.. Domingo
massscres were mere chill g play. The slave
population Of ali the Southern States il, Wa be-
Iieve, according TO the last census, about four
millions, while Of the States In rebellion, the
slave population IS shout four fhhs of the wbols.
Now, ia the event alluded tO-thst is, the con-
tinuaucs of the Southern Confed-raey in its
present attitude, and its sutjugatiOn by the
Uuion army, all these viii be emaucipated. We
viii suppose such = condition to be realized
what is 20 become Of the millions thus suddenly
msnumitted1 Where are they to goi Are they
to be placed in possession o. the forfeited estst,
Of their former owners, and if so, how is the
process Of the diVision'Of property to be carried
outl
Let Us again ask, what are we to do with the
Mill ms Of whites who either owned or were de-
pendent upon slave property for the means Of
sUbsis'encsl These are problems which we
think viii be found rsyher difficult Of solution
by eur greatest statesmen-thss Is, if the race
of American statesmen is not already run out
If we pursue this matter still further, We will
6ud ourselves involved in greater and more Sc
Tious d faculties at every step Lst as give it
the serious consideration TO which it is entitled
by its i~riuence on the future condition of the 1
republic by its terrible Importance.
The proclamation is only to be carried into
effect IN the event of the disloysl States persist
ing in their present st,ituds Of hostility toward
the government after the first Of Jaaasry next
Il viii hardly be supposed by any ssne mind
that 8 ~bshiserant and determined enemy viii
not be rendered still more 6ercely in earnest by
the Inauguration Ct 3 war pulley that threatens /.
the destruction of everything that is Of valu- 10
thrm on this earth-fOr, if carried into Successful
operation, such a policy can only Tes1it IN the |
disruption Of he whole social system of the
South involving its inhabitants, both whits and
black, both bond and free, N general anarchy
and ruin. Axe we prepared for such a fearful
ca3amityl
Dc we understand what 8 servile war meausi
Can we picture to ourselves without skud6eriuR
a. he diead spesiscls, the scenes Of savage not
a1d debsuchefy, Of carnsgs and -rspins-scenes
Of which the horrors of the bRtile field can fur
niSh no adequate conception. The colt ct of
man with man is a struggle beswesn equals.
ous a war IN which women, and children, and
old age become the victims, is savage and bar
6ar1us to ths last degree. Surely, the Presi-
dent Of the United States does not desire 10 pre-
such a fearful calamity upon the coun-
Try surely he does not mean to revive within
the limits Of the United States sill the horrors of
a negro insurrection. IF this last dire extremity
should happen, then we nsy n8ver expect to
rec the Uuion as 1; has been then more than
one-;hird of the land will DO converted into a
desert, ana tbs world viii sand aghast 81 the
CT mes and outrages committed in the name OF
Whist shall we say to this remarkable con-
trast between the Presidents inaugural address
u the Ash Of March, 1861, and his proclama-
Ion of the 22d Of September, 1862 Judged
bg The first announcement, can the second be
r gaTded as otherwise than unconstitutional /
President says on the 4 h Of March. 1861. I
.tat ne has mo lawful right 10 inieTf re with
slavery in the States here It sxists. Will on
he 221 day Of Sepssmbrr, 1862, he announces
his drt-rmInsiiOn to declare tho slaves of ali
States which nay be In rebellion ia 1853 for
ever free. This is total aud unconditional
Emancipation, without previous prepsIstion-
Emancipation OF neatly four millions of human
who ara totally unfit for The lew posi-
iou III which they will thus be placed If ne
may judge from the indications slreAdy given
u certNin parts of the Eorth, is is likely that
jut people Will tolerate the influx Of negroes
Vmeh viii set 10 upon rs in the event Of this
Proclamation being carried into practical opera
ion. Ia the Presidents own Safe, s. we have
zen, the people prohibited, by special ensct
nsnt, al negroes ron entefiug within he
Ia Is OF the State, while in other parts of the
y nth the working classes have manifested the
most determined opposition to negro immigra-
ion from the S1uth.
We have air sdy bsd riots in several cities b.
the whites and blacks, and the President
lms~t admitted IN a Conversation which he
ad some weeks ago with the members of a col
red deputstlon, "thst the white race suf re
the presence Of the negroes among them.
nd that this afJIds reason whv we shoul3 M
eparsted.' The separation of which he speaks
that which would be effected by coloni5 ZION. '
n undertaking shat, We think, will be admitted 5
, every candid snd impartial mind IS us.erly
npractc95le- We have shown once before that