Worcester daily spy. [volume] (Worcester [Mass.]) 1850-1888, 1862-11-01

| But is Mr.. Rice a Union man? Is he a
good and loyal citizen, ready like Col Davis,
to do sacrifice on the altar Of patriotism
Does he go, with the no party zeal of Col.
Davis, for crushing out the rebellion and Sc
CesStOn, ard for restoring the constitution and
the Union These are prime questions and
resolute exactions with Col. Davis, if his plat
form of acceptance is not sham and nothing
else. These, too, are matters about when
Col. Davis, as a nominee Of ''the people"
should neither ignore or doubt. He, of all
men. should not swallow down so great
statesman as Mr. Rice on the faith OF his, Mr..
RS nomination by the ''people's party" COM
posed as it is of men in whose politics he new
er before had confidence. Mr.. Rice is OF age,
and would he not be likely to crafty the en-
quiries of Col. Davis, all but his next door
neighbor, as readily as he has been to inform
others, unaSked?
Does Col Davis not know-can he, with all
his nice political integrity, be yet ignorant that
Mr.. Rice, the senatorial candidate oil the
s.peoples party" is opposed to crushing out
THE rebezlion Does he not know that Mr.
Rice goes neither for the constitution nor the
Union, but, on the contrary, is an advocate for
the dissolution of the Uuton,- that in this
matter he wishes the rebels to have their own
way,-that he is ready, or was just before his
nomination, to let not only the slave states to
go off, but as many of the free states on the
tributaries of the Mississippi, as might be
persuaded to join the rebel contederacy after
its wished for recognition, wished for by the
senatorial candidate of the ''peoples party
without protest or demur from the congress
sional candidate of the no-pdTty pGrtyl
Verify politics do make strange bed-tellows.
But there is in that motley group bulkier
bed-tellow, the strangest Of them all, crowd
| Al
such restlessness and recklessness as threat
ems to overlap or crush out of bed all who
have only hoped to be warmed by his vital
heat after season of death cold torpor. We
refer to the protean Mr.. LINUS CHILD the
very same Mr.. Child of whom, after his po-
litical somerset, some twenty years ago, it
was well said, she IS not the Child ne took him
TO be-
If the plot of the thew party" the galvan-
lied relics of sham wings and sham democrats
contemplated the overthrow of Mr.. Sum-
ner by chicanery and seduction, what could
be more likely than that its leaders would
carefully adjust means to ends, and select
such agencies as best suited the false work in
hand? Wiser than the children OF light,
would they not place in the foreground, in the
disguise OF sanctity, one who had no politics
in his religion, and no religion in his politics.
| the biggest hypocrite they could hopefully
impose on the credulity of conscientious pub
| lie sentiment? But be the theory what it may,
the fact is sure, that the honorable Linus
Child is their chanipion-the Goliath of the
new Philistines.
Mr. Child, like all great men, has a history,
and it very often happens that one or two
brief chapters is the biography of much
longer lite. Whether it is so in the case of
| Mr.. Child, the discreet reader may determine
| by the two short chapters we shall propose for
his calm consideration and honest Judgment,
after having referredto Mr.. Childs preparatory
unctio0 at Springfield, by the American Board
OF Commissioners for Foreign MisSions-a
body of christian philanthropists, whose gen.
e1at worth and works command the respect of
| their country and the world.
At the meeting of that board, Mr. Child, in
the absence of president Hopkins, was called
to preside over its deliberations, in the pres
ence of vast concourse of christians from
all parts OF this commonwealth and from other
states. In bodily presence he was not weak,
nor in speech contemplate; he presided well.
| 1t was prestige, which, if well used might
| have been seryiceable to the cause of justice,
| freedom, patriotism, and humanity. But what
was Mr.. Chld's next position? 1t was that of
| the tool of a party, whose very name is a lie.
| The very next week after presiding over the
American Board, he was managed into the
same Springfield as the oracle Of the ''peo-
pies party" at mass meeting got up to de-
nounce and throw overheard senator who
| stands before the nation and the world as the
victim of traitors, and the untiinching repre-
| sentative Of justice, freedom, patriotism, and
/ humanity And we would here ask whether
even with no other light than that of the con-
traSted characters and objects of the two
MOI bn A American boar1 anH tla
| pies party" the political character and mo-
tives of Mr.. Child do not fall under Just sus-
| picion? But lest the shadow of a doubt
should fall on some well-meaning, but too
charitable mind, we will now give the two
promised chapters of Mr.. Child'S history, the
one near, and the other somewhat remote,
thus the better showing the permanent identity
| of character.
Some twenty years ago, Mr.. Child was
member of the senate of Massachusetts. He
was nominated and elected to represent in
that body, among other general interests, the
special one of guarding the interests of free
dom, even then seen to be in jeopardy. His
professions were true to her cause, and he was
believed. He became prominent member
of an important committee of the senate
! Slavery, already dominant in the United
States, was knavishly plotting for, and haugh-
Of territory and accumulation of political
power. Other gentlemen, not only professed,
but real friends of freedom-one colleague
of Mr.. Child in the senate, and another Mr..
! Charles Francis Adams, now minister to Eng
| land-were anxious to stay the alarming pro-
gress OF slavery and save the country from its
indefinite and dangerous encroachments.
| Their solicilude time has proved to be just
! In their free and familiar interviews with Mr..
! Child, the expression Of sentiment and duty
| was earnest and unanimous. In their harmo-
NOUS consultations and conclusions, the man
ner and tone of Mr.. Child was not less earnest
and decisive than that of his associates. 1t
was on all hands agreed that the subject de-
manded legislative action, uditwas proposed
that Mr.. Child, as a member of the senate
and as prominent member of an appropriate
committee of that body, should propose in il
certain measures about the propriety and i'm
portance of which they were all Of one mind.
The special ground of Mr.. Child's nomna-
ton and election to the senate, the decided
principles of his constituents, the danger then
| imminent, the harmony of their conclusions,
and the consent Of Mr.. Child to present to
the senate the measures agreed upon--these
were, jointly and severally, strong assurances
of the fidelity of Mr.. Child to himself, to his
avowed principles, to his honest and trusting
friends, and especially to the holy cause Of
freedom, then trembling4n the balance.
The time was at hand to present to the sem
ate the measures proposed and consented to.
But OF sudden Mr.. Child became shy
/ and turned the cold shoulder IN all tho