Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-10-07

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the purpose of overthrowing or interfering
with the rights or institutions Of the States,
but to defend and maintain the supremacy of
the Constitution. and to preserve the Union
with all the dignity. equality and rights of the
several States unImpaired: and that as soon as
these objects are accomplished, the war ought
to cease. Thus carried on, the war IS not only
expedient, but necessary; not only justihable,
but holy. 1t is defensive war. 1t is war
of self-preservation. Disunion, once success
ful, would be recurring evil; apd instead of
leaving Northern Union and Southern
Confectionery, would continue its destructive
career until all of the States would be broken
and discovered. until the whole country would
be distracted by petty sovereignties and wasted
by petty warfare. We cannot calmly con-
template disunion. We know and love the
blessings of Union, but no human eye can
penetrate the dark and terrible future which
lies beyond the grave of the Constitution.
The war for the preservation of the Constitu-
ton has all our sympathies all our hopes, and
all our energies.
But we have right to demand, it is our
duty TO demand, and we do demand, that this
war be carried on by the Government for the
Constitution alone. and under the Constitution
alone. To that end amongst others, we retain
our political organization, and will use our
best efforts from time to time and at all times,
TO regain for the Democratic party, under the
forms and sanctions of the Constitution, the
control of the legislative and executive de-
partments of the Government of the United
States.
In the meantime, the war must be carried
on, and sustained with all the energies of the
United States, and the people thereof No
blood or treasure is too dear price to re-pur-
chase the Union inherited from our fathers,
and to transmit unimpaired to our children.
1t is not our province to relate the history
of the war, or to criticise Its movements.
Many hundreds of thousands of our lcyal
brethren have periodically gone forth to bat
tie for the Union. All have done nobly, all
have suffered nobly, many have died nobly.
The angel of death has made bloody vacancies
in many a Northern home. Few have es-
capped without the loss of some near or dear
friend. American liberty has been re-bap-
TIED in loyal blood; and hundreds of thou
sands OF loyal men are now in the field, or
fastening thither, to conquer or die for the
Constitution. We owe it to the memory of
the dead, we owe it to the living hosts in the
field, we owe it above all to the Constitution,
to respond with cheerful alacrity to every
constitutional call for men, to submit to every
constitutional exaction of treasure. We owe
all that we have, and all that we are, to the
Union; we must pay the whole debt If it be
necessary.
But war is not our whole duty We owe a
political debt to the Constitution, and that too
must be paid We adopt the language of
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the Constitution against disunion. War can,
and we hope speedily viii, subdue the armies
of the revolted States War can, and we
hope speedily will, disarm every traitor, pos
sess every place of strength. and uphold the
grand old flag on every flagstaff in the United
States. But when war shall have accom-
pGshed all that do, the Union will
not be fully restored. The participation of
the revolted States In the Government of the
Union must of necessity be voluntary. War
has no power to compel such voluntary action.
The peace and pernanency of the restored
Union will depend, in a great measure, on the
confidence of the people of the recovered
States, in the justice of the General Govern
ment, and in the faithful observance Of their
Constitutional rights. War has no power to
inspire this confidence. The stability of the
Union, then, as in times past, will need the
mutual good will and affections of the people
of the several States. War has no power to
control the affections. The people of the
South will return to the Union, when they do
return. wounded in their pride. and embitter-
ed in their feeling. When they return, they
will return as brethren, and merit the treat
ment of brethren. The law may demand its
victims, but those guiltless of the war. and
those forgiven by the law, will again be our
political brothers. The restored States will
return to the Union with all the rights OF other
States. To win back the confidence and af-
lection OF their people, and to restore the
Union in the spirit of the Constitution, the
sectional party at the North must be vigor-
ouSly combatted, and in due time overthrow
at the ballot-box by the Democratic party,
the only national constitutional party left in
the land. If the Democratic party should be
disbanded, or should suffer itself to remain in
active, the South would retain its old distrust
of the Republican party, and Its old aversion
TO the General Government administered by
it. Il would then believe that the whole
North was indeed given up to abolition, and
that the weaker South would receive no JUS
tice from the stronger North. But if the
South sees the Republican party defeated,
and the ancient defenders of its rights against
sectional influences once more in power In the
Union. or even bold in maintaining its old
political warfare against sectional parties and
influences then may the people of the South,
mised from the allegiance by the detestable
intrigues OF ambitious demagogues, well hope
to find once more in the Union old rights, old
blessings, old safety. Disunion is the Off
spring of sectional parties, and the complete
restoration of the Union, in all It's old peace
and harmony, rests upon the utter rout, North
and South, OF all sectional parties. The spl-
rit of the Constitution mus 90 hand in hand
with the letter of the Constitution.
1t is no less essential to the people of the
loyal States to establish the full reign of the
spirit OF the Constitution; TO restore as the
supreme law of the land, In peace and war,
in prosperity and adversely, in all circum-
stances of society, the Constitution. the
whole Constitution, and nothing but the Con-
stituton.
We claim the right, as free and loyal Amer
lean citizens, to discuss the conduct of the
Administration, and TO censure it when we
deem it worthy of censure. Our fathers won
and established this right, and we will not
surrender it. We utterly deny to the Exec
utive of the United States the power assumed
by Congress in the sedition act of 1898, TO
suppress opposition to the Administration, or
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