Daily Ohio statesman. [volume] (Columbus, Ohio) 1855-1870, 1862-04-16

Of our inferiority 2-of our inability TO save ON
selves and our country, except by the help {
African slaves! And IL saved in this mode "a
the present, how could IL be kept safe In N
inturef Nay,--we deny that it would be eItbf
cheapest or safest. The feeling OF the Souti
IN thousands OF cases now longing for the UnioI
under which they have been always protected
would Dy such an act become universally embit
tered' and lnsens6ed in its hostility TO q decte
OF such utter ferocily, that would render In,
war against rebellion saneuinary COMMA
through indefinite years.
I" Nor can il be regarded as altopether n saE
proceeding to upro0t at one stroke the domesti,
relations OF whole commonwealth, to apnul. All
the laws governing the relation of master ant
slave, 10 abrogate their relative fights and du
ties, and to turn four millions of negroes witt
theit minds uninformed, their passions unregu
ated, their lusts unta med, out upon civilization
with no power to restrain but by the stern arm
OF an omnipresent military force--such a pro
ceeding might well invoke the most prudential
caution. ~. -
But, when told that their measure ia neither
wise nor just, that it is both improper and i'm
polite, it's advocates then urge its adoption a,
a military necessity This,0 yepudiats utttrlu
And, IN this claim for emancipation, are exhib
ited its most hideous and revolving features. Il
is claim put forth In ite behalf, too with tb1
greatest confidence, and urged With tho utmos
perilDaeity. But, when IL is remembered tina,
military necessity is, and ever has been, sim
ply another name for military despotism, snt
an apology for crime and lswlessnees, then th,
Offensive features Of this tneasure of emancips
ton become painfully conspicuous.
( 10 soften this aspect and reconciIe these re
Voting ioess, emancipatlonisle assume that to.
ward rebels We are not to be bound by forms of
laW-that by their own acts they have nullifed
constitutional obligations, and that 6e Of the
loyal States are, therefore and thereby, exon.
Grated from the observance Of legal restraints
and constitutional provisions, This aesamp.
ton, We feel compelled to say, Is even more
monstrous than the measure OF emahcpation
Itself IL 10 revolutlon!--nay, worse, Il Is moral
treason! It 10 Gnarehy!. For, when did it ever
come to pass that because one man had yiolated
law, other men we're Justified In dIsregardine
the law as toward hint Il we're as well TO say
that, because q man was q sinner and had re-.
oelled against his Maker, therefore Gods laws
were nnllihed--the constitution of the moral
world abrogated. Certainly, punishment the
most condign should be visited upon the rebel.
lious einner,-never DithOut l0,o--but always in
conformity with, and by pirtue of lap. 1t on
This ground that We would cling to our Constl
Luton; and most fondly aud firmly when rebel
lion and lawlessness were threatening the na
ton This Is indeed our only refuge, our ark
Of safety wherein to outride the delugc of evils
that are poured upon the land. The plea oil
military necessity" rOhs gus of this refuge,
and leaves US nothing to work by save the un,
denned and irresponsible requirements 'of a
mi ifu 4
"The logical necessity of accepting this Issue
has not been unseen by the leaders of the eman-
cipation movement; and some Of them have
had the temeIity to boldly and defautly assume
the ground o. opposition to the Constitution,
when quoted for their observance in the prose.
cntion OF the war. A member of Congfess in
the Ohio delegation did not ecfuple to declare
that he hoped the Constitution of the United
States would be quietly folded up and put dway,
during this war against rebellion.h Others have
Ventured the opinion, that the Constitution was
not made for time of rebellion like this, and
was therefore useless Hon. Gerritt Smith In
his letter, Of Dec. 6, to Thaddeus stevens,
lsuding him because, 'on tho very first dks OF
the session Of Congress he called for actlon on
the slave question, and in. favor Of emancipa.
tioD,' says-'Ever since the Southern half Of
the nation threw away the Constitution IN order
that she might more effectually ,fghtthe North
ern half, | have been entirely willing that the
Northern half should also throw it away, II
thereby che could more eGectually fight the
Southern half. Yes, In all matters touching
this stupendous and satsnio rebellion should be
quite willing to see Congress sit and act under
that simple law OF necessity which knows no
other law than ITSELF And in the same letter he
brings railing accusations against the President
as Constitution ,oOrshiper. He says-tI admit
that he (Mr. Lincoln) is more intellectual than
nine -tenths of the politicians, and more honest
than ninety-nine hundredths Of them. / admit,
too, that he would have made good President
tsd he only not been trained to toOrship The Con-
'tnutiOn. And | also admit that Constitution
worship is not peculiar to him: II has long been
our national folly; and hence il is that il 10 nO,C
'Oorking our national ruin." ~ .s.,z rs. q q
81 --ea..sA
"But this is q very different issue from thai
which emancipation would present. That theory
aims to arm the nation, or, more properly, &c
turn the nations legions already armed into q
crusade against the institution of slavery oi
tself. Instead Of requiring Congress to enioin
upon the executive to see to il that insurreotion
be suppressed, and the laws be executed, this
theory would command the President 10 see 10
It that the Institution of slavery be suppressed,
and the negroes be emancipated, by the army
and navy OF the United States. Ie there any
warrant in the Constitution for this7 Doea the
Presidents official oath or prerogstiyes imply
an authority to make any such application oi
the military and naval forces under his com.
mand2 Even the emRncipationistsdo do not claim
this; for, even one of their most ultra leaders
Hon. Gerritt Smith, In his letter 70 Thaddeut
Stevens (referred to yeaterday),i ssys--.Al.
though have never contended that the nation
could, IUih clear COnstltutiOnGl right act through
it's legislature. in time of peace, directly on The
great system Of slavery, have long eontended
that 1t could do so in time of iOGT.' s.,..fIy
Now We would most humbly ask, what ape,
cial odor Of sanctity there is in the CORY habil.
iments Of war that can halloW measures and
make righteous policy which, in time of peace
would be oonfessedly ,unconsisutional2 NAY,
we maintain that the Constitption of this great
nation is not,as Gerritt Smith says, scomSaTa.
tioely a petty thiag' ~ but mighty, maiestiS
Palladium that stands as our only refuge and
source of safety, without Yariableness or shad.
ow Of turning, until the omnipotent voice Of the
nation shall ofdain il SO. II the language .of
the Constitution is signicant Of one set Of ideas
In time of peace, and of different set in time
Of war, then IL isno Constitution at ell. For
the guidance and government Of great nation,
such an instrument would be no better than the
of lunacy or the gibberings of an
idiot. a
-"That this policy of emancipation ia to be
urged and maintained as "a t0ar measure, and
regardless Of constitutional considerations, il
rendered certain, not BY any doubtful inieren-
ces, but by the p0stiue statement of the same dis.