The Cecil Whig. [volume] (Elkton, Md.) 1841-current, 1862-12-06

National boundary.
Our national strife springs not from onr
permanent part not from the land we iuhsb-
il not tr.m our natl. nal homestead, There
"a no possible sevesing Of this but would null
'!piy aid not mitigate evils among us.
IL all its adaptation and aplirudrs it de
rl..n1s Union and abhurs separation in fact,
Z would. ere lung, force reunion however
Clach OF blood and treasure the separation
might hrEa cost. Our strife pertains to our
sores Ia the passing generations of men
and it can, without convnlsiUn, be hushed
forever with the passing If one Rcnera.iun.-
In this view | recommend the adoption OF The
iD,'srwiug resolution and articles amendatory
to the Constitution of the United States.
RfSy'rti By the Senate and House of
Representatives OF the United States OF
America, III Congress assembled, two-lhirds
ot both Houses concurring, Tina, the follow
ing Articles be proposed to the Legislatures
or Conventions Of the several States, as
amendments 70 the Constitution Of the United
States, all or any OF which articles, W loL
:aiifrd bT tEr"c.ioIrtlls OF the said Lrgis.a-
lures or Conventions viz:
Article Ev ry State wherein slavery now
exists which sha abolish the same therein at
any time ur times before the LIST day of Janu-
AIRY, in H. yc,G Of orr Lord one thousand and
nine h&c rcd, shall rec, i've compensation
iro,n the United States as iolows--t to wit:
Tie President Of the United States shall
deliver to every such State bonds Of the
United States, bearing interest. at the rate
of per cent. per annurn, to an amount equal
to III. aggregate sum Of S----tor each slave
shown to have been therein by the eight cen
sus Of the United States, said bonds to be
delivered 20 such States BY instruments, or in
one parcel. at the completion of the abolish
mCnt, accordingly as the same shall have been
gradual or at one time, within such State,
AMI interest Shall begin to ran upon any such
Bond only from the proper time OF its dcliv-
cry as aturv said. ANY State having received
bonds MS aforesaid, and afterwards rcintroduc-
ing or tolrratng slavery therein, shall refund
10 the United States the bonds so received,
or the value thereof, and all interest paid
thereon.
Article. An siiTcs who shall have en-
;nvld actual freedom ny the chances of the
war. At any line before the end of the rebel.
lion shall be forever free but all owners of
such who shall not have been disloyal. shall
be ulnnsatrd for them AT the same rates as
- prov idvd ior States adopting adjustment
OF slavery. but in such way HAT no slave shall
be twice accounted tor.
Article. Congress may appropriate money
ard otherwise PROV ide for colUnizing free
lorrd lcrsons with their own consent at
Safe.
leg Indulgence TO discnss these proposed
articles at some length. Without slavery the
rebellion could never have existed without
slavery il could not continue.
Among the friends of the Union there is
great diversity Of sentiment aud of policy in
rvgo,l TO slavery and the African race
ann nest lis. Some would rrrpetuatc slavery
some would abolish it suddt My, and without
c. mpcnsaion some would rcnove the freed
people from us, and some would retain them
WIKI us; ami there are yet other minor diver
sites. Because of these divvrsitics we vast.
much strength in struggles among ourselves.
h! mutual concession We should hurmouiHe
and act together. This would be compro-
Mise, but il would be compromise among the
friends and not with the enemies of the Union
These articles are intended to embody plan
OF such mutual CONCESSIONS. If the pian shall
We adopted it is assumed that ncipation
viii follow, at least in several of the States.
As to the first article the maiE points are =,
first the emancipation; secondly. the length
M' time for concentrating it, thirty seven
years; ard thirdly. the compensation.
The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to
the advocacs Of perpetual slavery, but the
length Of time should greatly mitigate their
dissatisfaction. The time spares both races
=
taci from he necessity Of any arrangement
while most of these whose liberal course Of
thought will te disturb ed by the measure,
il! bave passed away before is conSumma-
iion. They will never scc it.
Another class will hail the prospect #
emancipation. but will drlrccate the length Of
time. They will feel that it gives too little to
the nowliving slaves. But it really gives
them much. It saves them from the vagrant
Gcst!trinu which must largely attend imme-
diale emancipation in localities where their
Members are very great. and it gives the in
spring assurance that their posterlty shall be
tree forever.
The plan leaves it to each State choos ug to
act under IT. to abolish slavery now, or at the
end Of the century, or at any intermediate
tIme or by degrees, extending over the whole
ol any part Of the period, and it obliges no
two States to proceed alike. 1t also provides
for compensation aid generally the mode Of
making if.
This, it won'd seem must further mitigate
the dissatisfaction of those who favor perpet-
Va! slavery and especially of those who are
II receive the compensation. Doubtless
GONE OF those who aIc to pay and not receive
viii object, yet the measure is both ust and
economical. In a certain sense the liberation
ot sIaye-s the destruction Of property same
"a 'tiitl thopt''g' II ~ Ho ltSS TRUE lOf
hay liz been often said that the people of the
South arr not more responsible for the origin
al Introduction of this property than are the
people of the North; md when il is remcm-
hcrrd how uuhrsitatngly We all use cotton
aud sugar, and share the profits of dealing in
them, II may not b. quite safe to say that the
South has been more responsible than the
North for its continuance. If, then, for a
common Object, this property is to be sacri-
feed, is it not just that it be done at com
mon charge And if with less money, or
money more easily paid, We can preserve
the benefits of the Union by this means than
We can by the war alone, is it not also eco
nolnical TO do it1 Let US consider it them
Let us ascertain the sum we have expended
IN the war since compensated emancipation
was proposed last March, and consider
whether, if that measure had been promptly
accepted by even some Of the Slave States,
The same sum would not have done more 10
close the war than has been otherwise done.
If so, the measure would save money, and in
hat view would be prudent and economical
measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay
something as it is to pay nothing, but it is
caaicr to pay large sum than it is to ray
larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum
when We arc able than it is to pay it before we
arc able. The war requires large sums, and
requires them at once The aggregate sum
necessary for compensated emancipation of
course wonld be large, but it would require
To ready cash, nor the bonds even, any faster
than the emancipation progress. This might
not, and probably would not, close before the
end of the thirty-scven years. At that time
we shall probably have hundred millions of
people to share the burden instead Of thirty