The Nashville daily union. [volume] (Nashville, Tenn.) 1862-1866, 1862-07-26


Government at this time. According to
the census Of 1860.
Kentucky 225 800 slaves
Marylan '.''. ..,s,..,., o.. ............ 81 l88
Aifghi ss1
!,ui'W re- ''s' ',.,s........,.....,., i,l9i
.aaoul 'la,8hh
ienhea7ee '.''''...... ........ ZIG lSt
Making in The whole............-..t,iss,u2
At the same retes OF valuation these
would amount to...... ..... s35S Sl3 800
Ada Tor deportation and rolouiz ,tion,
S'o0 osoh''''.'......".,,..."., ,.,... liv2f bS3
And we have the enormous sum f...sl7s, sIss
We did not feel that we should be JUS
Ii fed in voting for the measure which, if
carried out, would add this vast amount
to our public debt at a moment when the
treasury was Keeling under the enormous
expenditures of the war.
Again, it seemed to us that the resolu-
ton was but the annunciatiOn of the sen-
timent which could not or was not likely
TO be reduced TO an actual tangible pro-
position. No movement was then made
to provide aud appropriate the funds re-
quired TO carry il into effect; and we are
not encouraged to believe that funds
would be provided. And our belief has
been fully justified by subsequent events.
Not TO mention other circumstances, il is
quite sufficient for our purpose to bring
TO your notice the fact that, while the re-
solution was under consideration in the
Senate, our colleague, the Senator from
Kentucky, moved an amendment appro-
priating 100000 TO the object therein
designated, and it was voted down with
great unanimity. What confidence, then,
could we reasonably feel that il we COM
mitted ourselves to the policy IL propos-
ed, our constituents would reap the fruits
OF the promise held out aud on what
ground could we, as fair men, approach
them and challenge their support?
The right TO hold slaves is right APP
pertaining to all the States Of this Union.
They have the right TO cherish or abolish
the institution, as their tastes or their in
terests may prompt and no one is author
lied to question the right, or limit its en-
joyment. And no one has more clearly
affirmed that right than you have. Your
inaugural address does you great honor in
this respect, aud inspired the country
with confidence in your fairness and re-
spect for the law. Our States are ia the
enjoyment Of that right. We do not feel
call d on TO defend the institution, or to
affirm it is one that ought TO be Cheished
| perhaps, if we were TO make the attempt,
we might find that we differ even among
ourselves II is enough for our purpose to
know that it is a right and so knowing,
we did not see why we should now be
expected TO yield it. We had contributed
our full share TO relieve the country at
! this terrible crisis; we had done as much
as had been required Of others in like cir
cumstances; and we did not see why sac
ritices should be expected OF us from
which others no more loyal were exempt.
Nor could we see what good the nation
would derive from it, Such a sacrifice
submitted to by us would not have
strengthened the arm of this Government
or weakened that of the enemy. II was
not necessary, as pledge Of our loyalty,
for that had been mantle ted beyond
reasonable doubt in every form, and at
every place possible. There was not the
remotest probability that the States we
represent would join in the rebellion, nor
is there now; or OF their electing 10 20
! with the Southern section in the event Of
a recognition Of the independence of any
part Of the disailected region. Our States
are fixed unalterably in their resolution
to adhere 20 and support the Union; they
see no safety for themselves and no hope
for constitutional liberty but by its pres
ervation. They will under no circum-
stances consent to its dissolution, and we
do them no more than justice when we
assure you that while the war is conduct-
ed 10 prevent that deplorablo catastrophe,
they W IL sustain II as long as they can
muster man or command a dollar. Nor
will they ever consent, in any event, 70
unite with the Southern COnfederacy.
The bitter fruits Of thepecuiar doctrines
of that region will forever prevent them
from placing their security aud happiness
in the custody Of an association which
mss incorporated in its organic law the
seeds Of It's own destruction.
We cannot admit Mr. President, that It
we had voted for the resolution In tho
emancipation message Of March last, the
war would now be- substantially ended.
We are unable 10 see how our action IN
this particular has given, or could give,
encouragement 20 the rebellion. The
resolution has passed, and IL there be
virtue in IL, it will be quite as elllcacious
as If we had voted for IT, We have no
power 10 bind our States in this respect
by our votes here and whether we had
voted the one way or the other, they arc
in the same condition Of freedom TO ac-
cept or reject its provisions No, sir; the
war has not been prolonged or hiudered
by our action on this or any o her meas
ure. We must look for other causes for
that lamented fact We think there is
! not much difficulty, not much uncertain
~, in pointing out others far more pro-
bable and potent IN their agencies 10 that
end.
The rebellion derives it's strength from
the union Of all classes in the insurgont
States; and while that union lasts, the
war will never end until they are utterly
exhausted. We know that al the incop-
ton OF these troubles, Southern society
was divided, and that a large portion,
perhaps a majority, were opposed 10 se-
cossion. Now the great mass Of Southern
/ people are united. To discover why they
are 80, We must glance at Southern 500
cieiy, aud notice the classes into which
IL has been divided, and which still dis
tinguish H. They are In arnh, but not
Tor ihs SANE objects they are moved 10
a common =ad, but by different and even
Inconsistent reasona The leaders, which