The Plymouth weekly Democrat. (Plymouth, Ind.) 1860-1869, 1862-10-02

slaves to free them, there will be no neces
sitv for doing so, unless indeed; the charge
sometimes made, that this measure was
purely vindictive, he true.
The President himself has furnished in
his answer to the Chicago Committee, the
most unanswerable argument against the
policy of his Emancipation scheme. lie
said:
s.W hat good would proclamation OF
emancipation from me co, especially as we
are now situated! do not want to issue a
document that the whole world will see Is
necessarily imperative, like the Popc's bull
AGAINST the comet. Would my word free
the slaves when cannot even enforce the
Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a
single Court or magistrate or individual
that would be influence d by it there! And
what reason is there to think it would have
any greater effect upon the slaves than the
late law of Congress, which | approx, q,
and which offers protection and freedom to
the slaves of rebel masters who come with
in our lines? Yet cannot learn that that
law has caused a single slave to come over
to us. And suppose they could be iiduced
by a proclamation of freedom from me, To
throw themselves upon IL, what should we
do with them! How can we feed and care
for such multitude! Gen. Butler wrote
me. a few DAYS since, that he was issuing
more rations to the slaves who have rushed
to him than to all the white troops under
his command They eat. and that is all. I"
Could the President himself successfully
answer his own objections to the emancipa-
ton policy.
We fear that Mr. Lincoln has been over
awed 10y the intimidations, or misled by
the misrepresentation of the radicals; that
his own unbiased judgment did not induce
the pre- clamation, the extract above given
in his own words, sufficiently proves.
As to his declaration of martial law, and
the suspension of tho writ of ha6eds corpus
we have no manner Of doubt but that the
constant repetition of the base and mali
cious tqlsehood, that there are secret poiti-
cal societies in the oval States, whose OBJ
ject is to discourage enlistn cnts, and resist
the payment of taxes, has misleG him, and
caused him to believe the false and wicked
SANDERS sought to be fastened upon thor
oughly loyal people. We do not believe
in the existence of these associations, the
report of the indianapolis Grand Jury to
the contrary, notw thstanding. That was a
mere partzan effort, aud thoroughly dis
graced its authors, bringing them into mer-
tied contempt.
We believe that the efforts of the War
Committee of New Iork and tke New Eng
land Governors. to give Fremont an indie
pendant command Of $4,000 men; a Ike
effort to place Gov. Morton in the chief
command of all the Northwestern troops
with power 10 arm and control them indie
dend ant of the War Department at WASH
il gton; accompanied as they were by the
recommendations of certain fanatical pa
pers all over the country, in favor of mar
tial law. and the adjournment of the Fall
elections; were but parts of a deep laid
conspiracy To seize the control of the Gov
eminent, and either carry oat their mad
schemes of abolitionism, or establish a
military Dictatorship. 1t has already been
proposed by the Convention OF Governors
at Altoona, to remove Mcclellan from com.
mand, place Fremont at the head of the
army. and in every possible manner throw
obstacles in the way of a successful termi-
nation of the rebellion. unless at the same
time abolilionisn al,o trumphs.
We confess that the prospect looks
gloomy. and it may possibly never look
less so; it may be that our Liberties are
"clean gone forever" but we will hope fol
the best although we frankly say we fear
the worst. In an emergency like the pres
ent we believe that our only hope for saliva
ton as people. is in a strict adherence
to the forms of law and the principles Of
the Constitution Of our fathers.