Memphis daily appeal. [volume] (Memphis, Tenn.) 1847-1886, 1862-07-26


And we have the enOrmus sum ......sl7sU7sI3 1913
We did not feel that we should be justified in
voting for q measure which, if carried cut
would add this vsst amount to our public debt
at a moment when the Treasury was reeling
under The enOrmus expenditures Of the war.
Again, it seemed to US that this resolution
was but the annunciatiOn of a sentiment which
could not or was not likely to be reduced TO an
sctual, tangible proposition. No movement
was then made to provide and appropriate the
funds required to carry it into effect; and we
were not encouraged to believe that funds
would be provided. And eur belief has been
fully justified by subsequent events. Not to
mention other circumstances, it is quite suiIici-
eut for our purpose to bring to your notice the
fact that, while this resolution was under con-
sideTatiOn in the Senate, our colleague, the SEN
atOr from Kentucky, moved an amendment ap-
propriating $500, 900 to the object therein desig
mated, and it was voted down with great uuan-
unity. What confidence, then, could we reason
ably feel that if we committed ourselves to the
policy it proposed, our constituents would reap
the fruits of the policy held out and on what
ground could we, as fair men, approach them
and challenge their support1
The right to hold slaves is a right appertain-
ing to all the States of this Union. They have
tib u CAclAb VI dUOllSA LAlS
their tastes or their interests may prompt, and
no one is authorized to question the right, or
limit It's enjoyment. Aud no o2e has more
clearly affirmed that right than you have Your
inaugural address does you great honor in this
respect, and inspired the country with confidence
In your fairness and respect for the law. Our
States are in the enjoyment of that right. We
DO not feel called on TO- defend the institution
or to afirm it is one that ought to be cherished;
perhaps, if we were to make the attempt, we
might find that we differ even among ourselves.
1t is enough for our purpose to know that it is a
right; and so knowing we did not see why we
should now be expected to yield it. We had
contributed our full share to relieve the country
at this terrible crisis; We had done as much as
had been required of others in like Circum-
stances and we did not see why sacrifices
should be expected of us from which others, no
more loyal, were exempt Nor could we see
what good the nation would daTiva from it.
Such sacrifice submitted to by Us would not
have strengthened the arm CT this government
or weakened that of the enemy. II was not
necessary, as q pledge of our loyalty, for that
had been manifested beyond a reasonable doubt,
IN every form, and at every place possible.
There was not the remOtest probability that the
States we represent would join in the rebellion,
nor is there now; or of their eecting to go with
the Southern section in the event of a recOgni-
ton of the independence Of any part of the dis
affected region Our States are fixed unatera-
biy in their resolution to adhere to and support
the Union; they see no safety for themselves
and no hope Of constitutional liberty but BY its
preservation. They will under no circumstances
consent TO its dissolution, and we do them no
more than Justice when we assure you that
while the war is conducted to prevent that de-
plorable catastrophe, they will sustain It as long
as they can muster a man or command a dollar.
Nor will they ever consent, in any event, to
unite with the Southern Confoderacy. The
bitter fruits Of the peculiar doctrines Of that
region will forever prevent them. from placing
their security and happiness in the custody Of
an association which has Incorporated ia its or
ganic Law the seeds of It's own destruction.
We cannot admit, Mr.. President, that if we
had voted for the resolution in the emancipation
message of March last the war would now be
substantially ended. We are unable to see how
our action in this particular has given, or could
give, encouragement to the rebellion. The res
olution has passed; and if there ba virtue in it,
il will be quite as efieacious as if we had voted
for It. We have no power to bind our States in
this respect by cur votes here; and whether we
had voted the one way or the other, they are in
the same condition of freedom to accept or re-
iect its provisions. No, sir the war has not
been prolonged or hindered by our action on
this or any other measure We must look for
other causes for that lamented fact We think
there is not much difficulty, not much uncertain
ty in pointing out others far mora probable and
potent in their agencies to that end.
The rebellion derives its strength from the
union Of all classes in the insuTgoat States and
while that union lasts the war will never end
until they are utterly exhausted. Ws know that
at theincsption Of these troubles Southern soci-
ETY. was divided. and that a large portion, per-
haps q majority, were opposed to secession.
Now the great mass of Southern people are
united. To discover why they are SO we must
glance at Southern society, and notice the classes
into which It has been divided, and which still
distinguish it. They are in arms, but not for
the same objects they are moved to a common
end. but by different and even inconsistent rea-
sons. The leaders, which cOmprehends what
was previously known as the State Rights party,
and is much the lesser class, seek to break down
national independence and set up State DONNA
/ ton With them it is war against nationality.
The other class is fighting, as it supposes, to
maintain and preserve the rights of property
/ and domestic safety which it has been made to
believe are sssaied by this government. This
latter class are not disunOnists per Sc; they are
SO only because they have been made to believe
that this Administration is inimical to thel