The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1862-04-11
Delayed Congressional Proceed.
ings.
Abolition Of Slavery In tho District
OF Columbia.

Auo VIA AVS suO oOOutiVu VI cs~'Osy AZ
the District of Columbia, passed the Senate
on Thursday, the Sd instant, by vote Of
q yeas to IA nays.
We give below summary of the debate
that occurred on the LIST instant, and on the
day of ts.passage:
MIR. Wright, Of Indiana, said be had hop
ed when he came here he might have given
his attention to putting down the rebellion,
and that these embarrassing questions would
be avoided. He was not going to look in.
to the past, to see why certain things were
done. There was evil enough in every
section of the country to excite horror, but
be thought it was the duty of the politi-
clan and statesman to look on the bright
side but instead of avoiding the questions
they met him on every side, and there were
many measures more important, especially
the con6scation bill, which be regarded as
the most important measure before the Sen.
ate, and calculated to put down the REBEL.
ion. He was opposed to the present bill.
He preferred and had offered bill which
was copy of that offered by President
Lincoln when member of the House. He
preferred it for two things, viz Gradual
emancipation and submitting it to the people
of the District. He referred to the bill of
Benjamin Franklin for the emancipation
of slavery in Pennsylvania, which was grad.
ual, and to John Quincy Adams, who was
not in favor of emancipation in the District
of Columbia. He quoted from bis speeches
in 1887 and 1889, and said the facts show
that the free blacks increase faster than the
slaves in the country, and contended that
there were influences at work which would
accomplish the desired object better than
hasty measures. He was further opposed
to the bill because it rejected COLOMBIA.
ton. The people OF Indiana settled
this question, and they determined
this black population should not mingle
with them. He wanted bis children to
grow up among their equals. He referred
to the message of the President as the first
time the Executive ever attempted in any
way to interfere in the States. He was an
advocate of old fashioned State rights not
the modern doctrine-but the cd doctrine
that domestic institutions and regulations
strictly belong to the States. When the
government assumes powers infringing on
State rights, it inaugurates corruption and
laundering, and be thought the origin of the
rebellion was in The system of Office hunt
ing and corruption. He thought the Dor
der States ought to be consulted as to the
expediency of this measure. He would use
all measures to put down the rebellion, and
let time, the great arbiter, determine the
proper remedy for these and other questions.
He referred to General Sherman's procla.
mation and General Bael!'s letter to Mr..
Underwood as possessing the ring of the
true metal. He was opposed to the army
returning fugitives, and in favor of the tax
and con6scation bills, and all other means
to put down the rebellion, The people of
his State we're eminently loyal, and they de-.
sired the rebellion put down, and to have
no impeachment put in the way by side is-
sues. He believed there was no difficulty
10 living in peace and union with slavery, if
each State would only attend to its own
concerns and not interfere with it's sister
States.
The question being on an amendment of.
fered by Mr.. Pomeroy, that an equitable
settlement be made with slave and master,
Mr.. Pomeroy spoke in favor of the amend.
ment as matter of justice. He said he
came here lust April, and nearly all the
loyal men be found living in the district
were slaves, and he did not believe any
slaves were held here by any right or any
law, and we have no right to pay masters
for slaves to whom they have no legal right.
Mr.. Fessenden said be had presented the
resolutions OF bis State in favor of this
measure, and pedging the State for her
share OF the payment in case the resolution
was adopted. A constitutional question
had been raised in objection to that meas.
ure, but the resolution simply says that the
United States ought to afford aid, &c. In
regard to the abolition of slavery in the Dis
trlct OF Columbia, nobody can claim that
Congress has not the constitutional DOW
er to legisate for the District of Cos
lumoia 10 any way that may seem best.
There never was time when he would not
vote to abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia. He had said repeatedly that the
object OF the war was to restore the consti-
tuition and not to interfere with slavery in
the States, and be meant to keep that
pledge. But he did not say nor did the par
ty say, that they would do nothing which
might Indirectly affect slavery. The object
of the Republican party was to free the
government from conn., lion with slavery.
1t did not follow that the Republican party
intended to do any thing unconstitution be-
cause they do what is properly constitutions
al, and the Senator from Virginia (Mr. Viii.
ley) had no right to say that all measures
brought in are series of one plan. He
thought slavery an evil, and whenever be
could weaken and ipjure slavery, under the
constitution, he had The right, and it was
his duty, to do it. He should be false to
every instinct of his nature if he lost any
opportunity to discover the government
from slavery. He believed the time had
come Tor the abolition Of slavery in the
District. He aoped it would he al exam
pie to bis friend (Mr. CARLISLE, and lead
him into tie ranks to inaugurate move.
ment to bring his own State into the posi-
ton she might have. Virginia has nearly
as much territory as al! New England, and
has unparalleled resources, but look at the
difference. He never could understand why
distinguished Senators exhaust themselves
70 ,lo oh hoI;