Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1862-12-10

vu tuat oeot now than each man owed upon
u then This, because our increase of men
throngh the whole period has been greater
Than six per cent, has run faster than the In
ierest upon the debt. Thus time alone relieves
Debtor nat ion SO long as its population in
creases faster than unpaid interest accumu-
iates dpon its debt. This fact would be no ex-
cuse for delaying payment of what is justly
que, but 1t shows the great Importance OF
time In this connection. The great advantage
Of the policy by which We shall not have to
pay urtii we number one hundred millions,
what by different policy We would have
10 pay now when We numb ber but thirty one
millions. Int word, it shows that dollar
Will be much harder TO pay tor the war, than
Will be dollar for emancipation on the pro-
posed plan. And the latter will cost no blood
no precious life. 1t will be saving Of both.
AZ to the second Article, think it would be
impracticabie to return TO bondage the class
OF persons therein contemplated. Some Of
them doubtless, in the property sense, belong
to loyal owners, and hence provision is made
In this article for cOmpensating such.
The third article relates to the future of the
freed people. II does not oblige but merely
authorizes Congress to aid in colonizing such
as may consent. This ought not to be regar-
ded as Objectionable on one hand or the other,
inasmuch as it comes to nothing unless by
the mutual consent OF the people to be depor-
ted, and the American voters through their
representatives in Congress. l cannot make
1t better known than it already is that
strongly favor colonization, and yet, I wish to
say there is an objection urged against free
coiored persons remaining in the country,
which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes
malicious. 1t is insisted that their presence
would ipjure and displace white labor and
white laborers. Ii there ever could be prop
or time for mere catch arguments, that time
surely IS not now. In times like the present,
men should utter nothing for which they
would not willingly be responsible through
time and In eternity. Is it true, then, that
colored people can displace any more white
labor BY being free than by remaining slaves
II they stay in their old places, they jostIe no
white laborers. If they leave their old places
they leave them open to white laborers. Log
ically there is neither more nor less of it.
Emancipation, even without deportation, would
probably enhance the wages of white labor
and yer. surely would not reduce them. Thus
the customary amount of labor would still
have to be performed. The freed people would
surely not do more than their old proportion
OF IT, and very probably tor time would do
less, leaving an increased part to white labor
ers, bringing their labor into greater demand,
and consequently enhancing the wages Of it.
With depor alton even to limited extent, en-
HANGED wages TO white labor is mathematical
ly certain, labor is like any other commodity
In the market; increase the demand for it, and
you Increase the price of it. Reduce the sup
ply OF black labor by coOnizing the black la
borer out OF the country, and by precisely SO
much you increase the demand for and wages
OF white labor. But it is dreaded that the
freed people will swarm forth and cover the
whole land. Are they not already in the land
Will liberation make them any more numer
ousf Equally distributed among the whites
OF the whole country. and there would be but
one colored to seven whites. Could the one
In any way greatly disturb the seven? There
are many communities now having more than
one free colored person TO seven whites, and
TINS without any apparent consciousness of
the States of Maryland and Delaware, are all
In this condition. The District has more than
one Tree colOred to six whites and vet in its
frequent petitions to Congress, | believe it has
never presented the presence of free colored
persons as o.e OF its grievances. But why
should emancipation South send the freed
people North People of any color seldom
run unless there be something to run from.
heretofore, enclosed people, to some extent,
have fed North from boDdage and now. per
haps from both bondage and destitution but
II gradual emancipation and deportation be
adopted. they will have neither TO fee from
Their old masters will give them wages at
least until new laborers can be procured, and
the freed men, in turn, will gladly give their
LABOR Tor the wages till new homes can be pro-
cured for them in congenial cimes and with
people OF their own blood and race, This
proposition can be trusted on the mutual in
terests involved, and in any event cannot the
North decide for itself whether to receive
tnemI Again, as practice proves more than
theory, in any Case has there been any irrup.
tIon OF colered people northward because of
the adjustment of slavery in this District last
spring what have said of the proportion
OF free eGlOred persons to the whites, in the
u he of bav
reference to persons called contrabands nor
TO those made freed by the act of Congress
a0olishing slavery here. The plan consisting
OF these articles is recommended not but that
restoration Of the national authority would
be accepted without lis adoption nor will the
war nor proceedings under the proclamation
OF September 22, 1862, be stayed because of
the recommendation OF this plan. Its timely
adoption, doubt not, would bring restora-
tion. and thereby stay both. And notwith-
standing this plan, the recomme endaton that
Congress provide by law for compensatinp
any State which may adopt emancipation be-
fore this plan shall have been acted upon. is
hereby earnestly renewed Such would be
only an advance part of the plan, and the same
arguments apply to both. This plan is rec
commended as a means not in exclusion of, but
additional to, all Others for restoring and pre-
serving the national authority throughout the
Union. The subject is presented exclusively
in its economical aspect. The plan would,
am confident, secure peace more speedily, and
maintain II more permanently, than can be
done by force alone, while all it would cost,
considering amount and of payment and times
OF payment, would be easier paid than will be |
the additional cost of the war, if We rely sole
ly upon force. 1t is mnch, very much, tha, it |
would cost 20 blood at all. The plan is pro-
posed as permanent constitutional law. 1t |
cannot become such without the concurrence |
of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and after
wards, three-fo1rths of the States. The req
uisite three fourths Of the States will neces-