Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-01-09


being written in public ruin: and does any man
hesitate 20 believe IT, II 80 let me refer him 60
broken insiitutions-to a disturbed commerce and
interrupted trade--to deranged currency, and
the low prices OF al our valuable productions
and LEI me ask Is public ruin NOT marked upon
allg In what single thing that NE value, are We
now As secure, as were before the Republican
party came into power. j Il individual
wealth. or public credit Your deprecated es-
tates, aud the bonds of Indiana refused IN the
market. at eighty cents the dollar, furnish the
answer Is il individual security, and libertyg
Hear the response. in the groans of men confined
without charge, and denied the privilege of
tlial.
Is il the honor of the nationa The surrender
Of Mason and SlideIl tells Us, that we have, for
the first time in cur history, bent the knee to our
ancient foe.
The times never so demanded thorough and
efficient organization of the Democratic party a
at the present. Throw ont the banner, and upon
its ample folds let the people see inscribed their
time honored principles, and they will gladly
rally around it, as of yore.
A civil war is upon us. For is existence the
Democratic party is not responsible. For many
years we have admonished those who favored a
sectional party Of It's danger-in the sentiments
of Washington's farewell address, that the great
est danger TO be apprehended TO our country, was
the formation of geographical parties-we have
advocated chose doctrines which we believed
fair and equal to all sections; and which could
have been adopted without wounding the pride,
or stimulating the arrogance of either Our
appeals were disregarted. Sectional pride, preju-
dice, and hatred in one section produced the
same sentiments in the other; and of this sec
tional strife was begotten our present troubles.
The war is upon us" wickedly provoked on the
one side, and in folly and sin, and without sufh-
Client cause, commenced on the other" With
secession upon the one hand, and sectional inter-
ference with Southern rights upon the other, we
hold no sympathy. Our most earnest desire is
for the restoration of the Union, upon the basis
of the Constitution, and, for myself, will give
an honest support to all constitutional and proper
measures adopted by the Administration to that
end; and will as earnestly oppose all acts in
violation of the constitution, and in suppression
of liberty, because of my vencration for that
solemn compact of our fathers, and because such
policy renders the Union impossible, by oblter-
ating the Union sentiment Of the South, and CIV
ing aid and comfort to its enemies.
What we 10 do with the negroes of the
South. in connection with the war. is asked upon
every hand. Before answering that. let me ask for
what purpose is the waged? If, as the PreSi-
dent does profess, and the soldiers in the field be-
lleve it is To suppress rebellion, 10 restore the
n
supremacy of the laws, then | answer, with the
negro slave and his condition, we have nothing
to do nothing whatever. either as a purpose. in
cident or consequence of the war. Ii the Con
stlfutOn be restored in its authority, over all the
States. then the Constitution itself refers the
condition of the colOred race to the authority OF
the States aud by its own provisions excludes
Federal jurisdiction. But beyond that. how is
the negro to be made an element of strength for
the suppression of the rebelliong Cameron, and
biz supporters of the Republican party say, put
arms in their hands. For what purpose? Are
there not as many men in the North ready to
fight and feed and clothe and pay?
Or is il true, that Outnumbering the South near
ly as three to one the North falters and fails and
must call the negro to the rescuel / would call
upon my countrymen to visit with universal in
dignation and scorn the miscreant who enter.ains
so base an opinion of Northern strength. and
Northern courage Ignorant of the use of arms.
and lacking those high Intellectual and moral
qualities, that make the efficient soldier, the ne
gro can win no battles where the men of the
North are driven back What General would 90
into battle trusting to black regiments for his
strength and what regiment, made up of the
proud men of Indiana, would stand in a battle,
where they must lean for support upon armed
negroes?
Another class, too cowarily to fight, and too
malevolent to be gratihed by the results of civil
lied warfare. demand carnival of blood, and
feast of horrors, amid scenes OF serve insurrec-
ton Our fathers detested the foe that would in
cite the forest savage to scenes of midnight mas
sacre, and the judgment of enlightened aud civ
lzed humanity condemns appeal to the Gu
pility or lust of the soldiery. Shall we, then,
! who have in keeping the honorable memories OF
our fathers; who are amenable to the judgment
of the civilized nations, shall we invoke to our
aid the negroes of the South, calling up the foul
spirit of instruction, and making indiscriminate
and uncontrolled war upon men. women, and
children. amid scenes too horrible TO be described
and too wicked to bring blessing. As believe
our soldiers strong and brave. denounce il
as an insult to them: and as am jealous of our
| good name and fair fame, would make procla-
nation of il as thing so atrocious TO consgn
Us to ntamy, i'll the eyes of the civilized world.
= There is vet another class who demand, some
as purpose, and others as consequence of the
war, the emancipation of the slaves.
In military point of view. there is weakness
embarrassment and burthen, i'm the proposition,
ard no strength. Without emancipation and its
evils, the slaves, found in the neghborhood OF
the camps, may be used to relieve the soldiers OF
exhausting labor Owing service to their mas
tiers. they may be required to render that service
TO the Government; but if made free, it will be
at their discretion and pleasure whether they re
| lieve the soldiers in the trenches and upon the
IBreastworks; at least such is the view of the Ad
Administration, rs exponnded by the Secretary Of
! War, who SAYS, 1.-The Government has power
to hold slaves, none to restrain slave of his lib
erty. or to exact his service. IL has the right
however. to the voluntary services OF slaves
liberated by war from their rebel masters"
If the slaves be freed by the act of the Govern
ment and the masters thereby discharged from
the care and responsibility of their maintenance,
I that burthcn at once falls upon the Government
That is the doctrine of the Administration. In
his last message, President Lincoln says: "Un.
der and by virtue of the act of Congress entitled
an act to confiscate property used for insurrec
tionary purposes, approved August 6, 1861 the
legal claims of certain persons to the labor and
service of certain other persons, have become
forfeited and numbers of the latter, thus liberia
ted, are already dependent on the United States
and must be provided for in some way" The
arl<ament of the Secretary of War and the PYcs1'
dent amount TO just this By the authority and
act If the Government the slaves are yaadc free,
because of the rebellion of the .Isasfers, and be-
4 ing free the Government cannot exact their ser
vices; involuntary service would make them
slaves and the Government cannot hold slaves
but being free by her acc, they are dependent
uDon the Unitef States. "apd must be provided
for in some wav-' That Is the emancipation
policy of the Administration. As war measure
10 give strength TO the North, what do you think
Of il! You will observe we cannot exact SER
vice" from the manumitted slave-he is to work
or not work as suits his pleasure. That alterna