Indiana State sentinel. (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-01-20
SrIettt0 MistelIanp.



The World takes exception to our position tha
slavery is not the cause of the rebellion, and in
stating its argument invites the Journal Of Com
merce "either to admit its force or attempt its ref
utatiOn." ePropose to do both. We admit the
force but shall show that its entire force Is derived
from a rnisapprehension Of history and misap-
plication cf facts and the refutation will proceed
on the same grounds.
The World slightly changes the issue in its
statement of the question. 1t proposes to show
that "the popular Judgment, which holds slavery
responsible for this atrocious rebellion, is just
There is a distinction between being the cause of
effect and being responsible for the effect,
which the Werld should have avoided. But we
are content with that form Of accusation, and de
nying, in passing, that there Is any such popular
judgment that is here intmated, we say that
slavery is not responsible for the present atrocioas
rebellion, and an accusation that il is is not
only unjust, but diyerts the public Judgment from
the really guilty parties.
We state the World's argument briefly but we
believe fairly. 1t is this. The rebellion is the
elimination Of a controversy which commenced
with the annexation of Texas. Texas was an
nexed to subserve the interests of Southern
slavery. The Mexican war annexed territory,
and the defiant attempts" of slavery to pantit
self that territory threatened the MON till the
compromise of 1850; it was i'm the interest of
slavery that the controversy was reopened in 1854
by the repeal of the Missouri compromise. per-
petuated bv attempts to force slavery into Kan
sas; and finally, slavery divided the Democratic
party at Charleston and seized the forts and pub
lie property. These successive acts, saith the
World are the causes of the war, and ifthey are
not "will the JOHrnat0f Commerce enumerate the
causes which the causes3''
We can, perhaps, devise no better way TO refute
the arguments of the World than by producing
at once to reply to this last question, and state
hat. kalfe bawo a<@fe
war. Having for years, warned the nation of
the imminency of this war, we are strongly con-
vinced that it proceeded from the causes which
we, in common with thousands Of wiser men than
we, prophesied would produce it. While others
laughed at our warnings, were firm in sthe
prophecy, and now the men that denied our skill
seers, doubt wholly whether were right in
views of the which were operatingl
Ii is strongly probable that the impartial views
of the past few years are more correct than
crude speculations now suddenly made, by men
for the first time reused to knowledge of the
truth
We shall not waste time at present in a specific
reply to the Worlds argument, since our answer
70 its last question renders that unnecessary. We
simply remarking that its force is demolished en-
tlrely by the fact that slavery had no more to do
with the annexation of Texas than had Democra-
cy all over America. New York ana Pennsylva-
MIA have more responsibility for that eyest than
North Carolina or Tennessee. The same is true
of entire list OF events which the World cites,
and the whole period of events "culninating" in
rebellion, are found without foundation and with
out apex. They were the work OF the Democrat
&c party strong IN the North rs in the South, and
they did not eaiminate in the war, for it did not
proceed from nor scas IL caused by them.
But we reserve this discussion for the present.
while we proceed to state our views of the causes
of the war, and who is responsible for il. Our
Government is the first instance of great ma
ton founded on a wflD3en instrument which de-
hnes its national powers, and prescribes the rights
OF its citizens. The object of the instrument was
not as some imagine, TO secure the blessings Of
liberty TO its founders and their posterity This
was but one of many objects, among which were
enumerated the establishments of justice, the en-
suring Of domestic tranquility and the promotion
of the general welfare. Liberty was 70 be limit
ed by justice and the common interests of all
such liberty as men hnd under the restraints of
wholesome government. with due regard to the
rights OF their neighbors and of all men.
Among other methods of carrying out those
objects the founders of the nation made pro-
visions with reference To personal and property
rights, and rs they lived IN an age when slaves
were bought and sold and held in perpetual bond
age, and for Inheritance, throughout the land.
they treated that feet they treated all others
latng TO the rights of property. They established
around it certain guarantees, they pledged to its
protection the whole force Of the Government,
they solemnly bound the States of the Union 70
the perpetuation of the Institution as long as the
Constitution remained inviolate, and one State
desired the preservation of slavery. Slavery
was, 70 all intents aud purposes, porfsge of the
Constitution, adopted child, so long as the
States or any Of them preferred that 10 otheI
forms of labor As the fathers made il, we found
the Constitution in the year 1860, and we were
bound by every line Of il. Slavery was our por
fegs it had been our fathers. Gentlemen may
shrink from this plain uDvarnisbed TRUTH but it i
the truth. If one line OF hat Constitution L
sacred. every line is equally so, and the cannon
and the armies of the nation are no more pledges
to dem md from foreign nations just recompens'
for stolen land. stolen ships, or stofen money
than they are bound TO demand the same recon
peEise for stolen slaves. t tL..,a. "A
There had been, since the days of Washing
ton, men among us who were opposed TO the Fed
eral Union These men had, from time to time
sought power and place, and finding the princi
pies of the Democratic party most popular, the
had generally been attached to that party. Tn
ayorite scheme of these, men, existing from gen
Grafton to generation, was the establishment Of
Southern Government. Washington had them y
his mind AZ early as 1896 when he called on Oh