Raftsman's journal. [volume] (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, 1862-11-12
BY SAMUEL J. ROW .
CLEARFIELD. PA. Nov'R IL. 1862.
THE NEW POLICY NOT A F1NAL1rYn

City, has recently in editorial articles, taken
ment, and not principal" 1t says it is a
great misconception of theory prescribed to
himself by the President In this matter to sup
pose that "for good or for evil, wisely or un-
wisely" the President has committed the
Government to the purpose of freeing all the
Slaves in the insurgent States. It contends
that Mr.. Lincoln has not, by his so-called
"Proclamation of Freedom" irrevocably com
mlsted himself or the country to any defini-
tive policy concerning Slavery and its rela-
tions to the war; and that, il, on the lst OF
January next. or at any subsequent date, he
should be convinced that the rebellion could
be more easily and certainly subdued by re-
whom he had proposed to libersts, he is per-
fectly free to do SO in consistency with the
rationale of his conduct as thus far disclosed
by his words and developed By his actions. 1t
is argued that the rights or interests of the
slaves are not taken into account in any way
or in any degree, but that they are treated by
the President simply as an element of power
which may be made to subserve the cause OF
the Union. In support of this view OF the
question it quotes from Mr. LincoIn's letter
to Horace Greely that portion in which it says:
"My paramount object in this struggle is to
save the Union, and it s not either to or
destroy slavery. If / could save the Union
without freeing any slaves / would do it, and
II l could save il by freeing all the slaves 1
would do it; and ii / could do it by freeing
some and leaving others alone, would also
do that. What do about siarery aud the COL
ored race, 1 do because beiiere it helps TO sare
the Union, and ichaf / forbear, forbear because
do not beliere it ,couid help to saUe the Union.
shall do less whenever ! shall believe that
what l am doing hurts the cause, and shall
do more whenever l believe doing more will
help the Cause. l shall try to correct errors
when shown to be errors, and shall adopt
new views as last as they shall appear to be
true views
From this the Inteiligencer draws the con.
clusion that the President is not unchangeably
committed to any particular line of policy in
in regard to the 'speculiar institution and its
bearing on the rebellion. "For," to quote
its own language,
ssProfessing to act simply in obedience to
considerations of military necessity, he must
adapt his measure to the military situation of
s..
And It will not be denied that the same ampli-
tude of military power which he conceived ad-
equate, under certain circumstances, to COM
pass the emancipation of slaves, would be
equally competent to work their deciaratory
re-enslsvement, if it should be deemed expe-
dient to 'foI bear in this respect. II the Pres
ident has right to take sany measure which
may best subdue the rebellion and if, on the
lst Of January next, Mr.. Lincoln conceives
that he can better subdue the rebellion by
receding from his proclamation than by per-
sisting in it, the colored race, according to
his own theory of his official and military duty
has no right to freedom which he is bound to
respect. And in SO saying it is our purpose
neither to condemn nor approve the theory on
which he acts. We simply state it in the
terms and conditions defined by himself, and
which seem to be forgotten by those who sup
posed that he has necessarily committed him.
self to any definitive policy in the matter OF
slavery and its relations to the war;
The articles in the Intelligeneer are regard
ed as being peculiarly significant, inasmuch
as it is accused of representing the opinions
of Mr.. Seward, an accusation which it denies.
Let this be as it may, time will show whether
its infeIences and conclusions are correct or not