The Union and journal. [volume] (Biddeford, Me.) 1858-1882, 1862-04-25
the incubus that had been laid upon 1t through
its unnatural connection with this peculiar

NOW, SIT, are gentlemen 30 unreasonable
as to ask us in this particular crisis of our
affairs, and because OF the peculiar existing
state Of things. that we shall forget oil We
have heretofore said on this subject that
we shall forget all we have tried to attain !;
that we shall ut once ignore the question Of
slavery altogether; that we shall do nothing
directly or Indirectly which is calculated to
effect our own purpose, and that u constitu-
tional purpose, which we declared long ngo.
In my Judgment it is asking too much of US;
and the process Of reasoning by which gen.
tlemen attempt to meet this question, it
strikes me, is hardly fair one, Let me ask
the Senator from Virginia, (Mr. Willey) for
whom | have very great respect. does It fol.
ow, when We act constitutionally in
one direction that therefore we mean
to act unconstitutionally in another
direction? Does it follow, because we
adopt ono measure, that we mean to adopt
another, and different one? The honorable
Senator has concocted all the measures before
Congress, together, and he views them as
parts of whole. In the first place, here is
the recommendation of the President; in the
next place, here is the bill for the abolition
of slavery in the District OF Columbia; in
the third place, here are the questions with
regard to the coufissatiOn of property and
again, the resolutions of the honorable Sem
ator from Massachusetts,, (Mr. Sumner y with
regard to the States themselves and the
honorable Senator from Virginia take 1t TOR
granted that they are parts OF q system.-
Let me tell him 1t is not so; and he acts un.
wisely in leading his people to suppose, be-
cause we carry out, or attempt to carry out,
what we believe to be constitutional power
and duty resting upon us with regard to
this particular measure, that therefore we
mean to exercise power which may not De-
long to us under the Constitution. Each
measure should be left to be judged, to stand
or fall, upon its own merits, and according
to it's issue.
Why, Sir, do not hesitate to say here
most distinctly for myself that l dissent en-
tirely from the conclusions of tho honorable
Senator from Massachusetts,, as stated IN his
resolutions. l do not look upon the Statee
of this Union as gone and destroyed. The
fundamental idea upon which we started in
this contest was. that no State could take It.
self out of the Union, no State could destroy
its existence MS State. or change its rela.
tions to the Union. We have considered ac-
tion as individual action, as having nothing
whatever to do with the States as such. But
sir, | do not intend to argue that question
now. 1t is enough to say, in this connec-
ton, that upon this particular point the op'n.
ions of the honorable Senator from Nlassa
chusetts are his own, for which he alone is
responsible. and which ho is, undoubtedly,
the honorable Senator from Virginia to say
that he considers all the propositions that
have been made as parts Of system, and do
signed rs an attack on tho institution in the
States where it exists, and q breach Of the
obligations under which the dominant party
held itself with reference to this particular
question?
Mr.. WILEY. If the honorable Senator
will allow me, he nisinterprets me hs having
said that the party designed to commit u
breach of its pledge. The main position
if the Senator did me the honor to attend to
my poor remarks-will be remembered by
him to have been, that in the excited condi.
ton Of the public sentiment in the Slave
States, these measures would be construed as
parts of n system taken together, and ip that
wny the union sentiment by which 1t was
boped to4eorganize tho State governments
wnnld be DESTROYED, Iexpressly nut il in the
moutbs of tho secessionists as using these
opinions in that sense.
Mr.. FESSENDEN. Then misunderstood
the honorable Senator, and / am very glad to
near ms eAplana,oh, w. &c. I m ',,a.,s n '"s
IL is nus uuty anu Tue uuty VI n,s soh."S"0
TO see tnat the,r PepPle mre no. u.ie"su .I Ss,,
MT; MlLLLi, VIII say W ';o Hen"so' ss.,
that, l, WIN ali my ,eec;c Powels, III e", 'no ee"
ler ol seoes',o.;, ~ '.I =, a ,.a. ny 80 ,%a
safety, nave sa'I 'lat !. mas Nv f;; ;,,",ro.o ~ o
purpose ol .ne neP'ot'.an .,p pa. " w.. Snn,i
Win .he ins',.u.io1 y, o'a'ery ~ 'nS so' ';r,
erh ca'es. " nas oee. .no ,;o"n ;ayU, W 10y ynh III
ior eighteen molshs past 70 a'saou;e .;.. '"0 pun
TIC minus OF 'he oou'" on '''a' po'"''
Mr.. FESSENDEN. MIR. President, that
the Republican party would rejoice to sec
slavery abolished everywhere, that they
would rejoice IL 1t no longer existed, that
they feel 1t to be blot upon our fair insti'
tutions and curse to the country there Is
no doubt. ! can answer Ior one, Una. @ nus
been my opinion always, anu na'e c1pIcss.
cd II here ana elsewhere oI'' sm INV, NV
held, ana ! ho'd .oIaay' anu .a ,sg,, say " ,h.,
what nave Sa,a ~ my P;soe S.,os o',U or ~. @ noa.
the Congress o. tns on''eu ',5oa S 81, cons,;,".
Pie OF 'no on''eu oaIs -. u.ue y" IN, I wha,sver
.lon as eA's ,;.,",;am aJ"' m ,ho m ;n.ti,ntion of
70 .ouen, Y iss S;a,oS wh.rs II c.i,t, by law.
slavery hy ;d ~ 'tb ,ba, and saw II again. boldly
f,r "S n,v % nns;,inn has never been misunderstood
on on NH, subject. But, sir, | saw further, that
40 far os Tho peonle of this country have the
nower undcr the Constitution. to weaken
ths institution of slavery to depriye it of