The national Republican., 1862-08-02
saturday, August 2, 1852.
.roRuraN lHTnRvnHTlON.

luoTt 10 uO BUO0 lOuuuNIOu tuO lucu khot
Eugland will intervene In favor Of the Southern
Confederacy, for the sake Of getting cotton
Unless the statesmen Of that country have given
up policy persevered In for more than TWEEN
ty years, they would witness with satisfaction,
the entire abandonment Of the cotton cultiva-
tion In America. It is not at all likely that
they will be diverted from permanent views Of
national sggrandizement, by the temporary
suffsrings Of the cotton manufacturing interest.
They will not forego the great idea Of drawing
their cotton from their own India, by the din
oulties which necessarily attend so considers-
BILE revolution In the course Of trade. It h
not the characteristic Of British statesmanship
TO be weak and vacillating. Cotton from India
he's been Its aim for long years, and now that II 10
upon the point Of being realized, Il is prepos-
ferrous to supp Sc that Great Britain will 60 to
war for the sake of reviving American compe
tilion In the production Of cotton. Nothing
can be more absurd.
Aud even II Great Britain desired to 60 back
to her old dependence upon America for the
supply of an indispensable raw material, BY
what process Of reasoning can she convince
hersef that that object is to be effected by
taking up arms for the Southern Confederacy?
The eventualities Of war are proverbially un.
certain, and the probabilities are at least equal
that foreign Intervention In our civil war would
give turn and character to 1t, which would
end the production Of cotton for an indefinite
period.
If this cotton question is thus easily disposed
oi oil other commercial questions, as likely to
influence Great Britain to hostilities with MS,
are equally so. There Is not a single interest
Of British commerce which does not persuade
to peace. Great Britain needs our breadstuif.
and provisions. So also she needs our markets
for her manufactures, which, however restrict
ed by high tariffs and our diminished ability to
purchase, are still worth preserving.
The motive which Great Britain has to de.
sire the disruption of the American Union lie
not commercial but military and political. II
is founded upon jealousy Of our power, not
unnatural 10 view Of our uuprece tented
growth United, we we're the undisputed mas
ters Of one hemisphere, and, as they believed,
the world.
We ought not to have been surprised at the
manifestations which we have seen, of the pleas
ure with which British statesmen have watched
the appearances of our downfall Nor ought
we to be greatly offended at these things. If
1t was i'll will and malignity, 1t might provoke
our reseRtments, but 1t is not so. or only to
small extent. British statesmen are animated
chiefly by the instinct Of self.preservation
They may not reason correctly about 1t, bu,
they certainly did and do believe that united
America had already become too great for
the equilibrium of the world. Its that mainly,
which inclnes them TO desire the disruption Of
the American Union, and which tends to in
duce them to aid actively in making that dis.
ruption permanent.
There never was but one Influence whic b
could be set in motion, TO counteract this British
tendency, and that was. the anti-slsvery senti.
ment OF the British people, which ia deep,
genuine, and pervsding. Some persons may
choose to regard that sentiment as fanaticism,
but it Is none the less real and powerful on
that account. If We arouse it, 1t will be too
strong for mere ststesmanship, or policy, and
will eaeotualy prevent British Intervention
against us.
Until recently, there was nothing In our man
ner of carrying on Che war against the South.
ern Confederacy calculated to attract anti sls
very sympathivs in EIgand, or indeed any.
where else. II has been the manifest purpose
Of our Executive Administration to put down
the rebellion without injuring slavery, impos-
sible Is tina, has proved and would have con-
tiuu-d to prove. But the policy Of the Pres
dent hos now been overruled aud reversed by
Congress; and when This come, to be known In
Europe, the most beneficial consequences may
be anticipated. Cougress has dscresd imme
diste and unconditional freedom to all the .lave,
Of the rebels who can escape into our lines
Thb Is equal in effect, 10 decree Of freedom
for all the slaves of rebels, because no declara
beyond the lines of our military power. 1t i.
making war lpou the principle of abolishins
slavery as we advance, and q war upon tha,
principle, when the popular masses in England
are made to understand it, will arouse all theil
sympathes. We confess that we count largeI,
upon this influence to counteract the disposi.
tion to Intervene against US which undoubtsdl,
exists 10 the British Cabinet.
As to immediate Intervention against us b,
Great Britain, 1t need not be appreaended. |
is doubtless British opinion to day, that the dis
ruption Of the American Union Is an alrsad
accomplished tact. Why should they take tn,
risks Of war and the burdens Of war to effect al
object which they believe to be already secured
II they intervene at ALL ii will be when the,
believe that withou. their Intervention. tb,
Southern Confederacy will be wiped out an,
the old Union restored. The time of danger
30 far as British Intervention is CONCERNED. Il
not when the rebels seem to be successful, bu
when they shall appear to be on the point @
being crushed. Until then, Great Britain ha
many inducements to remain passive spectato
of the struggle. She has no love for either {
the parties, and may be very willing to Sc
them both exhausting their strength.
The probability Is, that the anti. slavery legi
lation of Congress will prevent interventio
altogether, but, at any rate, there ID no reasO