Vermont watchman and State journal. [volume] (Montpelier, Vt.) 1836-1883, 1862-10-10

but are loyal only to their own extravagant
ideas, and to the Government only when it
conforms to those ideas. Such is not our
loyalty. Even where we are obliged to differ
from the Government, we render it our hear
ty Difference and obedience. Our Bible teach
es US to "render unto Cesar the things which
are Cmsar's aud unto God the things that are
Gods" A very different platform, truly,
from the higher law" Of every mans in
stincts. When the Government delays to
adopt policy the radicals urge, they cry
that it is "hopelessly imbocle.' When in a
modified form it adopts their policy, they
cry, God bless it, The Government is
Good Lord, or Good Devil, just as it
squares or not with theories. How then can
VIC who believe that Government is divine
insdtuton, and who rtndc. ii obedience ~
ways as unto God, argue with one who
makes the "law written on his own heart
higher than any human laws or human con-
stiSutions ?" How can we who Justify this
war on the ground that Government must
maintain its own existence and authority.
reason with one who justiaes it on the ground
of philanthropy to the oppressed race
Our correspondent says, "you are evidently
opposed to me, to the President and to John
Quincy adams" That we are opposed to
the "me" Of that sentence must be clear.
Tha; We are opposed to the President, is not
quite so clear. In fact "G" finds fault with
US because we sustain the very object which
tae President says he has in view in his Proc
iamation. The President seeks to restore
the Constitutional relation Of the rebelious
States" We also do. We argued against
an emancipation proclamation as likely to fail
of that end. SO did the Presiden, two weeks
ago. He said it would be as the "Pope's bull
against the comet" We said nothing so
hard He made it at last as a war measure.
We sustain him, because he is the President
and has right to decide upon the propriety
Of that policy. We should be absurd to
complain of the President in respect to
course Of action, upon which he had the best
means of judging and is the ordained Judge
The President also declares that in all loyal
States on January l. 1868, his proclamation
will not be enforced or will not apply And
this shows that he does not make war against
slavery, but against rebellion, aud that he
still abides by the Constitution of the United
States. And in this we also agree with him.
And now let us ask our correspondent why
he declares he will "not attempt TO defend the
Presidents Proclamation ?" Is it not for the
exact reason we sustain it, Does it not
clash with his own principles; We trow
that it does, and "G could not defead-its
As for being opposed to John q. Adams,
we quoted him as co-inciding with our own
views. That is strange opposition. And
we wish to say still further, that in respect
to John O. Adams views we have mot in
dulged our penchant for misrepresentation"
If "G" had been better acquainted with his
tory he would not have made this statement.
When Mr.. Adams made one statement we
quoted, he was minister at the Court Of st.
James. He witt Bayard, Clay, Russell and
Galatin had been commissioners to negotiate
the Ghent treaty. The first article of that
treaty provided for indemnity for slaves freed
and deported by British proclamations and
acts in the revolutionary war and in the war
Of 1879. In the subsequent attempts Of our
Government to enforce that part OF the treaty
Mr. Adams bore an important part, first, as
Ambassador to England, second, as Secretary
of State under Monroe, and third as Presi.
dent OF the United States. AS Minister he
argued the. question with Lord Caslleseagh
IL &c" will consult the Estate Papers," he
will find the correspondence. In addition to
the strong language we have quoted Mr..
Adams says Aug, %, 1915. "Our object was
the restoration Of all property, including
slaves, Which by The usuages Of toar among civ-
Hiz.d nations ought not to hare been taken. Az
private property is exempted from capture.
Siaves are private property He argues also
that they are "not contrabdnd of ,oar like ar
hllery, &c., 6c." He says still further
"Prooiamatioas inciting slaves to desert from
their masters had been issued by the British
Officers We considered them as devia-
tions from the usages Of war. We be-
Heped that hel British Government It.
self would, ,ohen the hostile feeling arising
from the state of ,0ar should sabside, consider
them in the same light. lord liverpool did not
attempt TO justify The Proclamation" When
Secretary of State he instructed Mr.. Rush to
pursue the matter and procure indemnity for
such slaves as had been freed in the war
lie was not the mere "amanuensis 'uf slave
holding President" when he wrote those d.
plomatc papers. He used his own argu-
ments. No more was Webster John Tyler's
'amanuensis when he wrote the Hulsemann
letter, or Wm. II. Seward Mr.. Lincolns
'amanuensis' when he wrote the Mason and
Slidol letter. Our Secretaries are not
the "amanuensis" of the President But
the matter was never finally settled till
the Presidency of Mr.. Adams. In his third
annual message in 1927, Mr. Adams had the
proud satisfaction to communicate to Con
gross the settling Of this whole matter in
which he had been so long interested, A
Northern negotiator, Mr. Gallatin, under a