Holmes County farmer. [volume] (Millersburg, Ohio) 1857-1926, 1862-12-11


Article Every State whrrcn slavery now
exists. which shall abolish The game therein nj
any lime or times before The first day of Jam
uary IN The year Of orr Lord 1900. sball receive
compensation from The United States as follows
10 wit: The President of lhe United States
shall deliver TO every such State, bonds of the
Ouiied States. hearing interest ut the rate Of .-
per cent. per anuum,io m amount cqual 10 the
aggregate sum Of ---- for cncl eluvo shown fo
have been therein 10y the eighth census of The
United states; sail bonds 10 be delivered 10
such State by iusiallmcnts. or in one parcel. at
the completion OF the abolshmcnf, accordingly
ns ~" same shall have been gradual, or ~ one
iimc. within such State; and interest shall begin
TO ruB upon any such bond, only from the pro-
per time Of lis delivery. ~ aforesaid ANY
State having received bonds ~ aforesaid and
NJ crwHrd rriDlroduclng or tnieraiiu- -l.strr,
ihcfciu, shall refund 10 the United States The
bonds 80 received, or the value thereof, aud all
interest paid thereon.
Ariiclc.--hll slaves who shall have enjoyed
actual freedom by the chances Of tho war al an y
time before the end Of the rebellion shall hc
forever free. bui al owners Of such. who Shall
not have been di-loral lall Dc compensated fur
them n ihc same rate ~ is provided iOr States
adopting nbolishmcnt of slavery, but in srch u
way That no slave shall be twice accounted for.
Ariclc.-Cungrcss may appropriate money
and Otherwise provide for colunizing free color
cd persons with their own consent at any place
or places without the United ota'cs.
beg indulgence to discuss these pro-
posed articles at some length. Wilhout
slavery the rebellion could never Lave ex-
isted. Without slavery il could not con.
tinue. Among the friends Of the Union
there is n great diversity Of sentimeat and
Of policy in regard to slavery and the Afri-
can race among us. Some would perpet.
nate slavery: some would abolish it sud.
denly, and without compensation; some
would abolish it gradually, aud with com
pensation; some would remove the freed
people from us, and some would retain
! them with us; aud there are yet other mi.
nor diversiLies. B,cluse Of these diversi-
ties we waste much strength N struggles
among ourselves. BY mutual concession
we should harmonic and act together.-
This would be compromise; but j! would
be compromise among the friends, and MT
with the enemies of the Union.
These articles are intended to emboly
n plan Of such mutual concession. If the
plan shall be adopted, it is assumed that
emancipation will follow, at least in say
eral OF the States. In the first article the
main points are: first the emancipaton
second the length Of time for cousumma-
ting it-37 years; and third, the compensa-
ton. The emancipation will be unsa,is-
fectory to the advocate Of perpetual sla-
very, but the length of ,ims should great
" mitigate their dissatisfaction. The
time spares both races from the evils Of
sudden arrangement; in fact, from the
necessity of any derangement; while
most of those whose habitual course Of
thought will be disturbed by the measure
will have passed away before its consum-
nation They will never seeit.
Another class will hail the prospect of
emancipation, but will deprcate the length
of time. They will feel that it gives TOO
little to the now living slaves, tut it real
ly gives them much. 1t saves them from
the vagraut destitution which must large
" attend immediate emancipation in To-
entities where their numbers are vory great.
and ii gives the inspiring assurance that
their posterly shall he free forever. The
plan leaves to each State, choosing TO act
under it to abolish slavery now or at the end
of the century, or at an Intermediate time,
or by degrees extending over the whole or
any part of that period. and il obligps no
two States to proceed alike. 1t also pro-
viAes for compensation, and generally the
mode of making it.
This it would seem must further mit-
| gate the dissatisfaction of those who ia
vor perpetual slavery, and especially those
those who are to receive compensa-
ton Doubtless some of those who are
to pay, and not to receive, will object.
Yet the measure is both Just and econom-
icaI. In a certain sense, the liberation Of
slaves is the destruction 0 property--prop-
erty acquired by descent, or by purchase,
the same as any other property. It is no
less true for having been often said that
the people of the South are not more re-
sponsible for the original introduction OF
this property than are people Of the North;
and when it is emcmberel how uuhesi-
tatingly we all use cotton and sugar, and
share the profits Of dealing in them, it
may not be quite safe to say, that the
South has been more responsible ;han
the North, for its continuance. II, then,
for common object, this property is to be
sacrificed, is it not just that it be done at
a common charge? And if with less
money, or money more easily paid, we
can preserve the benefits of the Union
by this meaps than we can by the war
alone, is it not economical to do it ?
Let US consi er it then. Let us asce:-
tain the sum we have expended in the
war since compensated emancipation was
proposed last March, and consider wheth-
o., if that measure had been promptly ac-
ceptea, by even some OF the Slave States,
the same sum would not have done more
to close the war then has been otherwise
done. If so, the measure would save
money, and, in that view, would be pru-
dent aud economical measure. Certainly
it is not SO easy to pay something as it
is to pay nothing; bu. it is easier to pay
a large sum- than it is to pay larger
one. And it is easier to pay any sum
when We are able than it is to pay it be-
fore we are able. The war requires large
sums, and requires them at once. The
aggregate sum necessary for comrensa-
ted emancipation, of course, wonld be
large. But it would require no ready
cash nor the bonds even, any faster than
the emancipation progresses. This might
not, and probably would not, close be-
fore the end Of thirty-Scven years. At that
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