Daily State sentinel. [volume] (Indianapolis, Ind.) 1861-1865, 1862-08-07

successfully resisted its foreign enemies.
Against internal enemies it has enrolled a
great Army of citizen soldiers, who only ask
time to restoreits authority. A general spirit
of inhdelity can only question its sufficiency
to lead the nation back from the havoc of war
to the blessed shelter of peace.
But sir, with an Army of half million of
citizen soldiers in the field, summoned by the
Constitution to defend it against treacherous
enemy, who are steadily driving that enemy
from his strongholds, and restoring the au-
thority of the Government, it is announced
that the assumption OF new and doubtful pow
ers is demanded by the public safety. Sir, is
it wise at this time to divide public opinion by
new questions of constitutional power? Will
jarring factions give strength to the sinews of
war? In the first hour of your peril the in
stinctive wisdom of the nation, trampling on
The selfshness Of party and the pride of
opinion, presented to the country the single
issue whether the Constitution of the Republic
should be maintained, or be permitted to per-
ish under the assaults of treason. With this
issue no man could doubt the ultimate result
The motive was irresistible. 1t appealed to
the loyalty, and aroused the energy of every
citizen. 1t spoke to his judgment and reason,
and not to his prejudice or passion, and with
moderation without a precedent, and a
unanimity without parallel, the nation re-
solved to wage the war for the Constitution In
no spirit of mere resentment, but to restore
its guarantees and re-establish its authority.
Was this wise? Let the triumphs of your
arms tell. But, sir, now issues loom up dark
ly in the political horizon, and the nation is
compelled to meet the question, Shall the
Constitution be overthrown to maintain it?
The Constitution designed for every
emergency. 1t was not the result of resent
ment or passion, but of moderation and coun-
sci. If We would interpret it Alright, we must
rise above the storms OF passion and resent
ment. This rebellion is so out of the course
of nature, so infamously wicked, that, in the
resentment of the moment, we would trample
on every restraint, and crush down every
barrier to inflict vengeance on the authors of
the crime. But, sir, the sanctity of the Con-
stitution, the interests of the generations that
are coming, and the cause of constitutional
liberty, demand moderation and prudence.
We do not wage this war to destroy, but to
re-establish; not to overthrow, but to restore
not for vengeance, or conquest, or sublugation,
but to restore the Union under the old safe
guards of the Constitution-a debt which this
generation owes to the past and the future.
household and the Constitution still over
shadows all "lke the hand of God inverted
above them Treason cannot limit its power,
unless it successfully maintain itself by the
violence of war. Up to this moment, the
triumphs of the Constitution have been unin-
terrupted. Can your new theories, at best,
accomplish any more? In my very soul alb
hor this treason. / find for it no word of ex-
tenuation. The interests of human nature
demand that it shall be crushed; but in my
| judgment the powers of the Constitution are
ample for punishment of the CRIME. In the
eagerness TO subdue this rebellion, let us not
overlook the demands of policy and justice
"Ssrike, but hear me" is an old maxim. You
may Justly deprive the traitor of his "lite
/ liberty, or property" but YOU must do it By
: due process of law" The criminal, If even
charged with the crime of treason, is entitled
to be heard. | would confiscate the rebel.
property, but | would confiscate it by lega
process. Your army in the field should re-
spect neither the life nor the property of the
armed traitor. But the object of the war ~:
to restore the Union" Will extreme meas
ures, beyond the necessity of military force
aid us? Or, with the triumph of our arms
will not the security of constitutional protec
ton be a powerful motive to peace, inducing
/ the deluded traitor to flee for shelter? s.
much for the general act for confscation.
But what of the other bill for the liberia
ton of pcrsons held to service under the re
served powers of the States? Where doe
Congress get this power? Sir, shall grea
people, struggling with giant strength to up
hold constitutional liberty, blinded by agony
and seduced by passion, become themselve
unfaithful to the Constitution and smite
down? Gentlemen say that a State that ha
voluntarily left the Union is not shielded b.
the Constitution. / deny that any State cal
: release herself from the Union. / will no
recognize such right by inhicting civil penal
ties unknown to the Constitution. | will o
as far as that instrument permits, and no fun
ther This bill arrogates to Congress powe
which the Constitution has expressly denied
which Congress and every department OF tn
| Government have denied | cannot give
my support. Gentlemen say these are wa
, measures, authorized by the war maxim
powers of Congress. Does war enlarge tn
= powers of Congress? Your Army Is in tn
field to uphold the authority of the Consttl
e ton and to enforce the laws. Does this il
I crease your powers? No, sir; but one state
, man ever even suggested the idea. Th
{ Constitution is the same in peace and in wa
HI tlC hnlu>t VI SIOdt puuuC CoiilillOtlOHc 4
j limitations are of more Importance than
: peace. If YOU recognize these States as OF
a of the Union, you can pass these laws.
{ they are in the Union, the Constitution 70
5 bids it. The argument OF necessity cam,
: prevail, for the Constitution has not provide
4 for the necessity. 1t has not placed the nj
|; itary above the civil power. But have n,
;, proposed to discuss the constitutional question
The arguments before the country are unal
5 swerable. The advocates OF these extren
: measures, would command more of publ
: confidence ii they assumed the high groun
{ more than once advocated on this floor, tn
: constitutional limitations must yield to the n
: cessity of the times. The necessity may see
: to be imperative; vet if you yield to that n
C ccSsity, the Constitution is overthrown.
e But these measures, while they would i
Il illct summary vengeance on traitors, overloC
d the just claims of the loyal men of the d
n loyal States. Does not every one know th
l. a majority of rebel States were forced out
I the Union against the will of majority
q the people, as expressed at the ballot box, al
n that upon this loyal sentiment rests the on
Is hope of restoring the Union? And will n
il this general emancipation affect alike the 10y
= citizen and the traitor? Let the wilful trait
1.