Rutland weekly herald. [volume] (Rutland, Vt.) 1859-1877, 1862-05-01

But the men Of our Revolution when
they were called upon to devise govern
ment, discarded this idea. The printing
press had entered upon its grand mission
of elevating the masses to the condition OF
kings and mobiles. They assumed that
man is capable of self-government, be-
cause there existed the facilities for his
moral and intellectual improvement.
Hence our government was framed up
on the great principle that all matters Of
local and domestic concern, may be safely
intrusted to the control and disposal of the
people of the respective localities con-
cerned; and that the General Govern
ment should be entrusted only with such
matters as affect the who'd people in their
aggregate and national character. Indeed,
primary local assemblies or corporations
for local governmeut,-such as school
districts, towns, municipalities, counties
and states, existed anterior to any general
government. These were not annihilated
nor their legitimate functions, as local
governments abridged by the general gov
eminent. The general government was
framed with powers limited to objects of
national Government, the people reserv-
ing to the several States all that concerns
their domestic welfare, to be disposed of
in appropriate local assemblies in accord
ance with local laws. This is the nature
of American Republicanism. The intel
ligent De Tocqueville, in his elaborate
treatise on Democracy in America"
has set forth these principles of our gov
eminent, with astonishing accuracy and
beauty,--a book which every American
should study, for it were shame that a
foreigner should understand our institu-
tons better than we do ourselves.
Now it is this right of self-government,
or local government,-whichf forms the
great distinction between DEsPoTIsM
and our REPUBLIC.
To make an application of these prin-
ciples to the subject in hand, the question
as to whether the general government has
the power to decree emancipation within
; the boundaries of the several States, 1--WE
do not question it power to do so in the
territories and other places under its ex-
elusive jurisdirtion,) would seem to be
one of very easy solution. Slavery has
always been held to be local, domestic
institution, limited to the range and de-
pendent upon the local laws for its exist
cnce. 1t was certainly so considered in
the early days OF the Republic, by the
leading statesmen and the Courts, both
National and State. And if any nation
al character has been claimed for it by
the Democratic party in these later and
evil days, the Republican party, and the
Abolitionists themselves have denied such
pretension. This doctrine has been in
corporated into the Republican Platform
from the first moment of its existence.
Can the Republican Party, or the Abol-
itionists themselves, now claim the right
to abolish slavery by the general govern
ment without renouncing this cherished
principle? And if slavery be a merely
local institution, how can Congress inter
fere with it by legislation without violating
. the great principle of local self-govern-
+ ment which is the cherished idea of the
American people ?
Indeed, to do so, would change the
whole character of the war. 1t would il
itself be revolutionary. 1t would be 1
war upon the vital principles Of the gov
eminent itself. As it is now, our armies
are fighting for the restoration of thu
4 Union. That is the declared object o
: the war. As explained and set forth b.
+ President Lincoln, the object of the wa
y is to retake the stolen property Of tn
!. government, and to cause its laws ant
/ the Constitution to be respected through
q out the national borders.
n Let this be changed,-let it be pro
e claimed as the abolitionists desire ma,
e be done, that the object of the war is t
+ abolish slavery,-let Congress deere
n emancipation, and let that decree be hun
q upon the bayonets of our advancing al
.