Columbia Democrat and Bloomsburg general advertiser. [volume] (Bloomsburg, Pa.) 1850-1866, 1862-11-29

! l have heard great deal about patch
ing up dishonorable peace; about the
humiliation and disgrace to the North, in.
volved in any and every proposition for
settlement. and there is nothing that il
said about the affairs Of the country for
which have less respect. 1t is even held
by some that he is disloyal citizen who
seeks to re-establish the Union by other
means than the sword. How absurd -
| The sword has been at work its agency
has been tested, vigorously and terribly
tested, and how stand the States now that
should be in harmony The sad response
is, where they were when the war began,
arrayed in grim and relentless hostility.
Then why spurn other agencies to aid in
the good work. In the words of Mr.. Lin.
coin we cannot fight always, and We should
not fight longer unless we can do so as
means of ultimate union and permanent
peace.
What then can be done And ] regret
that all that should be done cannot be ac-
complished prom pity. The States now in
the Union should be in Convention, or have
delegates ready to 60 into Convention, in
order to reafiirm the present constitutional
relations amongst the States, with expla-
nations on eontroverted points, or to make
such new relations as may be found nee.
essary to bring together, and retain all the
States. The State Legislatures could Pc
tition Congress for such Convention as
provided by the Constitution, and Congress
could make the nee essary provisions for it
before the close of the coming session.
Such State Legislatures as do not meet in
the regular order could be specially con.
voned and when the necessary number
of States petition, it is obligatory on Con-
gress to comply. The body thus consti-
tuted would be competent to adjust and
settle all the complications which now be
set us. In the midst of war, then. we
would be prepared to make peace. Where
as, when the time comes for settlement, in
the absence of such body, it might be
found that we have no competent authority
in existence to do the things that may be
necessary. Neither Congress, nor the Ex'
ecutive, nor the two together, have right.
full authority to change the old or to make
new relations amongst the States, Con
gress may submit amendments to the Con-
stitution for the ratification of the States,
and believe the present calamities of the
nation could been averted in that way in
the winter of 1861 but now the disorders
of the country are probably too complica-
ted to be reached in that form.
Meanwhile, the President and Congress
shonld prepare the way for settlement; in
deed, by consulting the people through
the ballot-box, they might make a settle
ment, to be ratified by the States thereaf
ter. Let the President propose an armis
tic, for the purpose Of considering some
pro gramme of reunion and ssttlemen'
in whicn the feelings and rights OF thu
masses in the South shall be duly appreci
ated and provided for. Invite them tc
come back on the conditions of the Con-
stitutiou, with explicit definitions on con
troverted points, or on new conditions
with the fullest assurance of justice ant
equality when they do so come. Let hin
do this, and challenge the rebel authorities
to submit such propositions as may b'
agreed upon to an uurestrained vote oftht
citizens of the Southern States, as he will
at the same time, submit such proposition
to a vote of those of the Northern States
with the unde standing that if majorit.
of slave States, and majority of fire.
States accept the proposition, its condi-
tions should be binding until ratified, o
superseded by the States. Suppose tn
Confederate authorities reject this, or an
, similar proposition, no harm would ensu
= to the Northern use. Such action woul
a only leave them in worse light before tn
t world and the overnment at Washingto
| in the better. The preliminaries for sue
t movement could be readily arranged b
commissioners selected for that purpose
Il 1t may be said that we are CONSTANT
n inviting the Southern people TO lay dow
!, their arms, and come back into the Unior
o and this would seem to be conclusive bu
= it must not be forgotten that they rebellee
L because as they say, the party now !
1t power at Washington would not permi
n them to enjoy in peace, the real condition
d and covenants of that Union, and tn;
d there is no evidence that they could faT
It better now. Besides, he has studid hu
: man nature to poor purpose who eannt
= discover that unconditional submissio
It involves a degree of Humiliation to whic
s they will never come as long as they hay
n any means of resistance. In the effort
It gain back even the masses, their passio
Q and pride, and sef-respect, may be wise
It considered. We must give them some ne
vt ground some pretext, if not complete AT
e SUBSTANTIAL guarantees, before we can c:
/, pect them to entertain the idea of forsal
Is ing their present leaders and embracing Il
}" old Government,
% am fully aware of the Indignation ar
o even contempt with which these sugge
= tions will be perused, by some in bo
70 sections; but care not; are We not C
Is gagged in an effort to re-establish al
$, maintain the Union, and are not the S
le ceded States to compose part of that Ur
}. on Thcn'why not endeavor to resc
e! them from destruction, and cultivate go'
ss relations with theml
m When the family of States again eXi!