The Cass County Republican. [volume] (Dowagiac, Mich.) 18??-1880, 1862-12-04

staments, or in one parcel, at the completion of
the ab0lishment, accordingly as the same shall
have been gradual or at one time within such
State, and interest shall gin to run upon any
such bond only from the proper time of its delive
~ as aforesaid and afterwards
Any State having received bonds as aforesaid,
and afterwards introducing or tolerating slavery
therein, shall refund to the United States the bonds
SO received or the value thereof, and all interest
paid thereon.
ARTICLE All slaves who shall have enjoyed
actual freedom by the chances of war at any time
before the end of the rebellion, shall be FOREVER
been disloya shall be compensated for them at the
same rates as is provided for States adopting abol
ishment of slavery but in such way that no slave
shall be twice accounted for.
ARTICLE :. Congress may appropriate money
or otherwise to provide for colonizing free
cclored persons with their own consent at any
place or places within the United States.
l beg indulgence to discuss these pro-
posed articles at some length. Without
slavery the rebellion should never have
existed without slavery it could not con-
tinue. Among the friends of the Union
there is great diversity of sentiment and
policy in regard to slavery and the Afri-
can race amongst us Some would abol-
ish it suddenly and without compensation
and some would abolish it gradually and
with compensation. Some would remove
the free people from us, and some would
retain them with us, and there are vet
other minor diversities. Because of these
diyersities we waste much strength in
struggles amongst ourselves. By mutual
concession we should harmonic and act
together This would be compromise
among the friends and not with enemies of
the Union. These articles are intended
to embody plan Of such mutual conces-
sion. If the plan shall be adopted, it is
assumed that emancipation will follow, at
least in several of the States.
In the first article the main points are !:
First, The emancipation. Second, The
length of time for consummrting, in
years and Third, The compensation.
The emancipation will be unsatisfactory
to the advocated or perpetual slavery, but
the length of time should greatly mitigate
their dissatisfaction. The time saves both
races from the evils of sudden derange-
ment, while most of those whose habitual
course of thought will be disturbed by
the measure, will have passed away be-
fore its consummation. They will never
see it. Another class will hail the pros
pect of emancipation, but will deprecate
the length of time They will feel that
it goes for little to tho now living slaves,
but it really gives them much. Itsaves
them from the vagrant restitution which
must largely attend immediate emancipa-
ton in localities where the circumstances
are very great, and it gives the inspirit-
ing assurance that their posterity shall be
free forever.
The plan leaves to each State choosing
to act under it to abolish slavery now or
at the end of the century, or at any inter-
mediate time, or by degrees extending
over the whole or any part of that period;
and it obliges no two States to proceed
alike. 1t also provides for compensation,
and generally the mode of making it.
This, it would seem, must further miti-
gate the dissatisfaction of those who fav-
or perpetual slavery, especially those who
are to receive compensation.
Doubtless some of those who are to pay
and not to receive will object to it. That
the measure is both just and economical
is certain. The liberation of the slaves
is the destruction of property acquired
by descent or by purchase, the same as
any other property 1t is no less true for
having been often said, that the people of
the South are no more responsible for the
introduction of this property than are the
people of the North and when it is re-
membered how unhesitatingly we all use
cotton and sugar, and share the profits of
dealing in them, it may not be quite safe
to say that the South has been more re-
sponsible than the North for its continu-
ance If, then, for common object, this
property is to be sacrificed, is it not just
that it be done at a common charge ?
And if with less money, or money more
easily paid, we can preserve the benefits
of the Union by this means, than we can
by the war alone, is it not economical to
do it?
Let us consider it then; let us ascer-
tain the sum we have expended in the
war since compensated emancipation was
proposed last March, and consider wheth-
er, if that measure had been promptly &C
cepted by even some of the slave States,
the same sum would not have done more
to close the war than has been otherwise
done. IF so, the. measure would save
money; and in that view, would be a pru-
dent and economical measure, certainly.
1t is not so easy to pay something as ii
is to pay nothing, but it is easier to pay
large sum than larger one.
The aggregate sum necessary for COM
pensated emancipation of course would be
large, but it would require no ready cash
nor bonds any faster than the emancipa.
ton progresses.
This might not, and probably would
not close before the end of the thirty
seven years. At that time we shall prob.
ably have 100,OOO,0OO people to share
the burden instead of 81 200, 900 as now
and not only SO, but the increase of oul
population may be expected to continue
for long time after the period as rapidly
as before, because our territories will not
have become full do not state this in
considerably. AT the same ratio of in.
crease which we have maintained on an
average from our first national census in
1870 until 1860, we should in 1900 have
a population of 1O3, 2OS, 41J, and
may we not continue that ratio far beyond
that period.
Our abundant room, our broad national