The weekly pioneer and Democrat. [volume] (Saint Paul, Minn. Territory) 1855-1865, 1862-04-11
The Slavery Question in Congress.

We give as fully as our room will per.
NIT, the debate in the Senate on the passage
of the bill for the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia. The reputation of
ultra abolitionism, as expressed in Senator
SUMMERS resolutions, by Senator so dis.
tirguished for practical good sense as JOHN
SHERMAN of Ohio, will have an excellent
effect upon the country. lie characterised
SUMMERS doctrines as Identical with those
held by JEFF. DAVIS, and said it was the
duty of the Republican party to go against
all unconstitutional and unnecessary meas
ures.
The Presidents resolution, rendering
pecuniary aid to States that may consider
it expedient to initiate measures for the
abolition of slavery, gradually or otherwise,
and the compensated emancipation of slaves
in the District of Columbia, over which
Congress has exclusive control, are measures
that have met the almost unanimous con-
currence of the North, and have not been
very strenuously opposed by the States most
effected by them.
Of the more radical legislation proposed
there will be wide difference of opinion
even in the dominant party, and the chances
of its adoption are very slim.
JOHN G. FoRNEY, as Secretary of the
Senate, has good opportunities of knowing
the temper of Congress, and be writes to
the Philadelphia Press, under date Of April
l, as follows:
Congress is evidently in no mood to pass
a radical coniscation bill, or to adopt the
project OF reducing each of the seeded
States to Territorial condition. Some of
the most trusted of the Republican leaders
entertain strong objections to both these
measures, founded alike upon policy and the
absence of constitutional power. Should
Andrew johnson succeed in establishing
his Government in Tennessee, one, if not
both, of these difficult questions will be
satisfactorily solved. The rebels have an
easier way of disposing of their troubles.
They began the war by defying the FEEDER
al Constitution, and followed this act or
treason by establishing Constitution of
Government OF their own, adapted to all the
eXigeDcies and requirements OF their situa>
ti0n. We, on the other hand, started to
punish them, not alone because they had
violated the Constitution, but because,
obeying it ourselves, we resolved that they
should be forced to render it the same obe-
dience. Our care must be, that in seeking
remedies to chsstise them. we do not initiate
their lawless and revolutionary example.
One of the great duties growing out of
the war will De to support our loyal friends
in the seeded States. Delay in this, or
failure to do it successfully, will neutraliza
the effect of many of our victories, and
gradually compel the people to assume the
GARD of neutrality, or to revert to the vasr
sal condition from which we sought to res
cue them. Until this is done, all legisla-
ton save that which is Immediately neces.
sary, will be postponed, from present indi-
cations. by the disagreement among the
most earnest friends of the war. So long as
we recognize our primary duty Of restoring
the Union. and of securing to the people Of
all the States republican form OF govern.
ment, it may be essential to wait until the
restored loyal constituencies of the South
shall be present, with their representatives,
to participate in the acts of Congress which
directly concern themselves or their respec-
tive communities. This would also be con.
sistent with the Presidents first war proc
lamations and with subsequent almost unan-
imous declarations of Congress as to the OBJ.
jects and purposes of the war.