The New York herald., 1862-12-02


me Cesntry-Ths Eiavsry ouestioA.
The second regular annual Message of P resi-
dent Lincoln to the two houses Of Congress is be-
fore our readers. Embracing the Official history
OF the most eventful, the most momentous and the
most critical period Of twelve months in the an
nails Of the United States, and comprehending a
variety Of legislative recommendations calcu-
lated to meet the public necessities resulting
from this stupendous domestic war, and looking
to the paramount object Of the restoration Of
the Union, the SURPRISING interest and import
ance OF this Message will be universally recog-
nized. And yet, upon its first appearance here
there appeared to be no public curiosity or in
terest in it, but prevailing anxiety to hear
the latest news from the army of General Burn
side, before which even the Presidents Message
became a secondary question.
This Message is q very remarkable docu-
ment 1t is marked throughout by the cha
racteristic simplicity Of style and honest
and earnest patriotism which distinguish
all the official productions Of its author If his
views are presented often in the shape OF
rough diamonds, they are none the less dia
monds because of their roughness. The great
question to be considered is. how far does this
Message meet the exigencies of the day, the de-
manls Of the country and its hopes of restora-
ton of the Union through the measures of this
administration
In the outset We are assured that if '.the con-
dtion Of our relations with other nations is less
gratifying than it has usually been at former
periods, 1t is certainly more satisfactory than q
might reasonably have apprehended" This is
a gratifying faot and, from the conciliatory
and magnanimous foreign policy indicated by
the President in every instance Of complaint Of
wrongs committed in the progress Of this war
against the flag or subjects Of foreign Power
we derive the conviction that every just cause
of offence will continue to be avoided. Thus
far, then, we are secured against European
intervention.
Upon the all-important subject of the nation
al finances. the most prominent feature Of the
Message is the proposition for 'the organiza-
tion Of banking associations under general
act Of Congress- to be furnished by the
security Of United States bonds deposited in the
Treasury" In other words, Mr.. Lincoln pro-
poses the adoption by the federal government
Of the New York banking system, which expe-
rience has proved to be an excellent one ; and
his argument in support Of it is entitled to the
practical consideration Of Congress. Mean
time the condition of the Treasury is better
and is expenditures for the last fiscal year were
much less. than has been generally coniectured
There has been decided improvement in the
financial condition Of the Post Office Depart
ment, compared with several preceding years
and the explanations of this Improvement are
exceedingly interesting.
The record Of the operations of the war is left
by the Message with the heads of the War and
Navy Departments, and to their reports we
would refer the French government for infor-
nation which it appears to need for, in ts
late correspondence with England proposing
mediation, this war is represented 10 be. in
about the same condition that it wasa year ago
But the slavery question is the great topic o.
the Message Mr.. Lincoln appears TO have ra
zced all other subjects to the smallest possible
dimensions in order to have ''ample scope and
verge enough" for his elaborate argument in
support of the new compromise which he pro-
poses for the slavery question. He puts it in
the shape Of motion for an amendment of the
federal constitution, providing for the extinc-
ton of slavery by the year 1900 within the
limits Of the Union, and by the slave States
themselves, respectively, their slaves emanci-
pated in the interval to the year 1900 TO be paid
for by the federal government. Mr.. Lincoln's
views upon this subject cannot fail to convince
the reader that he is actuatcd by the most pa
triotic humane. just and generous considera-
tions; but we fear that the abolition radicals OF
Congress will treat bis proposition and bis
pleadings with indifference, if not with scorn
and contempt. That they should be told
by Abraham Lincoln to wait for thirty
seven years for the abolition of Southern
slavery and be told this upon tie heels of
his emancipation proclamation, is certainly
very wonderful. But, then, he says that
this new scheme Of emancipation sis recon-
mended, not out that a restoration of the na-
tional authority would be accepted withou. its
adoption. nor will the war or proceedings
under the emancipation proclamation "be
stayed because Of the recommendation of this
plan;' but still Mr.. Lincoln pleads for this
"plan" as fit were the only salvation for the
Union.
Our plan would be to settle first with the
armed forces OF this rebellion, and then, with
the restoration Of the rebellious States to TIC
Union, leave to them, each State for itself, the
settlement of the slavery question. We should,
however. not be without hope OF the success Of
the Presidents plan If the party in Congress
identified with his administration could be
lifted up to his platform Of patriotism. As it
is, our only hope is in q vigorous prosecution
Of the war now, while we have the superior
power in the ield, and the inferior forces Of the