The dollar weekly bulletin. [volume] (Maysville, Ky.) 1862-1864, 1862-12-11

then, we are at some time to be populous as Eu-
rope, how soon? As to when this may be, we can
judge by the past and the present. AS to when it
| will, if ever, depends much whether main
tain the Union Several of our States above
| the average European population of 73] to the
! square mile. Massachusetts has 167 Rhode Island
l33, Now Y ork and New Jersey each So and two
other great States, Pennsyva and Ohio, are not
far below, the former having 90, and the latter So
The States already above the European average,
except New York, have increased in as rapid a
ratio since passing that point before, while
no one of them is equal to other parts of our
country in natural capacity for sustaining a dense
| population.
| Taking the nation in the aggregate, we find its
population and ratio of increase for the several do
cennial periods to be rs follows:
1900, 929, S27.
1900, 5O5, 937-35:O2 per cent ratio of Increase
lSlO-I 10y ol1-36.45 per cent. ratio of increase
is2O-9, $50 i$l-34 10 per cent. ratio of increase
lS3O-l2, S66, O2O33.49 per cent ratio of increase
lSi0-11 .OS9 453-32 81 per cent ratio IF ;ncr.,s
lS3o-25'i9i S6-33.S7 per cent. ratio of increase
lS60-3I 1906 IS per cent. ratio of increase
rms shows an average decennim increase of
3i6o per cent. in population throuoh tho seventy
years from our first to last census taken 1t is
seen that The ratio of increase at no one of these
seven periods is either two per cent below or two
per cent. above the average, thus showing how in
hexbe, and, consequently, how reliable tho law of
increase. ~
Assuming that it will continue. it gives the fol-
49, icsuits: 1870, 42323i4l 1850. Sc 267 10;
ioso' 'o,o" ,S'2 1900, 1913, 20S 4I5: 1910 l3S 9IS
o-o' l'Zo, lo6 9S4 $50 1880, 25l $50. OH These
s,os sno" that our country may be populous
as Europe now Is, at some point between go and
1850, say about l925-our territory Mt 73I5 ncrsons
To the square mile being of the capacity to contain
Zl'loooo0 and we will reach this too if we do not
ourselves rcnquish the chances by the folly and
eviiS oil dlsunIon, or by long and exhausting war
sPrlnSing from the only great element of national
dIscord among While it cannot be foreseen ex-
| actly how much huge example of secession
breeding lesser ones Indefinitely would retard the
population, civilization and pros perity no one can
doubt that the extent of it would very great and
| injurious.
! The proposed emancipation would shorten the
war; perpe tuate peace, insure this increase of the
population and proportonately Of the wealth of the
country " nth this, we should pay all the eman-
cipati0n would cost, together with our other debts
| without it, If we had allowed our old national
deot to run at per cent per annum, simple inter
est from the end of our Revolutionary struggle till
to-day without paying anything either princi-
pal or interest, each man of would owe less uron
that debt now than each man owed upon it then
ana TINS because our increase of men through the
/ whole period has been greater than per cent and
mas run faster than the interest upon the debt
Thus time alone relieves debtor nation so lour as
It's population increases faster than the unpaid in
terest accumuates on its debt. This fact would be
no excuse for delaying the payment of what is
justly due, but it shows the great Importance of
time IN TINS connection, the great advantage of
policy by which we shall not have to paw until we
| number hundred millions, what by a different
| policy we should to pay now, when the number is
| but ~ 200 600. In word, it shows that a dollar
Will be much harder to pay for the war than will be
dollar for emancipation on the propnsed nIon-
and then the latter will cost blood; no precious
| life 1t will be a saving of both.
! As to the second article think il would he i'm
practicable to return to bondage the class of per
/ sons therein contemplated. Some of them doubt
less, in property sense, belong to loyal owners.
and hence provision is made in this article for com
PcnSating such
The third article relates the future of the freed
/ people. 1t does not oblige, but merely authorizes
Congress to aid IN colonizing such NAV consent
This ought not to be regarded Is Objectionable on
the one hand or on the other, nsomuch it comes
to nothing unless by mutual consent of the people
| to be deportcd and the American voters throurh
| their representatives, in Congress
| can not make 1t better known than it already
/ Is that L strongly favor colonization, and vet /
wish to say there Is objection urged against the
coiored persons remaining in the country which is
! lasely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious 1t
| Is insisted that their presence would injure and
dIspiace white labor and white laborers Ii there
ever could be proper time for mere ARGUMENTS
that time surely is not now. In times like the
present men should utter nothing for which they
would not willingly be responsible through time
and eternity.
Is it true, then, that coIored people can dsplace
any more white labor by being free than remain
ing slaves? If they stay in their old places they
joste no white laborers. If they leave their old
places, they leave them open to white Iaborers-
Logically. there is neither more nor less of il
Emancipation, even, without deportation would
probably enhance the wages of white labor and
very surely would not reduce them Thus the
customary amount of labor would still have to be
performed. The freed people would surely not do
more than their old proportion of it, and very nrob
ably, Tor time, would do less. Ieavinp an in.re,s
cd part to white lab"rers, brin gin their labor into
greater demand. AMI consequently enhancing the
wages of it, With deportation, even to a limited
extent, enhancing wages to white labor is matbe-
natically certain. Labor is like any other com
modify IN the market: increase the demand for if
ana you Increase the price of it. Reduce the sun
ply OF black labor by colonzing the black Iaborer.
out OF the country, and by precisely so much Won
increase the demand of, and wages for white labor
But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm
forth and cover the whole land. Arc they not al
ready i'll the land? VIII Liberation, make them any
more numerous? Equally distributed among the
whites of the whole country, there would be but
one colorcd to seven whites. Could the one in anv
way greatly disturb the seven?
There are many communities now having more |
than one free colored person to seven whites and
this without any apparent consciousness of evil
from it. The District of Columbia, and the States
Of Maryland and Delaware, all in this condition
The District has more than free colored per-
son to six whites: and yet in its frequent petitions
to Congress, L believe it has never presented the
presence Of free colorcd persons as one of its |
grievances.
But why should emancipation South send the
freed people North? People of any color seldom
run unless there be something to run FROM Here
toiore, colored people to extent have fired
North from bondage, and now perhaps from both
bondage and restitution: but if gradual emancipa-
tioh or deportation be adopted, they will have nci-
thor to flee from. Their old sters will rive them
wages, at least until laborers can be procured
and the freed men in turn will gladly give their Ia
Dor for the wages till new homes can be found for
them in eonsenial climes and with people of their
own blood and race.
This proposition can be trusted to the natural in
crest involved, and i'll any event, can not the
orth decide for itself whether to receive them2
gain, as practice proves more than theory in anv
aZ a rrrr1ti., nf