St. Mary's beacon. [volume] (Leonard Town, Md.) 1845-1863, 1862-04-10

cepo1 the cessien foe the same goo1, and
not ~ evil purposes. = = . =
sX then, il can be demonsarsted. that
the clifton Of slavery In the District oi
CEtllDk6e uoQld produce eyil, and not
goof o ihe States that made the cess;ou,
The d lnsion Is inevitable that such Cd
sci r. paFt of Congrcs would b 1
vip1sfs - - fsilh .rsposed IN i by thssa
'Helks. = Ht y ~. 49,
"It only remains under this head to
show that Congress could not interfere
with slavery in the District of Columbia
without violation Of the public faith in
reference to the slayeholding States gcucr-
ally, as we'll as the States Of Virginia and
Maryland. The provision in the Consti-
tuition authorizing Congress to accept the
cession Of territory for seat Of the Fed
sive jurisdiction over it, was as general
and universal as any other provision in
that instrument. In its national object all
the States were equally interested, aud 50
far as there was any danger that the pow
ers Of loca; legislation conferred on Con
gress might interfere with, or isjuriously
affect, the institutions of the various States,
each State possessed an interest proper
toned to the probable danger to itself.
As far as your committee know or believe.
however, no apprehension of an interfer-
ence on the subject of domestic slavery
was entertained in any quarter, or ex-
pressed BY any statesman of the day. An
examination of the commentaries on the
Contribution will show that various ap-
prehensions were entertained as to the
powers conferred on Congress by this
clause such as that privileged classes Of
society might be created in the District;
that standing army, dangerous to the
liberties of the country, might be organ
lied and sustained within it, and the like !;
but not suggestion can be found that.
under the local powers to be conferred,
any attempt would be made to Interfere
with the private rights of the citizens who
might be embraced within the District, or
to disturb, or change, directly, or by con-
sequence. the municipal institutions of the
States, or that the subject of domestic
slavery, as it existed in the States, could
be in any way involved in the proposed
ccssio,ys + Il **
Your committee have already shown
that an interference with slavery in the
District Of Columbia would Involve yio-
lation Of the public faith, as regards the
rights and interests of the citizens thereof
They recur to this topic, however. Oh ac-
count Of its Importance, and for the pur-
pose of putting it i'll another light, and, AS
shey CONSIDER, upon unanswerable ground.
They are aware that, under the Conslitu-
ton, Congress possesses exclusive legisIa-
tiou' over the aforesaid District; but the
power of legislation was given to be cxer-
cised for beneficial purposes only, aud
cannot, therefore. be exercised, consistent
ly with public faith, for any object that is
at war with the great principles upon
which the Government itself is founded.
The Constitution, TO be properly under
stood, must be taken as whole. Whcr-
ever particular power is granted, the
extent 10 which it may be carried can only
be inferred from other provisions BY which
it may he regulated or restrained. The
Constitution, while it confcrs upon Con-
gross exclusive Legislation 'rithin thi.
District; does not, and could not confer
unli'nited or despot;c authority over it. 1t
c,uld confer no power contrary to the fun
da,nental principles Of the Constitution it.
self, and the essential and inalierable rights
of American citizens"
'.The inhabitants of this Distric. arc a
part Of the people Of the United States
Every right and interest secured by the
Constitution 10 the people Of the States is
equally secured to the people Of the Dis
trict. Congress can. therefore, do no act
affecting property or person, in relation to
this District, which it is prohibited to 10
in relation to the citizens Of the States
without direct violation of the public
faith For instance. ii is wells s=ttled
constitutional principle that private pro-
petty shall not be taken for publ: use
without just compeusation' Now, the
true meaning Of this provision obviously
is. that private property shall bc taken
only for public use, but shall not BE- taken,
even then. without adequate remuncra-
eich. ~ - SStASuss uOWStCts HI TcicTCLCc
to slavery. either that the Government
would use the slaves or that il would not
If it would use them. then they would not
be enaancipated aud it would be IN idle
mockery to talk Of the freedom Of those who
would only cease to be private, to become
public slaves. Ifit would not use them,
then how could it be said that they were
taken for the public use. consistently with
the provision just rccitrd But even If
they could BE- taken without reference to
public use, they could not be taken without
Just comp: :usati"n. lis exceedingly Yucs-
tirnable. however. whether Congress could.
legally apply the public rcvenue to such IN
object, eveh with the cnnscnt Of the owners
Of the slaves. As to emancipation without
their consent. and without just conpensa-
tion. your conn,ittee will not stop to con-
slider it. 1t could not bear examination. =
Honor. humanity. policy all forbid it. 1t
is is ,uanifc>t, then, fr"m all the considcra-
tions herein stated, (and there are others
equally foreiLlc that might be urged, that